Podcasts about chinese communist revolution

I'm joined by Karl Gerth, professor of modern Chinese history at the University of California, San Diego, to discuss the Chinese Communist Revolution and how Maoism attempted to avoid the mistakes of the USSR and yet largely repeated them.

fWotD Episode 2706: The Founding Ceremony of the Nation Welcome to Featured Wiki of the Day, your daily dose of knowledge from Wikipedia’s finest articles.The featured article for Tuesday, 1 October 2024 is The Founding Ceremony of the Nation.The Founding Ceremony of the Nation (or The Founding of the Nation) is a 1953 oil painting by Chinese artist Dong Xiwen. It depicts Mao Zedong and other Communist Party officials proclaiming the People's Republic of China at Tiananmen Square on October 1, 1949. A prominent example of socialist realism, it is one of the most celebrated works of official Chinese art. The painting was repeatedly revised, and a replica painting made to accommodate further changes, as the leaders it depicted fell from power and later were rehabilitated.After the Chinese Communist Revolution, the Party sought to memorialize their achievements through artworks. Dong was commissioned to create a visual representation of the October 1 ceremony, which he had attended. He viewed it as essential that the painting show both the people and their leaders. After working for three months, he completed an oil painting in a folk art style, drawing upon Chinese art history for the contemporary subject. The success of the painting was assured when Mao viewed it and liked it, and it was reproduced in large numbers for display in the home.The 1954 purge of Gao Gang from the government resulted in Dong being ordered to remove him from the painting. Gao's departure was not the last; Dong was forced to remove then-Chinese president Liu Shaoqi in 1967. The winds of political fortune continued to shift during the Cultural Revolution, and a reproduction was painted by other artists in 1972 to accommodate another deletion. That replica was modified in 1979 to include the purged individuals, who had been rehabilitated. Both canvases are in the National Museum of China in Beijing.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:30 UTC on Tuesday, 1 October 2024.For the full current version of the article, see The Founding Ceremony of the Nation on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Joey.

The central character of New York Times correspondent Ed Wong's memoir, At the Edge of Empire, is not Wong himself — it's his father, who studied in Beijing in the 1950s and staunchly supported the Chinese Communist Revolution. Wong's book traces his father's disillusionment with Mao's government and eventual move to the U.S. In today's episode, he speaks with NPR's Mary Louise Kelly about intertwining his family's personal story with the greater history of his parents' home country, and what Americans can still stand to learn about Chinese citizens. To listen to Book of the Day sponsor-free and support NPR's book coverage, sign up for Book of the Day+ at plus.npr.org/bookofthedayLearn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

Tessa Hulls' grandmother, Sun Yi, was a dissident journalist in Shanghai who faced intense political persecution during the Chinese Communist Revolution; she suffered severe mental distress after fleeing to Hong Kong. In today's episode, Hulls tells Here & Now's Scott Tong that her grandmother's trauma often cast a shadow over their family – one she had been running away from for years, and one she decided to finally face in her new graphic memoir, Feeding Ghosts. It's a reexamining of Hulls' matriarchal lineage, of Chinese history and of generational love and healing. To listen to Book of the Day sponsor-free and support NPR's book coverage, sign up for Book of the Day+ at plus.npr.org/bookoftheday Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

There's a lot we don't understand about freedom in this country. Lasting freedom, in any quantifiable sense, is very new to the historical landscape. After all, the United States fought a bloody revolution to acquire it just a few centuries ago.   But where did the idea of freedom come from? What prerequisites are necessary to achieve freedom? And most importantly... What is necessary to keep freedom?   Catherine is joined by one of the great intellectual minds in the world today to discuss the nature of freedom and the future of our country. Having authored and edited over 30 books, including The Magna Carta of Humanity: Sinai's Revolutionary Faith and the Future of Freedom, Os Guinness is a world-renowned authority on freedom. As a western survivor of the Chinese Communist Revolution under Mao Zedong in 1949, and then having extensively studied the fields of history, philosophy, religion, theology, apologetics, and culture, Os possesses not a one-in-a-million perspective on the nature and necessary foundation for freedom to exist and thrive—his perspective is one-in-8 billion.   As Os reveals, slavery is the norm in human history. Freedom is the anomaly. And yet America's founders established freedom. But they did not uncover the roots of liberty in 17th century enlightenment thinkers as some suppose. Rather the roots of freedom were excavated from the ancient Hebrew Republic, which was founded on a radical concept of covenant, or constitution, that requires the consent of the governed. The ramifications of these applied truths are far reaching, and they establish the critical foundation for freedom to exist.As freedom-loving Americans, there's a lot we don't understand about our freedom. Starting with the definition.   “Freedom is not the permission to do what you like. It is the power to do what you ought,” says Os. Most Westerners see freedom as a license to fulfill one's whims and desires, as Rousseau's philosophy encouraged. This hedonistic definition supports the ideals of the French Revolution of 1789. But a Biblical understanding of freedom, which our founders possessed, recognizes the weakness of mankind and therefore establishes a system of checks and balances for  "ambition to counter ambition." The plan was brilliant.   The American Revolution is diametrically opposed to the French, but as Os prophetically speaks to our country today, "WHO HAS BEWITCHED YOU, AMERICA? YOU ARE FOLLOWING THE WRONG REVOLUTION." We cannot maintain freedom by following the ideals of the wrong revolution.   We would be wise to remember Paul's words to the church of Galatia: “It is for freedom that Christ has set us free. Stand firm, then, and do not let yourselves be burdened again by a yoke of slavery.” (5:1)   OS GUINNESS' BIO: Os Guinness is an author, social critic, and great-great-great grandson of Arthur Guinness, the Dublin brewer. Os has written or edited more than 30 books that offer valuable insight into the cultural, political, and social contexts in which we all live. He completed his undergraduate degree at the University of London and his D.Phil in the social sciences from Oriel College, Oxford.   Os Guinness WEBSITE The Magna Carta of Humanity: Sinai's Revolutionary Faith and the Future of Freedom     Discover more Christian podcasts at lifeaudio.com and inquire about advertising opportunities at lifeaudio.com/contact-us.

[This blog will always be free to read, but it's also how I pay my bills. So, if you like what you read, please consider a paid subscription. And yes, I do speaking engagements.]You may have heard about the organization Moms for Liberty. It was founded in early 2021 with the initial purpose of advocating against COVID-era protections in schools, like vaccines and mask mandates. Over the past two years, the group has become far more infamous for their support of book bans, censoring any mention of white supremacy, anti-Blackness, and LGBTQ identities in textbooks, and calling for the segregation of LGBTQ students into special classes. The org has ties to the Proud Boys and Three Percenters, both of which, as I'm sure y'all know, are extremist, anti-government groups. This year, the Southern Poverty Law Center designated Moms for Liberty an “extremist” group itself, laying out its active presence within the far-right movement since its launch. The latest round of controversy involving Moms for Liberty is in how they've taken to quoting Hitler, Stalin, and Mao during their events — almost always in the context of pointing out the evils of indoctrinating youth. Moms for Liberty and their defenders will claim that this is being taken out-of-context and that quoting violent dictators isn't meant to defend those dictators but merely implying that their ideology aligns with the far-left, particularly on issues of LGBTQ equality. I don't believe that Moms for Liberty is lionizing Hitler, Stalin, and Mao. I also don't believe that the group has read much into the history of these tyrants, either. Before we get to the meat of all this, let's point out the obvious: reconciling Stalin's role in helping defeat Nazi Germany—and thus, helping to save the Western hemisphere—with his legacy as a mass-murdering piece-of-s**t. I imagine that the following conversation has taken place many times in these conservative homes that so heavily rely on information shortcuts and not so much the depth that history deserves:Teenager: Dad, this Hitler guy seems pretty evil.Dad: He sure was. Your great-grandfather served in the Army. He was part of the Normandy landings. It's because of men like your great-grandfather that we're free.Teenager: That's really cool. I'm proud of him. It was a coalition of countries, right?Dad: That's right. We were part of the Allies. A number of countries worked together to defeat Germany, Japan, and Italy.Teenager: Russia was our ally, right? Stalin?Dad: Well… yes, in that particular war, Russia was our ally.Teenager: So, Stalin helped keep the world free, too.Dad: It's more complicated than that. Yes, Russia helped, but Stalin was evil, too.Teenager: I read that the U.S.S.R. lost 11 million people during WWII, more than 22 times the fatalities of the United States. It sounds like they did a lot more than help.Dad: Look, just shut up, and eat your dinner.Because, it turns out, history is often complicated! We would have lost World War II without the U.S.S.R. and its evil dictator. Stalin was absolutely a mass-murdering piece-of-s**t, and yet, somehow, white Christian nationalists would have their children believe that the U.S. singlehandedly defeated Hitler.We live in an era that has become calcified by information shortcuts following the larger part of a century's worth of relentless propaganda about American exceptionalism and the evils of anything remotely adjacent to Nazi Germany and the Communist movement.There is no room for nuance. If you bring up that the single-day most devastating wartime acts of murdering civilians were carried out by the United States in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, you are a traitor to the brave heroes in uniform who sacrificed everything for our country.If you bring up that Nazi Germany's horrific laws and policies took significant inspiration from U.S. white supremacist laws and policies, you are claiming that the U.S. has a history comparable to what Nazi Germany did — which, given the millions of Black people enslaved and tortured and raped and murdered in our country and the white supremacist laws thereafter via Jim Crow, is fairly accurate.Groups like Moms for Liberty don't want our country's history to be told. They want fairy tales that help them sleep at night, free from the enduring burden carried by the countless millions of descendants-of-enslaved-people in our country.I'm not trying to make anyone uncomfortable here — though, if you'll allow me to say so, discomfort is often a gift because it means we have learning left to do. I wish Moms for Liberty were inclined to examine their own discomfort and take the cue that they have learning left to do, as well.If they did, they would realize that Hitler and Stalin and Mao would absolutely support their indoctrination of children against LGBTQ rights. All three dictators were viciously anti-LGBTQ. Let's take a tour!HitlerLGBTQ people—primarily homosexual and bisexual men—were persecuted by Nazi Germany as soon as Hitler came to power. Thousands of queer people would be murdered in concentration camps and public streets and detainment centers. LGBTQ people who were imprisoned were forced to wear an inverted pink triangle to identity them as “sexually immoral” and thus at odds with Hitler's vision — you may recognize this as the logo of ACT UP, the LGBTQ advocacy group most prominent during the HIV and AIDS crisis. The Institute for Sex Research—the world's first sexology institute, based in Berlin—was raided in the early days of the Third Reich and was an early prominent target of book burnings, its entire archives destroyed by the Nazis.StalinIn 1917, following the Bolshevik Revolution, under Vladimir Lenin, homosexuality was decriminalized by the Soviet government, but under Stalin, it was re-criminalized in 1933, carrying up to five years of hard labor for relations between gay and bisexual men. Interestingly, Soviet propaganda linked homosexuality to Nazi Germany at the same time that Hitler was sending queer people into camps. It's been estimated that up to 1,000 gay men in Soviet Russia were imprisoned annually for their sexual orientation under Stalin's leadership. It was later revealed in declassified documents that he personally ordered an anti-gay law to be implemented. MaoAlthough I haven't found definitive confirmation, there's substantial evidence that LGBTQ people—particularly gay and bisexual men—were persecuted under the rule of Mao Zedong after the Chinese Communist Revolution. Mao supposedly believed queer men should be castrated for their “deviancy,” and in addition to the thousands of gay and bisexual Chinese men who reported systemic discrimination while seeking asylum, there are confirmed reports of gay and bisexual men being forced to undergo electric shock therapy as a treatment for their sexual orientation.There you have it. Hitler, Stalin, and Mao—the triumvirate of conservative boogeyman bedtime story hour—have a lot in common with the Republican Party when it comes to LGBTQ rights. So, while far-right extremists like Moms for Liberty openly quote these dictators in an attempt to fear-monger over the belief that LGBTQ people are trying to indoctrinate kids (never mind that I barely have time to pick up my dry cleaning this week), those same dictators were essentially making the same claims about LGBTQ people in their own time.Can I close with a point that should be painfully obvious to anyone with common sense?Folks like those in Moms for Liberty fall back on some of the most extremist literature written by some of history's most evil people, openly quoting it to their kids, and then pretend that their children are somehow unprepared to read a picture book about a woodland creature with two moms.The entire conservative blogosphere melted down when there was even just acknowledgement of gay anteaters or koalas or whatever the hell in the PBS children's show “Arthur,” but sure, do go on reading whole passages from the Little Red Book or Mein Kampf to your children.By the way, for the millionth time, this has never been about the kids. This is about adults who can't negotiate their own internal discomfort about the world around them or be open to the 8 billion other experiences on this planet and have now put that labor on their children.Your kid is going to learn at some point that some of their peers have two moms or that some of their peers are trans or that they, themselves, are LGBTQ, and that it used to be a lot harder to simply exist as such in most spaces and they're gonna struggle to reconcile the current, positive visibility of LGBTQ people with your hateful propaganda.I say with all sincerity that I pray for your children's health and happiness, that they may find an open heart in you when that times comes — that last bit being for your own sake.Charlotte's Web Thoughts is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Hi, I'm Charlotte Clymer, and this is Charlotte's Web Thoughts, my Substack. It's completely free to access and read, but it's also how my bills! So, please do kindly consider upgrading to a paid subscription: just $7/month or save money with the $70/annual sub. You can also go way above and beyond by becoming a Lifetime Member at $250. Get full access to Charlotte's Web Thoughts at charlotteclymer.substack.com/subscribe

Welcome. Thank you for joining us for this edition of the Modlin Global Analysis newsletter. I am pleased to be joined with Dan Modlin, who will be offering a series of questions on US-China relations, China-Taiwan relations, and US-Taiwan relations this week. We're going to be giving some background history on Taiwan relations and its origin story and how that traces back largely to China's history and its cycles of revolution, and how that contextualizes the politics that we see today. May 4th at 7 pm I will be hosting a conversation on Tawain and China at the River Birch Room at Lost River Cave in Bowling Green. Dan I think it's true that a lot of times we have a better understanding of the current situation if we can go back a little bit in history and kind of find out how we got here. Isn't it true it an awful lot of the current situation with Taiwan and China really relates to history in the 20th century. Kevin We need to look at the history of these relations, but also recognize throughout these periods that a number of decisions are made by those actors that influence us today, but also actors today have a range of choices. We know starting off that under the Qing dynasty was facing break up in the early 1900s by a series of challenges. These challenges included the effects of the war with Japan and then after that, the war that Japan had with Russia that further solidified gains that Japan had control over parts of what we call territorial China today. Also, that contributed to nationalist sentiments throughout China. That capitalized on the instability and weaknesses of the Qing dynasty and led to the overthrow of the dynastic system that we saw prevalent throughout most of China's history. That only really changed in the last 100 years or so, and that system rose to power and had gained strength largely through playing on these grievances as well as grievances that contributed from the colonial era that the Western powers gained access to Chinese ports largely through force. And to acquire goods and export those through the Opium War as well as the Open Door policy. Dan OK. And then as we move ahead, it's important to look at the origins of the Chinese nationalists. Kevin So that Chinese Nationalist Party, we often associate with Chiang Kai-shek. But he was not in charge of that movement to begin with. He comes later to the stage, but the Chinese nationalists also have difficulty facing external threats and internal challenges, including the rise of Mao Zedong. Through his Long March and other efforts lead a revolution throughout China that really challenges China at the worst time that they could imagine. So, they are facing an internal revolution as well as an external threat with Japan, and we see actually even the Russians intervene and assist sometimes the nationalists against Japan, other times they assist the Chinese Communists against Japan. But in all cases, they are playing against each other and particularly the Chinese Communists gain leverage and influence both by playing off the weaknesses of the Nationalist Party. But also, they had some victories against the Japanese, which garnered additional support. Dan OK. So then as you refer to the Chinese Nationalist Party ran into considerable trouble with the emergence of the Chinese Communist Party. Kevin Exactly. And Mao was very effective in garnering support. So, unlike other Communist movements that we saw before, this movement emphasized the agrarian culture and transformation and well-being for the agrarians. Whereas other communist movements look more towards the industrial workers. This agrarian angle has always been a point of distinction, but it also was a point of strength for Mao. He was able to draw supply and support from the rural parts of China, which is of course a considerable space, especially in that time period and always had a harbor there but also drew much of his political support from that region. Dan OK. And then as the military victories mounted up for the Chinese Communist Party, how did Taiwan become a more important location for the Chinese nationalists? Kevin So, the Chinese Nationalists again had to face both the threat of Japan and the communists simultaneously. And we do see this pattern come up that if communist elements or initiatives rise, they seem to do better in situations where you already have internal strife, especially the causes of an existing conflict. More so overtime, the Chinese communists gained power throughout China, and they are able to have victories largely because of the decline of the nationalists and the nationalists decide to flee. And the best choice they have, of course, is to go to Taiwan as we know today. Dan Kevin, isn't it true that Taiwan itself has a very interesting history? Kevin Taiwan was part of the Qing dynasty and number of Chinese would live and trade from Taiwan. Afterwards, the Portuguese gain control of that and colonial period, and during the Sino-Japanese War, the Japanese gained control of Taiwan, so Taiwan loses Japanese control. Of course, when Japan loses in World War II and 1945 and Chiang Kai-shek decides with the decline of his party's movement, to go into exile and occupy Taiwan. It should be noted that even though Chiang and his forces moved to Taiwan, they did not ever see claim of. I mean, the true government of China. So that is part of the complexities of the relationship to start right from the beginning. The Republic of China and the People's Republic of China claim to be the true government of the whole of China, and they mean the whole of China both what we call the mainland China as well as Taiwan. Even though there are rich differences as far as policies and distrust between the sides they both claim the same sovereign right over that territory. Dan And I believe it's true that a lot of conservative interests in the United States were very supportive of Chinese Government for many years. Kevin Right. So that's comes back to the US. So the US was not entirely super interested as a whole, especially its politics until the rise of communism in China, and found that as a threat in the same sense that it's all the revolution in Russia as a threat. And so any movement contrary to that they found sympathies with including Chiang Kai-shek. Dan OK. And so all of these elements working together play a role in what we're facing today. Kevin They do play a role in what we're facing today and we're going to talk through this series about that. It should be noted how the Long March and the Chinese Communist Revolution, as well as the government of Chiang Kai Shek and these competing claims continue to come up in the discourse that we see today between. China and Taiwan. So after Chinese party have their major meetings, they will go on a retreat and they will reference this Long March or they will reference other seminal events in their origin story for the Communist Party. In the same regard, the Chinese nationalists will remember the legacy of atrocities under communism as well as the hardships that they faced in these tension points. On both sides they have rationales and arguments that they referenced throughout these dialogues. In the past both determines where they are physically located. The animosities that they have, but there's also referenced continuously in trying to define who they are. Dan So we're getting kind of an overview here of the background of this very important issue. I know Kevin, you have a presentation coming up on May 4th at the River Birch Room at Lost River Cave in Bowling Green in which you will be talking about these issues and also some of the international relations strategy that perhaps is involved. Kevin Right, so I want to welcome people to come and join us on May 4th at the River Birch Room at 7:00 o'clock in Lost River Cave in Bowling Green, KY. I will be glad to take people's questions on these issues. Prior dynamics that we see in Taiwan, so we'll talk about both the points of division and why they continue to exist, but also why the US has this interesting policy that's called strategic ambiguity where its policy is actually not ever enunciated or it's intentionally. Ambiguous for both Taiwan's position as well as China's position. Dan Strategic ambiguity is an interesting term, and I know you gave a a paper on this at the political science conference in Chicago just a couple of weeks ago. So this will be a chance for people to kind of get an idea of some of the strategy that's going on behind the scenes when people discuss Taiwan and China. Kevin And what we're going to focus on is not just the ambiguity and how that is a concept and complicated, but also we're going to spend a lot of time thinking about the threats that Taiwan faces and how China may respond in the coming years, as well as what those could entail. And of course, how that may affect economic decision makers in the United States. This event is open to the public and free, and I've always found that the best part of these conversations are the question and answer. So we will have equal amounts of time for robust questions and I found we have excellent conversations to those angles. I know when I talk with people and throughout the community there is genuine interest in this question around Taiwan and I think just exploring these questions further will at least help us prepare and think more carefully about what's transpiring. Dan OK. And that's coming up May 4th at 7:00 PM at the River Birch Room lost River Cave in Bowling Green, KY and no admission. Charge and a very interesting presentation on the subject of strategic ambiguity and how that relates to China and Taiwan. Kevin Thank you very much. Dr. Garcia's article on China and Latin American relations in Foreign Affairs Latin America (Spanish)For news and analysis on Congress and the Debt Limit debate follow Liam Donovan. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit modlinglobal.substack.com

Written and narrated by Arcadius Strauss.All my links: https://bio.link/arcadiusstrauss

Episode 129: History of Russia – China relationship part 2 with Carl Zha Guests: Carl Zha In this Episode, Carl talks about Russia – China relationship from the Chinese Communist Revolution to Present. Rick is a citizen of the Comanche Nation, and has a master's in Indigenous People's law, from the University of Oklahoma.

Excerpt from my upcoming book, After The Chinese HoneymoonOne of my first previews of the importance of Guanxi in Asian business culture were the early stories told by my Uncle John, who in the 80s was the National Sales Manager for Zenith based in Austin, Texas. Uncle John was raised in Taiwan following the Chinese Communist Revolution in 1949, so his opportunities to immigrate began much earlier than we have witnessed over the past two decades of Chinese citizens flocking overseas with their wealth and children. #Chinabusiness #Chineseculture #ArtofWar #Guanxi #Dell #MichaelDell https://www.genejhsu.com/atchbook

As much as Hillary Clinton and Eric "Two Names" Striker wish we could avoid a cold war with China, we're already in the late stages of one. It's not just a war with China, though. China's strongest geopolitical ally, Russia, is also along for the ride. In the wake of their renewed calls for a reduction on dollar dependence, I thought it might be interesting to explore the Jewish roots of the Chinese Communist Revolution, as told by the Jewish Forward all the way back in 2012. A lot of people on What's Left of the Alt Right seem to think that China is somehow a redpilled ethnostate that puts the ethnic interests of the Chinese first, but really it's a pan-Han amalgamation bent on erasing the distinction between the more than 50 unique and individuated ethnic groups that constitute the Han race, hence their treatment of Taiwan and Hong Kong. This isn't entirely unlike how the European Union seeks to erase the national and ethnic borders between individuated ethnic groups who happen to be members of the white race -- an idea that Richard Spencer wholly supports. We're also going to talk about the latest news in the ongoing geopolitical cold war with this unholy "pan-Eurasian" and "multipolar" alliance. This is EPISODE 639 of So to Speak w/ Jared Howe!

In our second instalment of Revolutions in Movies, we look at two of the most earth-shattering societal overturns history has ever seen, the Russian Revolution and the Chinese Communist Revolution.In part 1 of this two-part miniseries, we focused on the American Revolution, mostly a change in management, and the French Revolution, the beginning of a century-long process resulting in the French Republic. The ones we look at this time were swift and drastic. We analyze the Russian Revolution via the classic Doctor Zhivago (1965), and the turmoil in China that led the nation from imperial rule to Maoism via The Last Emperor (1987). The Russian Revolution was one of the defining moments of the 20th century, kicking off a chain of events continuing at least until 1991. The Chinese revolution of 1911-1912 resulted in the end of the reign of the Qing dynasty. Puyi, the last emperor, scion of that final imperial dynasty, is dragged into a maelstrom of events that includes at least two more revolutions, whose final outcomes are yet to be determined. This episode sees the return of our good friends Elizabeth Keohane-Burbridge and Christine Caccipuoti from the wonderful history podcast Footnoting History. Check them out at https://www.footnotinghistory.com. Visit our website: https://www.ourpodacademy.com To become a friend of the show: https://patreon.com/podacademy For a one-time donation: https://www.paypal.me/gotacademy Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/OurPodAcademy Visit Footnoting History: https://www.footnotinghistory.com

Revolutions are some of history's most dramatic events and have entered our collective psyche, and mostly - the story each collective is trying to tell about itself. These stories are also told through movies, and in this first instalment of Revolutions in Movies we are going to focus on the American Revolution (via The Patriot, 2000) and the French Revolution (via Les Miserables, 2012, which depicts a failed revolution that came after the original one). Gil and Rutger are happy to have on the show the two wonderfully smart and engaging Elizabeth Keohane-Burbridge and Christine Caccipuoti from the wonderful history podcast Footnoting History. Check them out here https://www.footnotinghistory.com. Next week we'll post the second instalment, about the Russian Revolution (via Doctor Zhivago, 1965) and the Chinese Communist Revolution (via The Last Emperor, 1987). Visit our website: https://www.ourpodacademy.com To become a friend of the show: https://patreon.com/podacademy For a one-time donation: https://www.paypal.me/gotacademy Follow us on Twitter: https://twitter.com/OurPodAcademy Visit Footnoting History: https://www.footnotinghistory.com

PODCAST SUMMARY HOUR 1: As evidence of Obamagate coup mounts, the more the opposition ratchets up the hysteria. Coup to remove Trump ongoing. Democrats trying to get Trump approval down ahead of economic rebound. CNN asks: Was lockdown too severe? Mattis anti-Trump op-ed. LA mayor to defund cops. Washington establishment isn't interested in unity. How can Mattis and Mullen not see this? Clinton held up the bible at St. John's Church to distract from Lewinsky and there was no outrage. There is no unity with people who oppose making American great again. Trump's speech and walk to St. John's Church was powerful, unifying act, despite what the Deep Staters say. LA mayor bows to anarchists, defunds police. PODCAST SUMMARY HOUR 2: New Orleans Saints QB Drew Brees says he won't disrespect the flag, draws backlash, apologizes, begs forgiveness. Brees has donated millions to city of New Orleans, but nobody cares. American left using Chinese Cultural Revolution blueprint. Outrage over Brees punishment for failure to conform. Sacramento Kings announcer fired for saying "all lives matter." Caller says his daughter is changing his mind on Black Lives Matter, Kaepernick, protests. George Floyd had coronavirus, drugs in his system. AP says arresting people, using tear gas causes spread of coronavirus. Black Lives Matter YouTuber making white people kneel to apologize for privilege. PODCAST SUMMARY HOUR 3: Children change their parents' minds. Murkowski still hates Trump. Ralph Northam takes down Robert E. Lee statue. How the American Left is using the Chinese Communist Revolution playbook to reshape society. YouTuber forcing white women to kneel to Black Lives Matter. It won't be so easy for them to lock the country down again. New York keeps reelecting Democrats. Cuomo says violence against police shocks him. Are white Millennials doing most of the looting? Learn more about your ad-choices at https://www.iheartpodcastnetwork.com

On Tuesday, the Man Booker Prize Shortlist was announced. For those of you not in the know, the Man Booker is a prize given for what the judging panel deems to be the best novel written in English and published in the UK each year. For many including myself, the Booker is the Prize to watch, the AFL Grand Final for nerds. This year's shortlist consists of:Paul Beatty's The SelloutDeborah Levy's Hot MilkGraeme Macrae Burnet's His Bloody ProjectOtessa Moshfegh's EileenDavid Szalay's All That Man IsMadeline Thien's Do Not Say We Have Nothing The Booker somewhat controversially opened the prize up to all english speaking countries in 2015 (previously only awarding the prize to those in the Commonwealth), and this years longlist contained notably more american authors than the one that preceded it. For the next six weeks I'm going to be looking at each of the Man Booker Shortlist picks, with occasional help from some of your other favourite Smitteners, talking about why these might have made the shortlist and who might take out the final prize. I am excited and a little scared and I hope you all enjoy the journey. Now onto my first review. Do Not Say We Have Nothing, by Madeline Thien, has somewhat cynically been described by many as the classic Man Booker pick, for its complex, political, intergenerational narrative. The novel begins in the voice of our youngest character, Marie: "In a single year, my father left us twice. The first time, to end his marriage, and the second, when he took his own life." From here, Thien takes us back to the start of the Chinese Communist Revolution, through the Cultural Revolution and up to the Tiananmen Square Riots. I think from the distance of the West, it is easy to lose the human impact of international tragedies, particularly when they star people of colour. I am one of few people I know who was presented a unit on modern Chinese History in high school, and even this had gaping holes in it. If you do not already know a little about the events Thien is describing you will not be completely lost, however you will probably find yourself compelled to seek further reading once you've put the book down. Through Thien's characters, the widespread devastating personal impact of these events is impossible to miss. There is an almost folktale like character to the events of the distant past that is slowly stripped away as we are brought through the horrors that her characters sustain. Thien explores characters that are often not wholly good or evil, but shaped by circumstance. She carefully examines those who are influenced into acts of violence and betrayal, treating them with care but without total forgiveness. Her characters cannot be completely redeemed from what their political context has condemned them to. Music is heavily weaved through one generation of the families in particular. Studying classical music, I am often wary of novels that invest parts of their narratives in music. To me, it can often feel like pretentious name-dropping at best and often adds little to the story. To get a bit less literary, it sometimes feels like the scene in Pitch Perfect where Beca acts like David Guetta is some underground, unappreciated genius. To me, Thien was not too heavy handed. The pieces referenced were not the absolute standards and were described in terms of the emotions they induced rather than just as name-drops to remind the reader that the characters enjoyed music. Knowing the works was a bonus but not necessary to understand what she was trying to evoke in mentioning them. I will say some of these references went over even my head, as, as a self-centred violinist, I am less familiar with piano works that were often discussed. The books one weakness was something common to many works coving such a large time period and cast. Although for the most part, Thien's characters felt remarkably well realised, Marie, whose voice starts and ends the book, was not as strong as I would have liked. We see small snippets that are supposed to provide character—that she studies maths for instance—however we never truly get to understand her in the way we do her predecessors. When we start to delve well and truly into the past I was not quite content to leave the present, and whilst details of the dual narratives slowly serve to illuminate one another, I never felt like I was quite done witnessing Marie's own experiences. I think it's also worth mentioning that Thien's prose is impeccable. Although she moves between different styles of story telling, no voice felt less powerful than any other and the choices made in differentiating them did not feel arbitrary. She pushes the narrative forward with a compelling lucidity that makes the book difficult to put down, no mean feat for such a complex work. Do Not Say We Have Nothing is a powerful book on an important topic, however it is not for this reason along that I believe it has been shortlisted for the Booker. Weeks after reading it, I still feel profoundly affected by Thien's writing and characters in a way that is rare. Although I am a little disappointed Marie's character wasn't explored more deeply, I would still not be at all upset if this book ended up taking home the top prize. Written by Adalya HusseinSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On Tuesday, the Man Booker Prize Shortlist was announced. For those of you not in the know, the Man Booker is a prize given for what the judging panel deems to be the best novel written in English and published in the UK each year. For many including myself, the Booker is the Prize to watch, the AFL Grand Final for nerds. This year's shortlist consists of: Paul Beatty's The Sellout Deborah Levy's Hot Milk Graeme Macrae Burnet's His Bloody Project Otessa Moshfegh's Eileen David Szalay's All That Man Is Madeline Thien's Do Not Say We Have Nothing The Booker somewhat controversially opened the prize up to all english speaking countries in 2015 (previously only awarding the prize to those in the Commonwealth), and this years longlist contained notably more american authors than the one that preceded it. For the next six weeks I'm going to be looking at each of the Man Booker Shortlist picks, with occasional help from some of your other favourite Smitteners, talking about why these might have made the shortlist and who might take out the final prize. I am excited and a little scared and I hope you all enjoy the journey.  Now onto my first review. Do Not Say We Have Nothing, by Madeline Thien, has somewhat cynically been described by many as the classic Man Booker pick, for its complex, political, intergenerational narrative.  The novel begins in the voice of our youngest character, Marie:  "In a single year, my father left us twice. The first time, to end his marriage, and the second, when he took his own life."  From here, Thien takes us back to the start of the Chinese Communist Revolution, through the Cultural Revolution and up to the Tiananmen Square Riots.  I think from the distance of the West, it is easy to lose the human impact of international tragedies, particularly when they star people of colour. I am one of few people I know who was presented a unit on modern Chinese History in high school, and even this had gaping holes in it. If you do not already know a little about the events Thien is describing you will not be completely lost, however you will probably find yourself compelled to seek further reading once you've put the book down. Through Thien's characters, the widespread devastating personal impact of these events is impossible to miss. There is an almost folktale like character to the events of the distant past that is slowly stripped away as we are brought through the horrors that her characters sustain. Thien explores characters that are often not wholly good or evil, but shaped by circumstance. She carefully examines those who are influenced into acts of violence and betrayal, treating them with care but without total forgiveness. Her characters cannot be completely redeemed from what their political context has condemned them to. Music is heavily weaved through one generation of the families in particular. Studying classical music, I am often wary of novels that invest parts of their narratives in music. To me, it can often feel like pretentious name-dropping at best and often adds little to the story. To get a bit less literary, it sometimes feels like the scene in Pitch Perfect where Beca acts like David Guetta is some underground, unappreciated genius. To me, Thien was not too heavy handed. The pieces referenced were not the absolute standards and were described in terms of the emotions they induced rather than just as name-drops to remind the reader that the characters enjoyed music. Knowing the works was a bonus but not necessary to understand what she was trying to evoke in mentioning them. I will say some of these references went over even my head, as, as a self-centred violinist, I am less familiar with piano works that were often discussed. The books one weakness was something common to many works coving such a large time period and cast. Although for the most part, Thien's characters felt remarkably well realised, Marie, whose voice starts and ends the book,  was not as strong as I would have liked. We see small snippets that are supposed to provide character—that she studies maths for instance—however we never truly get to understand her in the way we do her predecessors. When we start to delve well and truly into the past I was not quite content to leave the present, and whilst details of the dual narratives slowly serve to illuminate one another, I never felt like I was quite done witnessing Marie's own experiences. I think it's also worth mentioning that Thien's prose is impeccable. Although she moves between different styles of story telling, no voice felt less powerful than any other and the choices made in differentiating them did not feel arbitrary. She pushes the narrative forward with a compelling lucidity that makes the book difficult to put down, no mean feat for such a complex work. Do Not Say We Have Nothing is a powerful book on an important topic, however it is not for this reason along that I believe it has been shortlisted for the Booker. Weeks after reading it, I still feel profoundly affected by Thien's writing and characters in a way that is rare. Although I am a little disappointed Marie's character wasn't explored more deeply, I would still not be at all upset if this book ended up taking home the top prize. Written by Adalya Hussein

Humanitas Visiting Professor in Chinese Studies 2012-13 The Humanitas Chair in Chinese Studies has been made possible by the generous support of Sir David Tang Professor Chen Yung-fa Chen Yung-fa (Modern History Institute of the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan) will give a series of three public lectures on The Meaning of the Chinese Communist Revolution and participate in a concluding symposium. Confirmed symposium speakers: Professor Rana Mitter (University of Oxford) on China's Unanchored Revolutions: 1911 and After Dr Uradyn Bulag (University of Cambridge) on The Communist Revolution and its Aftermath at China's Margins Professor Mark Selden (Cornell University) on From Nongmin to Nongmingong: the State, Capital, and the Changing Face of China's Rural Underclass Professor Perry Anderson (University of California, Los Angeles) on Imaginings of a Restoration

Humanitas Visiting Professor in Chinese Studies 2012-13 The Humanitas Chair in Chinese Studies has been made possible by the generous support of Sir David Tang Professor Chen Yung-fa Chen Yung-fa (Modern History Institute of the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan) will give a series of three public lectures on The Meaning of the Chinese Communist Revolution and participate in a concluding symposium. Confirmed symposium speakers: Professor Rana Mitter (University of Oxford) on China's Unanchored Revolutions: 1911 and After Dr Uradyn Bulag (University of Cambridge) on The Communist Revolution and its Aftermath at China's Margins Professor Mark Selden (Cornell University) on From Nongmin to Nongmingong: the State, Capital, and the Changing Face of China's Rural Underclass Professor Perry Anderson (University of California, Los Angeles) on Imaginings of a Restoration

Humanitas Visiting Professor in Chinese Studies 2012-13 The Humanitas Chair in Chinese Studies has been made possible by the generous support of Sir David Tang Professor Chen Yung-fa Chen Yung-fa (Modern History Institute of the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan) will give a series of three public lectures on The Meaning of the Chinese Communist Revolution and participate in a concluding symposium. Information about the symposium will be posted at a later date. This second lecture is Chiang Kaishek's Experience with Britain and his Private Thoughts, 1917-1949. Abstract Despite the efforts to woo the Chinese Communist Party, Britain was unable to protect and to preserve its economic interests in Communist-occupied China. Using all the means available to it, the Communist regime squeezed and confiscated British properties and cleaned out the last vestiges of British imperialism in China. Only after China reopened its door to the capitalist world, while insisting on the restoration of control over the Kowloon area that consisted of more than 90% of the British colony of Hong Kong, did the British government agree to return Hong Kong island, thus fulfilling the dream of a generation of Chinese intellectuals who hoped to wipe clean the remains of British imperialism. As the foreign policy of Chiang Kaishek’s government is well known to historians, this essay only seeks to examine his experiences with the British during his mainland China years. Chiang’s diaries, which are now available, show how he reacted to the Shameen tragedy in which many of his cadets were killed by British machineguns, how he reacted to the British defense of Burma and India, and how he reacted to Churchill’s determination to hold the Empire intact and to perpetuate British privileges in Hong Kong and Tibet.

Humanitas Visiting Professor in Chinese Studies 2012-13 The Humanitas Chair in Chinese Studies has been made possible by the generous support of Sir David Tang Professor Chen Yung-fa Chen Yung-fa (Modern History Institute of the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan) will give a series of three public lectures on The Meaning of the Chinese Communist Revolution and participate in a concluding symposium. Information about the symposium will be posted at a later date. This final lecture is Chiang Kaishek and the Japanese Ichigo Offensive of 1944. Abstract While the Western powers launched the largest military campaign in European theater in 1944, the Japanese army surprised the Chinese Nationalist army by the Ichigo offensive, which was the largest campaign ever undertaken by the Japanese army in their entire history. Military historians have focused their attention primarily on the American general Joseph Stilwell’s campaign in North Burma at this time, and relatively few studies exist of the larger and far more important battles in the China Theater. The resounding defeat that the Nationalist army suffered not only meant the loss of important human and grain resources and intensified the severe struggle of the Nationalist government with the provincial governments in the unoccupied areas of China, but also alienated a sizable number of the Chinese intellectuals from the Nationalist government in its competition with the Communist Party. This essay reconstructs the history of the three battles, respectively in the provinces of Henan, Hunan, and Guangxi, on the basis of two diaries, one belonging to Chiang Kaishek and the other to his Military Chief of Staff, Xu Yongchang. While showing the complex nature of the causes of the Nationalist debacle, this essay emphasizes Chiang Kaishek’s inability to become an effective reformer and his increasing tendency to seek comfort and courage from the Christian Bible and traditional moral gestures.

Humanitas Visiting Professor in Chinese Studies 2012-13 The Humanitas Chair in Chinese Studies has been made possible by the generous support of Sir David Tan. Professor Chen Yung-fa Chen Yung-fa (Modern History Institute of the Academia Sinica, Taipei, Taiwan) will give a series of three public lectures on The Meaning of the Chinese Communist Revolution and participate in a concluding symposium. The first lecture is Maoist Rectification during Wartime. Abstract During the civil war (1946-1949), Chiang Kaishek read the 22 rectification documents, including those written by Mao Zedong, that served as keynote speeches for the Communist campaigns aiming to reform Party cadres and make them conform to the ideal model of a Communist Party member. Chiang found the documents so beneficial and exciting that he even intended to urge his cadres to study them. This essay shows the discrepancies between the 22 documents and the actual political campaigns the Communist Party undertook partly on the basis of those documents in Yanan in the 1940s. The Communist campaigns that centered on the 22 documents are reexamined from three angles: the intraparty struggle among top leaders from 1940 to 1945; the intensifying cadre screening campaign among all cadres from 1941 to 1943; and the anti-traitor campaigns that aimed at uncovering those who were not supportive or not sufficiently supportive of the Party from 1943 to 1945. Through the reconstitution of the Communist practice of the rectification campaigns, I argue that even if he intended to duplicate Mao’s rectification efforts, Chiang could not make any headway, because of the differences between himself and Mao, and the Nationalist Party and the Communist Party.

Mao and the Chinese Communist Party's victory was both psychological and physical.  The psychological is a combination of power vacuum in rural China, the incompetency of the GMD, and the populist policies of Mao.  The majority of this episode is my opinion on why the final reason is the most important.  The physical relies on 3 major campaigns conducted by the Communists: Liaoshen, Huaihai, and Pingjin.  The final few minutes of this episode discuss this Chinese Civil War (1945-1949). For more information, read: Mao's China and After by Maurice Meisner Dictionary of Battles by David Chandler ABC Clio: Chinese Civil War Military History Podcast is sponsored by: Armchair General Magazine, International Research and Publishing Corporation, and Axis and Allies Reserves