Podcasts about Mao Zedong

The "rape of Nanking," the Japanese military slaughter of 300,000 Chinese civilians, is supposed to be one of the worst atrocities of the twentieth century. The Allied established Tokyo Tribunal found 100,000 dead and the Nanking tribunal, three times as many. However, a University of Nanking study by Dr. Lewis Smythe, who was in the city when the Japanese took control, found that even with underestimations the number of dead was about 31,000 people. Many of them were also armed and died from direct combat with the Japanese. The number of dead in the city itself was only a few thousands and the entire surrounding countryside had to be included to get even above 10,000 dead.  Yet today the Chinese government has made it illegal to question this and other historical narratives; they also demand perpetual apologies from the Japanese despite their more recent murder of upwards of 60 million of their own people from starvation and mass murder quotas. The 2011 JAPAN-CHINA JOINT HISTORY RESEARCH REPORT also agreed that the Imperial military was given strict orders to not behave in the ways accused. Even if some did, and thousands were murdered, the numbers are nowhere even close to triple digits. This is important for historical purposes, but also because Nanking remains a major geopolitical issue between Japan, China and even Taiwan. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=i-7-VFiuyd0https://www.mofa.go.jp/mofaj/files/100512970.pdf?utm_source=chatgpt.comhttps://en.wikisource.org/wiki/War_Damage_in_the_Nanking_area_Dec._1937_to_Mar._1938https://news.web.nhk/newsweb/na/na-k10015198361000*The is the FREE archive, which includes advertisements. If you want an ad-free experience, subscribe below. 

Listen to the full episode The “Summer of Love” ushered in a decade of revolutionary terrorism in the West. “Bring the war home” went the slogan of the Weather Underground, a small and highly-educated Marxist-Leninist group who'd decided violent revolution was the only answer to American imperialism and police brutality. In opposition to the Vietnam War and in solidarity with Black Americans and Third World liberation movements, the Weather Underground issued their own declaration of war in 1970, which led to 25 bombings inside America. Meanwhile, in West Germany, the Red Army Faction (Baader-Meinhof Group) terrorized their country in the name of revolutionary anti-imperialism. They enacted bombing sprees and were also arsonists, kidnappers, assassins, and bank robbers. Palestinian friends even hijacked a plane on their behalf. Both groups exploded onto the scene in the early days of mass media. Riding rebellious pop culture, these global rock stars drove a generational wedge between Boomer parents and kids hungry for radical change. Leaders were charismatic, stylish, and eloquent. Striving for the likes of Che Guevara, Mao Zedong, and Yasser Arafat, they were white, mostly from well-educated and well-fed backgrounds. Yet they saw themselves as part of the vanguard that would lead a worldwide revolution of the proletariat against capitalist domination. Julian weaves together a very seventies of how the Weather Underground, Red Army Faction, Provisional IRA, and Palestinian groups like the PFLP and Black September intersected. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

For decades, China was transformed by revolution, war, and the radical policies of Mao Zedong.  After Mao's death, however, power eventually fell to a man who had twice been purged, stripped of his positions, and sent into political exile.  He would never hold China's highest formal office, yet he became its most powerful leader, set the country on a dramatically different course, and was responsible for the China we know today. Learn more about the remarkable rise of Deng Xiaoping on this episode of Everything Everywhere Daily. Shop the store at Shop.Everything-Everywhere.com Sponsors Hexclad Get 10% off your order at hexclad.com/DAILY Mint Mobile Save 50% on Unlimited premium wireless plans starting at $15/month at MintMobile.com/EED Quince Go to quince.com/daily for 365-day returns, plus free shipping on your order! DripDrop Go to dripdrop.com and use promo code EVERYTHING for 20% off your first order! Square Get up to $200 off Square hardware when you sign up at square.com/go/daily Horizon3 Go to horizon3.ai/everything and request your free NodeZero demo Babbel Go to babbel.com/daily for up to 60% off Subscribe to the podcast!  https://everything-everywhere.com/everything-everywhere-daily-podcast/ -------------------------------- Executive Producer: Charles Daniel Associate Producers: Austin Oetken & Cameron Kieffer   Become a supporter on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/everythingeverywhere Discord Server: https://discord.gg/Ds7Rx7jvPJ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/everythingeverywhere/ Facebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/everythingeverywheredaily Twitter: https://twitter.com/everywheretrip Website: https://everything-everywhere.com/  Disce aliquid novi cotidie Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In part two of our deep dive into China (and part four of our socialist organization series), we break down how Mao attempted to dialectically sublate a national front and a united front. We explore the structural inclusion of the "patriotic national bourgeoisie" into the block of four classes (symbolized by the stars on the Chinese flag) and contrast it with classical Soviet developmental theory and orthodox Marxism.We also dive into:- The historical debate between Chen Duxiu, Li Dazhao, Lenin, and Trotsky.- Why modern "Hoxhaists" and Left Communists consider New Democracy to be revisionist.- The evolution of class structures under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin's "Three Represents" doctrine (allowing billionaires into the Party).- The reality of modern China's development: Is it a transitioning socialist project, or an hyper-competent form of state capitalism and developmental liberalism?Don't forget to like, subscribe, and hit the notification bell for Episode 5, where we pivot to National Frontism and National Bolshevism.Journal ArticlesDirlik, A. (1970). The ideological foundations of the Chinese Revolution. Journal of Contemporary History, 5(3), 39–54.Dittmer, L. (1977). Line struggle: Notes on its organizational context and theoretical development. Modern China, 3(3), 303–312.Fogel, J. A. (1980). Ai Siqi, establishment intellectual by Joshua A. Fogel. Modern China, 6(1), 23–47.Hammond, E. R. (1978). Marxism and the mass line [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Korolev, A. (2017). De-ideologized mass line, regime responsiveness, and state-society relations. China Review, 17(2), 7–36.Lyman, S. V. (1970). The Chinese Communist Party in the United Front, 1937–1945 [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Mazur, M. G. (1995). The United Front of the 1940s: A social and cultural perspective. Modern China, 21(4), 431–456.Selden, M. (1971). The Yenan Way in revolutionary China. The China Quarterly, (45), 263–294.Steiner, H. A. (1951). Current mass line tactics in Communist China. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 277(1), 422–436.Teiwes, F. C. (1978). The origins of rectification: Inner-party purgation in the 1930s. The China Quarterly, (74), 181–201.Tokuda, N. (1971). The mass line during the Yenan period. The China Quarterly, (47), 1–18.Townsend, J. R. (1967). Political participation in Communist China. University of California Press.Womack, B. (1980). The phase of de-Maoization in China. China Report, 16(1), 7–21.Womack, B. (1991). Mao Zedong and the sinification of Marxism. The China Quarterly, (126), 1–15.Young, G. (1980). On New Democracy and the transition to socialism. Modern China, 6(1), 3–22.Books & Primary SourcesCoble, P. M. (2023). The collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek lost China's civil war. Cambridge University Press.Elbaum, M. (2018). Revolution in the air: Sixties radicals turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. Verso Books.Hirata, K. (2024). Making Mao's steelworks: Industrial Manchuria and the transnational origins of Chinese socialism. Cambridge University Press.Karl, R. E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world: A concise history. Duke University Press.Li, H. (2024). Fighting on the cultural front: U.S.-China relations in the Cold War. Columbia University Press.Lin, C. (2019). Mass line. In C. Sorace, I. Franceschini, & N. Loubere (Eds.), Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political concepts from Mao to Xi (p. 122). ANU Press.Lovell, J. (2019). Maoism: A global history. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.Lowe, D. M. (1966). The function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. University of California Press.Mao, Z. (1940). On New Democracy. Marxists Internet Archive.Mao, Z. (1977). A critique of Soviet economics. Monthly Review Press.Moufawad-Paul, J. (2016). Continuity and rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist terrain. Zero Books.Schram, S. R. (Ed.). (2005). Mao's road to power: Revolutionary writings 1912–1949: Vol. VII. New Democracy, 1939–1941. M.E. Sharpe.Zheng, Q. (Ed.). (2020). An ideological history of the Communist Party of China (Vol. 2) (L. Sun & S. Bryant, Trans.). Royal Collins Publishing Group.Send us Fan Mail Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan, Parzival, Adriel Mixon, Buddy Roark, Daniel Petrovic,Julian, Drea, Free Beer 

Dave Smith brings you the latest in politics! On this episode of Part Of The Problem, Dave discusses his appearance on Piers Morgan in which they discussed Hasan Piker and his comments about Mao Zedong, Hasan's response, and more.Support Our Sponsors:Cowboy Colostrum - Get 25% Off Cowboy Colostrum with code DAVE at https://www.cowboycolostrum.com/DAVESuperpower - Head to Superpower.com and use code PROBLEM at checkout for $20 off your membership. Unlock your new health intelligence. 100+ biomarkers. Every year. Detect early signs of 1,000+ conditions. #superpowerpod Troll Co - https://www.trollco.com/problem and use code DAVE25 for 25% off your first order!Part Of The Problem is available for early pre-release at https://partoftheproblem.com as well as an exclusive episode on Thursday!PORCH TOUR DATES HERE:https://robbernsteincomedy.com/eventsFind Run Your Mouth here:YouTube - http://youtube.com/@RunYourMouthiTunes - https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/run-your-mouth-podcast/id1211469807Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/4ka50RAKTxFTxbtyPP8AHmFollow the show on social media:X:http://x.com/ComicDaveSmithhttp://x.com/RobbieTheFireInstagram:http://instagram.com/theproblemdavesmithhttp://instagram.com/robbiethefire#libertarian See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Stephen Moss, Part Two: Moss explores the Raven, a bird of deep mythology and intelligence, appearing in Norselegends as Odin's messengers and in modern culture like Game of Thrones. Though often seen as harbingers of doom in works by Shakespeare and Poe, Ravens are highly adaptable and have successfully recolonized urban areas. The narrative shifts to the Cormorant, whose guano fueled a 19th-century fertilizer boom that enriched businessmen while exploiting Chinese indentured laborers. This led to synthetic fertilizers, which Moss argues have caused a decline in farmland birds like the Gray Partridge and Skylark. A tragic highlight is Mao Zedong's campaign against the Tree Sparrow, which triggered a massive insect population boom and a famine killing up to 50 million people. Moss also recounts the "Emu War," where the Emu successfully evaded the Australian army's machine guns. The Snowy Egret's near-extinction due to the fashion industry's demand for plumes is credited with sparking the founding of the Audubon Society by women activists. Finally, the Emperor Penguin is presented as a modern "miner's canary," signaling the urgent threat of the climate crisis to global biodiversity. (2)

The Red Wind Howls (Columbia UP, 2025) is an unsettling, gripping, and darkly funny novel by Tsering Döndrup, one of modern Tibet's most celebrated writers. First self-published in 2006 after no publisher was willing to take the political risk, the novel traces Tibetan experiences under Mao Zedong's rule, from the 1958 Amdo uprising and the Great Leap Forward to the Cultural Revolution. Through a nonsequential narrative that moves back and forth between characters and events, The Red Wind Howls weaves together experiences of labor camps, unrelenting hunger, environmental devastation, and the destruction of language into a powerful exploration of twentieth-century Tibetan history. In this episode, I speak with the novel's translator, Christopher Peacock, about the challenges of translating a work that weaves together oral storytelling and history. We discuss the recurring character Alak Drong, the novel's striking use of dark humor, the ways its characters navigate famine, labor camps, political campaigns, and shifting systems of survival, and above all the importance of reading literature by Tibetan authors. Listeners should also seek out Chris's translation of Tsering Döndrup's short story collection, The Handsome Monk and Other Stories, and his article on the use of language in Tsering Döndrup's fiction, here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

The Red Wind Howls (Columbia UP, 2025) is an unsettling, gripping, and darkly funny novel by Tsering Döndrup, one of modern Tibet's most celebrated writers. First self-published in 2006 after no publisher was willing to take the political risk, the novel traces Tibetan experiences under Mao Zedong's rule, from the 1958 Amdo uprising and the Great Leap Forward to the Cultural Revolution. Through a nonsequential narrative that moves back and forth between characters and events, The Red Wind Howls weaves together experiences of labor camps, unrelenting hunger, environmental devastation, and the destruction of language into a powerful exploration of twentieth-century Tibetan history. In this episode, I speak with the novel's translator, Christopher Peacock, about the challenges of translating a work that weaves together oral storytelling and history. We discuss the recurring character Alak Drong, the novel's striking use of dark humor, the ways its characters navigate famine, labor camps, political campaigns, and shifting systems of survival, and above all the importance of reading literature by Tibetan authors. Listeners should also seek out Chris's translation of Tsering Döndrup's short story collection, The Handsome Monk and Other Stories, and his article on the use of language in Tsering Döndrup's fiction, here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/literature

The Red Wind Howls (Columbia UP, 2025) is an unsettling, gripping, and darkly funny novel by Tsering Döndrup, one of modern Tibet's most celebrated writers. First self-published in 2006 after no publisher was willing to take the political risk, the novel traces Tibetan experiences under Mao Zedong's rule, from the 1958 Amdo uprising and the Great Leap Forward to the Cultural Revolution. Through a nonsequential narrative that moves back and forth between characters and events, The Red Wind Howls weaves together experiences of labor camps, unrelenting hunger, environmental devastation, and the destruction of language into a powerful exploration of twentieth-century Tibetan history. In this episode, I speak with the novel's translator, Christopher Peacock, about the challenges of translating a work that weaves together oral storytelling and history. We discuss the recurring character Alak Drong, the novel's striking use of dark humor, the ways its characters navigate famine, labor camps, political campaigns, and shifting systems of survival, and above all the importance of reading literature by Tibetan authors. Listeners should also seek out Chris's translation of Tsering Döndrup's short story collection, The Handsome Monk and Other Stories, and his article on the use of language in Tsering Döndrup's fiction, here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/language

The Red Wind Howls (Columbia UP, 2025) is an unsettling, gripping, and darkly funny novel by Tsering Döndrup, one of modern Tibet's most celebrated writers. First self-published in 2006 after no publisher was willing to take the political risk, the novel traces Tibetan experiences under Mao Zedong's rule, from the 1958 Amdo uprising and the Great Leap Forward to the Cultural Revolution. Through a nonsequential narrative that moves back and forth between characters and events, The Red Wind Howls weaves together experiences of labor camps, unrelenting hunger, environmental devastation, and the destruction of language into a powerful exploration of twentieth-century Tibetan history. In this episode, I speak with the novel's translator, Christopher Peacock, about the challenges of translating a work that weaves together oral storytelling and history. We discuss the recurring character Alak Drong, the novel's striking use of dark humor, the ways its characters navigate famine, labor camps, political campaigns, and shifting systems of survival, and above all the importance of reading literature by Tibetan authors. Listeners should also seek out Chris's translation of Tsering Döndrup's short story collection, The Handsome Monk and Other Stories, and his article on the use of language in Tsering Döndrup's fiction, here.

Mao's Great Famine: The History of China's Most Devastating Catastrophe, 1958-1962 by Frank Dikötter  Winner of the Samuel Johnson Prize An unprecedented, groundbreaking history of China's Great Famine that recasts the era of Mao Zedong and the history of the People's Republic of China. "Between 1958 and 1962, China descended into hell. Mao Zedong threw his country into a frenzy with the Great Leap Forward, an attempt to catch up to and overtake Britain in less than fifteen years. The experiment ended in the greatest catastrophe the country had ever known, destroying tens of millions of lives." So opens Frank Dikötter's riveting, magnificently detailed chronicle of an era in Chinese history much speculated about but never before fully documented, as access to Communist Party archives has long been restricted to all but the most trusted historians. A new archive law has opened up thousands of central and provincial documents that "fundamentally change the way one can study the Maoist era." Dikötter makes clear, as nobody has before, that far from being the program that would lift the country among the world's superpowers and prove the power of Communism, as Mao imagined, the Great Leap Forward transformed the country in the other direction. It became the site not only of “one of the most deadly mass killings of human history"--at least forty-five million people were worked, starved, or beaten to death--but also of "the greatest demolition of real estate in human history," as up to one-third of all housing was turned into rubble. The experiment was a catastrophe for the natural world as well, as the land was savaged in the maniacal pursuit of steel and other industrial accomplishments. In a powerful meshing of exhaustive research in Chinese archives and narrative drive, Dikötter, for the first time, links up what happened in the corridors of power--the vicious backstabbing and bullying tactics that took place among party leaders--with the everyday experiences of ordinary people, giving voice to the dead and disenfranchised. His magisterial account recasts the history of the People's Republic of China.

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

„Sich selbst zu kennen ist der Anfang aller Weisheit.“ Und genau das ist der Ansatz unseres Coachings: • Du musst erst Dein Umfeld kennen. In welchen energetischen Verhältnissen Du selbst lebst, welche Vor- und Nachteile Dein Umfeld auf Dich hat und was wir daran verbessern können (z.B. FENG SHUI Verhältnisse). • Dann musst Du Dich selbst kennen lernen, um zu erkennen, was Du an Dir selbst verändern musst, um Dein Leben und Deine Lebenspartner zu verbessern (z.B. LIU ZI Verhältnisse). • Dann müssen wir zusammen ein Konzept entwickeln, mit dem Du sicher Deine Ziele erreichen kannst. Mit entsprechenden Kontrollpunkten helfen wir den Weg dorthin zu finden. Mit unserem Turtle-Fengshui-Coaching führen wir unsere Klienten zu einer gewissen Selbsterkenntnis und zu einer Zielformulierung und in der Folge zu einem besseren, harmonischen, glücklichen und erfolgreichen Lebensverhältnis. Im übertragenen Sinn führen wir unsere Klienten von der Schatten- zur Sonnen-seite des Lebens, von YIN zu YANG, vom Pech hin zum Glück. Karl-Willy Wittstadt erklärt das Geheimnis und den Unterschied von Glück und Pech. Es liegt hauptsächlich im „menschlichen Glück“. Also an uns selbst. Man kann es halt nur erkennen, wenn man sich selbst kennt. Wo sind meine Talente, wo sind meine Stärken und wo sind meine Schwächen und wo ist meine Mitte? Hierfür brauchen wir unser LIU ZI. Den Elemente-Schlüssel in uns. Er verrät unser tatsächliches Wesen, unsere verborgenen Leidenschaften und Wünsche. Und auch unsere geheimen Ängste und Sorgen. 5.000 Jahre Erfahrung, 5.000 Jahre Erkenntnisse und 5.000 Jahre Erfolgs-bestätigung stehen uns zur Verfügung. MAO Zedong hat es uns zur Kulturrevolution 1966 geschenkt, als er alle FENG SHUI Gelehrte als Feudaldiener gegen Androhung der Todesstrafe aus CHINA vertrieben hatte. Leider wussten wir Westler lange Zeit nichts damit anzufangen. Ein wirklich wert-volles Wissen wurde in eine esoterische Schublade gesteckt. Die, die den wahren Wert dieses Wissens erkannt haben, die brauchen keine Quantenphysik und auch keine esoterische Chakren-Lehre. Wir brauchen nur die Fünf Elemente und zwar in YIN- und YANG-Form… und das ist schon alles.

Welcome to Last Call, a look at the biggest stories Jim and Greg covered over the past week on the 3 Martini Lunch.This week they discuss New York City Mayor Zohran Mamdani admitting he has no power to arrest Benjamin Netanyahu, the left's attempt to make socialism appealing by lying about what it really is, socialist Twitch streamer Hasan Piker's love and admiration for Mao Zedong, and Daniel Ortega scrapping elections in Nicaragua for good.First, they get a kick out of Mayor Mamdani trying to issue a tough denunciation of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Betanyahu while feebly admitting what we've always known: He has no power to arrest Netanyahu. Jim wonders if the left enjoys dreaming of things like arresting Netanyahu when they have to know it's never going to happen.Next, they shake their heads as a socialist activist in New York City tells podcaster Nate Friedman that socialism is just about community and getting to know people by watching sports and having coffee together. Jim and Greg discuss how ridiculous this message is but how the right needs to be ready to confront it.Then, Jim and Greg react to a clip of Hasan Piker calling the Chinese communist dictator Mao Zedong "one of the great leaders of this world" and "a man who changed the entire universe," insisting he never has and never will criticize him. Jim and Greg remind us that Mao's Great Leap Forward starved tens of millions of his own people to death in what's considered the deadliest famine in history.Finally, they cover Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega abolishing elections, effectively extending his term indefinitely and closing off any path for the opposition to take over. Jim and Greg note the 80-year-old has been around for decades. The Reagan administration famously supported the Contra freedom fighters against Ortega's Sandinista government in the 1980s.Please visit our great sponsors: LarinecoRight now, Larineco is offering our listeners up to 50% off at https://BuyLarine.com/3MLNoble GoldOwn the metal the future depends on with the help of Noble Gold. Visit https://NobleGoldInvestments.com/3ML  Download the free investor kit. No pressure. Just information.BetterHelpDon't let stigma stand in the way of support. Start therapy with BetterHelp. Sign up and get 10% off at https://BetterHelp.com/3MLNew episodes every weekday. 

Gavin Newsom accuses Trump of trying to rig the 2026 midterms. But even without Trump's most explosive claims, serious questions remain: outdated voter rolls, weak ID verification, ballot harvesting, foreign vulnerabilities, and a Congress that refuses to fix any of it. Then Hasan Piker calls Mao Zedong one of history's greatest leaders, ignoring the tens of millions who died under his regime — and Jillian asks whether that says more about him, or about the DSA's real agenda. Van Jones rips into the far-left agenda consuming the Democratic Party. Jillian dismantles the idea that MAGA and the DSA are equivalent.  Plus, Rep. Adam Smith admits threats, vandalism, and political intimidation shaped his vote on Israel. Are establishment Democrats confronting the radical wing inside their own party, or surrendering to it? IN THIS EPISODE: Trump's election-integrity claims and Gavin Newsom's response Voter ID, ballot harvesting and outdated voter rolls Foreign interference and election-system vulnerabilities Presidential power and constitutional overreach Hasan Piker's praise of Mao Zedong The Great Leap Forward and Cultural Revolution Van Jones versus the radical left MAGA compared with the Democratic Socialists of America The DSA's influence over the Democratic Party Rep. Adam Smith, Israel and political intimidation AOC, Gavin Newsom, Andy Beshear and the socialist left Like, Share, Comment, and Subscribe! #DonaldTrump #ElectionIntegrity #GavinNewsom #HasanPiker #MaoZedong #VanJones #DSA #MAGA #JillianMichaels CHAPTERS00:00 - Political Headlines Rundown00:52 - Gavin Newsom's "25th Amendment" Comment02:11 - Trump Election Integrity Claims03:58 - Executive Orders & Birthright Citizenship07:15 - Hasan Piker's Mao Zedong Controversy11:48 - The Radical Left's Ideology13:16 - Van Jones's Progressive Rant18:29 - Democratic Party's Radical Shift Since 202024:03 - MAGA vs. DSA Comparison30:11 - DSA Pressure on Rep. Adam Smith33:31 - The Radical Left's Threat to Democracy39:31 - Positive Mentorship Viral Video Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Harry Truman's presidency became for millions of Americans the answer to the question “Who lost China?” On his watch, enemies foreign and domestic cut off U.S. support for a friendly Chinese government, enabling Mao Zedong's murderous take-over.  Today, the answer to “Who lost South Korea?” may be Donald Trump unless he intervenes swiftly.  After all, on his watch, a Communist there named Lee Jae Myung stole an election and is tyrannically transforming the country domestically and aligning it with our Chinese and North Korean enemies.  Former Trump Ambassador Morse Tan has bravely opposed Lee's election fraud and freedom-wrecking operation. He's stuck in South Korea and under indictment for defaming the tyrant. Before worse happens to Amb. Tan, the people of South Korea and our vital interests there, President Trump must forcefully engage directly with Lee Jae-Myung. There's not a moment to lose. This is Frank Gaffney.

We're hearing more and more from the Democratic Socialists about America's troubled past. But what exactly are America's sins? Of course, they have no answer except to criticize capitalism, the very system that brought them a $9 million home and a $120,000 Porsche. And if you ask most Americans, they'd tell you the Democrat Socialists […]

20. yüzyıla ayaklanmalarla başlayan Çin 1949'a kadar ayaklanmalara ve iç savaşlara sahne oldu. Qing hanedanlığının bitişi, Çin Cumhuriyeti'nin kuruluşu ve iç savaşlar derken 1949'un Ekim ayında Tiananmen Meydanı'nda Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti'nin kuruluşu Mao Zedong tarafından ilan edildi. Peki İmparatorluğun sonunu getiren olaylar nelerdi? Çin neden yarım asır boyunca iç savaşlarla çalkalandı? Komünist devrim nasıl kalıcı olabildi? Devrimler serisinin 8. bölümünde Abdulvahit Gezer Çin devrimini anlattı.

Dave Smith brings you the latest in politics! On this episode of Part Of The Problem, Dave and Robbie "the Fire" Bernstein discuss the circular nature of the war with Iran, Trump's latest statements about discussions with Iran, Hasan Piker's viral statement saying that Mao Zedong was a great leader, and more.Support Our Sponsors:Upgrade your oral care with SMILE! Click www.twc.health/problem and use code PROBLEM for 10% Off on every order + Free Shipping for U.S. residents.Ridge - https://ridge.com/potp10Ultra - Don't sleep on Ultra Pouches. New customers get 15% Off with code PROBLEM at https://takeultra.com!IndaCloud - If you're 21 or older, get 40% OFF your first order + free shipping @IndaCloud with code [PROBLEM] at https://inda.shop/PROBLEM! #indacloudpodPart Of The Problem is available for early pre-release at https://partoftheproblem.com as well as an exclusive episode on Thursday!PORCH TOUR DATES HERE:https://robbernsteincomedy.com/eventsFind Run Your Mouth here:YouTube - http://youtube.com/@RunYourMouthiTunes - https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/run-your-mouth-podcast/id1211469807Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/4ka50RAKTxFTxbtyPP8AHmFollow the show on social media:X:http://x.com/ComicDaveSmithhttp://x.com/RobbieTheFireInstagram:http://instagram.com/theproblemdavesmithhttp://instagram.com/robbiethefire#libertarian See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

We're hearing more and more from the Democrat Socialists about America's troubled past. But what exactly are America's sins? Of course, they have no answer except to criticize capitalism, the very system that brought them a $9 million home and a $120,000 Porsche. And if you ask most Americans, they'd tell you the Democrat Socialists have gone too far. Mao Zedong's communist China doesn't really sound like a paradise. Visit http://www.JoinADF.com/HANSON or text HANSON to 83848 and for a limited time your first gift to ADF will be DOUBLED by a special matching grant—while funds last. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Join Jim and Greg for the Tuesday 3 Martini Lunch as they discuss Twitch streamer Hasan Piker's love and admiration for Mao Zedong, New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani's threat to have Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arrested, the U.S. Treasury stopping nearly $100 million in payments bound for dead people, and Daniel Ortega scrapping elections […]

Welcome to The Joe Concha Show, where the only thing hotter than a July heatwave is Joe taking a sledgehammer to the week's most absurd political and media moments! In this episode, Joe dives headfirst into the "accidental" New Jersey software error that allowed thousands of undocumented immigrants to register to vote, calling out the hypocrisy of Democrats who claim election fraud is a myth. He hilariously roasts legacy media anchors like Jonathan Karl and George Stephanopoulos for their selective amnesia, uncovers the left's bizarre new podcast mascot who is actively praising Mao Zedong, and exposes radical lawmakers demanding the "commie-style" abolition of private property. 

The dictator Hasan Piker wore to a Democrat convention — and the tip screen America is finally revolting against | Wake Up America Hasan Piker put on Mao Zedong's uniform this weekend and a room full of College Democrats cheered. So today we tell you what that costume actually means: the largest famine in human history, the war on sparrows, the trap called "let a hundred flowers bloom," and the Red Guards who beat Xi Jinping's own father in a stadium. Plus — America is in open revolt against the guilt-trip tip screen, and the real history of tipping is more American than you think. Then: Camellia Peterson (Americans for Prosperity–Missouri) on the Missouri Republicans who killed school choice the second it hit their own backyard, and Tom Pappert (The Tennessee Star) on JD Vance declaring war on Milton Friedman — and squaring off with Marco Rubio for 2028. ⏱️ SEGMENTS 00:00 Cold open A1 — The war on the tip screen A2 — The dictator they cheered: the crimes of Mao B1 — Camellia Peterson: Missouri's school-choice collapse B2 — Tom Pappert: Vance vs. Friedman, Vance vs. Rubio

Ömer Gemalmaz liderler serisinin yeni videosunda modern Çin'in kurucusu komünist lider Mao Zedong'un hayatını anlattı. Mao'nun çocukluk ve gençlik yılları nasıldı? Mao öncesi Çin'in durumu neydi? Çin iç savaşı neden çıktı? Mao komünist devrimi nasıl gerçekleştirdi? Mao'nun reformları nelerdi? Büyük ileri atılım neden başarısız oldu? Çin kültür devrimi nedir? Mao öldükten sonra Çin hangi yöne savruldu? Sorularının ve daha fazlasının cevapları bu videoda. Kaynakça:Townsend, J. R. (1977). Chinese populism and the legacy of Mao Tse-Tung. Asian Survey, 17(11), 1003-1015.Zuo, J. (1991). Political religion: The case of the cultural revolution in China. Sociological Analysis, 52(1), 99-110.Li, X. (2001). The Chinese cultural revolution revisited. China Review, 137-165.Wei, C. G. (2011). Mao's Legacy Revisited: Its Lasting Impact on China and Post‐Mao Era Reform. Asian Politics & Policy, 3(1), 3-27.Dittmer, L. (1980). The Legacy of Mao Zedong. Asian Survey, 20(5), 552-573.Pantsov, Alexander V.; Levine, Steven I. (2012). Mao: The Real Story. New York: Simon & SchusterLi, Zhisui (1994). The Private Life of Chairman Mao: The Memoirs of Mao's Personal Physician. London: Random House

Charlie was a huge believer in Andy Biggs as the man who can save Arizona from the Democrats. Today, Tyler joins for Arizona primary day to drive turnout and explain why the entire county should be looking to results in the Grand Canyon State. Plus, when the left tells you who it looks up to, believe them. Xi Van Fleet talks about Hasan Piker's open admiration of Chinese dictator Mao Zedong. Scott Greer delivers a "whitepill" about how online conservatives brought new, better ideas to the GOP. Watch every episode ad-free on members.charliekirk.com! Get new merch at charliekirkstore.com!Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Join Jim and Greg for the Tuesday 3 Martini Lunch as they discuss Twitch streamer Hasan Piker's love and admiration for Mao Zedong, New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani's threat to have Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arrested, the U.S. Treasury stopping nearly $100 million in payments bound for dead people, and Daniel Ortega scrapping elections in Nicaragua for good.First, Jim and Greg react to a clip of Hasan Piker calling the Chinese communist dictator Mao Zedong "one of the great leaders of this world" and "a man who changed the entire universe," insisting he never has and never will criticize him. Jim and Greg remind us that Mao's Great Leap Forward starved tens of millions of his own people to death in what's considered the deadliest famine in history.Next, they dig into Mamdani saying on a New York Times podcast that Prime Minister Netanyahu "belongs in The Hague" and wanting to arrest Netanyahu if he visits the city for September's U.N. General Assembly. Jim says the mayor has no legal authority to do so, and President Trump has already said that Netanyahu will not be taken into custody on American soil.Then, Jim and Greg welcome some good news as the Treasury stopped nearly $100 million in payments to deceased recipients, more than triple what was caught before Trump returned to office. The Treasury says its new verification system could stop up to $350 million in fraudulent payments before the year is out. Jim and Greg agree that while this may be a drop in the bucket compared to the national debt, any improvements should be celebrated.Finally, they cover Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega abolishing elections, effectively extending his term indefinitely and closing off any path for the opposition to take over. Jim and Greg note the 80-year-old has been around for decades. The Reagan administration famously supported the Contra freedom fighters against Ortega's Sandinista government in the 1980s.Please visit our great sponsors: BetterHelpDon't let stigma stand in the way of support. Start therapy with BetterHelp. Sign up and get 10% off at https://BetterHelp.com/3MLLarinecoRight now, Larineco is offering our listeners up to 50% off at https://BuyLarine.com/3MLNew episodes every weekday. 

Erick opens with Van Jones breaking ranks and calling the far left's ideas “insane, nutty, moronic, dangerous, bigoted,” then walks through the Tim Walz pardon of an illegal alien child rapist in Minnesota, DSA nominee Darlisa Chevalier's Gaza “genocide” claims, and Hassan Piker praising Mao Zedong to the College Democrats of America. He argues the […]

Join Jim and Greg for the Tuesday 3 Martini Lunch as they discuss Twitch streamer Hasan Piker's love and admiration for Mao Zedong, New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani's threat to have Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arrested, the U.S. Treasury stopping nearly $100 million in payments bound for dead people, and Daniel Ortega scrapping elections […]

Charlie was a huge believer in Andy Biggs as the man who can save Arizona from the Democrats. Today, Tyler joins for Arizona primary day to drive turnout and explain why the entire county should be looking to results in the Grand Canyon State. Plus, when the left tells you who it looks up to, believe them. Xi Van Fleet talks about Hasan Piker's open admiration of Chinese dictator Mao Zedong. Scott Greer delivers a "whitepill" about how online conservatives brought new, better ideas to the GOP. Watch every episode ad-free on members.charliekirk.com! Get new merch at charliekirkstore.com!Support the show: http://www.charliekirk.com/supportSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Argentina suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of Spain to close out the World Cup, but the only thing more embarrassing than the loss was the team's behavior afterward. Barstool's Kayce Smith joins Will & The Crew to break down the post-match melee before tackling a surprisingly difficult question: Is AOC actually as dumb as she seems? Plus, Kayce and Will react to Hasan Piker delivering a Hitler-esque speech in a Mao Zedong costume, the drama over airport cancellation fees at President Donald J. Trump International Airport, and Olive Garden somehow becoming the face of voter ID. Subscribe to ‘Will Cain Country' on YouTube here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Watch Will Cain Country!⁠⁠⁠ Follow ‘Will Cain Country' on X (⁠⁠⁠@willcainshow⁠⁠⁠), Instagram (⁠⁠⁠@willcainshow⁠⁠⁠), TikTok (⁠⁠⁠@willcainshow⁠⁠⁠), and Facebook (⁠⁠⁠@WillCainNews) Follow Will on X: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@WillCain Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Orit Halpern on Knowledge, Data and Democracy Shownotes Orit Halpern Prof. Dr. Orit Halpern at TU Dresden: https://tu-dresden.de/gsw/slk/germanistik/digitalcultures/die-professur/inhaber-in Orit Halpern's website: https://orithalpern.net/ Halpern, O. (2015). Beautiful data: A history of vision and reason since 1945. Duke University Press. https://www.dukeupress.edu/beautiful-data Halpern, O., & Mitchell, R. (2023). The smartness mandate. MIT Press. https://mitpress.mit.edu/9780262544511/the-smartness-mandate/  Hayek, F. A. (2013). The use of knowledge in society. In Modern understandings of liberty and property (pp. 27-38). Routledge. https://home.uchicago.edu/~vlima/courses/econ200/spring01/hayek.pdf  Bush, V. (1945). As we may think. The atlantic monthly, 176(1), 101-108. https://www.ias.ac.in/article/fulltext/reso/005/11/0094-0103  on CERN: https://home.cern/about/who-we-are/ on the Event Horizon Telescope: https://eventhorizontelescope.org/ on the IPCC: https://www.ipcc.ch/ on critiques of the Enlightenment: https://polsci.institute/modern-political-philosophy/critiques-enlightenment-modernity/ Horkheimer, M., Adorno, T. W., & Noeri, G. (2002). Dialectic of enlightenment. Stanford University Press. https://www.sup.org/books/theory-and-philosophy/dialectic-enlightenment  on Keynesianism: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keynesianismus on MAGA: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Make_America_Great_Again  on the Frankfurt School: https://www.britannica.com/topic/Frankfurt-School on high modernism: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/High_modernism on totalitarianism according to Hannah Arendt: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_Origins_of_Totalitarianism Friedrich Hayek: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Friedrich_August_von_Hayek  on strict constitutionalism/constructionism: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strict_constructionism on the Electoral College: https://www.archives.gov/electoral-college/about on Stafford Beer: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stafford_Beer https://www.kybernetik.ch/en/fs_beer.html  on post-sovereign planning: Mohammed, S. Z. (2025). Post-sovereign planning? Nature, culture and care in the new socialist calculation debate. In Creative Construction (pp. 265-278). Bristol University Press. https://bristoluniversitypressdigital.com/edcollchap/book/9781529235142/ch014.xml Latour, B. (2012). We have never been modern. Harvard university press. https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674948396  on the cultural revolution: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cultural_Revolution on the Belt and Road initiative: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belt_and_Road_Initiative on Mao Zedong: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mao_Zedong on Planetary Experiments: https://orithalpern.net/planetaryexperiments Halpern, O. (2019). The Planetary Test. Zeitschrift für Medien and Kulturforschung, Vol 10. https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5e2c7ee53de3f756cfd6cbbc/t/65a808813c02ca697d90089a/1705511045522/planetarytestarticleZMK.pdf Halpern, O. (2020). Planetary intelligence. In The cultural life of machine learning: An incursion into critical AI studies (pp. 227-256). Cham: Springer International Publishing. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-030-56286-1_8 on Large Language Models (LLMs): https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Large_Language_Model  on Victor Papanek: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Victor_Papanek Groos, J., & Sorg, C. (Eds.). (2025). Creative construction: Democratic planning in the 21st century and beyond. Bristol University Press. https://bristoluniversitypress.co.uk/creative-construction  on Terraforming: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terraforming on Geoengineering: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geoengineering on NVIDIA Earth 2: https://www.nvidia.com/en-us/high-performance-com on Destination Earth: https://www.esa.int/Applications/Observing_the_Earth/Destination_Earth on Piketty's inequality equation r > g: https://equitablegrowth.org/pareto-distribution-r-g/ Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the twenty-first century. Harvard University Press. https://www.hup.harvard.edu/books/9780674430006  the mentioned quote on the ‘weak cyborg dream' in Orit Halpern (2019, p. 22):  https://publish.fid-media.de/server/api/core/bitstreams/73aba255-56d2-4595-83b5-bfdad3740ffb/content Against Catastrophes: https://againstcatastrophe.net/ Orit Halpern on resilience: Halpern, O. (2025). The geo-politics of resilience: On the historical convergence between ecology, artificial intelligence, and corporate strategy. new media & society, 27(8), 4581-4605. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/14614448251336420  on Ground Truth: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ground_Truth  on benchmark data: https://brilliantfuture.se/en/glossaries/benchmark-data Related Episodes of Future Histories S03E34 | Cecilia Rikap on Intellectual Monopoly Capitalism and Corporate Power in the Age of AI https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s03/e34-cecilia-rikap-on-intellectual-monopoly-capitalism-and-corporate-power-in-the-age-of-ai/ S02E44 | Evgeny Morozov on Discovery Beyond Competition https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e44-evgeny-morozov-on-discovery-beyond-competition/ S02E43 | Samia Mohammed zur Zukunft jenseits des Marktes https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e43-samia-mohammed-zur-zukunft-jenseits-des-marktes/ — Future Histories Contact & Support If you like Future Histories, please consider supporting us on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/join/FutureHistories Contact: office@futurehistories.today  Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/futurehpodcast/ Mastodon: https://mstdn.social/@FutureHistories English webpage: https://futurehistories-international.com Episode Keywords #OritHalpern #JanGroos, #Interview, #TUDresden, #FutureHistoriesInternational, #FutureHistories, #Knowledge, #Data, #Democracy, #Technology, #Society, #ArtificialIntelligence, #AI, #Data, #Capitalism, #Neoliberalism, #PlanetaryExperiments, #PostSovereignPlanning, #DemocraticPlanning, #Alternatives

In this episode of VarnVlog, we are joined by Brandon Lightly to discuss the complex and often misunderstood history of Maoism. We dive deep into the theoretical underpinnings of the "mass line" and "new democracy," exploring how these concepts served as an internal critique of Marxism and a departure from Soviet-style bureaucracy.Key Topics Covered:Defining the Mass Line: Is it just populism, or a sophisticated leadership feedback loop?The Historical Origins: From the Hunan Report to the Long March and the second United Front.Theoretical Innovations: Mao's 1961 critique of Joseph Stalin and the rejection of the "Great Man" theory of history.Fragmentation: Why there are so many different Maoist tendencies (MLM, MIM, Third Worldism).Praxis: The rectification movement and the relationship between urban intellectuals and the rural peasantry.Journal ArticlesDirlik, A. (1970). The ideological foundations of the Chinese Revolution. Journal of Contemporary History, 5(3), 39–54.Dittmer, L. (1977). Line struggle: Notes on its organizational context and theoretical development. Modern China, 3(3), 303–312.Fogel, J. A. (1980). Ai Siqi, establishment intellectual by Joshua A. Fogel. Modern China, 6(1), 23–47.Hammond, E. R. (1978). Marxism and the mass line [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Korolev, A. (2017). De-ideologized mass line, regime responsiveness, and state-society relations. China Review, 17(2), 7–36.Lyman, S. V. (1970). The Chinese Communist Party in the United Front, 1937–1945 [Doctoral dissertation, University of California, Berkeley]. ProQuest Dissertations and Theses Global.Mazur, M. G. (1995). The United Front of the 1940s: A social and cultural perspective. Modern China, 21(4), 431–456.Selden, M. (1971). The Yenan Way in revolutionary China. The China Quarterly, (45), 263–294.Steiner, H. A. (1951). Current mass line tactics in Communist China. The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 277(1), 422–436.Teiwes, F. C. (1978). The origins of rectification: Inner-party purgation in the 1930s. The China Quarterly, (74), 181–201.Tokuda, N. (1971). The mass line during the Yenan period. The China Quarterly, (47), 1–18.Townsend, J. R. (1967). Political participation in Communist China. University of California Press.Womack, B. (1980). The phase of de-Maoization in China. China Report, 16(1), 7–21.Womack, B. (1991). Mao Zedong and the sinification of Marxism. The China Quarterly, (126), 1–15.Young, G. (1980). On New Democracy and the transition to socialism. Modern China, 6(1), 3–22.Books & Primary SourcesCoble, P. M. (2023). The collapse of Nationalist China: How Chiang Kai-shek lost China's civil war. Cambridge University Press.Elbaum, M. (2018). Revolution in the air: Sixties radicals turn to Lenin, Mao and Che. Verso Books.Hirata, K. (2024). Making Mao's steelworks: Industrial Manchuria and the transnational origins of Chinese socialism. Cambridge University Press.Karl, R. E. (2010). Mao Zedong and China in the twentieth-century world: A concise history. Duke University Press.Li, H. (2024). Fighting on the cultural front: U.S.-China relations in the Cold War. Columbia University Press.Lin, C. (2019). Mass line. In C. Sorace, I. Franceschini, & N. Loubere (Eds.), Afterlives of Chinese Communism: Political concepts from Mao to Xi (p. 122). ANU Press.Lovell, J. (2019). Maoism: A global history. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group.Lowe, D. M. (1966). The function of "China" in Marx, Lenin, and Mao. University of California Press.Mao, Z. (1940). On New Democracy. Marxists Internet Archive.Mao, Z. (1977). A critique of Soviet economics. Monthly Review Press.Moufawad-Paul, J. (2016). Continuity and rupture: Philosophy in the Maoist terrain. Zero Books.Schram, S. R. (Ed.). (2005). Mao's road to power: Revolutionary writings 1912–1949: Vol. VII. New Democracy, 1939–1941. M.E. Sharpe.Zheng, Q. (Ed.). (2020). An ideological history of the Communist Party of China (Vol. 2) (L. Sun & S. Bryant, Trans.). Royal Collins Publishing Group.Send us Fan Mail Musis by Bitterlake, Used with Permission, all rights to BitterlakeSupport the showCrew:Host: C. Derick VarnIntro and Outro Music by Bitter Lake.Intro Video Design: Jason MylesArt Design: Corn and C. Derick VarnLinks and Social Media:twitter: @varnvlogblue sky: @varnvlog.bsky.socialYou can find the additional streams on YoutubeCurrent Patreon at the Sponsor Tier: Jordan Sheldon, Mark J. Matthews, Lindsay Kimbrough, RedWolf, DRV, Kenneth McKee, JY Chan, Matthew Monahan, Parzival, Adriel Mixon, Buddy Roark, Daniel Petrovic,Julian, Drea, Free Beer 

Is our history of World War II missing its most important chapter? For many in the West, the story of the Second World War is told through D-Day, the Blitz and the liberation of Europe. Yet some of the war's most consequential battles were fought in Asia, where the conflict claimed millions of lives, hastened the collapse of European empires and reshaped the modern world. Professor Hans van de Ven argues that the war in Asia was not a peripheral theatre, but central to the making of the post-war world. In this episode, he speaks to Hannah Lucinda Smith about reconstructing one of the most important yet neglected chapters of the twentieth century, challenging a Eurocentric understanding of the Second World War and showing how the conflict laid the foundations of Asia as we know it today. How did Japan's imperial ambitions transform the continent? Why did the war accelerate the end of European colonial rule? And how did leaders including Mao Zedong, Jawaharlal Nehru and Sukarno emerge from its aftermath to forge a new Asia? Hans van de Ven is a world-renowned historian of modern China, a Fellow of the British Academy and a Professor of Modern Chinese History at Cambridge and Peking Universities. His new book is Blood Dawn: World War II and the Making of Modern Asia. Hannah Lucinda Smith is a journalist and foreign correspondent reporting on global politics, conflict and international affairs. If you'd like to become a Member and get access to all our full conversations, plus all of our Members-only content, just visit intelligencesquared.com/membership to find out more. For £4.99 per month you'll also receive: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared episodes, wherever you get your podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series - 15% discount on livestreams and in-person tickets for all Intelligence Squared events  ...  Or Subscribe on Apple for £4.99: - Full-length and ad-free Intelligence Squared podcasts - Bonus Intelligence Squared podcasts, curated feeds and members exclusive series … Already a subscriber? Thank you for supporting our mission to foster honest debate and compelling conversations! Visit intelligencesquared.com to explore all your benefits including ad-free podcasts, exclusive bonus content and early access. … Subscribe to our newsletter here to hear about our latest events, discounts and much more. https://www.intelligencesquared.com/newsletter-signup/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Mao's War on Sparrows and Australia's Emu Conflict Guest: Stephen Moss Book Title: Ten Birds That Changed the World In 1958, Mao Zedong ordered the eradication of the tree sparrow as part of his "Four Pests" campaign, believing it would save grain. The mass slaughter — carried out by citizens banging pots until birds dropped dead from exhaustion — caused an ecological disaster. Without sparrows to eat them, insect populations exploded and consumed the harvests, leading to a famine that killed up to 50 million people. Scientists like Tso-hsin Cheng who tried to warn Mao were persecuted, and China was eventually forced to import sparrows from the Soviet Union to restore the ecosystem. In a lighter but equally revealing tale, Moss recounts Australia's 1932 Emu War, where the military failed to cull 20,000 emus with machine guns. The emus used tactical "guerrilla" maneuvers to outwit the soldiers, proving that human attempts to militarily intervene in nature often end in humiliation or catastrophe. (7)1914 EMPEROR PENGUIN

The Moscow Summit: Stalin and Mao's Suspicious Alliance GUEST: Nick Bunker In late 1949, Mao Zedongtraveled to Moscow seeking Joseph Stalin's sponsorship for the nascent People's Republic of China. Mao required financial aid, an air force, and recognition as an equal leader in the communist world. Stalin, however, was a wary and suspicious character who initially treated Mao with distance to ensure he accepted a subordinate role. Stalin's primary motivations were industrializing China to strengthen communism against the West and securing the Soviet Far East. A breakthrough occurred in January 1950, partially influenced by Britain's early diplomatic recognition of China, which forced Stalin to reach terms with Mao to prevent him from being "seduced" by the West. Stalin ultimately viewed Asiaas the key to the future, seeing potential for communist expansion in Vietnam, Malaya, and Japan. This alliance solidified despite the Soviet leadership's private view of Mao as a "simple peasant" character. (2)

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

As the People's Republic of China sought to establish itself as a modern nation state, its government chose to imitate the Soviet Union's path to modernization as they collectivized agriculture, labor, and industry with unfortunately devastating results.Support the show My latest novel, "Califia's Crusade," is now available at Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Kobo, Apple Books, Bookshop.org, and many other online platforms! 

Islas Aisladas, letales e inolvidables. Lugares como Iwo Jima, la Isla del Diablo o la Isla de las Serpientes encierran algunos de los episodios más oscuros del pasado. Tiranos Desde gobernantes despiadados como Calígula o Iván el Terrible hasta dictadores como Mao Zedong o Saddam Hussein, responsables de millones de muertes: estos son algunos de los gobernantes más letales que ha conocido la humanidad.

After the Japanese Imperial Army evacuated China, any hopes of peaceful reunification were dashed as the Nationalists and Communists continued fighting the Chinese Civil War, the result of which would see the birth of the People's Republic of China.Support the show My latest novel, "Califia's Crusade," is now available at Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Kobo, Apple Books, Bookshop.org, and many other online platforms! 

John's monologue is mired deep in the slime ridden drama of the algae laden reflecting pool. Trump crowed to reporters that he had some people arrested for disturbing his reflecting pool project, also suggesting the pool will be drained and scrubbed once again to repair the repairs they initially repaired. He also discusses Trump boasting about a document that favorably compares his global power and reach to notorious historical autocrats—including Adolf Hitler, Mao Zedong, and Joseph Stalin. Then, he's joined by guests Professor Corey Brettschneider and comedian Rhonda Hansom, who add their insights on the state of politics today, including Tulsi Gabbard's ties to a controversial cult leader and the ongoing struggles for justice and accountability in the dark gloomy recesses of Trumpworld.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Renowned historian and Hoover Institution senior fellow Frank Dikötter discusses his new book, Red Dawn Over China: How Communism Conquered a Quarter of Humanity. Drawing from tightly controlled Chinese Communist Party archives and Soviet Comintern documents, Dikötter systematically dismantles decades of romanticized Western myths—originally popularized by journalist Edgar Snow—surrounding the rise of Mao Zedong. He details how the Chinese Communist Party was a deeply unpopular, marginal movement that was parameterized and heavily armed by Joseph Stalin rather than gaining organic peasant support, eventually taking the country through the devastation of civil war and the Red Army's strategic handover of Manchuria. Shifting to modern-day geopolitics, the conversation explores how this "enforced amnesia" shapes the systemic constraints of China's current single-party state, analyzing the vulnerabilities behind its economic facade, Xi Jinping's relentless military purges, the critical importance of arming Taiwan, and why the West must counter a regime built on deep-seated political paranoia. Subscribe to Uncommon Knowledge at hoover.org/uk

Episode 4144 │ June 13, 2026 Xi named America's decline. Trump called it an honor to be his friend. China has been building to this moment since the first panda sent West in 1869. WHAT THIS EPISODE COVERS Part Five of the Panda Gambit series delivers the series finale — and the series close Scott Kesterson has been building toward since La Pine, Oregon said no to a data center. The episode opens with an honest corrective: this series has documented Western imperial actions against China and China's strategic return to global power, but the evidence does not support a simple story of deserved Western punishment. Mao Zedong killed between 40 and 80 million of his own people — one of the largest self-inflicted death tolls in human history — and the question of what the Han resistance networks did or did not do to stop it remains unresolved and must be asked plainly. Scott then delivers the Iran campaign weapons math that explains why Trump flew to Beijing rather than the other way around: 45% of Precision Strike Missile stockpile burned, half of THAAD interceptors gone at a production rate of 96 per year, over 1,000 Tomahawks expended representing ten years of production — all while a $50,000 Iranian drone forced a $3.4 million THAAD intercept at a 68-to-1 cost ratio that emptied American magazines. The Beijing summit of May 13-15, 2026 is examined in full: Xi's opening sentence naming the Thucydides Trap and framing China as Athens and America as Sparta, Trump's response calling it an honor to be Xi's friend, the Truth Social post six hours later in which Trump accepted Xi's framing of American decline, the room full of US corporate titans whose primary interests are already shaped toward accommodation with Beijing, and an outcome Goldman Sachs described as deal momentum becoming managed coexistence — with no rare earth deal, no AI framework, a Boeing announcement China never confirmed, and a beef agreement reversed within hours. The 157-year arc from the panda's 1869 Western introduction through the Beijing summit is mapped through the Pixiu cosmological lens. The episode closes with the sharpest distinction the series can offer: China's Mandate of Heaven flows downward from emperor to people — the American republic was founded on the structurally opposite principle that rights flow from God to each individual person, and governments are instituted to protect what each person already holds. The oligarchs operating across all three systems — Chinese, Russian, and American — are behaving as if they hold a mandate the American founding never granted them. La Pine gets the last word. KEY QUESTIONS ADDRESSED What does the Iran campaign weapons math reveal about why Trump flew to Beijing — and what does it mean that the US military cannot rebuild Tomahawk and THAAD inventories without Chinese rare earth materials? What did Xi say in his opening sentence at the Beijing summit — and what did Trump's response, both in the room and on Truth Social six hours later, reveal about the negotiating position America arrived with? Who was in the room with Trump in Beijing — and when Elon Musk sat across from Xi with Tesla's primary manufacturing base on Chinese soil, who exactly was he representing? What is the 157-year arc from the panda's 1869 Western introduction to the May 2026 summit — and how does the Pixiu cosmology explain what actually crossed the border after two days of summit diplomacy? What is the sharpest distinction between China's Mandate of Heaven cosmology and the American founding principle — and why does it matter that concentrated oligarch power is claiming a mandate the republic never granted? ABOUT BARDSFM BardsFM is a daily independent podcast covering faith, liberty, history, and information warfare. Hosted by Scott Kesterson — combat veteran, documentary filmmaker, and rancher. Over 4,100 episodes and 50 million lifetime downloads. New episodes every weekday. bards.fm

durée : 00:58:53 - Le Cours de l'histoire - par : Xavier Mauduit - Le 9 septembre 1976, Mao Zedong, président du Parti communiste chinois, décède, atteint de la maladie de Charcot. Plus tard, les membres de la bande des Quatre sont arrêtés. La Révolution culturelle chinoise est officiellement achevée. Depuis, quelles histoires de la Révolution sont racontées ? - réalisation : Maïwenn Guiziou, Thomas Beau, Jeanne Delecroix, Jeanne Coppey, Raphaël Laloum, Chloé Rouillon, Sidonie Lebot, Luce Mourand - invités : Michel Bonnin Sinologue, directeur d'études à l'EHESS., Chloé Froissart Sinologue, professeure de sciences politiques Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France

durée : 00:58:42 - Le Cours de l'histoire - par : Xavier Mauduit - En mai 1966, la Révolution culturelle éclate dans la Chine de Mao Zedong. En quelques mois, les Gardes rouges, mouvement de masse de lycéens et d'étudiants, pourchassent les intellectuels et bourgeois. Pour promouvoir l'idéologie révolutionnaire, des affiches sont diffusées dans tout le pays. - réalisation : Maïwenn Guiziou, Thomas Beau, Jeanne Delecroix, Jeanne Coppey, Raphaël Laloum, Chloé Rouillon, Sidonie Lebot, Luce Mourand - invités : Yves Chevrier Sinologue et historien, Sebastian Veg Sinologue et historien Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

Last time we spoke about the New Fourth Army Incident. Across the Second Sino-Japanese War, the CCP entered after the setbacks of the 1930s, seeking to become a national leader in resistance while remaining cautious toward the Nationalist government. The 1936 Xi'an Incident reshaped politics, and by August 1937 KMT–CCP agreements defined a working arrangement: the CCP acknowledged KMT leadership and integrated its forces, while still pursuing political space and autonomy. As the war progressed, the CCP focused on defining its relationship with the KMT and keeping operational independence during cooperation. Mao Zedong managed this alliance by promoting a united front against Japan, yet protecting CCP revolutionary goals and internal control. The establishment of the Eighth Route Army and New Fourth Army marked this military reorganization. Throughout, the CCP feared that KMT collaboration with Japan could enable a peace settlement that would undermine communist legitimacy and restrict the party's future authority thereafter.   #202 The One Hundred Regiment Offensive Phase One Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Simultaneously with the friction between the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the Japanese were also working to take control of—and extract value from—most of the territory they had nominally conquered. Treating these two processes separately—"friction" on the one hand and "consolidation" on the other—does violence to the real difficulty of the CCP's dilemma: the Party often had to confront both problems at the same time. At certain moments, the CCP was effectively forced to wage a two-front struggle. Even so, if the worst of the KMT–CCP friction had already eased by 1941, the most serious and painful challenges posed by Japanese consolidation were still ahead. To recover anything close to reality, the two timelines have to be read together and placed on top of one another. The Japanese understood that consolidation could not be postponed, because much of the land behind the furthest reaches of their army was still only weakly under their actual control. In some places, order could be restored by relatively direct methods: rebuilding local administration and policy authority; repairing transportation and communications; enrolling Chinese personnel—usually, as it turned out, people of dubious reliability—as police or militia under puppet regimes; registering the local population; and requiring identity cards. In true old-style Chinese fashion, collective security practices were used widely. One form was the familiar bao-jia system, in one variant or another. Another was the so-called "railway-cherishing village": a village would be assigned a nearby stretch of track, and if residents failed to "cherish" it, they were held collectively responsible. Yet early Japanese weakness in northern China is vividly illustrated by an incident in the summer of 1938. Three young foreigners—vacationing from teaching in Peiping (Beijing)—were curious about events and about what people were doing. They loaded their bicycles on a southbound train, got off at Baoding, and rode west until they ran into Eighth Route Army detachments. In the early period of the war, commanders generally wanted to rely on more mobile forms of warfare. Mao, however, insisted on a strategy of de-escalation and dispersion: breaking the 8RA and New Fourth Army into small units as nuclei for combat, recruitment, political work, and base-area construction. Under this approach, few engagements could be truly dramatic in scale, and most were constrained by the need to survive. Each skirmish had to be carefully planned. The CCP would use local intelligence and the element of surprise so that a detachment could strike and withdraw before its limited ammunition ran out or before enemy reinforcements arrived. Small Japanese patrols and puppet units could be ambushed not only to seize weapons and other material, but also to inflict casualties. Active collaborators, or Japanese-sponsored administrative personnel, could be assassinated. Above all, Communist action aimed to disrupt transportation: mining roads; cutting down telegraph poles, stealing wire, and cutting rail lines; sabotaging rolling stock; and, at times, carrying off steel rails so that primitive arsenals could be supplied. Attempting derailments was also part of the effort. Destroying a bridge or a locomotive counted as a major achievement. Both the Communists and the Japanese understood that these tactics did not decisively shift the overall strategic balance. Still, they worked at other levels. For the Japanese, the result was a constant series of small wounds—painful, bleeding, and potentially infectious. Few areas in the countryside felt truly safe. Japanese field commanders documented growing frustration as they tried to eliminate resistance, restore administration, collect taxes, and prepare for more systematic and effective economic exploitation of conquered territory. Guerrilla warfare against the Japanese cannot be judged only in conventional battle terms—numbers of engagements, casualties, or territory occupied. It had to be evaluated politically and psychologically as well, exactly as Mao repeatedly emphasized. Since the CCP's wartime legitimacy depended on its patriotic claims, enough fighting had to be carried out to maintain credibility. Moreover, military success mattered for mobilizing the "basic masses," persuading wavering people to keep an open mind, and neutralizing opposition. As the logic put it, it was not that people always chose the side that was winning, but that few would ever join a side they believed was losing. One experienced cadre described the effect this way: Among the guerrilla units… there is a saying that "victory decides everything." No matter how hard it has been to recruit troops, supply the army, raise the masses' anti-Japanese fervor or win over the masses' sympathy, after a victory in battle the masses fall all over themselves to send us flour, steamed bread, meat, and vegetables. The masses' pessimistic and defeatist psychology is broken down, and many new guerrilla soldiers swarm in. But once the Japanese began to demand a heavy price for every engagement—whether the Communists won or not—this attitude began to change. In North and Central China, the Japanese earliest pacification sweeps created comparatively little trouble for the CCP. At first, the Japanese made few distinctions among Chinese forces. They simply tried to mop up or disperse them without regard to character. Over time, however, they realized that these sweeps actually made it easier for the CCP to expand. By the second half of 1939, Japanese methods became more discriminating. Chinese non-Communist forces would step aside while the Japanese hunted specifically for the 8RA, the N4A, and their local affiliates. The Japanese also made more direct appeals to non-Communist forces. According to Japanese army statistics, during the eighteen months from mid-1939 to late 1940, around 70,000 men from more or less regular Nationalist units in North China alone went over to the Japanese. The Japanese also reached informal "understandings" with several regional commanders whose forces together might have totaled as many as 300,000 men. This, of course, corresponded to what the CCP denounced as "crooked-line patriotism"—the "crooked-line" collaboration that preserved certain units so they could be used in future anti-Communist operations. When pacification efforts were intensified from late 1939 and throughout 1940, differences also appeared in the strategies Japanese armies used in North versus Central China. In North China, the approach relied heavily on military means, with political tactics limited largely to recruiting collaborators. In Central China, Japanese authorities did not hesitate to use military force, but they also attempted to supplement it with more comprehensive political and economic solutions by setting up tightly controlled "model peace zones." Although both approaches ultimately failed, they created enormous difficulties for Chinese Communists—until, in 1943, the Japanese were forced to ease off because the Pacific War against the United States became too burdensome. Careful reading of detailed intra-party documents suggests that repression also demobilized peasant support and terrorized populations into apathy, grudging acquiescence, or even active collaboration with the Japanese. In a locality already reduced from consolidated base status to guerrilla status, capacity and will were often too weak to administer complex reforms in systematic fashion. In other words, passive survival—defensive survival—was at least as important as what lay behind the heroic public images the Party projected. Systematic pacification in North China in late 1939 and 1940 radiated outward. It moved from areas held more or less firmly by the Japanese and their puppets into guerrilla and contested zones. The ultimate objective was to crush resistance or render it ineffective. The method was first to sweep the area clear of anti-Japanese elements, and then to establish a chain of interconnected strongpoints that could quickly reinforce one another. After that, puppet government would be expanded so it could take increasing responsibility for civil administration and "pacification maintenance," while Japanese forces repeated the initial steps further outward into contested territory. Violence was used selectively against individuals, groups, or villages accused of acts of resistance. This selective violence aimed to deter active participation in CCP-led programs, deprive Communist forces of a population willing to shelter them, and persuade informers to come forward. That was, at least, the theory of the strategy. In practice, the basic framework of the strategy depended on the main transport lines. Railways and roads—if properly fortified and protected—could separate resistance forces from one another and deny them one of their most effective weapons: mobility. These "cage" tactics (chiyu-lung, "jiu-lung") made it possible to enlarge pacified areas by "nibbling" outward, "as a silkworm feeds on mulberry leaves" (ts'an-shih). At the same time, the approach aimed to exploit North China's economy more effectively. To this end, the Japanese worked to improve and extend both railway and road networks. When the war began, in Shanxi the Cheng-Tai (Shijiazhuang–Taiyuan) and Tong-Pu (Datong–Tongguan) lines were metre-gauge, incompatible with the standard-gauge lines elsewhere in China—part of Yan Xishan's design to prevent deeper penetration into his province. By the end of 1939, the Japanese used forced labor to convert both lines to standard gauge. One benefit was the easier transportation of high-quality anthracite coal from the Qingxing mines (on the Cheng-Tai line) to industrial users in North China and Manchukuo. Of the newly constructed roads and railway lines, the most important was the Te-Shih line—from Dezhou in northeastern Shandong to Shijiazhuang. Construction began in June 1940 and finished in November, connecting the Tianjin–Pukou, Beiping–Hankou, and Cheng-Tai lines. This made it easier to move troops and transport raw cotton. Once the Te–Shih link was completed, the Japanese had direct connections between the point of their furthest advance at the elbow of the Yellow River and all major cities of North China, and beyond to Manchukuo. Communist sources began to speak of a "transportation war," noting with concern the moats and ditches, the blockhouses, and the frequent patrols protecting the lines. Both militarily and economically, these measures weighed heavily on forces led by the Communists in North China and on the populations under their control—especially the plains of central and eastern Hebei. One indicator of effectiveness was the rapid decline in "acts of sabotage" against North China railways in 1939 and the first half of 1940. A cadre in Jin-Cha-Ji reported in mid-1940: "The enemy has adopted a blockhouse policy, like that of the Jiangxi Soviet. They are spread like a constellation. In central Hebei alone, there are about 500, separated by one to three miles." Normal trading patterns were disrupted as Japanese or puppet occupiers took over administrative and commercial centers, and peasants found themselves caught between regulations imposed by the Communists on one side and those enforced by the other side. Finally, landlords, moneylenders, loafers, bandits—everyone who felt damaged by the new order inside base areas—could use pacification programs to try to recover influence or simply take revenge. Some became informers. After 8RA and local units were driven away, they could kill remaining cadres or activists and settle scores with the peasants who had supported them. Until the "first anti-Communist upsurge" was defeated, local elites and other disaffected elements might also seek support from Nationalists. It was even possible for an armed band to operate for several months inside consolidated regions of the CCP base, killing cadres as it went. Peng Dehuai later recalled this period in a way that underscored how pressure translated into wavering and collapse. Under the enemy's brutal pressure, in some districts the masses even hesitated or capitulated. From March to July 1940, large areas of the North China base were reduced to guerrilla regions. Before the "Cage-bursting battle",, they controlled only two county seats: Pingxun in the Taihang mountains and Pien-kuan in northwest Shanxi. Masses who previously had one set of obligations now had two—one toward the anti-Japanese regime and one toward the puppet regime. The situation in North China had not yet become a full crisis, but it was certainly serious. Action was needed to regain initiative. On 22 July 1940, Zhu De, Commander-in-Chief of the Eighth Route Army, Peng Dehuai Deputy Commander-in-Chief, and Zuo Quan Deputy Chief of Staff jointly issued the Preliminary Battle Order, laying out the strategic goals for the coming operation. The order stated: "To respond to the enemy's 'prison cage policy,' obstruct its advance toward Xi'an, create favorable conditions in the North China theater, and strike at the national resistance initiative, we have decided to take advantage of the concealment provided by tall summer millet and the rainy season to carry out a large-scale sabotage operation on the Shijiazhuang–Taiyuan railway (Zheng–Tai Line)." It required the participation of at least 22 regiments from the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region, the 129th Division, and the 120th Division. The main objective was to "completely destroy key points along the Zheng–Tai Line" and to "cut the railway for a prolonged period." On 8 August, the headquarters of the Eighth Route Army issued the Operational Battle Order, further clarifying how forces would be deployed. The Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region was assigned to attack the eastern section of the Zheng–Tai Railway (from Niangzi Pass to Shijiazhuang). The 129th Division was assigned the western section (from Niangzi Pass to Yuci). The 120th Division was tasked with targeting the northern segment of the Tongpu Railway and the Fen–Li Highway. The order also required all troops to begin combat operations on 20 August, and emphasized that "the success of the campaign should be assessed primarily by the extent of damage inflicted on the Zheng–Tai Line." The operation was prepared under strict secrecy. Various elements of the Eighth Route Army conducted thorough preparations before the campaign. Reconnaissance teams, hidden and protected with the help of local villagers, penetrated deep into areas near the Shijiazhuang–Taiyuan railway to carefully map Japanese strongholds, enemy troop dispositions, and local terrain. At the same time, both military and civilian communities mobilized to stockpile grain, ammunition, and tools needed for railway sabotage; blacksmiths were organized to manufacture crowbars, pickaxes, and other essential equipment. Specialized military training covered demolition methods and techniques for dismantling railways, including tactics such as heating and bending steel rails. Civilian mobilization played a crucial role: militia and support teams took on tasks such as transport, medical aid, and coordination with military units. In Central Shanxi alone, more than 10,000 militia members were mobilized. The Eighth Route Army headquarters repeatedly stressed the need for operational confidentiality, stating: "Before the battle begins, the plan must remain strictly classified; until preparations are completed, the campaign objective may be disclosed only to brigade-level commanders." With the cover of dense summer millet, troops secretly assembled within their designated operational areas. Before the battle, the Japanese North China Area Army estimated the strength of the communist regular forces at about 88,000 men in December 1939. Two years later, they revised the estimate to 140,000. On the eve of the battle, communist forces had grown to between 200,000 and 400,000 men, organized in 105 regiments. By 1940, the growth had become so significant that Zhu De ordered a coordinated offensive by most of the communist regular units—46 regiments from the 115th Division, 47 from the 129th, and 22 from the 120th—against Japanese-held cities and the railway lines that connected them. According to the Communist Party's official statement, the battle began on 20 August.  On August 20, 1940, the rain didn't stop the campaign—it changed the battlefield. It slowed movement, blurred distance, and turned rivers and muddy roads into obstacles that could just as easily trap your own men as your enemy's. Along the districts bordering the Zhengtai Railway, the Eighth Route Army still moved, slipping through valleys and river crossings, bypassing Japanese posts, and positioning forces on both sides of the line as night settled in. By dark, the plan became a coordinated strike meant to hit the enemy before they could properly react. Across the entire Zhengtai Railway, attacks went out with timing designed to disorient Japanese defenders—so that their "first realization" arrived only after the railway itself was already being attacked and the window to respond effectively had slipped away.   A key portion of that strike fell to the right column of the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region, centered on the 5th and 19th Regiments, with the mission of sabotaging the Niangziguan to Luanliu section. At 20:00 on August 20, part of the 5th Regiment infiltrated Niangziguan Village for the first time, overwhelmed the puppet troops stationed there, and seized the village by dawn. After that opening cut, the main force moved in to cover the engineers, destroy enemy fortifications, and blow up the Guandong Railway Bridge. When the sabotage was done, they withdrew from Niangziguan on their own initiative, leaving the enemy to deal with the destruction rather than being pulled into a long, grinding engagement.   That same night, at Mohe Beach along the Zhengtai line, another action unfolded. The 1st Company of the 1st Battalion of the 5th Regiment attacked the station and was immediately met with a counterattack by Japanese forces. By dawn on August 21, the company withdrew—an adjustment, not defeat—and then attacked again the same night after crossing the Mian River. This time the enemy retreated into barracks to resist more stubbornly, with nearly 1,000 Japanese troops holding Mohe Beach. Heavy rain had swollen the river and made foot crossing nearly impossible, but the attackers seized the village west of the station and held it. On August 22 afternoon, more than 400 Japanese troops counterattacked; the main force of the 5th Regiment hit from the north bank of the Mian River in a fire assault, killing more than 50 before withdrawing the 1st Company out of the fighting. The 19th Regiment, meanwhile, took Jucheng and Irrang stations, tightening the pressure on the railway corridor.   On August 23, 1940, the 5th Regiment recaptured Niangziguan and blew up the stone bridge east of the village, destroying the railway segment between Chengjialongdi and Mohetan. That night the 19th Regiment stormed Yirang Station and blew up the water tower and the railway, ensuring the disruption would not be temporary. From August 24 to 27, bridges near Yanhui—stone and wooden—were destroyed again and again. Under that continuous pressure, beginning on August 25, Japanese transportation along the Niangziguan to Luanliu section of the Zhengtai Road was cut off completely. Strongholds were left to fight more or less alone, unable to coordinate or move supplies the way they normally would.   While the right column worked the railway, other forces hit the system from different angles. The Central Column of the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region—comprised of the 2nd, 3rd, and 16th Regiments—took responsibility for sabotaging the Zhengtai Road segment from Niangziguan to Weishui and for striking the Jingxing Coal Mine area. On the night of August 20, the 3rd Regiment launched coordinated attacks on the Gangtou old mine and the Dongwangshe new mine of Jingxing, and with miners assisting, the 1st Battalion quickly stormed the new mine and annihilated part of the enemy garrison. The rest withdrew into bunkers, resisting as best they could. By the afternoon of the next day, the entire enemy force had been wiped out. Afterward, major buildings in the mining area were destroyed and most materials were removed so that the mine could not resume production for more than six months. The 3rd Regiment also captured Jiazhuang, reinforcing the idea that sabotage here meant disabling not just lines of movement, but also the flow of resources.   Elsewhere, Japanese positions were disrupted in smaller, targeted strikes that still added up. After the Japanese stronghold at Nanzheng destroyed the railway between Nanzheng and Weishui, the 2nd Regiment took the eastern end fortress of the Faluling Railway Bridge, covered the engineers as they blew up a section of the bridge, and briefly occupied Caizhuang. The 2nd Battalion of the 16th Regiment attacked Beiyu on the night of August 20, annihilating most defenders, and on August 21 it covered the engineers to destroy the Beiyu Stone Bridge. Other units struck Didu and annihilated most defenders in Nanyu. By August 24, the Central Column had learned that more than 1,000 Japanese troops were stationed in Jingxing County, with additional reinforcements moving toward Nanyu and Didu. Their response was practical: detachments were assigned to watch and harass along the railway while the main force gathered in mobile positions—waiting for the next opening rather than charging blindly into concentrated strength.   Meanwhile, the left column of the Jin-Cha-Ji effort—from the 2nd Regiment of the Jizhong Garrison Brigade, the Military Region Special Service Regiment, and the Pingjinghuo Detachment—focused on sabotage from Weishui to Shijiazhuang. On the night of August 20, the Pingjinghuo Detachment attacked Yanfeng and blew up the railway. The Special Service Regiment moved with massed efforts as they destroyed power lines and highways from Yanfeng to Weizhou. On the night of August 22, the Special Service Regiment attacked Shang'an Station. On August 23, the 2nd Regiment stormed Touquan Station, captured two fortresses, then withdrew from the railway line; from August 25 to 27, they destroyed the highway connecting Pingshan, Huolu, Weishui, and Yanfeng.   While the main blow was falling along the Zhengtai Railway, the 129th Division was assigned raids on the western section. That area included the Japanese Independent Mixed Brigade No. 4 headquarters, a coal mine base at Yangquan, and support from Independent Mixed Brigade No. 9 from Yuci. These raids weren't only about destruction—they were meant to disorient, to create confusion over where the main pressure truly was. After the general offensive began at 20:00 on August 20, five companies of the 16th Regiment attacked Lujiazhuang Station and captured bunkers. Two guerrilla-operating companies in Yuci worked with engineers to destroy bridges between Lujiazhuang and Duanting. The 38th Regiment surprised Shanghu and Heshangzu stations, while the 25th Regiment captured Mashou Station and pushed Japanese troops toward Shouyang. The division's right-wing sabotage unit—28th and 30th Regiments of the newly formed 10th Brigade—took on sabotage on the Yangquan–Shouyang section, splitting routes on the night of August 20 to attack stations like Langyu, Zhangjing, Qinquan, and then striking additional positions with the 30th Regiment. Across that window, stations and strongholds such as Sangzhang, Yanzigou, Langyu, and Qinquan were taken, iron bridges were destroyed, and additional stations including Potou, Xinzhuang, Saiyu, Tielugou, Xiaozhuang, and Zhangzhuang were seized or disrupted.   As the western sabotage deepened, Japanese response hardened—but the ability to coordinate weakened. With the Zhengtai line sabotaged, the western section came under the 129th Division's control except for a few places such as Shouyang. Fierce assaults forced Japanese forces to lose contact with each other within days. Strongholds were attacked, besieged, and then annihilated as communication and coordination broke down. The 129th Division mobilized local people to destroy railway facilities, stations, and installations using demolition, burning, and flooding, moving materials so the railway and related infrastructure were effectively erased rather than merely damaged.   To cover these operations, the division occupied Shinaoshan with the 14th Regiment of the general reserve. Starting the morning of August 21, Japanese forces concentrated in Yangquan and attacked Shinaoshan daily. Enemy strength reportedly rose from more than 200 to more than 600, supported by bombing and strafing and the release of poison. The 14th Regiment held out until August 25, repelling repeated attacks, and by August 26 additional pressure came again as reinforcements increased. After six days and nights—and the annihilation of more than 400 enemy soldiers—the 14th Regiment withdrew from the main peak of Shinaoshan, continuing to contain the Japanese with smaller detachments while the main force shifted to another mission.   The first phase of sabotage had succeeded, but the campaign did not allow complacency. The Japanese strengthened their presence along the railway and launched frequent counterattacks, and Japanese divisions in southern Shanxi—including the 36th, 37th, and 41st—prepared to reinforce from the north. On August 26, the Eighth Route Army Headquarters issued instructions for a second phase: continue breaking through the road, concentrate superior forces, and annihilate Japanese units smaller than a battalion that were attacking or reinforcing. In line with that guidance, the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region ordered the Jin-You Column to keep breaking through the road on August 27 for one or two days, while the 129th Division alternated daily in breaking through. Under sustained pressure, the western section of the Zhengtai Road was basically destroyed; transportation was effectively cut off except for a few towns such as Shouyang and Yangquan.   On September 2, orders were issued to conclude the Zhengtai Campaign starting from the 3rd and shift forces according to the second-step plan. As the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region launched the Mengbei Campaign, the 129th Division shifted toward attacking invading Japanese forces, while other tasks—such as attacking the He-Liao Highway and recovering cities of He and Liao—were left for later. Beginning September 2, the Military Region deployed the 2nd, 5th, 16th, and 19th Regiments toward areas north of Meng County and Shouyang to recapture enemy strongholds. With the railway sabotaged, the Japanese main force north of Meng County shifted south to reinforce, weakening garrisons and spreading panic among the strongholds. As fierce offensives intensified, garrison troops began to waver. By the afternoon of September 5, Japanese troops at Xiashe, supported by troops from Shangshe, retreated to Shangshe and fled toward Meng County overnight. That night, the 19th Regiment arrived near Shangshe and, together with the Special Service Battalion of the 2nd Military Sub-district, pursued. The 1st Battalion of the 19th Regiment advanced into Shenquan and Putian to cut off the retreat route. By 9:00 AM on September 6 the enemy was surrounded in Xingdao Village, and after five hours of intense fighting most forces were annihilated. Survivors fled east to Luolizhang Mountain, only to be surrounded again by the 19th, 5th, and 16th Regiments. By the night of September 9, most Japanese forces had been wiped out, though more than 40 men broke through in dense fog and escaped into Meng County.   The siege continued through bitter episodes involving attacks and withdrawals under poison, with both sides paying heavily for every moment of progress. Eventually, on September 11, Japanese troops in Xiyan escaped back to Meng County, helped by more than 200 Japanese already present there. Meanwhile, the Japanese attempted to counter the pressure: on September 4 they sent more than 2,000 troops to reinforce Meng County and began a counterattack. On September 10, the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region ordered the 19th and 5th Regiments to remain east and north of Meng County to coordinate with the 129th and 120th Divisions, while the rest prepared for new missions.   As fighting intensified around Zhengtai and Meng County, a parallel pressure campaign unfolded. To contain Eighth Route Army sabotage along Zhengtai, the Japanese assembled battalions from Independent Mixed 4th and 9th Brigades to strike the 129th Division. In response, the 120th Division began large-scale sabotage against the Tongpu Railway and major highways in northwestern Shanxi starting 20:00 on August 20. They captured enemy strongholds along rail and road lines, striking major bases such as Kangjiahui on the Xinjing Highway, where more than 50 Japanese and puppet troops were stationed, and also attacking other areas like Shishen, Lizhen, and Jingle. Ambushes were set to annihilate reinforcements arriving from different directions, and at 00:30 on August 21 the 2nd Battalion of the 4th Regiment attacked Kangjiahui and annihilated the defenders by dawn. Reinforcements arriving in cars were destroyed, and subsequent actions continued to expand the disruption.   Over more than 180 battles in northwestern Shanxi, the 120th Division annihilated more than 800 Japanese and puppet troops and captured or destroyed stations and strongholds including Kangjiahui, Yangfangkou, Pingshe, and Longquan. By disrupting the Tongpu Railway and transportation along the Xinjing, Taifen, and Fenli highways, they tied down Japanese forces and made it harder to reinforce Zhengtai. In practical terms, this meant the first phase of the Hundred Regiments Offensive—lasting about three weeks—ended on September 10 with major railway lines and motor roads attacked repeatedly. Roadbeds, bridges, switching yards, and installations were hit heavily; at the Qingxing coal mines, facilities were destroyed and production was halted for nearly a year.   By the end of that first phase, the campaign's logic had become clearer: once the Japanese leaned more heavily on a "cage-and-strongpoint" defense system, the same transport network that had supported their defense became less secure. When rail and road were repeatedly disrupted, strongpoints became more vulnerable—especially if Japanese units pulled out nearby detachments to respond to sabotage. So the campaign shifted from breaking transportation to attacking blockhouses and other strongpoints in contested areas, aiming to force Japanese forces back into well-defended garrisons and leave the countryside again contested by Communist forces. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. From 20 August 1940, under secrecy and rain, units of the 8th Route Army infiltrated stations, captured villages, destroyed bridges, power lines, roads, mines, and stations across multiple columns. By early September the Zhengtai and related Tongpu transport routes were repeatedly severed, forcing Japanese troops to fight isolated strongpoints and hindering reinforcement. 

During the Second World War, President Franklin D. Roosevelt, joined by Winston Churchill, sat down with Chinese nationalist leader Chiang Kai-Shek. The purpose of the meeting, now known as the Cairo Conference, was to strategize against the Empire of Japan and make preparations for a post-war Asia.  Nearly 30 years later, President Richard Nixon, seeing an opportunity to widen the distance between China (now Communist) and the Soviet Union, paid a visit to China to meet Mao Zedong, the chair of the Communist Party. This opened diplomatic relations between the countries.  Since then, presidents have held meetings with Chinese leaders with some regularity. And President Trump is no exception. This week, he will be meeting with Xi Jinping, the President of the People's Republic of China. From AI to Iran, there is a lot on the table. To understand what to expect from this meeting, I sat down with Andrew Harding, Policy Analyst for National Securityand Indo-Pacific Affairs at The Heritage Foundation.    Email us with thoughts, questions, or suggestions: HeritageExplains@heritage.org   More on China from Heritage Experts: https://www.heritage.org/china 

Mike sits down with author and Cultural Revolution survivor Xi Van Fleet for a conversation that's equal parts personal history and cautionary tale. Xi recounts her childhood under Mao Zedong's China, where conformity wasn't encouraged—it was enforced. As a schoolgirl, she watched teachers publicly humiliated, neighbors turn on each other, and young people mobilized as ideological foot soldiers. Education gave way to indoctrination, and individuality was crushed in favor of collective obedience—the kind that produces "shiny little screws." Drawing from her first book, Mao's America, Xi lays out how mass movements rooted in ideology often rely on dividing people into opposing groups—"good" versus "bad"—to consolidate power. She also comments on how youth are frequently weaponized to accelerate cultural upheaval and dismantle traditional institutions, often by encouraging them to reject established norms and embrace radical ideologies. These patterns, she argues, aren't relics of history—they're recurring tactics. And they are showing up in America today! The conversation then turns to her latest work, Made in America, where the focus shifts from warning signs to origin stories. The central theme: the rise of Communist China wasn't inevitable—it was, in part, enabled by decisions made in the United States. Xi explores how decades of policy, economic cooperation, and ideological blind spots helped transform China into a global superpower, creating what she sees as one of America's greatest modern challenges. It's a conversation less about politics and more about people, choices, and consequences where Xi ends with a warning to America and why resisting the urge to become a "shiny little screw" might be more important than ever. Big thanks to our awesome sponsors ZipRecruiter.com/Rowe to post a job for FREE. GoodRanchers.com Use code MIKE to get $40 off your first order and free meat for life. Pestie.com/Mike to get an extra 10% off your order. AuraFrames.com/Mike Use code MIKE to get $25 off their best-selling Carver Mat frame.

This week on the Mark Levin Show, it's a huge mistake if a possible U.S. offer includes a 10-year moratorium on Iranian uranium enrichment. If true, President Trump should walk away from these terms. We should just finish of the Iranian regime right now because we'll never have this opportunity again. Next, the Democrat Party sides with Iran and terrorists, including Hamas and Hezbollah. Sen Chris Murphy posted “awesome” upon reading a false report that 28 Iranian ships had escaped a U.S. blockade in the Strait of Hormuz. Sen Chuck Schuer embraces candidates like Abdul El-Said in Michigan, who compares Israel to Hamas and campaigns with Hasan Piker. Americans will not tolerate elected officials rooting for the enemy. Later, in the spirit of George Wallace, Democrats in Virginia disenfranchised millions of voters through a misleading referendum on representation, which passed in a Democrat-majority state where most Democrats voted against Republicans having any seats. But the Tazewell Circuit Court just ruled the referendum unconstitutional on two grounds: the ballot language was utterly misleading and the legislature's vote to place it on the ballot violated state law. The judge issued an injunction blocking certification and denied a stay, with a final order forthcoming and immediate appeal expected to the Virginia Supreme Court. Should society grant our rights, privileges, and freedoms to individuals like Hasan Piker, who uses those rights to advocate the destruction of the United States, the murder of a senator and an insurance CEO, the celebration of 9/11 and October 7th, and the greatness of Mao Zedong, who killed 60 million people, while showing indifference to violence and supporting stealing. His entire existence is dedicated to destroying America in every respect. Yet he is welcomed at Yale, the New York Times, and by the Democrat Party. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

On Thursday's Mark Levin Show, should society grant our rights, privileges, and freedoms to individuals like Hasan Piker, who uses those rights to advocate the destruction of the United States, the murder of a senator and an insurance CEO, the celebration of 9/11 and October 7th, and the greatness of Mao Zedong, who killed 60 million people, while showing indifference to violence and supporting stealing. His entire existence is dedicated to destroying America in every respect. Yet he is welcomed at Yale, the New York Times, and by the Democrat Party. Also, Tucker Carlson is over. The media will continue to promote him and his insanity. They hope to use him against the President, MAGA, and the Republicans.  But his erraticism, extremism, and long list of isms, and his public decline and unraveling, have been career and influence killing. Later, a little 100 days into office Mayor Zohran Mamdani is losing support from Marxist Islamists and Communists, who view him as a reformist making only minor tweaks rather than pursuing true revolution.  The Marxist Islamists will never be satisfied until society reaches total subjugation like Cambodia's Killing Fields. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices