Podcasts about Mao Zedong

4  Author: John Bachelor and Sean McMeakin. Title: Stalin's War: A New History of World War II - Yugoslavia, China, and the Cold War Legacy. This episode examines how Stalin outmaneuvered the West in Yugoslavia and China to expand communist influence. In Yugoslavia, Churchill was "hoodwinked" into supporting Tito over the Chetniks based on fabricated communist reports. In China, the Marshall Mission effectively cut off aid to Chiang Kai-shek, allowing Stalin-backed Mao Zedong to seize control. The Red Army's mass looting of Manchuria and Germany is detailed as a strategy to secure "booty" for the Soviet state. Ultimately, the sources argue that Lend-Lease provided the foundational resources for the Soviet Union to emerge as a global superpower and nuclear threat.1942 HARRIMAN AND STALIN

Felix Wemheuer zu Staatskapitalismus, Planwirtschaft und unserer Zukunft mit China.  Shownotes Felix Wemheuer  Prof. Dr. Felix Wemheuer (Lehrstuhl für Moderne China-Studien) an der Universität zu Köln: https://chinastudien.phil-fak.uni-koeln.de/arbeitsbereiche/moderne-china-studien/personal/prof-dr-felix-wemheuer Fuchs, D., Klotzbücher, S., Riemenschnitter, A., Springer, L., & Wemheuer, F. (2023). Die Zukunft mit China denken. Mandelbaum. https://www.mandelbaum.at/buecher/daniel-fuchs-sascha-klotzbuecher-andrea-riemenschnitter-lena-springer-felix-wemheuer/die-zukunft-mit-china-denken/ Konferenz 'CHINA und WIR - Perspektiven für Frieden, Menschenrechte und sozial-ökologischen Wandel': https://www.attac.de/china-konferenz/startseite https://www.attac.de/china-konferenz/anmeldung   Kritisches China Forum: https://kritisches-chinaforum.org/ Youtube Kanal ‘Studying Maoist China': https://www.youtube.com/@felixwemheuerstudyingmaois1051 zum ‘Chinesischen Traum': https://www.readingthechinadream.com/ Leese, D. & Ming, S. (2023). Chinesisches Denken der Gegenwart. Schlüsseltexte zu Politik und Gesellschaft. C. H. Beck. https://www.chbeck.de/leese-ming-chinesisches-denken-gegenwart/product/34659702 Fukuyama, F. (1989). The End of History? The National Interest. https://pages.ucsd.edu/~bslantchev/courses/pdf/Fukuyama%20-%20End%20of%20History.pdf zu China als ‘Werkbank der Welt': https://www.bpb.de/shop/zeitschriften/izpb/china-337/275570/von-der-werkbank-der-welt-zur-innovationswirtschaft/ zu Authoritarian Resilience: Nathan, A. J. (2003). China's Changing of the Guard: Authoritarian Resilience. Journal of Democracy 14(1), 6-17. https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/chinas-changing-of-the-guard-authoritarian-resilience/ zu ‘Chimerica': Ferguson, N., & Schularick, M. (2007). ‘Chimerica' and the global asset market boom. International Finance, 10(3), 215-239. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/j.1468-2362.2007.00210.x Grundlagen zu Staatskapitalismus (in China): https://www.lpb-bw.de/china-wirtschaft https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Staatskapitalismus zu Mao Zedong: Wemheuer, F. (2021). Mao Zedong. Rowohlt Verlag. https://www.rowohlt.de/buch/felix-wemheuer-mao-zedong-9783644010192?srsltid=AfmBOopJE_AXx57LiheMHh9YOyy-Tl3MVKPkWznaGGKMUFlvtnj058-X zur Mao-Ära:  Wemheuer, F. (2019). A Social History of Maoist China. Conflict and Change, 1949-76. Cambridge University Press. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/social-history-of-maoist-china/6D2579E4BA68B4C8DACB08F8AAC9809A zur Wirtschaftsreform 1978 nach dem Tod Maos: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reform-_und_%C3%96ffnungspolitik Weber, I. (2021). How China escaped shock therapy. The market reform debate. Routledge. https://www.routledge.com/How-China-Escaped-Shock-Therapy-The-Market-Reform-Debate/Weber/p/book/9781032008493 zur erwähnten ‘Eisernen Reisschüssel': https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eiserne_Reissch%C3%BCssel zum Zitat Engels:  Engels, F. (1880). Die Entwicklung des Sozialismus von der Utopie zur Wissenschaft. manifest. https://manifest-buecher.de/produkt/entwicklung-des-sozialismus-von-der-utopie-zur-wissenschaft/ zur Neuen Ökonomische Politik: Bergmann, T. & Schäfer, G. (1989). Liebling der Partei. VSA. https://www.zvab.com/Liebling-Partei-BergmannSch%C3%A4fer-Hg-Hamburg-VSA-Verl/30757362947/bd Wemheuer, F. (2021). Marktsozialismus. Eine kontroverse Debatte. Promedia. https://mediashop.at/buecher/marktsozialismus/ https://web.archive.org/web/20160304205516/http:/www.mlwerke.de/le/le33/le33_453.htm zu den Kommandohöhen der Wirtschaft:  Yergin, D. & Stanislaw, J. (1998). The Commanding Heights. The battle for the world economy. Simon & Schuster. https://www.simonandschuster.com/books/The-Commanding-Heights/Daniel-Yergin/9780684835693 zum Fall Jack Ma und Alibaba: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jack_Ma https://www.icij.org/investigations/china-targets/interpol-red-notice-police-warrant-jack-ma/ https://www.derstandard.at/story/2000125770730/kurssprung-von-alibaba-aufatmen-nach-rekordstrafe Einschätzung der gesellschaftlichen Entwicklung Chinas:  Wemheuer, F. (2022). Chinas große Umwälzung. Soziale Konflikte und Aufstieg im Weltsystem. PapyRossa. https://shop.papyrossa.de/Wemheuer-Chinas-grosse-Umwaelzung zu Hartmut Elsenhans:     https://hartmutelsenhans.net/ zu Hartmut Elsenhans' Konzept der Staatsklassen:  Elsenhans, H. (1997). Staatsklassen. In: Schulz, M. (eds) Entwicklung. VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-3-322-91011-0_9 Wallerstein, I. (1974 [2012]). The modern world-system I-IV. ProMedia Verlag. https://mediashop.at/buecher/das-moderne-weltsystem-i-iv/ zu den ‘Panama Papers': https://panamapapers.sueddeutsche.de/ https://www.icij.org/investigations/panama-papers/ zu Xi Jinping: Rudd, K. (2024). On Xi Jinping: How Xi's Marxist nationalism is shaping China and the world. Oxford Universtity Press. https://academic.oup.com/book/58156 Torigian, J. (2025). The Party's interest come first: The life of Xi Zhongxun, father of Xi Jinping. Stanford University Press. https://www.sup.org/books/history/partys-interests-come-first zum ‘Sozialismus mit chinesischer Besonderheit':  Boer, R. (2021). Socialism with Chinese Characteristics. Springer Singapore. https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-16-1622-8 https://jungle.world/artikel/2017/44/der-kern-der-fuehrung zu Wen Jiabao: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Wen-Jiabao zu den Reformen Yugoslawiens und Ungarns: https://www.akweb.de/gesellschaft/planwirtschaft-und-marktmechanismen/ zu Josib Broz Tito: https://www.dhm.de/lemo/biografie/josip-broz-tito zum Fünfjahresplan: https://www.zdfheute.de/politik/ausland/china-fuenfjahresplan-kommunistische-partei-strategie-100.html https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Five-year_plans_of_China zum Xi-thought: https://www.soas.ac.uk/research/political-thought-xi-jinping zu den Reichswerken Hermann Göring: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reichswerke_Hermann_G%C3%B6ring https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/hitlers-holding-die-reichswerke-hermann-goering-100.html zur Verstaatlichung Renaults in Frankreich: https://monde-diplomatique.de/artikel/!1405644 zur Britischen Labour Regierung nach 1945: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Britische_Unterhauswahl_1945 zu Hu Jintao: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Hu-Jintao zu Jiang Zemin: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Jiang-Zemin Überblick politisches System in China: https://www.bpb.de/themen/asien/china/44270/charakteristika-des-politischen-systems/ Überblick chinesischer Führungskräfte: Shambaugh, D. (2021). China's Leaders: From Mao to Now. Polity Press.  https://www.politybooks.com/bookdetail?book_slug=chinas-leaders-from-mao-to-now--9781509546510 zu Neokonfuzianismus und der ‘neuen Linken': https://jungle.world/artikel/2023/10/solidaritaet-mit-wem https://chinabooksreview.com/2024/05/16/how-chinas-new-left-embraced-the-state/ zu den Ereignissen in Xingjiang und Hongkong: https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2026/country-chapters/china#d22098 zum erwähnten Spiegel-Artikel: https://www.spiegel.de/ausland/china-abschied-eines-korrespondenten-das-regime-steht-bombenfest-a-0b653e07-092a-41fc-a9c4-8edee76044c5 Xi, J. (2014-2025). The Governance of China I-V. http://english.scio.gov.cn/featured/xigovernance/node_7248444.htm zum Machtwechsel in Kuba: https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/hintergrund-aktuell/264845/zehn-jahre-machtwechsel-in-kuba zu Abdelaziz Bouteflika in Algerien: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Abdelaziz-Bouteflika zur Kulturrevolution: https://www.bpb.de/shop/zeitschriften/apuz/228467/kulturrevolution-in-china/ zu den linksdissidentischen Strömungen der Kulturrevolution:  Wu, Y. (2019). Die andere Kulturrevolution. 1966-169: Der Anfang vom Ende des chinesischen Sozialismus. (R. Ruckus, Übers.). Mandelbaum Verlag. https://www.mandelbaum.at/buecher/wu-yiching/die-andere-kulturrevolution/ Orwell, G. (1945 [2022]). Animal Farm.  zu Hu Yaobang: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Hu-Yaobang zur Institutionalisierung und Demokratiebewegung unter Hu Yaobang: https://pekinger-fruehling.univie.ac.at/die-demokratiebewegung-1978-1981/hu-yaobang-und-die-demokratiebewegung/ zum ‘Fragend schreiten wir voran' Motto der zapatistischen Bewegung: https://www.suedwind-magazin.at/fragend-schreiten-wir-voran/ zur Debatte innerhalb der deutschen Linken: https://jungle.world/artikel/2023/10/solidaritaet-mit-wem zur Streikwelle 2010 in China: https://www.bbc.com/news/10389762 zu Arbeitskämpfen in China: https://www.gongchao.org/ zu den Bewegungen in Hongkong: https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/hintergrund-aktuell/296970/massenproteste-in-hongkong/ Demirović, A. (2025). Marx als Demokrat oder: Das Ende der Politik. Dietz. https://dietzberlin.de/produkt/marx-als-demokrat-oder-das-ende-der-politik/ zu Gramsi und ‘Hegemonialer Block': Cox, R. (1996). Gramsci, Hegemony, and International Relations. Approaches to World Order, 124-41. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/03058298830120020701 zum Tiananmen Massaker: https://www.bpb.de/kurz-knapp/taegliche-dosis-politik/549121/vor-35-jahren-tiananmen-massaker-in-peking/ zum geopolitischen Hintergrund Venezuela – China – USA: https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/cly92dkxqvko zur Iranischen Revolution (1979): https://www.britannica.com/event/Iranian-Revolution Zhao, T. (2025). Alles unter dem Himmel. Vergangenheit und Zukunft der Weltordnung. Suhrkamp. https://www.suhrkamp.de/buch/zhao-tingyang-alles-unter-dem-himmel-t-9783518298824 Kang, Y. (1935 [2020]). Die große Gemeinschaft. Drachenhaus. https://www.drachenhaus-verlag.com/products/die-grosse-gemeinschaft Thematisch angrenzende Folgen S02E09 | Isabella M. Weber zu Chinas drittem Weg https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e09-isabella-m-weber-zu-chinas-drittem-weg/ S02E54 | Alex Demirovic zu sozialistischer Gouvernementalität, (Re-)produktion und Rätedemokratie (Teil 2) https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e54-alex-demirovic-zu-sozialistischer-gouvernementalitaet-re-produktion-und-raetedemokratie-teil-2/ S02E53 | Alex Demirovic zu sozialistischer Gouvernementalität, (Re-)produktion und Rätedemokratie (Teil 1) https://www.futurehistories.today/episoden-blog/s02/e53-alex-demirovic-zu-sozialistischer-gouvernementalitaet-re-produktion-und-raetedemokratie-teil-1/ Future Histories Kontakt & Unterstützung  Wenn euch Future Histories gefällt, dann erwägt doch bitte eine Unterstützung auf Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/join/FutureHistories Schreibt mir unter: office@futurehistories.today Diskutiert mit mir auf Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/futurehistories.bsky.social Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/futurehpodcast/ Mastodon: https://mstdn.social/@FutureHistories Webseite mit allen Folgen: www.futurehistories.today English webpage: https://futurehistories-international.com Episode Keywords  #FelixWemheuer, #JanGroos, #Interview, #FutureHistories, #China, #Mao, #MaoZedong, #Sozialismus, #Kommunismus, #Staatskapitalismus, #Marktsozialismus, #Planwirtschaft, #XiJinping, #ChinasWirtschaft, #Ökonomie, #Staatsklassen, #NeueÖkonomischePolitik, #Chimerica, #GeschichteChinas, #Arbeitskampf, #ChinesischerTraum  

How did World War II break out in Asia in 1937? Why did Mao Zedong and his fellow communists live in caves after the Long March? How did the notorious Nanjing Massacre occur? ** Binge all six episodes of the series on Chairman Mao by joining the Empire Club today at ⁠empirepoduk.com⁠. ** Anita and William are joined once again by Rana Mitter, author of China's War with Japan 1937-1945, The Struggle for Survival (or Forgotten Ally, China's World War II), and Modern China: A Very Short Introduction. Join the Empire Club: Unlock the full Empire experience – with bonus episodes, ad-free listening, early access to miniseries and live show tickets, exclusive book discounts, a members-only newsletter, and access to our private Discord chatroom. Sign up directly at empirepoduk.com  For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk Blue Sky: @empirepoduk X: @empirepoduk Editor: Adam Thornton Researcher: Imogen Marriott Assistant Producer: Alfie Norris Producer: Anouska Lewis Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

A revolutionary hero or a brutal despot? Mao Zedong has one of the most recognisable portraits on Earth. How did he rise to become the founder of the People's Republic of China?  ** Binge all six episodes of the series on Chairman Mao by joining the Empire Club today at empirepoduk.com. ** A child born in a rural village, Mao hated the Confucian traditions he grew up with. He read profusely and rebelled against his father. But how did his early life shape him into the dictator he would become? William and Anita are joined by the brilliant Rana Mitter, author of A Bitter Revolution: China's Struggle with the Modern World, Modern China: A Very Short Introduction and China's War with Japan 1937-1945, The Struggle for Survival (or Forgotten Ally, China's World War II) to discuss the origin story of Mao Zedong.  Join the Empire Club: Unlock the full Empire experience – with bonus episodes, ad-free listening, early access to miniseries and live show tickets, exclusive book discounts, a members-only newsletter, and access to our private Discord chatroom. Sign up directly at empirepoduk.com  For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk Blue Sky: @empirepoduk X: @empirepoduk Editor: James Clayden Researcher: Imogen Marriott Assistant Producer: Alfie Norris Producer: Anouska Lewis Executive Producer: Dom Johnson Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

REDIFF - C'est l'homme de la Révolution culturelle, le Grand Timonier d'une Chine qu'il voulait métamorphoser. Mais il n'a fait que plonger son peuple dans la peur. Le paradis promis aux Chinois s'est peu à peu transformé en cauchemar. Chef de l'Armée populaire, héros de la Longue Marche, il impose son autorité par l'idéologie... et provoque des millions de morts. Découvrez le destin d'un leader devenu bourreau. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

REDIFF - C'est l'homme de la Révolution culturelle, le Grand Timonier d'une Chine qu'il voulait métamorphoser. Mais il n'a fait que plonger son peuple dans la peur. Le paradis promis aux Chinois s'est peu à peu transformé en cauchemar. Chef de l'Armée populaire, héros de la Longue Marche, il impose son autorité par l'idéologie... et provoque des millions de morts. Découvrez le destin d'un leader devenu bourreau. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Bruno Calvès.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Part 8 of reuploading classic history episodes in the run up to our book club review of Serve the People! by Yan Lianke.The death of Mao Zedong and the trial of the Gang of Four are traditionally used as the signifiers of the end of the Cultural Revolution. The violent and turbulent 10 year period came to a sudden stop as political in-fighting continued until Deng Xiaoping was able to quash his foes and come out on top.In this episode, we cover how the Cultural Revolution finally came to an end, how the period is interpreted both in the West and in China, and what effect the Cultural Revolution has had on Chinese society as a whole.Intro: 00:00Opening: 01:09The end of the Cultural Revolution: 6:20Interpreting the CR: 20:25Aftermath of the CR and memory in contemporary China: 31:23Outro: 41:25Buy bookclub books hereBuy me a coffeeLinks to everythingSupport the showSign up for Buzzsprout to launch your podcasting journey: https://www.buzzsprout.com/?referrer_id=162442Subscribe to the Sinobabble Newsletter: https://sinobabble.substack.com/Support Sinobabble on Buy me a Coffee: https://www.buymeacoffee.com/Sinobabblepod

Words like “mind control” and “brainwashing” get tossed around, but it is a very real science and a very dangerous game that former CIA operative and now conservative talk show host Buck Sexton calls by its scientific name of “menticide,” the murder of the mind. Psychological attacks are real, and the concept of menticide dates to a Dutch psychologist who studied how totalitarian governments control the thoughts of their populations. Joost Meerloo witnessed and studied the way Josef Stalin, Vladimir Lenin, and Mao Zedong used the insights from Pavlov's experiments on dogs against people. His most famous work is called The Rape of the Mind.

2. Bunker 2: Stalin, Mao, and the Communist Asian Strategy. Joseph Stalin cautiously hosted Mao Zedong in Moscow, eventually providing industrial support and military aid while seeking to secure Soviet borders through strategic Asian expansion. Guest: Nick Bunker.

In this episode, I sit down with Grace Jin Drexel, the daughter of detained Pastor Ezra Jin, the founder of one of China's largest underground house-church networks.Last October, Pastor Jin was arrested along with 27 other pastors and church leaders from Zion Church. It was one of the largest assaults on independent Christian congregations in China since the Cultural Revolution, said Drexel. She has since become a prominent voice speaking out against religious persecution in China.State repression of Zion Church began in 2018 amid a broader wave of Communist Party efforts to subjugate faith communities, Drexel said.“You saw the tearing down of crosses [and] putting portraits of Xi Jinping and Mao Zedong on church buildings,” she said.Zion Church was deemed an illegal business operation, forcing them to shift to a hybrid online model of worship. Authorities also placed an exit ban on Pastor Jin.“There's so many parts of our lives that he has missed out on. He was not able to walk me down the aisle at my wedding. He was not able to attend my baby's baptism,” Drexel said.She sees her father's detention as part of a new wave of persecution targeting not only her father's church but also many other underground churches and religious groups as well. As in 2018, authorities are again installing pictures of Xi in churches again, sometimes even replacing crosses, to “showcase who is the true leader of the church,” she said.Another sign of a new wave of suppression is the sentencing of Jimmy Lai, the 78-year-old founder of Apple Daily and a practicing Catholic. He was recently given 20 years in prison, which marks the longest sentence handed down to date under Beijing's national security law.Since Pastor Jin's arrest, he has not been allowed any family visits, phone calls, or even letters from his loved ones. He is also suffering from severe Type 2 diabetes, and Drexel is deeply concerned about his wellbeing.Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

Mao Zedong dopo il 1949, fino alla sua morte nel 1976. Isolamento e grandi piani, paranoia e grandi tragedie, fino al tragico bilancio finale. La seconda parte della vita di Mao, la prima puntata è stata pubblicata il 31 dicembre 2025. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Thor walks us through one of the most influential leaders of all time. Join us as we as we compare Mao to others we have placed on the list. You can rate him yourself by going the thenicecult.com

Unlike the romanticized tale the Chinese Communist Party tells of itself—long marches and a long game of outlasting and outwitting its foes—the early years of the CCP were ones of unrepentant violence and a rise to power made possible only with external help. Frank Dikötter, the Hoover Institution's Milias Senior Fellow and author of the forthcoming book, Red Dawn over China: How Communism Conquered a Quarter of Humanity, joins GoodFellows regulars Niall Ferguson, John Cochrane and H.R. McMaster to discuss what shaped the CCP from the years 1921–1949, plus parallels between Xi Jinping and Mao Zedong in terms of amassing power, purging rivals, and practicing economics and geopolitics. After that: the fellows debate the assertion by a New York Times columnist that Donald Trump has “lost the country,” as well as how much faith to put in economic indicators, plus songstress Billie Eilish's belief that “no one is illegal on stolen land.”   Subscribe to GoodFellows for clarity on today's biggest social, economic, and geostrategic shifts — only on GoodFellows.

Xi Van Fleet grew up in China during Mao Zedong's Cultural Revolution. She was too young to be a real revolutionary Red Guard, but old enough to observe the astonishing scenes of violence and ideological fervor around her during those terrible years.I sat down with her to discuss her new book, “Made in America: The Hidden History of How the U.S. Enabled Communist China and Created Our Greatest Threat.”She says she felt compelled to write this book to help Americans understand the true nature of communism. Over the past hundred years or so, the United States has made one grave mistake after another because of this major blind spot, she says.In our deep-dive interview, Van Fleet takes me on a tour of China's history starting in the late 19th century and explains how America—over and over again—made decisions that helped the Chinese Communist Party: first to gain influence, then to defeat the Nationalists led by Chiang Kai-shek, and eventually to rescue the CCP from certain collapse in the 1970s.By visiting Beijing and re-opening US-China relations at a time when China's economy was in shambles, President Richard Nixon effectively “saved the CCP from the ruins,” she says.The history of how the United States helped the CCP survive is “hidden history,” as she calls it, one that is not taught in the schools and not discussed publicly: “A lot of people want to hide it. But in order for us to understand, we have to learn this very, very important piece of history that my book is all about.”Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

Oppermachtig, president en partijleider voor het leven - de eerste sinds Mao. Xi Jinping wist zelfs Donald Trump te imponeren, ‘straight from Central Casting in Hollywood’. Dramatische gebeurtenissen in Beijing - zuivering van de militaire top, aanklachten wegens corruptie en atoomspionage, geruchten over een couppoging - duiden op grote troebelen en een onverwacht machtsvacuüm. Wat weten we, wat betekent dit en welke consequenties heeft dit voor China, voor Xi’s positie en de geopolitieke verhoudingen? *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Deze aflevering bevat een advertentie van Oogwereld Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger pluizen de berichten uit. Officiële verklaringen en commentaren in Beijing, maar ook de tsunami aan geruchten over de ongekende ingreep in de Centrale Militaire Commissie. Naast voorzitter Xi Jinping is nog maar één lid in functie. Vicevoorzitter generaal Zhang Youxia en chefstaf generaal Liu Zhenli zijn opgepakt. Ze worden beschuldigd van insubordinatie en 'verraad aan het vertrouwen van de Communistische Partij en haar Centraal Comité'. Vervolgens zijn bijna al hun collega's uit hun functie verwijderd en is in heel China in de topstructuur van de militaire districten en krijgsmachtonderdelen een massale zuivering en ontslaggolf gaande. Die formele beschuldiging wijst erop, dat hier geen sprake is van een verschil van inzicht over militaire kwesties alleen. De ingreep van Xi gaat veel dieper. Dit raakt aan de essentie van het vertrouwen tussen de partij, de politieke leiding en de leiding van het Volksbevrijdingsleger als geheel. En juist die balans van de twee machtscentra van de staat is cruciaal voor de ongebreidelde macht van Xi en die van zijn voorgangers als opperste leider en roerganger. Het conflict gaat dan ook over de continuïteit en fundamenten van die politieke macht, zoals in elke dictatoriale staat. Dit evenwicht is door het onthoofden van de CMC nu in één klap verwoest. De vraag naar die continuïteit van de macht is een vraag naar de betekenis en effecten van het feit dat Xi Jinping leider voor het leven is geworden. Dat roept hoe dan ook de vraag op: en wat dan? De militaire top wil zekerheid over wie hun opperbevelhebber zal zijn, terwijl van een breed gedragen regeling voor de opvolging - zoals Deng Xiaoping die ooit doorvoerde - geen sprake meer is. Wie daar hoe en wanneer over zal gaan is onhelder gehouden. In 2027 zal het volgende partijcongres daar wellicht over beslissen en ook in het Centraal Comité, in de machtige regio's was al enig rumoer merkbaar. De legertop was blijkbaar betrokken bij die onderhuidse signalen en eerdere zuiveringen indiceerden al spanningen en twijfels aan de koers van Xi. Bovendien was sprake van scherp toegenomen spanning over de voorziene aanpak van Taiwan. Het jaar 2027 staat daarin centraal. Dan wil Xi klaar zijn voor een definitieve aanpak van het weerspannige eiland en de hereniging tot één China realiseren. Daar komt nog iets bij dat van grote symbolische betekenis is. Dit najaar herdenkt China de dood van Mao Zedong in1976 en volgend jaar viert het 'honderd jaar Volksbevrijdingsleger'. Dat generaal Zhang insuborinatie pleegde, duidt erop dat hij de koers van Xi ten aanzien van Taiwan wel erg riskant vond en de voorbereidingen voor de invasie niet zonder meer wilde implementeren. Dat zou ertoe leiden dat Xi die grote regime-jubilea zou moeten laten passeren zonder het verwachte succes bij de nationale hereniging. Hij zou dan de al vele jaren bestaande strategie dat China in 2035 op gelijke voet met Amerika moet staan als enige wapenfeit over houden. Zijn gezag als partijleider komt zo in het geding. De vraagt rijst dan of de 74-jarige Xi niet door iemand uit een jongere generatie vervangen moet worden. Zie hier de verbinding tussen de strategische, geopolitieke dilemma's en de onopgeloste opvolgingsvraag. Ook de zeer sombere, soms dystopische speech van Xi bij het recente '75 Jaar Rood China' feest wordt hierdoor ineens veel beter te begrijpen. Heeft in China een dergelijk drama zich al eerder voltrokken? Al tijdens de jonge democratische republiek in de jaren twintig van de vorige eeuw was 'warlordism' een groot probleem. De zwakke democratische instituties werden permanent ondermijnd door regionale militaire bazen die met elkaar burgeroorlogen begonnen en soms ook met Japan samenwerkten tegen de republiek. Mao kon hen met zijn Volksbevrijdingsleger tegen elkaar, Japan en de Kuomintang uitspelen en won zo de overhand. In crisisfasen van Mao's regime - zoals de Grote Sprong Voorwaarts en de Culturele Revolutie - doken onmiddellijk zulke regionale conflicten en warlords weer op. Het leger drukte dit telkens hardhandig te kop in, met een sleutelrol voor maarschalk Ye Jianying. Die was ook cruciaal in de meest opmerkelijke couppoging. In 1971 deed Mao's kroonprins, defensieminister Lin Biao, een greep naar de macht. Dit 'Project 571' mislukte en op de vlucht naar Moskou werd boven Mongolië Lins vliegtuig neergehaald. Na Mao's dood grepen Ye en het leger weer in, namen zijn weduwe Jiang Qing en haar aanhang gevangen en zorgden dat Deng Xiaoping de nieuwe leider werd. Er was weer eenheid in commando over staat en krijgsmacht. Precies die incoherentie is het grote risico dat Xi nu loopt. De onzekerheid over de politieke ontwikkelingen en stabiliteit van China verhoogt de toch al labiele situatie wereldwijd. Dat bijvoorbeeld zeer recent India en de EU, maar ook de EU en Vietnam nadrukkelijk elkaar als strategische partners hebben gevonden heeft hier alles mee te maken. Dat Nederland als het land van ASML in deze troebelen rond Taiwan, China, Japan en Amerika een belangrijke rol speelt, had Den Haag zich kortgeleden nog niet kunnen indenken. De agenda van Rob Jetten en het strategisch inzicht van zijn ministers Tom Berendsen en Sjoerd Sjoerdsma worden al bij aantreden danig op de proef gesteld. *** Verder kijken Volksbevrijdingsleger - Lange Mars Musical (1976) *** Verder luisteren Xi Jinping 453 – 75 jaar Volksrepubliek China, waar is het feestje? 306 - De gevoelige geopolitieke relatie met China24 - Ties Dams over China's nieuwe keizer Xi Jinping China en zijn leiders250 - Nixon in China: de week die de wereld veranderde 225 - Nixon in China: Henry Kissinger's geheime (en hilarische) trip naar Beijing 245 - Oompje neemt de trein – de reis die China naar de 21e eeuw bracht 220 - China's nieuwe culturele revolutie 58 - 70 jaar China, de Volksrepubliek van Mao, Deng en Xi Geopolitieke troebelen 549 - China en Japan op ramkoers 458 - De gedroomde nieuwe wereldorde van Poetin en Xi Lessen voor Jetten, Berendsen en Sjoerdsma 551 – Klem tussen Amerika en China: de koude oorlog rond ASML 558 – Poetins rampjaar, Jettens kans *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:22:55 – Deel 2 00:45:49 – Deel 3 01:27:10 – EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Il potere nasce dalla canna del fucile, diceva Mao Zedong. Ma quando la canna del fucile non è controllata dal Partito comunista cosa succede in Cina? Le recenti purghe di Xi Jinping tra le file dell'esercito, riaccendono un faro sulle relazioni tra militari e Partito. Le speculazioni raccontano di uno scontro di potere tutto interno, ma anche su proiezioni future, come ad esempio la questione Taiwan. Cina - L'epoca del "Terrore Rosso" - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=q5ZzBx2cZ9w - 27 ago 2025 [LIVE] China's 2025 Victory Day military parade to mark 80th anniversary of end of WWII - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=agxt0oRH4p4 - 3 settembre 2025 Special Report: Trump meets North Korea's Kim Jong Un in the DMZ - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MltgcggG4dk - 30 giugno 2019 Zhang Youxia Left Mystery Letter? Xi's Brutal Military Purge and Secret Killings Revealed - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ISBRQ6mjQWw - 30 gennaio 2026 [FULL] China marks 80th WWII anniversary with massive military parade in Beijing - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uuAxxnz5eng&t=2561s3 settembre 2025  Sky News Breakfast | Friday 1 August 2025 - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9YoEd1Oik74 - 1 agosto 2025 Xu Caihou Confessed to Military Alliance With Guo Boxiong - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xRVQLVbW5nQ - 2 settembre 2014 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

In this episode of Explaining History, Nick continues his exploration of the Chinese Cultural Revolution through the lens of Tania Branigan's Red Memory. We examine Mao Zedong's complex relationship with the youth of China—how he mobilized them as revolutionary shock troops, only to discard them when they became a threat to order.We delve into the "Down to the Countryside" movement, where 17 million urban teenagers were sent to remote villages to "learn from the peasants." Nick explores the ideological motivations behind this mass displacement: Mao's belief that the younger generation was being softened by "sugar-coated bullets" of bourgeois comfort and needed to be re-forged through hard labour.From the boredom that followed the initial revolutionary fervour to the lasting trauma (and surprising nostalgia) of the "sent-down youth," this episode unpacks the human cost of Mao's permanent revolution.Plus: A recap of our first masterclass and details on the upcoming session on Post-War America (1945-74) on February 15th!For Ad free episodes:Join us on PatreonKey Topics:The Red Guards: From revolutionary zeal to boredom and disillusionment.Down to the Countryside: Why Mao sent 17 million teenagers to live with peasants.Ideological purity: The fear of "revisionism" and the need for constant struggle.Memory and Trauma: How the "lost generation" reconciles their past with modern China.Explaining History helps you understand the 20th Century through critical conversations and expert interviews. We connect the past to the present. If you enjoy the show, please subscribe and share.▸ Support the Show & Get Exclusive ContentBecome a Patron: patreon.com/explaininghistory▸ Join the Community & Continue the ConversationFacebook Group: facebook.com/groups/ExplainingHistoryPodcastSubstack: theexplaininghistorypodcast.substack.com▸ Read Articles & Go DeeperWebsite: explaininghistory.org Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Jesse Kelly announces his new FREE book, which uses sharp commentary and historical contrast to critique Mao Zedong’s ideology and its lasting influence. China expert Steven Mosher joins as guest to provide insight into Mao’s policies, the human cost of his rule, and the ways communist tactics continue to appear in contemporary politics. Together they examine key events from Mao’s era, compare them to modern ideological trends in the West, and explain why understanding this history remains relevant today.I'm Right with Jesse Kelly on The First TVMasa Chips: Ready to give MASA a try? Get 25% off your first order by going to http://masachips.com/JESSETV and using code JESSETV.Beam: Visit https://shopbeam.com/JESSEKELLY and use code JESSEKELLY to get our exclusive discount of up to 40% off.American Financing: Call American Financing today to find out how customers are saving an average of $800/mo. NMLS 182334, https://nmlsconsumeraccess.org APR for rates in the 5s start at 6.196% for well qualified borrowers. Call 866-891-2821 for details about credit costs and terms. Visit http://www.AmericanFinancing.net/Jesse.Follow The Jesse Kelly Show on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TheJesseKellyShowSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Last time we spoke about the battle of Nanchang. After securing Hainan and targeting Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway corridors, Japan's 11th Army, backed by armor, air power, and riverine operations, sought a rapid, surgical seizure of Nanchang to sever eastern Chinese logistics and coerce Chongqing. China, reorganizing under Chiang Kai-shek, concentrated over 200,000 troops across 52 divisions in the Ninth and Third War Zones, with Xue Yue commanding the 9th War Zone in defense of Wuhan-Nanchang corridors. The fighting began with German-style, combined-arms river operations along the Xiushui and Gan rivers, including feints, river crossings, and heavy artillery, sometimes using poison gas. From March 20–23, Japanese forces established a beachhead and advanced into Fengxin, Shengmi, and later Nanchang, despite stiff Chinese resistance and bridges being destroyed. Chiang's strategic shift toward attrition pushed for broader offensives to disrupt railways and rear areas, though Chinese plans for a counteroffensive repeatedly stalled due to logistics and coordination issues. By early May, Japanese forces encircled and captured Nanchang, albeit at heavy cost, with Chinese casualties surpassing 43,000 dead and Japanese losses over 2,200 dead.    #187 The Battle of Suixian–Zaoyang-Shatow Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Having seized Wuhan in a brutal offensive the previous year, the Japanese sought not just to hold their ground but to solidify their grip on this vital hub. Wuhan, a bustling metropolis at the confluence of the Yangtze and Han Rivers, had become a linchpin in their strategy, a base from which they could project power across central China. Yet, the city was far from secure, Chinese troops in northern Hubei and southern Henan, perched above the mighty Yangtze, posed an unrelenting threat. To relieve the mounting pressure on their newfound stronghold, the Japanese high command orchestrated a bold offensive against the towns of Suixian and Zaoyang. They aimed to annihilate the main force of the Chinese 5th War Zone, a move that would crush the Nationalist resistance in the region and secure their flanks. This theater of war, freshly designated as the 5th War Zone after the grueling Battle of Wuhan, encompassed a vast expanse west of Shashi in the upper Yangtze basin. It stretched across northern Hubei, southern Henan, and the rugged Dabie Mountains in eastern Anhui, forming a strategic bulwark that guarded the eastern approaches to Sichuan, the very heartland of the Nationalist government's central institutions. Historian Rana Mitter in Forgotten Ally described this zone as "a gateway of immense importance, a natural fortress that could either serve as a launchpad for offensives against Japanese-held territories or a defensive redoubt protecting the rear areas of Sichuan and Shaanxi". The terrain itself was a defender's dream and an attacker's nightmare: to the east rose the imposing Dabie Mountains, their peaks cloaked in mist and folklore; the Tongbai Mountains sliced across the north like a jagged spine; the Jing Mountains guarded the west; the Yangtze River snaked southward, its waters a formidable barrier; the Dahong Mountains dominated the center, offering hidden valleys for ambushes; and the Han River (also known as the Xiang River) carved a north-south path through it all. Two critical transport arteries—the Hanyi Road linking Hankou to Yichang in Hubei, and the Xianghua Road connecting Xiangyang to Huayuan near Hankou—crisscrossed this landscape, integrating the war zone into a web of mobility. From here, Chinese forces could menace the vital Pinghan Railway, that iron lifeline running from Beiping (modern Beijing) to Hankou, while also threatening the Wuhan region itself. In retreat, it provided a sanctuary to shield the Nationalist heartlands. As military strategist Sun Tzu might have appreciated, this area had long been a magnet for generals, its contours shaping the fates of empires since ancient times. Despite the 5th War Zone's intricate troop deployments, marked by units of varying combat prowess and a glaring shortage of heavy weapons, the Chinese forces made masterful use of the terrain to harass their invaders. Drawing from accounts in Li Zongren's memoirs, he noted how these defenders, often outgunned but never outmaneuvered, turned hills into fortresses and rivers into moats. In early April 1939, as spring rains turned paths to mud, Chinese troops ramped up their disruptions along the southern stretches of the Pinghan Railway, striking from both eastern and western flanks with guerrilla precision. What truly rattled the Japanese garrison in Wuhan was the arrival of reinforcements: six full divisions redeployed to Zaoyang, bolstering the Chinese capacity to launch flanking assaults that could unravel Japanese supply lines. Alarmed by this buildup, the Japanese 11th Army, ensconced in the Wuhan area under the command of General Yasuji Okamura, a figure whose tactical acumen would later earn him notoriety in the Pacific War, devised a daring plan. They intended to plunge deep into the 5th War Zone, smashing the core of the Chinese forces and rendering them impotent, thereby neutralizing the northwestern threat to Wuhan once and for all. From April onward, the Japanese mobilized with meticulous preparation, amassing troops equipped with formidable artillery, rumbling tanks, and squadrons of aircraft that darkened the skies. Historians estimate they committed roughly three and a half divisions to this endeavor, as detailed in Edward J. Drea's In the Service of the Emperor: Essays on the Imperial Japanese Army. Employing a classic pincer movement, a two-flank encirclement coupled with a central breakthrough, they aimed for a swift, decisive strike to obliterate the main Chinese force in the narrow Suixian-Zaoyang corridor, squeezed between the Tongbai and Dahong Mountains. The offensive erupted in full fury on May 1, 1939, as Japanese columns surged forward like a tidal wave, their engines roaring and banners fluttering in the dust-choked air. General Li Zongren, the commander of the 5th War Zone, a man whose leadership had already shone in earlier campaigns like the defense of Tai'erzhuang in 1938, issued urgent orders to cease offensive actions against the Japanese and pivot to a defensive stance. Based on intelligence about the enemy's dispositions, Li orchestrated a comprehensive campaign structure, assigning precise defensive roles and battle plans to each unit. This was no haphazard scramble; it was a symphony of strategy, as Li himself recounted in his memoirs, emphasizing the need to exploit the terrain's natural advantages. While various Chinese war zones executed the "April Offensive" from late April to mid-May, actively harrying and containing Japanese forces, the 5th War Zone focused its energies on the southern segment of the Pinghan Railway, assaulting it from both sides in a bid to disrupt logistics. The main force of the 31st Army Group, under the command of Tang Enbo, a general known for his aggressive tactics and later criticized for corruption, shifted from elsewhere in Hubei to Zaoyang, fortifying the zone and posing a dire threat to the Japanese flanks and rear areas. To counter this peril and safeguard transportation along the Wuhan-Pinghan Railway, the Japanese, led by the formidable Okamura, unleashed their assault from the line stretching through Xinyang, Yingshan, and Zhongxiang. Mobilizing the 3rd, 13th, and 16th Divisions alongside the 2nd and 4th Cavalry Brigades, they charged toward the Suixian-Zaoyang region in western Hubei, intent on eradicating the Chinese main force and alleviating the siege-like pressure on Wuhan. In a masterful reorganization, Li Zongren divided his forces into two army groups, the left and right, plus a dedicated river defense army. His strategy was a blend of attrition and opportunism: harnessing the Tongbai and Dahong Mountains, clinging to key towns like lifelines, and grinding down the Japanese through prolonged warfare while biding time for a counterstroke. This approach echoed the Fabian tactics of ancient Rome, wearing the enemy thin before delivering the coup de grâce. The storm broke at dawn on May 1, when the main contingents of the Japanese 16th and 13th Divisions, bolstered by the 4th Cavalry Brigade from their bases in Zhongxiang and Jingshan, hurled themselves against the Chinese 37th and 180th Divisions of the Right Army Group. Supported by droning aircraft that strafed from above and tanks that churned the earth below, the Japanese advanced with mechanical precision. By May 4, they had shattered the defensive lines flanking Changshoudian, then surged along the east bank of the Xiang River toward Zaoyang in a massive offensive. Fierce combat raged through May 5, as described in Japanese war diaries compiled in Senshi Sōsho (the official Japanese war history series), where soldiers recounted the relentless Chinese resistance amid the smoke and clamor. The Japanese finally breached the defenses, turning their fury on the 122nd Division of the 41st Army. In a heroic stand, the 180th Division clung to Changshoudian, providing cover for the main force's retreat along the east-west Huangqi'an line. The 37th Division fell back to the Yaojiahe line, while elements of the 38th Division repositioned into Liushuigou. On May 6, the Japanese seized Changshoudian, punched through Huangqi'an, and drove northward, unleashing a devastating assault on the 122nd Division's positions near Wenjiamiao. Undeterred, Chinese defenders executed daring flanking maneuvers in the Fenglehe, Yaojiahe, Liushuihe, Shuanghe, and Zhangjiaji areas, turning the landscape into a labyrinth of ambushes. May 7 saw the Japanese pressing on, capturing Zhangjiaji and Shuanghe. By May 8, they assaulted Maozifan and Xinji, where ferocious battles erupted, soldiers clashing in hand-to-hand combat amid the ruins. By May 10, the Japanese had overrun Huyang Town and Xinye, advancing toward Tanghe and the northeastern fringes of Zaoyang. Yet, the Tanghe River front witnessed partial Chinese recoveries: remnants of the Right Army Group, alongside troops from east of the Xianghe, reclaimed Xinye. The 122nd and 180th Divisions withdrew north of Tanghe and Fancheng, while the 37th, 38th, and 132nd Divisions steadfastly held the east bank of the Xianghe River. Concurrently, the main force of the Japanese 3rd Division launched from Yingshan against the 84th and 13th Armies of the 11th Group Army in the Suixian sector. After a whirlwind of combat, the Chinese 84th Army retreated to the Taerwan position. On May 2, the 3rd Division targeted the Gaocheng position of the 13th Army within the 31st Group Army; the ensuing clashes in Taerwan and Gaocheng were a maelstrom of fire, with the Taerwan position exchanging hands multiple times like a deadly game of tug-of-war. By May 4, in a grim escalation, Japanese forces deployed poison gas, a violation of international norms that drew condemnation and is documented in Allied reports from the era, inflicting horrific casualties and compelling the Chinese to relinquish Gaocheng, which fell into enemy hands. On May 5, backed by aerial bombardments, tank charges, and artillery barrages, the Japanese renewed their onslaught along the Gaocheng River and the Lishan-Jiangjiahe line. By May 6, the beleaguered Chinese were forced back to the Tianhekou and Gaocheng line. Suixian succumbed on May 7. On May 8, the Japanese shattered the second line of the 84th Army, capturing Zaoyang and advancing on the Jiangtoudian position of the 85th Army. To evade encirclement, the defenders mounted a valiant resistance before withdrawing from Jiangtoudian; the 84th Army relocated to the Tanghe and Baihe areas, while the 39th Army embedded itself in the Dahongshan for guerrilla operations—a tactic that would bleed the Japanese through hit-and-run warfare, as noted in guerrilla warfare studies by Mao Zedong himself. By May 10, the bulk of the 31st Army Group maneuvered toward Tanghe, reaching north of Biyang by May 15. From Xinyang, Japanese forces struck at Tongbai on May 8; by May 10, elements from Zaoyang advanced to Zhangdian Town and Shangtun Town. In response, the 68th Army of the 1st War Zone dispatched the 143rd Division to defend Queshan and Minggang, and the 119th Division to hold Tongbai. After staunchly blocking the Japanese, they withdrew on May 11 to positions northwest and southwest of Tongbai, shielding the retreat of 5th War Zone units. The Japanese 4th Cavalry Brigade drove toward Tanghe, seizing Tanghe County on May 12. But the tide was turning. In a brilliant reversal, the Fifth War Zone commanded the 31st Army Group, in concert with the 2nd Army Group from the 1st War Zone, to advance from southwestern Henan. Their mission: encircle the bulk of Japanese forces on the Xiangdong Plain and deliver a crushing blow. The main force of the 33rd Army Group targeted Zaoyang, while other units pinned down Japanese rear guards in Zhongxiang. The Chinese counteroffensive erupted with swift successes, Tanghe County was recaptured on May 14, and Tongbai liberated on May 16, shattering the Japanese encirclement scheme. On May 19, after four grueling days of combat, Chinese forces mauled the retreating Japanese, reclaiming Zaoyang and leaving the fields strewn with enemy dead. The 39th Army of the Left Army Group dispersed into the mountains for guerrilla warfare, a shadowy campaign of sabotage and surprise. Forces of the Right Army Group east of the river, along with river defense units, conducted relentless raids on Japanese rears and supply lines over multiple days, sowing chaos before withdrawing to the west bank of the Xiang River on May 21. On May 22, they pressed toward Suixian, recapturing it on May 23. The Japanese, battered and depleted, retreated to their original garrisons in Zhongxiang and Yingshan, restoring the pre-war lines as the battle drew to a close. Throughout this clash, the Chinese held a marked superiority in manpower and coordination, though their deployments lacked full flexibility, briefly placing them on the defensive. After protracted, blood-soaked fighting, they restored the original equilibrium. Despite grievous losses, the Chinese thwarted the Japanese encirclement and exacted a heavy toll, reports from the time, corroborated by Japanese records in Senshi Sōsho, indicate over 13,000 Japanese killed or wounded, with more than 5,000 corpses abandoned on the battlefield. This fulfilled the strategic goal of containing and eroding Japanese strength. Chinese casualties surpassed 25,000, a testament to the ferocity of the struggle. The 5th War Zone seized the initiative in advances and retreats, deftly shifting to outer lines and maintaining positional advantages. As Japanese forces withdrew, Chinese pursuers harried and obstructed them, yielding substantial victories. The Battle of Suizao spanned less than three weeks. The Japanese main force pierced defenses on the east bank of the Han River, advancing to encircle one flank as planned. However, the other two formations met fierce opposition near Suixian and northward, stalling their progress. Adapting to the battlefield's ebb and flow, the Fifth War Zone transformed its tactics: the main force escaped encirclement, maneuvered to outer lines for offensives, and exploited terrain to hammer the Japanese. The pivotal order to flip from defense to offense doomed the encirclement; with the counterattack triumphant, the Japanese declined to hold and retreated. The Chinese pursued with unyielding vigor. By May 24, they had reclaimed Zaoyang, Tongbai, and other locales. Save for Suixian County, the Japanese had fallen back to pre-war positions, reinstating the regional status quo. Thus, the battle concluded, a chapter of resilience etched into the chronicles of China's defiance. In the sweltering heat of southern China, where the humid air clung to every breath like a persistent fog, the Japanese General Staff basked in what they called a triumphant offensive and defensive campaign in Guangdong. But victory, as history so often teaches, is a double-edged sword. By early 1939, the strain was palpable. Their secret supply line snaking from the British colony of Hong Kong to the Chinese mainland was under constant disruption, raids by shadowy guerrilla bands, opportunistic smugglers, and the sheer unpredictability of wartime logistics turning what should have been a lifeline into a leaky sieve. Blockading the entire coastline? A pipe dream, given the vast, jagged shores of Guangdong, dotted with hidden coves and fishing villages that had evaded imperial edicts for centuries. Yet, the General Staff's priorities were unyielding, laser-focused on strangling the Nationalist capital of Chongqing through a relentless blockade. This meant the 21st Army, that workhorse of the Japanese invasion force, had to stay in the fight—no rest for the weary. Drawing from historical records like the Senshi Sōsho (War History Series) compiled by Japan's National Institute for Defense Studies, we know that after the 21st Army reported severing what they dubbed the "secret transport line" at Xinhui, a gritty, hard-fought skirmish that left the local landscape scarred with craters and abandoned supply crates, the General Staff circled back to the idea of a full coastal blockade. It was a classic case of military opportunism: staff officers, poring over maps in dimly lit war rooms in Tokyo, suddenly "discovered" Shantou as a major port. Not just any port, mind you, but a bustling hub tied to the heartstrings of Guangdong's overseas Chinese communities. Shantou and nearby Chao'an weren't mere dots on a map; they were the ancestral hometowns of countless Chaoshan people who had ventured abroad to Southeast Asia, sending back remittances that flowed like lifeblood into the region. Historical economic studies, such as those in The Overseas Chinese in the People's Republic of China by Stephen Fitzgerald, highlight how these funds from the Chaoshan diaspora, often funneled through family networks in places like Singapore and Thailand, were substantial, indirectly fueling China's war effort by sustaining local economies and even purchasing arms on the black market. The Chao-Shao Highway, that dusty artery running near Shantou, was pinpointed as a critical vein connecting Hong Kong's ports to the mainland's interior. So, in early June 1939, the die was cast: Army Order No. 310 thundered from headquarters, commanding the 21st Army to seize Shantou. The Chief of the General Staff himself provided the strategic blueprint, a personal touch that underscored the operation's gravity. The Army Department christened the Chaoshan push "Operation Hua," a nod perhaps to the flowery illusions of easy conquest, while instructing the Navy Department to tag along for the ride. In naval parlance, it became "Operation J," a cryptic label that masked the sheer scale unfolding. Under the Headquarters' watchful eye, what started as a modest blockade morphed into a massive amphibious assault, conjured seemingly out of thin air like a magician's trick, but one with deadly props. The 5th Fleet's orders mobilized an impressive lineup: the 9th Squadron for heavy hitting, the 5th Mine Boat Squadron to clear watery hazards, the 12th and 21st Sweeper Squadrons sweeping for mines like diligent janitors of the sea, the 45th Destroyer Squadron adding destroyer muscle, and air power from the 3rd Combined Air Group (boasting 24 land-based attack aircraft and 9 reconnaissance planes that could spot a fishing boat from miles away). Then there was the Chiyoda Air Group with its 9 reconnaissance aircraft, the Guangdong Air Group contributing a quirky airship and one more recon plane, the 9th Special Landing Squadron from Sasebo trained for beach assaults, and a flotilla of special ships for logistics. On the ground, the 21st Army threw in the 132nd Brigade from the 104th Division, beefed up with the 76th Infantry Battalion, two mountain artillery battalions for lobbing shells over rugged terrain, two engineer battalions to bridge rivers and clear paths, a light armored vehicle platoon rumbling with mechanized menace, and a river-crossing supplies company to keep the troops fed and armed. All under the command of Brigade Commander Juro Goto, a stern officer whose tactical acumen was forged in earlier Manchurian campaigns. The convoy's size demanded rehearsals; the 132nd Brigade trained for boat transfers at Magong in the Penghu Islands, practicing the precarious dance of loading men and gear onto rocking vessels under simulated fire. Secrecy shrouded the whole affair, many officers and soldiers, boarding ships in the dead of night, whispered among themselves that they were finally heading home to Japan, a cruel ruse to maintain operational security. For extra punch, the 21st Army tacked on the 31st Air Squadron for air support, their planes droning like angry hornets ready to sting. This overkill didn't sit well with everyone. Lieutenant General Ando Rikichi, the pragmatic commander overseeing Japanese forces in the region, must have fumed in his Guangzhou headquarters. His intelligence staff, drawing from intercepted radio chatter and local spies as noted in postwar analyses like The Japanese Army in World War II by Gordon L. Rottman, reported that the Chongqing forces in Chaozhou were laughably thin: just the 9th Independent Brigade, a couple of security regiments, and ragtag "self-defense groups" of armed civilians. Why unleash such a sledgehammer on a fly? The mobilization's magnitude even forced a reshuffling of defenses around Guangzhou, pulling resources from the 12th Army's front lines and overburdening the already stretched 18th Division. It was bureaucratic overreach at its finest, a testament to the Imperial Staff's penchant for grand gestures over tactical efficiency. Meanwhile, on the Nationalist side, the winds of war carried whispers of impending doom. The National Revolutionary Army's war histories, such as those compiled in the Zhongguo Kangri Zhanzheng Shi (History of China's War of Resistance Against Japan), note that Chiang Kai-shek's Military Commission had snagged intelligence as early as February 1939 about Japan's plans for a large-scale invasion of Shantou. The efficiency of the Military Command's Second Bureau and the Military Intelligence Bureau was nothing short of astonishing, networks of agents, double agents, and radio intercepts piercing the veil of Japanese secrecy. Even as the convoy slipped out of Penghu, a detailed report outlining operational orders landed on Commander Zhang Fakui's desk, the ink still fresh. Zhang, a battle-hardened strategist whose career spanned the Northern Expedition and beyond , had four months to prepare for what would be dubbed the decisive battle of Chaoshan. Yet, in a move that baffled some contemporaries, he chose not to fortify and defend it tooth and nail. After the Fourth War Zone submitted its opinions, likely heated debates in smoke-filled command posts, Chiang Kai-shek greenlit the plan. By March, the Military Commission issued its strategic policy: when the enemy hit Chaoshan, a sliver of regular troops would team up with civilian armed forces for mobile and guerrilla warfare, grinding down the invaders like sandpaper on steel. The orders specified guerrilla zones in Chaozhou, Jiaxing, and Huizhou, unifying local militias under a banner of "extensive guerrilla warfare" to coordinate with regular army maneuvers, gradually eroding the Japanese thrust. In essence, the 4th War Zone wasn't tasked with holding Chao'an and Shantou at all costs; instead, they'd strike hard during the landing, then let guerrillas harry the occupiers post-capture. It was a doctrine of attrition in a "confined battlefield," honing skills through maneuver and ambush. Remarkably, the fall of these cities was preordained by the Military Commission three months before the Japanese even issued their orders, a strategic feint that echoed ancient Sun Tzu tactics of yielding ground to preserve strength. To execute this, the 4th War Zone birthed the Chao-Jia-Hui Guerrilla Command after meticulous preparation, with General Zou Hong, head of Guangdong's Security Bureau and a no-nonsense administrator known for his anti-smuggling campaigns, taking the helm. In just three months, Zhang Fakui scraped together the Independent 9th Brigade, the 2nd, 4th, and 5th Guangdong Provincial Security Regiments, and the Security Training Regiment. Even with the 9th Army Group lurking nearby, he handed the reins of the Chao-Shan operation to the 12th Army Group's planners. Their March guidelines sketched three lines of resistance from the coast to the mountains, a staged withdrawal that allowed frontline defenders to melt away like ghosts. This blueprint mirrored Chiang Kai-shek's post-Wuhan reassessment, where the loss of that key city in 1938 prompted a shift to protracted warfare. A Xinhua News Agency columnist later summed it up scathingly: "The Chongqing government, having lost its will to resist, colludes with the Japanese and seeks to eliminate the Communists, adopting a policy of passive resistance." This narrative, propagated by Communist sources, dogged Chiang and the National Revolutionary Army for decades, painting them as defeatists even as they bled the Japanese dry through attrition. February 1939 saw Commander Zhang kicking off a reorganization of the 12th Army Group, transforming it from a patchwork force into something resembling a modern army. He could have hunkered down, assigning troops to a desperate defense of Chaoshan, but that would have handed the initiative to the overcautious Japanese General Staff, whose activism often bordered on paranoia. Zhang, with the wisdom of a seasoned general who had navigated the treacherous politics of pre-war China, weighed the scales carefully. His vision? Forge the 12th Army Group into a nimble field army, not squander tens of thousands on a secondary port. Japan's naval and air dominance—evident in the devastation of Shanghai in 1937, meant Guangdong's forces could be pulverized in Shantou just as easily. Losing Chaozhou and Shantou? Acceptable, if it preserved core strength for the long haul. Post-Xinhui, Zhang doubled down on resistance, channeling efforts into live-fire exercises for the 12th Army, turning green recruits into battle-ready soldiers amid the Guangdong hills. The war's trajectory after 1939 would vindicate him: his forces became pivotal in later counteroffensives, proving that a living army trumped dead cities. Opting out of a static defense, Zhang pivoted to guerrilla warfare to bleed the Japanese while clutching strategic initiative. He ordered local governments to whip up coastal guerrilla forces from Chao'an to Huizhou—melding militias, national guards, police, and private armed groups into official folds. These weren't elite shock troops, but in wartime's chaos, they controlled locales effectively, disrupting supply lines and gathering intel. For surprises, he unleashed two mobile units: the 9th Independent Brigade and the 20th Independent Brigade. Formed fresh after the War of Resistance erupted, these brigades shone for their efficiency within the cumbersome Guangdong Army structure. Division-level units were too bulky for spotty communications, so Yu Hanmou's command birthed these independent outfits, staffed with crack officers. The 9th, packing direct-fire artillery for punch, and the 20th, dubbed semi-mechanized for its truck-borne speed, prowled the Chaoshan–Huizhou coast from 1939. Zhang retained their three-regiment setup, naming Hua Zhenzhong and Zhang Shou as commanders, granting them autonomy to command in the field like roving wolves. As the 9th Independent Brigade shifted to Shantou, its 627th Regiment was still reorganizing in Heyuan, a logistical hiccup amid the scramble. Hua Zhenzhong, a commander noted for his tactical flexibility in regional annals, deployed the 625th Regiment and 5th Security Regiment along the coast, with the 626th as reserve in Chao'an. Though the Fourth War Zone had written off Chaoshan, Zhang yearned to showcase Guangdong grit before the pullback. Dawn broke on June 21, 1939, at 4:30 a.m., with Japanese reconnaissance planes slicing through the fog over Shantou, Anbu, and Nanbeigang, ghostly silhouettes against the gray sky. By 5:30, the mist lifted, revealing a nightmare armada: over 40 destroyers and 70–80 landing craft churning toward the coast on multiple vectors, their hulls cutting the waves like knives. The 626th Regiment's 3rd Battalion at Donghushan met the first wave with a hail of fire from six light machine guns, repelling the initial boats in a frenzy of splashes and shouts. But the brigade's long-range guns couldn't stem the tide; Hua focused on key chokepoints, aiming to bloody the invaders rather than obliterate them. By morning, the 3rd Battalion of the 625th Regiment charged into Shantou City, joined by the local police corps digging in amid urban sprawl. Combat raged at Xinjin Port and the airport's fringes, where Nationalist troops traded shots with advancing Japanese under the absent shadow of a Chinese navy. Japanese naval guns, massed offshore, pounded the outskirts like thunder gods in fury. By 2:00 a.m. on the 22nd, Shantou crumpled as defenders' ammo ran dry, the city falling in a haze of smoke and echoes. Before the loss, Hua had positioned the 1st Battalion of the 5th Security Regiment at Anbu, guarding the road to Chao'an. Local lore, preserved in oral histories collected by the Chaozhou Historical Society, recalls Battalion Commander Du Ruo leading from the front, rifle in hand, but Japanese barrages, bolstered by superior firepower—forced a retreat. Post-capture, Tokyo's forces paused to consolidate, unleashing massacres on fleeing civilians in the outskirts. A flotilla of civilian boats, intercepted at sea, became a grim training ground for bayonet drills, a barbarity echoed in survivor testimonies compiled in The Rape of Nanking and Beyond extensions to Guangdong atrocities. With Shantou gone, Hua pivoted to flank defense, orchestrating night raids on Japanese positions around Anbu and Meixi. On June 24th, Major Du Ruo spearheaded an assault into Anbu but fell gravely wounded amid the chaos. Later, the 2nd Battalion of the 626th overran spots near Meixi. A Japanese sea-flanking maneuver targeted Anbu, but Nationalists held at Liulong, sparking nocturnal clashes, grenade volleys, bayonet charges, and hand-to-hand brawls that drained both sides like a slow bleed. June 26th saw the 132nd Brigade lumber toward Chao'an. Hua weighed options: all-out assault or guerrilla fade? He chose to dig in on the outskirts, reserving two companies of the 625th and a special ops battalion in the city. The 27th brought a day-long Japanese onslaught, culminating in Chao'an's fall after fierce rear-guard actions by the 9th Independent Brigade. Evacuations preceded the collapse, with Japanese propaganda banners fluttering falsely, claiming Nationalists had abandoned defense. Yet Hua's call preserved his brigade for future fights; the Japanese claimed an empty prize. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese operations had yet again plugged up supply leaks into Nationalist China. The fall of Suixian, Zaoyang and Shantou were heavy losses for the Chinese war effort. However the Chinese were also able to exact heavy casualties on the invaders and thwarted their encirclement attempts. China was still in the fight for her life.

“Here they come, marching into American sunlight.” In Episode 33, DDSWTNP follow Mao II from this opening line into a chilling view of a mass Moonie wedding at Yankee Stadium, and on into the story of reclusive novelist Bill Gray, whose work, maybe, has a chance of deprogramming the mind and language of Karen Janney, one of the participants in that wedding – but maybe not, given the totalizing dominance by images that this novel documents. Our conversation delves into the several rich dialogues Mao II is known for, especially that about (quoting Bill) the “curious knot that binds novelists and terrorists,” the differing attempts by writers and bomb-makers to “alter the inner life of the culture” and “make raids on human consciousness” that DeLillo juxtaposes in this novel, which follows the writer from his cloying “bunker” to London, Athens, and (almost) Lebanon, while also taking in scenes from Iran, China, and the homeless encampments of lower Manhattan. Throughout we discuss the many followers of and sequels to Mao and Maoism DeLillo analyzes, all the ways his characters foolishly seek, outside the values of deep reading and the novel, scenes of “total vision” and messianic “total being,” the “lightning-lit” language of information and the terrorist's mastery of “the language of being noticed.” We examine in detail as well the effects of Andy Warhol's work as DeLillo sees it; what it means that readers never learn much at all about the content of Bill's famous novels; the commonalities he has with Rushdie, Salinger, Pynchon, and DeLillo himself; and why terrorist go-between George Haddad loves word processors so much. We also have a lot to say about the ailing, injured body and spirit of Bill Gray, as well as the simplicity of spoons and what they might teach us about objects and art. Mao II is a book that, as we say in the episode, sums up much of the DeLillo that came before it, lays the groundwork for the masterpiece to come, and contains so many of what have come to seem over the years since 1991 (and over the run of our episodes) the foundational DeLillo ideas and questions, especially ones about politics, violence, and images. Hope you'll have a listen and, if moved, tell us what you think! Texts referred to in this episode: David Cowart, Don DeLillo: The Physics of Language. Athens: U. of Georgia P., 2002. “Mao II is a sort of rest-and-motion book, to invent a category.  The first half of the book could have been called ‘The Book,' Bill Gray talking about his book, piling up manuscript pages, living in a house that operates as a kind of filing cabinet for his work and all the other work it engenders. And the second half of the book could have been called ‘The World.'  Here, Bill escapes his book and enters the world. It turns out to be the world of political violence . . . I was nearly finished with the first half of the book before I realized how the second half ought to be shaped. I was writing blind . . .” –“Don DeLillo: The Art of Fiction CXXXV,” The Paris Review 128 (1993): 274-306. Interview by Adam Begley. “I called him Bill Gray just as a provisional name,” DeLillo says. “I used to say to friends, 'I want to change my name to Bill Gray and disappear.' I've been saying it for 10 years. But he began to fit himself into the name, and I decided to leave it.” –Vince Passaro, “Dangerous Don DeLillo,” New York Times Magazine, May 19, 1991 (https://www.nytimes.com/1991/05/19/magazine/dangerous-don-delillo.html) Mark Osteen, American Magic and Dread: Don DeLillo's Dialogue with Culture. Philadelphia: U. of Pennsylvania P., 2000. Sources of interlude clips from Warhol and Moon: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9vCKc7r8U8Ehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GiCYKJc_VwI

Sean McMeekin explains how the Allies abandoned anti-communist forces like Mihailovic in Yugoslavia and Chiang Kai-shek in China, while Stalin armed Mao Zedong with Japanese weapons, concluding that massive US Lend-Leaseaid enabled communism's expansion into Europe and Asia.1945

It's Tuesday, January 27th, A.D. 2026. This is The Worldview in 5 Minutes heard on 140 radio stations and at www.TheWorldview.com.  I'm Adam McManus. (Adam@TheWorldview.com) By Kevin Swanson Iran Int'l News reports 36,500 protestors killed by Islamic regime As The Worldview reported yesterday, the latest report of the death count for the recent Iranian protests is now at 36,500, according to Iran International News.   (audio of Iranian officials shooting unarmed protestors) This information reportedly comes from Interior Ministry documents. The government carried out 4,000 clashes at various locations around the country over a two-day period earlier in the month. Iran's Health Ministry also revealed that the hospitals in the country performed 13,000 surgeries following the protests. Iran's internet blackout is going into its 19th day today.  Iran International also reports that government officials are still carrying out “extrajudicial killings, deaths under torture, and the systematic mistreatment of detainees and their families.” Several of our sources have reported multiple Christians killed in the conflict.  Communist Chinese president purged military generals China's President and Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping has completed his purge of military generals, beginning with top brass Zhang Youxia and at least 17 other generals, reports NTDTV.com. The Economist called this “the largest political purge of the military's top ranks since Mao Zedong's death in 1976.” Assaults on ICE officers increased by 1,300% in 2025 over 2024 Public protests are increasing in the United States. Last year, the Crowd Counting Consortium counted 10,700 protests in the U.S. That's a 133% increase over 2024. So far this month, there have been 628 protests, the largest of which have centered in Minnesota, Illinois, and California. Disturbingly, the protests have increased in violence. The Department of Homeland Security recently reported a 1,300% increase in assaults against I.C.E. officers in 2025 (over the previous year), and a 3,200% increase in vehicular attacks. Rest assured, where human justice may fail, Ecclesiastes 12:14 assures us that “God shall bring every work into judgment, including every secret thing, whether it be good or whether it be evil.” Shooting death of Minneapolis man sparks gun control debate The January 24th fatal shooting of Alex Pretti in Minneapolis by law enforcement has sparked a debate on gun control. Apparently, the protester was armed at the time of his encounter with the I.C.E. agent. Assistant U.S. Attorney Bill Essayli took to X, commenting that, "If you approach law enforcement with a gun, there is a high likelihood they will be legally justified in shooting you."  However, the pro-gun group, the National Rifle Association, said, "Responsible public voices should be awaiting a full investigation, not making generalizations and demonizing law-abiding citizens.” Plus, Gun Owners for America noted, "The Second Amendment protects Americans' right to bear arms while protesting ‒ a right the federal government must not infringe upon." GOP Rep. Thomas Massie and Barack Obama weigh in on ICE killing GOP U.S. Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky also jumped into the fray. He said, ”Carrying a firearm is not a death sentence;  it's a Constitutionally-protected, God-given right. And, if you don't understand this, you have no business in law enforcement or government." No comment from the liberal media on Mr. Pretti's choice to carry a gun to the protest. Then, former President Barack Obama took to X on Sunday to encourage the American public to “support and draw inspiration from” what he calls “the peaceful protests in Minneapolis.” Satan worshippers thank Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz Speaking of Minnesota, Republican State Representative Pam Altendorf revealed on video a disturbing display recognizing Satan in the state Capitol. ALTENDORF: “As I was leaving my committee meeting today here earlier, I noticed that there is a new display here at the State Capitol, and it's for Governor [Tim] Walz.” The inscription says, “The Democratic Coalition of Satan Worshippers thanks Gov. Tim Walz for not standing in the way of spreading Satanism in the state Capitol building.” Rep. Altendorf concluded with this. ALTENDORF: “Yes, everyone, this is true. I am live, not making this up. You can't make this up. (laughs) I don't know why a governor of a state would want this plaque, but there it is. “The Satan worshipers have thanked Governor Tim Walz, and let me repeat this.  The last line says, ‘Satan has a special place for you.' I'm speechless.” In Exodus 20:3, God revealed to Moses atop Mt. Sinai, “You shall have no other gods before Me.” Charismatic leader accused of “fabricated” prophecies and sexual sin The charismatic church is taking more hits from reports concerning alleged scandalous activities of a homosexual nature. Shawn Bolz was platformed by Bethel over a period of ten years.  Bethel leadership now admits to have continued platforming Bolz despite their knowing of his “fabricated” prophecies and alleged sexual sin, reports CBN News. Multiple Christian news organizations have headlined this new revelation in an ongoing series of scandals in the evangelical/charismatic church involving Bill Hybels, Carl Lentz, Mike Bickel, Brian Houston, T.D. Jakes, Jim and Tammy Faye Bakker, and Jimmy Swaggart.  The deluge of scandals has taken its toll on the nation. Public trust in pastors here is now the lowest in recorded history. According to Lifeway Research, only 27% of Americans say they have a high trust in pastors, down from an average of 56% between 2000 and 2009. Here's a reminder from 1 Corinthians 11:31 and 32. “If we would judge ourselves, we would not be judged.  But when we are judged, we are chastened by the Lord, that we may not be condemned with the world.” Gold and silver prices soar Gold and silver prices continue to soar. Now, $5,100 per ounce for gold, up from $2,600 just a year ago, reports Reuters. And silver today is $110 per pounce, up from $30 a year ago. 36 states consider anti-transgender bills And finally, at last count, 36 state governments are floating 366 bills which would put the brakes on the advance of “transgender rights,” limit the public display of drag queens, and allow religious exemptions for churches, schools, and businesses that are morally opposed to homosexuality and transgenderism. Close And that's The Worldview on this Tuesday, January 27th, in the year of our Lord 2026. Follow us on X or subscribe for free by Spotify, Amazon Music, or by iTunes or email to our unique Christian newscast at www.TheWorldview.com.  I'm Adam McManus (Adam@TheWorldview.com). Seize the day for Jesus Christ.

L'émission 28 minutes du 27/01/2026 Catherine Ringer embrase la poésie d'Alice Mendelson Catherine Ringer, chanteuse et ex-membre du groupe Rita Mitsouko, a choisi et préfacé les poèmes d'Alice Mendelson dans un recueil, “L'érotisme de vivre”, paru aux éditions Points Poésie. Elle a interprété sur scène, et en musique, les poèmes de son amie plus d'une soixantaine de fois. La poétesse, morte à l'âge de 100 ans en janvier 2025, était fille de juifs polonais. Son père a été déporté et n'est jamais revenu d'Auschwitz-Birkenau. Alice Mendelson, elle, a échappé, avec sa mère, à la rafle du Vel d'Hiv. Après la guerre, elle est devenue professeure de français et a écrit des poèmes jusqu'à ses derniers jours, même en étant quasiment aveugle. Catherine Ringer est notre invitée. Le Canada peut-il être un “phare pour un monde à la dérive” ? Dans un discours marquant la semaine dernière au sommet de Davos, le premier ministre canadien a appelé les “puissances moyennes à s'unir pour faire face aux forces hégémoniques”. Sans citer explicitement Donald Trump, les États-Unis ou la Chine, il a évoqué la “rupture de l'ordre mondial, la fin d'une fiction agréable et le début d'une réalité brutale”. Face à cette rupture, il appelle les “puissances moyennes” à s'unir et à mettre en place des coalitions dans différents domaines, basées sur des valeurs communes : la souveraineté, les droits humains, le développement durable notamment. De son côté, Donald Trump menace le Canada de nouveaux droits de douane de 100 % et a à nouveau évoqué son souhait de voir le Canada devenir américain. On en débat avec Nathalie Loiseau, députée européenne Renew et ancienne ministre des Affaires européennes, Florian Louis, historien des relations internationales et Frédéric Arnould, correspondant en Europe de Radio-Canada. Enfin, Xavier Mauduit s'intéresse à la purge anticorruption menée par le président Xi Jinping au sein de son armée, qui atteint des proportions jamais vues depuis l'époque de Mao Zedong. Marie Bonnisseau nous présente Balendra Shah, un ancien rappeur qui espère prendre la tête du Népal, quatre mois après la révolte de la “gen Z”. 28 minutes est le magazine d'actualité d'ARTE, présenté par Élisabeth Quin du lundi au jeudi à 20h05. Renaud Dély est aux commandes de l'émission le vendredi et le samedi. Ce podcast est coproduit par KM et ARTE Radio. Enregistrement 27 janvier 2026 Présentation Élisabeth Quin Production KM, ARTE Radio

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting.    #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month.  These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island.  Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light.  When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.  

Talking with former Marine signals intelligence operator and security consultant Matthew John Heath, decorated for valor in Iraq and detained in Venezuela for 752 days, on intercepting morse code and decrypting the invisible, on doing hard things because they're hard, on being in Kuwait when the towers fell, on Nasiriyah with 33 Marines wounded in a single firefight, on thirteen years of boots on the ground in Iraq, on war as sacred and force as last resort, on accusations of explosives and phantom planes, on Venezuelan military counterintelligence, on torture and God's grace, on prisoner swaps, on oil, on Maduro, on biometric IDs and surveillance states, on the internet being free and speech being anonymous, on Mao Zedong, on living like a fish in water, on operational and personal security, on trauma and coming home, on helping others get free.ExcerptsOn Being Detained by the Venezuelan State They start screaming at me, pointing guns at me, order me to take off all my clothes. Where are the explosives? Where is the plane? Where's the CIA base.And I'm in shock. I'm handed over over to the military counterintelligence, and that's where things got pretty rough.”On Being I liked the idea of doing something hard just because it's hard.On The Battle of NasiriyahIn one firefight we had 33 Marines. Seriously wounded. Gunshots and shrapnel, and that's out of about 120 guys. So we had a 25% casualty in, in one firefight. So when I say we had a pretty, pretty stiff resistance.On War I don't believe in using war just as any other policy tool. I believe that the use of force is almost sacred. I think that, if you break the glass and you pull the lever, that should be a big deal. I'm very supportive of the United States… If you cut my finger, I bleed red, white, and blue.On Propaganda These are all propaganda tools for internal political purposes. Many dictatorships they need an external enemy to unify the domestic political situation. I don't know, I can't speak to how many people believe this, but I can tell you that it's a very common tool in these dictatorships Connect with Matthew @ https://matthewjohnheath.com/ Get full access to Leafbox at leafbox.substack.com/subscribe

Los mitos son difíciles de desmontar, y la historia del siglo XX es una prueba de ello. Incluso hoy día existen creencias populares que se toman por verdades absolutas. Por ejemplo, asumimos que la bomba de Hiroshima provocó la rendición de Japón, que el Plan Marshall salvó a Europa, que Adolf Hitler fue un genio militar o que Mao Zedong era un mal necesario para la modernización de China. Por supuesto, estas afirmaciones tienen algo de ciertas, pero son demasiado vagas y niegan la complejidad de la realidad histórica. ¿Y si la verdad fuera ligeramente diferente?

"MY MOTHER SURVIVED WITH NOTHING WITH FOUR DAUGHTERS AND NOT KNOWING WHERE HER HUSBAND WAS IN PRISONED. QIN WAS HER PARTNER IN TRYING TO PROVIDE FOR THE FOUR CHILDREN. QIN'S OLDER SISTER WAS VISUALLY DISABLED SO QIN TOOK ON THE RESPONSIBILITY OF BEING THE ELDEST.YAN, WAS BEING TUTORED IN EDUCATIONAL LESSONS INITIALLY BY HER ADOPTED GRANDFATHER.  EVENTUALLY SHE BROKE AWAY FROM HER CONSERVATIVE GRANDFATHER AND WENT TO A PERFORMING ARTS SCHOOL BEHIND HER GRANDFATHER'S BACK AND BECAME A CLASSICAL OPERA SINGER. SHE CHOSE THE  NAME "YAN" WHICH TRANSLATES TO "SWALLOW" AS IN THE BIRD, BECAUSE SHE WANTED TO BE FREE AND FLY AWAY FROM THE CONSERVATIVE RESTRAINTS OF HER FAMILY. "SHE WAS YOUNG AND A SPUNKY WOMAN" SHARES STUBIS, "THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT WAS CALLING FOR THE YOUNGER GENERATIONS TO GO TO WESTERN CHINA. THIS WAS DURING THE GREAT FAMINE. VERY HARD TO FIND WORK AND FEED YOUR FAMILY. CHINA WAS STILL A VERY YOUNG COUNTRY AND VERY UNORGANIZED.YAN WAS IN SHANGHAI AND HAD TO WORK IN A FACTORY DURING THE DAY AND LEAVE QIN AND HER OLDER SISTER ALONE IN SHANTI TOWN BY THEMSELVES WHEN QIN WAS TWO YEARS OLD. QUITE THE DELEMA FOR A SINGLE MOTHER. SHE WAS VERY RESOURCEFUL AND PAWNED MORE OF HER POSSESSIONS IN ORDER TO FEED HER DAUGHTERS.YAN PASSED AT 69 YEARS OLD IN CHINA BUT SHE DID GET TO HOLD HER GRAN DAUGHTER A FEW TIMES BEFORE PASSING."ONCE OUR LIVES" IS A FASCINATING READ. SOCIAL MEDIA INFORMATION:FACEBOOK:  https://www.facebook.com/qinsun.stubisINSTAGRAM:  instagram.com/qinstubis/LINKEDIN:      linkedin.com/in/qin-sun-stubis-5977011a/ WEBSITE:       www.QinSunStubis.com  AMAZON:        https://www.amazon.com/Once-Lives-Creative-Non-Fiction-Book-ebook/dp/B0C542F2QC/ref=tmm_kin_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=&sr=YOUTUBE:      https://www.youtube.com/@QinSunStubis/featuredQIN SUN STUBIS: "ONCE OUR LIVES"MS. MAGAZINE's choice for "Reads for the Rest of Us"GLAMOUR UK Best New Books for June2023 Gold Winner - Nonfiction Book Awards2023 First Place Winner - Chanticleer International Book Awards' (CIBAs)Nellie Bly Awards for Journalistic Nonfiction2023 Readers' Favorite Book Awards2023 PenCraft Book Awards #1 winner for literary excellence in culture/history2023 Best Book Awards winner in cross-genre nonfiction    "Should Have Listened To My Mother" is an ongoing conversation about mothers/female role models and the roles they play in our lives. Jackie's guests are open and honest and answer the question, are you who you are today because of, or in spite of, your mother and so much more. You'll be amazed at what the responses are.Gina Kunadian wrote this 5 Star review on Apple Podcast:SHLTMM TESTIMONIAL GINA KUNADIAN JUNE 18, 2024“A Heartfelt and Insightful Exploration of Maternal Love”Jackie Tantillo's “Should Have Listened To My Mother” Podcast is a treasure and it's clear why it's a 2023 People's Choice Podcast Award Nominee. This show delves into the profound impact mother and maternal role models have on our lives through personal stories and reflections.Each episode offers a chance to learn how different individuals have been shaped by their mothers' actions and words. Jackie skillfully guides these conversations, revealing why guests with similar backgrounds have forged different paths.This podcast is a collection of timeless stories that highlight the powerful role of maternal figures in our society. Whether your mother influenced you positively or you thrived despite challenges, this show resonates deeply.I highly recommend “Should Have Listened To My Mother” Podcast for its insightful, heartfelt and enriching content.Gina Kunadian"Should Have Listened To My Mother" would not be possible without the generosity, sincerity and insight from my guests. In 2018/2019, in getting ready to launch my podcast, so many were willing to give their time and share their personal stories of their relationship with their mother, for better or worse and what they learned from that maternal relationship. Some of my guests include Nationally and Internationally recognized authors, Journalists, Columbia University Professors, Health Practitioners, Scientists, Artists, Attorneys, Baritone Singer, Pulitzer Prize Winning Journalist, Activists, Freighter Sea Captain, Film Production Manager, Professor of Writing Montclair State University, Attorney and family advocate @CUNY Law; NYC First Responder/NYC Firefighter, Child and Adult Special Needs Activist, Property Manager, Chefs, Self Help Advocates, therapists and so many more talented and insightful women and men.Jackie has worked in the broadcasting industry for over four decades. She has interviewed many fascinating people including musicians, celebrities, authors, activists, entrepreneurs, politicians and more.A big thank you goes to Ricky Soto, NYC based Graphic Designer, who created the logo for "Should Have Listened To My Mother".Check out the SHLTMM Podcast website for more background information:https://shltmm.simplecast.com/ and https://www.jackietantillo.com/Or more demos of what's to come at https://soundcloud.com/jackie-tantilloLink to website and show notes: https://shltmm.simplecast.com/Or Find SHLTMM Website here: https://shltmm.simplecast.com/Listen wherever you find podcasts: https://www.facebook.com/ShouldHaveListenedToMyMotherhttps://www.facebook.com/jackietantilloInstagram:https://www.instagram.com/shouldhavelistenedtomymother/https://www.instagram.com/jackietantillo7/LinkedIn:https://www.linkedin.com/in/jackie-tantillo/YOUTUBE: https://www.youtube.com/@ShouldHaveListenedToMyMother

The first Concorde supersonic jet took flight, Mao Zedong died, and the VHS player made its debut in Japan. What was going on in horror cinema? Psychokinetic teenagers, unconvincing crocodiles, and a devil cult bringing about the end of the world. It's films of 1976 with Eaten Alive, To The Devil...A Daughter, and Carrie on this episode of Attack of the Killer Podcast! Listen & subscribe wherever you get your podcasts or go to http://www.aotkp.com Connect with the show: Become an Official Attacker: http://jointheattackers.com/ Visit our website: http://www.attackofthekillerpodcast.com/ Like us on https://www.facebook.com/attackofthekillerpodcast Follow us on https://twitter.com/AotKP Follow us on https://tiktok.com/@attackofthekiller  Follow us on https://www.instagram.com/attackofthekillerpodcast/ Follow us on https://www.threads.net/@attackofthekillerpodcast Subscribe on https://www.youtube.com/attackofthekillerpodcast Join us on https://www.aotkp.com/discord  Support the show at https://www.patreon.com/aotkp/posts Lastly, check out all the amazing shows at http://thepfpn.com

Episode Summary:In this episode of Explaining History, Nick explores the complex and often suppressed memory of China's recent past. Drawing on Tania Branigan's Red Memory, we delve into the heart of Beijing—Tiananmen Square—and unpack its layers of history, from the May Fourth Movement of 1919 to the founding of the People's Republic in 1949 and the tragedy of 1989.Why does the portrait of Mao Zedong still gaze over the square, despite the catastrophes of the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution? How does the Chinese Communist Party use "Red Tourism" and curated museums to construct a narrative of national rejuvenation while burying the trauma of its own making? From the "Century of Humiliation" to Xi Jinping's "Chinese Dream," we examine how memory is not just history, but a tool of state legitimacy.Plus: A reminder for students! Tickets are selling fast for our live masterclass on the Russian Revolution and Stalinism on January 26th.and you can access advert free episodes here on PatreonKey Topics:Tiananmen Square: A site of revolution, celebration, and massacre.The Cult of Mao: Why the Chairman remains the "vigilant eye" over modern China.Red Tourism: How the party commodifies its revolutionary past.Historical Amnesia: The erasure of the Cultural Revolution and the Great Famine from public discourse.Books Mentioned:Red Memory: Living, Remembering and Forgetting China's Cultural Revolution by Tania BraniganThe Age of Extremes by Eric Hobsbawm (referenced contextually)Explaining History helps you understand the 20th Century through critical conversations and expert interviews. We connect the past to the present. If you enjoy the show, please subscribe and share.▸ Support the Show & Get Exclusive ContentBecome a Patron: patreon.com/explaininghistory▸ Join the Community & Continue the ConversationFacebook Group: facebook.com/groups/ExplainingHistoryPodcastSubstack: theexplaininghistorypodcast.substack.com▸ Read Articles & Go DeeperWebsite: explaininghistory.org Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Savage exposes the truth about "Democratic Socialism" as Zohran Mamdani becomes the mayor of New York City. He explains why he labeled Bernie Sanders the most dangerous man in American politics. He then traces the historical roots of socialism back to figures like Lenin, Trotsky, and Mao Zedong. He discusses the concept of rugged individualism versus collectivism, warning of potential threats to American freedom and individualism. Savage concludes with a call for vigilance against the perceived socialist threat.

XI ZHONGXUN'S 1935 IMPRISONMENT AND EARLY CCP INFIGHTING Colleague Joseph Torigian. Torigiandiscusses his book, The Party Interests Come First, focusing on Xi Zhongxun, Xi Jinping's father. The segment details Xi's 1935 imprisonment by rival communists who accused him of "mountainism" and "rightism," only to be saved by Mao Zedong's arrival. It explores the vicious ideological infighting within the early CCP, Xi's role in the Sino-Japanese War, and the disastrous failure of radical land reform policies. NUMBER 11

Cosa si dice di Mao? Macilento, leggermente curvo, capelli neri lunghi, occhi grandi, inquisitori, naso pronunciato, zigomi sporgenti. E poi: intelligenza acuta, letale nell'ira, letale nell'astuzia, lettore onnivoro, lavoratore instancabile, una memoria di ferro. Un rivoluzionario. Quello che prima si è preso il Partito.  Poi si è preso la Cina.  Poi, si è preso il mito. Puntata speciale di fine anno: la vita di Mao, raccontata dagli altri e liberamente ispirato a Mao Zedong di Jonathan Spence e a Stella Rossa sulla Cina di Edgar Snow. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

MAO'S XENOPHOBIC REVOLUTION AND THE GREAT LEAP FORWARD Colleague Professor Sean McMeekin. Moving to China, McMeekin explains that Mao Zedong's ideology was a "bizarre melange" of Marxism, class envy, and intense xenophobia. Unlike European communists, Chinese communism was driven by a deep resentment of foreign imperialism. The conversation analyzes the catastrophe of the Great Leap Forward, where Maoattempted to surpass British economic output by collectivizing agriculture and creating "industrial armies"—an idea taken directly from the Communist Manifesto and Stalin's Five-Year Plans. This experiment resulted in the death of 40 to 45 million people. McMeekin notes that Mao ignored warnings from Soviet advisors to avoid their past mistakes, driven instead by a competitive desire to outdo the Soviets and a "fantasmagorical" hatred of foreign influence. NUMBER 5

We used to have a pretty clear idea of what an autocrat was. History is full of examples: Adolf Hitler, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, along with Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping today. The list goes on.So, where does Donald Trump fit in?In this six-part podcast series, The Making of an Autocrat, we are asking six experts on authoritarianism and US politics to explain how exactly an autocrat is made – and whether Trump is on his way to becoming one.This episode was written by Justin Bergman and produced and edited by Isabella Podwinski and Ashlynne McGhee. Sound design by Michelle Macklem.

In this special edition of the PDB Afternoon Bulletin--We take a step back from the daily headlines to explore one of the strangest political fault lines in modern China: Xi Jinping's war on the game of golf. We explain how golf became associated with corruption, elite privilege, and unwanted Western influence inside the Chinese Communist Party—and why Party officials learned to treat it as politically radioactive. We trace the story from Mao Zedong's condemnation of the sport, through China's underground golf boom, to Xi's sweeping anti-corruption campaign that turned golf clubs into targets. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief Birch Gold: Text PDB to 989898 and get your free info kit on gold Stash Financial: Don't Let your money sit around. Go to https://get.stash.com/PDB to see how you can receive $25 towards your first stock purchase. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Party's Interests Come First is the first English-language biography of Xi Zhongxun, the father of China's current leader, Xi Jinping. It is both a story of the Chinese revolution and the first several decades of the People's Republic of China and a personal account of developing one's own sense of identity within a larger political context. Drawing on an array of documents, interviews, diaries, and periodicals, Joseph Torigian introduces Xi Zhongxun. He helped build the Communist base area that saved Mao Zedong in 1935, worked closely with top leaders Zhou Enlai and Hu Yaobang, and oversaw the Special Economic Zones that launched China's reform era.  In an interview conducted on August 21, 2025, Joseph Torigian, in conversation with Victor Shih, explores the organizational, ideological, and coercive power of the Chinese Communist Party through the life of Xi Zhongxun – and the huge cost in human suffering that accompanies it. About this program

Founder of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong is currently being white washed for a new generation of "socialists". The record however, speaks for it's self.  Let's look into who Mao was, what his philosophy was and how he carried it out. This is not what is being taught in the colleges and universities!Email us at: downtherh@protonmail.com

Listen to the full episode here Hasan Piker just spent two weeks in The People's Republic of China. The famous streamer is often invoked as being a potential “Joe Rogan of The Left,” who might bring young voters, especially working class men, back into the Democratic Party.  But Piker's livestreams from China raise controversial questions. Is he whitewashing Chinese human rights abuses? Was he paid by their government to propagandize his combined 5 million viewers? How else to explain first-class plane tickets, ultra-luxury hotel rooms, privileged access to forbidden Western social media, and carefully avoiding criticisms of the authoritarian state while waxing poetic about their country and Mao Zedong? Julian digs into Piker's politics in the context of China's tumultuous history. First stop: Tiananmen Square. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

7 HoursPG-13Back in the beginning of 2021, as Pete was transitioning out of libertarianism, he and Bird got together to do a series on the Four Swords of Marxism: Vladimir Lenin, Joseph Stalin, Mao Zedong, Abimael Guzman, and added in post-Marxist, Hans-Hermann Hoppe.Here is the complete audio.Timeline Earth PodcastPete and Thomas777 'At the Movies'Support Pete on His WebsitePete's PatreonPete's SubstackPete's SubscribestarPete's GUMROADPete's VenmoPete's Buy Me a CoffeePete on FacebookPete on Twitter

Founder of the People's Republic of China, Mao Zedong is currently being white washed for a new generation of "socialist".The record however, speaks for it's self.Let's look into who Mao was, what his philosophy was and how he carried it out.This is not what is being taught in the colleges and universities!Email us at: downtherh@protonmail.com

3/8 Red August and the Idealism of Teenage Red Guards — Tanya Branigan — Yu Zhangzhen, who became a Red Guard at age thirteen, recalls "Red August" 1966, when Mao Zedong summoned millions of young people to massive rallies, explicitly endorsing the movement and exhorting them to destroy the "four olds." Despite witnessing horrific violence, including corpse-filled athletic fields, Yu maintained genuine ideological commitment to the revolutionary cause. For many participants, the CR represented a liberating experience, offering unprecedented personal autonomy, free nationwide travel privileges, and intoxicating liberation from parental and institutional discipline. 1966

7/8 The Unfilial Son and the Trauma of Informing — Tanya Branigan — This segment recounts the 1970 execution of Fu Zhong Mo, a devoted Communist Party member who was denounced following her criticism of Mao. Her seventeen-year-old son, Jiang Hong Bing, informed state authorities against his mother, subordinating filial obligation to worship of Mao Zedong. Fu was publicly executed, and her corpse was subsequently moved multiple times by authorities. Jiang lives with severe guilt, characterizing himself as an "unfilial son" and tormented by the knowledge that he and his father directly facilitated her judicial murder. 1967 SHANGHAI

In lieu of a typical Tuesday episode this week, we are releasing the first episode of our new miniseries Chinese Prestige. Annual subscribers already have access, while everyone else can get the 8 episodes for a whopping $5 for two weeks only. Enjoy! In this first episode of Chinese Prestige, Yidi, Danny, and Derek trace the origins of the Chinese Communist Party from the May Fourth Movement to the civil war with the Nationalists. They explore the party's strategic shift from cities to the countryside, the role of land reform and mass mobilization, the impact of the Japanese invasion and World War II, and the rise of Mao Zedong. The episode follows the party through its victory in 1949, the founding of the People's Republic of China, early state-building, and China's entry into the Korean War. The group concludes in 1953 with the launch of the first five-year plan and its push for rapid industrial development. Theme music by Jake Aron, based on the song “The East is Red.”

HEADLINE: Mao Zedong, Xenophobia, and the Failure of the Great Leap Forward GUEST AUTHOR: Professor Sean McMeekin 50-WORD SUMMARY: Mao Zedong blended Marxism with fierce anti-imperialism and xenophobia, targeting the "global imperialistic system" and foreign influence. The Great Leap Forward combined elements from The Communist Manifesto, Stalin's collectivization, and competition with Khrushchev. This disastrous experiment, aiming to surpass Britain, led to chaos, famine, and the deaths of 40 to 45 million people.

The focus shifts to Mao Zedong and Chinese communism, which was highly influenced by sharp anti-imperialism and xenophobia, blending the Marxist binary struggle with resentment of foreign exploitation. After Stalin's death, Mao began to "experiment," resulting in the Great Leap Forward, which aimed to rapidly "catch up and surpass the West" by radically overturning agriculture and simultaneously industrializing. This chaotic effort, including the collectivization of agriculture and communal organization, led to a vast famine that caused the deaths of tens of millions of people.

For nearly 60 years, the Indian government has been fighting a violent group of Maoists in the country. They are followers of the late Chinese leader, Mao Zedong and have carried out bombings and killings in different parts of India. Now, the Indian authorities claim to be on the brink of defeating these insurgents and has said that they will be fully removed by March 2026. There is one group that has been attributed with the recent success against the Maoists, known as the DRG or District Reserve Guard. They are part of the police, with the sole purpose of defeating the Maoists. But although they have successfully reduced Maoist attacks in recent years, critics have questioned the use of force by the DRG. Jugal Purohit, who reports for the BBC in India, recently travelled to the frontline of this nearly 60 year war, to meet the DRG and the locals who have been affected by the violence.Rare access: Inside India's claims to eliminate Maoist insurgency https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=848zVNZV7ssIn Thailand, for the past 154 years, people have come together for the annual Buffalo Racing Festival. The festival honors the vital role of buffaloes in Thai agriculture, offering thanks for their hard work throughout the year. BBC's Thuong Le is based in Bangkok and she recently traveled to Chonburi province where the festival takes place to grab a front row seat. This episode of The Documentary comes to you from The Fifth Floor, the show at the heart of global storytelling, with BBC journalists from all around the world. Presented by Faranak Amidi. Produced by Laura Thomas, Caroline Ferguson and Hannah Dean. This is an EcoAudio certified production. (Photo: Faranak Amidi. Credit: Tricia Yourkevich.)

Mao, Purges, and Ideological Jargon. Joseph Turigian explores Mao Zedong's description of Xi Zhongxun: "The Party Interests Come First." The segment recounts Xi Zhongxun's detention in 1935, nearly facing execution before Mao's Long Marchers arrived. The discussion clarifies the legend that Mao personally saved him versus the complex facts of his eventual release and incomplete rehabilitation. Turigian defines confusing Chinese Communist Party jargon, explaining "leftist" as too ambitious and "rightist" as not serious enough about revolution. It concludes by detailing Mao's development of Marxism through sinicization. Guest: Joseph Turigian. 1901

The Purge by a Novel and Mao's Fear of Revisionism. Joseph Turigian explains that Xi Zhongxun's 1962 downfall stemmed from supporting the publication of a fictionalized biography of his deceased mentor, Liu Zhidan. Mao Zedong saw the novel as a counter-revolutionary plot and a manifestation of revisionism, fearing that others would claim credit for leading the revolution. Mao aimed to transform persecuted individuals through humiliation and torment, unlike Stalinist purges, which emphasized execution. Xi Zhongxun was brutally kidnapped by Red Guards in 1967 and subjected to struggle sessions as Mao sought to continuously "rebaptize" the party in revolutionary spirit. Guest: Joseph Turigian. 2906 PEKING NORTH