Podcasts about election campaign

On Europe Today, your daily Euronews podcast presented by Méabh Mc Mahon, we cover the latest from today's EU leaders' retreat in the Belgian countryside and look at the possibility of fresh elections in Ukraine. We're joined by former Greek finance minister Yannis Varoufakis and we get an update on the Hungarian election campaign's dirty laundry from our correspondent, Sándor Zsíros.Europe Today is Euronews' daily podcast hosted by Maria Tadeo and Méabh Mc Mahon, broadcasting directly from Brussels, at the heart of Europe. Every morning, we deliver the top and exclusive stories shaping the European Union (EU) and beyond.Stay ahead with the key news and insights that matter in Europe today. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

SA Greens Leader Rob Simms joined David & Jonno following the Greens launching their 2026 Election campaign.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Election Year is off and running with Christopher Luxon's State of the Nation address. We should know the election date later this week. What we do know is the theme of National's campaign: “Fixing the basics and building the future”. Not a shock. It's a variation of the way they've positioned themselves for a while. The party that concentrates on the need to haves and not the nice to haves - Labour trashed the economy in six years with their spending, we're the guys who'll fix it up. But the real question is what are they fixing and what are they building. Treasury's figures from the Half Yearly Economic and Fiscal Update delivered just before Christmas, show the Government has both cut capital expenditure since its election and lowered forecasts for new spending. Capex fell by $6 billion between the 2023/24 and 2024/25 fiscal years, and spending was $1.6 billion less in 2024/25 than was budgeted. There's not a lot of fixing of leaky hospitals and rickety courtrooms going on. And yet despite that, their spending has gone up. And that's because the big ticket items like benefits and pensions have gone up, and so have costs in services like education and health. So there's not a lot of invigorating news in the near future. Our fundamentals will remain unchanged. The great hope is that private sector just gets on with it understanding the limits to our capacity. And so we get back to the unofficial slogan: "Vote for us, we're not as bad as the other lot". See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

G&T701 - Episode #168 - POWERED BY LAUER AUTO REPAIR - Jan 14th, 2026 - www.GunsAndThe701.comIn the chamber

MeidasTouch host Ben Meiselas reacts to Donald Trump's collapsing poll numbers nationwide and is joined by Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro, who announced his re-election bid for Governor in 2026 yesterday. Visit https://meidasplus.com for more! Remember to subscribe to ALL the MeidasTouch Network Podcasts: MeidasTouch: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/meidastouch-podcast Legal AF: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/legal-af MissTrial: https://meidasnews.com/tag/miss-trial The PoliticsGirl Podcast: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-politicsgirl-podcast The Influence Continuum: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-influence-continuum-with-dr-steven-hassan Mea Culpa with Michael Cohen: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/mea-culpa-with-michael-cohen The Weekend Show: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-weekend-show Burn the Boats: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/burn-the-boats Majority 54: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/majority-54 Political Beatdown: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/political-beatdown On Democracy with FP Wellman: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/on-democracy-with-fpwellman Uncovered: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/maga-uncovered Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This week, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz abruptly ended his bid for a third term. This episode was recorded four days earlier during a live conversation and, in hindsight, it explains exactly why this outcome was almost inevitable. Amid a sprawling welfare fraud crisis that Republicans and former President Donald Trump turned into a national political flashpoint, the pressure escalated, division deepened, and Walz found himself trying to govern while defending his political future at the same time. Walz ultimately said he could not justify campaigning while confronting systemic fraud and the blowback it was generating, choosing to focus on governing instead. What looks like a Walz versus Trump showdown is really a cautionary tale about how leadership falters when distraction becomes the strategy and noise replaces accountability.Want More Behind the Breakdown? Follow The PR Breakdown with Molly McPherson on Substack for early access to podcast episodes, private member chats, weekly live sessions, and monthly workshops that go deeper than the mic. It is the inside hub for communicators who want real strategy, clear judgment, and a little side-eye where it counts.Follow Molly on Substack Subscribe to Molly's Weekly Newsletter Subscribe to Molly's Live Events Calendar. Need a Keynote Speaker? Drawing from real-world PR battles, Molly delivers the same engaging stories and hard-won crisis insights from the podcast to your live audience. Click here to book Molly for your next meeting. Follow & Connect with Molly: https://www.youtube.com/mollymcpherson https://mollymcpherson.substack.com/ https://www.tiktok.com/@mollybmcpherson https://www.instagram.com/molly.mcpherson/ ...

Seamus McGrath, Fianna Fáil TD for Cork South-Central, reacts to the internal party review into the presidential election campaign.

The long-awaited review of Fianna Fáil's presidential election campaign was submitted to the party leader Micheál Martin last night. Under the review's terms of reference Mr Martin will share its findings with the members of the parliamentary party after he has considered the report. With more on this Sean was joined by Malcom Byrne, Chair of the Oireachtas Committee on Artificial Intelligence and Fianna Fail TD for Wicklow-Wexford.

The long-awaited review of Fianna Fáil's presidential election campaign was submitted to the party leader Micheál Martin last night. Under the review's terms of reference Mr Martin will share its findings with the members of the parliamentary party after he has considered the report. With more on this Sean was joined by Malcom Byrne, Chair of the Oireachtas Committee on Artificial Intelligence and Fianna Fail TD for Wicklow-Wexford.

Two of the authors of a new book, The British General Election of 2024, joined me for the latest episode of Never Mind The Bar Charts. Among the topics we discuss are whether Labour's post-election slump has made people too critical of their election campaign, whether the Conservatives could have saved themselves and lessons for the Lib Dems. Show notes The graph we discuss showing public opinion on tax and what people thought Labour and the Conservatives would do to tax. Mythbusing Liz Truss and the lettuce. The British General Election of 2024 by Rob Ford, Tim Bale, Will Jennings and Paula Surridge: Amazon, Waterstones or UK Bookshop.  Theme tune by Hugo Lee. New to listening to podcasts? Here are some tips on how to listen to podcasts. Check out some of this show's most popular previous episodes.

How do you marry the law and neuroscience? U of M professor Francis Shen does that on a daily basis. He lets us know how that's informing his candidacy for Hennepin County Attorney.

With the New York City mayoral election just one day away, Don takes a look at the final campaign ads from Andrew Cuomo and Zohran Mamdani, and let's just say, the gloves are officially off. Both candidates are making their last big pitch to voters, but who's connecting, and who's overplaying their hand? Don breaks down the messaging, the spin, and the stakes as New Yorkers get ready to head to the polls. Plus, we'll look at the latest polling numbers and what they tell us about how this historic race could shake out tomorrow. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Democracy belongs to the people, not the PBCC.The cult that told its followers not to vote has now collided straight into Australia's democracy.In the 2025 federal election, members of the Plymouth Brethren Christian Church (PBCC) — also known as the Exclusive Brethren — appeared at polling booths across the country, aggressively backing political parties they once called “worldly and evil.”This video exposes their coordinated influence, the hypocrisy behind their so-called “volunteering,” and the rising public backlash against intimidation at the polls. Leaked audio from a PBCC member shows just how far they went to conceal their illicit campaign. Link for insiders- https://www.dropbox.com/scl/fi/7ufjnmamy6ifddndg5kme/Australian-election-2025.mp4?rlkey=fch7gnj2bjgebhukqq0smn0ce&st=htu9cral&dl=0Links to articles-https://archive.ph/ZkTOqhttps://archive.is/k2i72https://archive.ph/aaXNPhttps://archive.ph/zv9bwhttps://archive.ph/6Gp6Jhttps://archive.ph/ebX90https://archive.fo/F0HG4https://archive.ph/Mppdfhttps://archive.ph/LPK2dhttps://archive.ph/HibGQhttps://archive.ph/sBU3rhttps://www.aph.gov.au/Parliamentary_Business/Hansard/Search?__VIEWSTATEGENERATOR=20B6B7A5&ind=0&st=1&sr=0&q=%22Exclusive+brethren%22&hto=1&expand=False&drvH=7&drt=2&pnu=48&pnuH=48&f=03%2F05%2F2025&to=04%2F09%2F2025&pi=0&pv=&chi=0&coi=0&ps=25To share your story or be a guest on the show, email info.getalife@proton.meGet a Life Paypal donations -https://www.paypal.me/getalifepodcastGet a Life GoFundMe-https://gofund.me/614bcd06PayPal link for USA- https://www.paypal.com/pools/c/8Tz4n35OJ8Olive Leaf Network- https://oliveleaf.network/Thinking of Leaving Pamphlet and resources - https://oliveleaf.network/resources/Link to Anchor/Spotify- https://spotifyanchor-web.app.link/e/G6sjHA2xHwbPreston Down Trust Decision-http://www.charitycommission.gov.uk/media/591398/preston_down_trust_full_decision.pdfAberdeen incident- https://drive.google.com/file/d/1riImgAqwaqGwjYq6vRQIr4_jscJA0eQN/view?usp=sharingIf we walk in the light letters-https://drive.google.com/file/d/14WlgJladl1r95YGxW0FbZ0prYfjlg7FU/view?usp=sharingAdmin/Legal email address:stouffvillelegal-gal@protonmail.comOffice address:22 Braid BendStouffville ONL4A 1R7#plymouthbrethrenchristianchurch #pbcc #abuse #church #cult #religion #trauma #religioustrauma #sexualabuse #mindcontrol #brainwashing #conversation #exmembers #exposingtruth #expose #exposure #whistleblower #getalifepodcast #getalife #podcast #rules #strict #exclusivebrethren #brucehales #BruceHales #BDH #BruceDHales #UniversalBusinessTeam #UBT #RRT #RapidReliefTeam #Aberdeen #OneSchoolGlobal #OSG #johnhales #shutup #withdrawnfrom #worldly #excommunicate #assemblydeath #christiansect #christiancult #canadiancult #canadiansect #sect #worldwidesect #worldwidecult #cultescape #cultescapestory #bully #bullying #brokenfamily #awareness #cultescape #cultandculturepodcast #cultescapee #cultescapeer #cultescapeeinterview #askingforhelp #unispace

Dutch voters head to the polls on October 29 and far-right parties have made immigration the central issue of the campaign. This hardline rhetoric led to anti-immigrant riots in September in The Hague and violent protests in towns where asylum centres are set to open. Geert Wilders' anti-immigration PVV is expected to become the largest party in parliament after the elections, but other parties are also adopting his anti-immigrant narrative and rising in the polls, notably the far-right party JA21. FRANCE 24's Fernande van Tets and Alix Le Bourdon report.

Donagh Humphreys, Head of Social for Ogilvy Ireland; Colm Brophy, Minister of State for Migration and Fine Gael TD for Dublin South-West; Louise O'Reilly, Sinn Féin TD for Dublin Fingal West; Michael Collins, Co-Leader of Independent Ireland TD for Cork South-West

Fianna Fáil's Jim Gavin has emerged as the candidate with the strongest national radio footprint in the run-up to the 2025 Presidential election, according to new research from Irish PR intelligence platform Everhaze. Analysis of 2,500 radio clips over the past twelve weeks shows that while Independent Catherine Connolly leads overall mentions (36.3%), Gavin (33.5%) pulls ahead in terms of national airwaves share, with 34.9% of his coverage on national talk formats. By contrast, Connolly's campaign is more heavily weighted to local outlets (68.6% of her coverage) and Heather Humphreys' profile is even more locally concentrated (71.3%). This national advantage translates into strong presence across high-reach talk shows such as The Pat Kenny Show, Newstalk Breakfast, and The Anton Savage Show, where margins between candidates are typically slim but Gavin remains consistently competitive. On local radio, however, Connolly retains the edge, leading in 13 counties including Donegal (+22pp) and Galway (+18pp). Gavin posts selective peaks (notably Louth, where he dominates with 77.5% of mentions) and converts his national presence into 8 county leads overall. Humphreys, meanwhile, has a more concentrated footprint, with standout strength in Cavan/Monaghan (+12pp lead). Sentiment analysis underscores a three-way contrast: Humphreys records the most positive net tone (+12pp), Gavin trends neutral-positive (+5pp), while Connolly faces a more polarised balance (?3pp). Speaking about the findings of the report, James McCann, CEO of Everhaze said: "With nominations closed and facing into the four week sprint, each candidate will be looking to own the share of voice across the national airwaves to capture undecided voters. Outside of Dublin the counties of Longford, Leitrim and Roscommon have heard the least from all candidates so far which is unsurprising given the battle for the urban centres of Dublin, Cork, Limerick and Galway. As the campaign heats up its every candidate's race to lose in presenting a clear narrative and message to the public." Everhaze is an Irish-built PR intelligence platform that tracks real-time media coverage across radio, print, and online sources in Ireland and the UK. Its technology combines broadcast capture with AI-driven analysis to map who is getting talked about, where, and in what tone. The platform is widely used by communicators to monitor campaigns, understand sentiment shifts, and measure share of voice. As part of the 2025 Presidential campaign, Everhaze has launched the "Battle of the Airwaves" tracker, a live view of how each candidate is performing week-by-week on radio. The tracker highlights: Share of voice across national vs local stations County-by-county exposure showing where candidates are winning or lagging Sentiment balance, capturing whether coverage is favourable, critical, or neutral Programme battlegrounds, where margins between rivals are razor-thin Updated weekly, the Battle of the Airwaves gives voters, journalists, and campaign teams a transparent lens on who is winning the media war as the race for Áras an Uachtaráin heats up. See more stories here. More about Irish Tech News Irish Tech News are Ireland's No. 1 Online Tech Publication and often Ireland's No.1 Tech Podcast too. You can find hundreds of fantastic previous episodes and subscribe using whatever platform you like via our Anchor.fm page here: https://anchor.fm/irish-tech-news If you'd like to be featured in an upcoming Podcast email us at Simon@IrishTechNews.ie now to discuss. Irish Tech News have a range of services available to help promote your business. Why not drop us a line at Info@IrishTechNews.ie now to find out more about how we can help you reach our audience. You can also find and follow us on Twitter, LinkedIn, Facebook, Instagram, TikTok and Snapchat.

Texas Agriculture Commissioner Sid Miller joins reporter Cameron Abrams for a detailed discussion on various pressing issues, including the ongoing debates around hemp-derived THC regulation and the challenges faced by hemp farmers. He also discusses the New World screwworm threat to the livestock industry and highlights Texas's innovative efforts to make school lunches healthier through locally sourced products. Finally, he speaks about his achievements, ongoing initiatives, upcoming election campaign, and his thoughts on GOP contender Nate Sheets.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1936LOWELL THOMAS & FDR Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. 1944 FALAH Roosevelt faced significant orpposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

CONTINUED David Pietrusza's book, Roosevelt Sweeps Nation: FDR's 1936 Landslide and the Triumph of the Liberal Ideal, chronicles Franklin Delano Roosevelt's pivotal re-election campaign in 1936, a moment that fundamentally reshaped American political demographics and solidified the New Deal as a national agenda. The campaign began under the shadow of the death of Louis Howe in April 1936, FDR's closest political strategist and confidant since 1912. Howe, despite his "unpleasant acerbic" nature and poor health, was an invaluable aide, worshiping FDR and actively pushing Eleanor Roosevelt into political activism following FDR's 1917 affair. His passing left Roosevelt to navigate a complex political landscape on his own. Roosevelt faced significant opposition from both the political right and left. On the right, Al Smith, former Governor of New York and FDR's erstwhile mentor, emerged as a fierce critic. Disaffected since FDR's governorship, Smith believed Roosevelt's "forgotten man" speech and New Deal policies constituted "class warfare." Allied with wealthy individuals like the DuPonts and E.F. Hutton, Smith co-founded the American Liberty League, which lambasted the New Deal as unconstitutional and socialist, compelling Roosevelt to wage his own campaign of "class warfare" against these "rich guys in the Silk Hats." From the populist left, FDR contended with the legacy of Huey Long, the charismatic Louisiana senator assassinated in September 1935. Long's radical "Share Our Wealth" program, advocating for massive wealth redistribution and government provision of cars and radios to every family, garnered millions of followers and represented "the greatest force of the populist left." His strategy was to siphon votes in 1936 to ensure a Republican victory, creating a worse economic situation that would pave his way to the presidency in 1940. In Georgia, conservative populist Eugene Talmadge, while ideologically different from Long (being a "Jeffersonian conservative" who refused to fund welfare), also vigorously opposed the New Deal through "race baiting" and accusations of "communist influence," drawing some of Long's former supporters. A significant third-party challenge coalesced around Dr. Francis Everett Townsend, an elderly physician whose Townsend Plan proposed giving $200 a month to every person over 60, requiring them to spend it within 30 days to stimulate the economy. Though Roosevelt personally disliked "the dole," the plan's immense popularity and the formation of millions of Townsend clubs pushed FDR to swiftly introduce Social Security. Townsend later joined forces with Father Charles Edward Coughlin, an influential "radio priest" who initially supported FDR but turned against him over monetary policy, and Reverend Gerald L. K. Smith, a fiery orator akin to Long, along with Congressman William Lemke. This "amateur" coalition, however, failed to gain significant electoral traction, securing only 1.2% of the vote due to ballot access issues in major states and a lack of experienced political leadership. Coughlin, notably, was a more prominent radio figure than FDR for a period, influencing millions through his syndicated broadcasts. FDR's secret meeting with Coughlin at Hyde Park, orchestrated by Joseph Patrick Kennedy, famously ended in a rupture, leading to open political warfare. Ideological parties also presented concerns. The Socialist Party, led by Norman Thomas, consistently polled hundreds of thousands of votes, particularly in urban centers like New York City. The Communist Party USA, under Earl Browder (chosen by Stalin for his pliability and non-Jewish background), initially condemned the New Deal as "fascist." However, with the rise of Adolf Hitler and the global shift to a "popular front" strategy, the Communist Party covertly supported FDR to keep him in power against the looming international threats, while running their own candidate to avoid the "kiss of death" of an overt endorsement. Media mogul William Randolph Hearst, who controlled a vast empire of 28 newspapers and eight radio stations, also became a powerful opponent. Despite initially supporting FDR in 1932, Hearst grew increasingly disaffected by the New Deal's progressive policies and taxes on the wealthy, leading to a "long bumpy involved breakup." FDR even considered "throwing 46 men who make a million dollars a year to the wolves," a direct reference to Hearst and his wealthy allies. The Republican Party ultimately nominated Alf Landon, the Governor of Kansas, a "complete surprise" and "least interesting character." Landon, a progressive Republican favored by Hearst, was known for balancing Kansas's budget but was widely regarded as uncharismatic and a poor public speaker, especially on radio, a crucial medium of the era. His campaign message, promising only a more efficient implementation of New Deal programs he had largely supported, failed to energize the electorate. Earlier potential nominees included Herbert Hoover, William Borah, Frank Knox, and Arthur Hendrick Vandenberg. Roosevelt's campaign, in stark contrast, was dynamic. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt played an indispensable role, defying initial party reluctance to campaign vigorously. She became a crucial link to the African-American vote in Northern cities, even though FDR, for political reasons, declined to support an anti-lynching law favored by Eleanor and the NAACP. Roosevelt himself delivered powerful, "frenzied and irate" speeches, most notably his Madison Square Garden address on Halloween night, where he famously embraced the "hatred" of "economic royalists" and promised accountability, a compelling message of "class warfare" that galvanized the electorate despite his own staff's initial horror at its perceived demagoguery. Despite initial polls, like the Literary Digest (which had predicted a Landon victory), suggesting a close race, Rooseveltachieved an unprecedented landslide. He won 46 of 48 states, secured overwhelming Democratic majorities in both houses of Congress (74 senators, 334 representatives), and claimed 38 governorships. Crucially, FDR carried 104 of 106 major cities, solidifying the Democratic Party's urban strength and marking a profound political realignment in American history. This decisive victory was a clear mandate for the New Deal and established the foundation of the modern Democratic Party.

In this episode, I'm sharing a story from my blog about how neighboring cities shape each other and the surprising ways that history still affects us today. I dive into Lacey's journey to cityhood, from its rivalry with Olympia in the 1960s over annexation and boundaries, to its push north in the 1980s to grow into undeveloped areas like Hawks Prairie. Along the way, I explore how city boundaries have never been neutral, they've historically shaped wealth, services, and political power, often in ways that entrench inequality. I also discuss modern implications, including Lacey's recent studies on annexing older unincorporated neighborhoods and how financial and service considerations continue to drive decisions. And I touch on a broader idea: what if independent boards, rather than city governments themselves, managed city boundaries to focus on efficiency, equity, and community planning? Finally, I'm excited to share how the podcast is expanding to cover local school district and city council races, bringing in new voices, but the same policy-focused perspective to elections that shape our communities today.

Episode 36: Center for Arizona Policy, Inc., et al. v. Arizona Secretary of State, et al.Center for Arizona Policy, et al. v. Arizona Secretary of State, et al., argued before the Arizona Supreme Court on September 11, 2025. Argued by Andrew Gould (on behalf of Center for Arizona Policy, Inc., et al.) and Eric Fraser and Alexander Samuels on behalf of Arizona.Background of the case [from the Institute for Free Speech amicus brief]: Proposition 211 imposes sweeping disclosure rules unlike anything seen before. On every metric, the law expands on its predecessors. It covers more people, more speech, for longer time. Where other laws narrow, Proposition 211 widens. It is a drastic evolution in compelled disclosure—and one that should not survive constitutional scrutiny. But what kind of scrutiny even applies? The First Amendment requires what's called “exacting scrutiny.” See Ams. for Prosperity Found. v. Bonta, 594 U.S. 595, 607 (2021) (“AFPF”). It's a high bar in theory—part of the increasingly convoluted “tiers of scrutiny” the federal courts have adopted. Under this standard, a law's constitutionality often boils down to “if, in the judge's view, the law is sufficiently reasonable or important.” United States v. Rahimi, 602 U.S. 680, 731 (2024) (Kavanaugh, J., concurring). Yet that “kind of balancing approach to constitutional interpretation” is inconsistent with “what judges as umpires should strive to do.” Id. (Kavanaugh, J., concurring).  Fortunately, “the Arizona Constitution provides broader protections for free speech than the First Amendment.” Brush & Nib Studios, LC v. Phoenix, 247 Ariz. 269, 281 (Ariz. 2019). Those protections do not depend on courts weighing the value of amorphous governmental interests. Rather, Arizona's Constitution guarantees that “[e]very person may freely speak, write, and publish on all subjects.” Ariz. Const. art. II, § 6. And this Court has taken a “more literal application” of that language, mandating that courts “avoid, where possible, attempts to erode [these rights] by balancing them against . . . governmental interests,” Mountain States Tel. & Tel. Co. v. Ariz. Corp. Comm'n, 160 Ariz. 350, 357 (Ariz. 1989).  That means laws like Proposition 211 do not live or die based on the freewheeling balancing that tests like “exacting scrutiny” rely on. If the law burdens the right to speak freely, it violates the Arizona Constitution unless the state can show it prevents abuse. See Plaintiffs' Supp. Br. at 5–6. And since no one disputes that Proposition 211's expansive disclosure rules deter protected speech, and no one argues that it targets abusive speech, it cannot survive scrutiny.  Statement of the issues [from the Arizona Supreme Court docket listing]: Is the Voters' Right to Know Act facially unconstitutional under the Ariz. Constitution? If not, did the court of appeals properly dismiss Plaintiffs-Appellants' as-applied challenge?Resources: Proposition 211 Language Institute for Free Speech Amicus Brief Institute for Free Speech Press Release The Institute for Free Speech promotes and defends the political speech rights to freely speak, assemble, publish, and petition the government guaranteed by the First Amendment. If you're enjoying the Free Speech Arguments podcast, please subscribe and leave a review on your preferred podcast platform. To support the Institute's mission or inquire about legal assistance, please visit our website: www.ifs.org

Polls close in the Tāmaki Makaurau by election on Saturday. Front runners - Te Pati Māori's Oriini Kaipara and Labour's Peeni Henare - are using the final hours of the campaign to focus on getting people to the ballot box. Political reporter Lillian Hanly spoke to Ingrid Hipkiss.

Interview: Florida CFO Blaise Ingoglia Launches Election Campaign, Talks Permanant DOGEing & More

Hermann Pretorius and Nicholas Lorimer talk about early problems with the ANC's election campaign, and they also discuss employment equity amendment regulations, and they talk about an act of vigilanteism. Website · Facebook · Instagram · Twitter

How did Poker evolve into a cultural phenomenon beyond just a card game? What makes poker different from other casino games in terms of player competition and strategy? Can you explain the betting process in poker and how players make decisions during each round? Poker on TV often shows those probabilities of a winning hand. How do players calculate this when they're playing? Are there some standard probabilities we should know about? ... we explain like I'm five Thank you to the r/explainlikeimfive community and in particular the following users whose questions and comments formed the basis of this discussion: TheAireon, stanitor, puck1996, disillusionedJack, AaronSarm, NutellaPatella, Habanero_Eyeball, and lookawake. To the community that has supported us so far, thanks for all your feedback and comments. Join us on Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/eli5ThePodcast/ or send us an e-mail: ELI5ThePodcast@gmail.com

More and more parties and organisations are withdrawing from the National Convention amid fears that the National Dialogue will become an African National Congress (ANC) monologue. In this interview with BizNews, Dr Theuns Eloff of the Afrikaner Leadership Network (ALN) says: “There are, for good reason, fears and suspicions that the Presidency has taken this over, not as a Government of National Unity, but as an ANC Presidency to steer this process into a certain way and to avert any negative criticism that can come to the ANC.” On top of that there is a real fear that the ANC could misuse the dialogue to boost its chances in local government elections next year. “It's like the ANC says we don't have enough money in our own coffers to run a campaign, let us use the National Dialogue for that. And if the ANC goes ahead alone with these things with public money, then they have a campaign. They can wage their campaign without interference from anyone else.” Furthermore, Dr Eloff expresses concern that President Cyril Ramaphosa sees the National Dialogue as his personal legacy. “It's said in the Presidency that he wants a thousand people there because he wants to make a speech. Now that is not a National Dialogue. That is exactly an ANC monologue.” Meanwhile, Dr Eloff outlines the dialogue options open to civil society organisations.

Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre's campaign manager Jenni Byrne says she won't be running her party's campaign in the next federal election — but defends choices made during the last election, which saw Poilievre lose his seat. Power & Politics hears from host of the Beyond a Ballot podcast, Rachael Segal, who scored a rare interview with Byrne. Plus, Prime Minister Mark Carney doubles down on his decision not to add any new retaliatory tariffs against the U.S. as job numbers take a hit in Canada. P.E.I. Premier Rob Lantz reacts.

Where does she go from here? Plus – What actor is calling for the end of a fireworks series? GUESTS: Bonnie Crombie - Ontario liberal leader Karen Restoule - Director of Indigenous Affairs and Senior Fellow at Macdonald-Laurier Institute

Tanzania's travel insurance, a newly designated UNESCO World Heritage Site, the Porter's Race, the Malawi Tourism Authority, the Kayelekera Uranium Mine, and much more!Thanks for tuning in!Let us know what you think and what we can improve on by emailing us at info@rorshok.com. You can also contact us on Instagram @rorshok_malawi or Twitter @RorshokMalawiLike what you hear? Subscribe, share, and tell your buds.We want to get to know you! Please fill in this mini-survey: https://forms.gle/NV3h5jN13cRDp2r66Wanna avoid ads and help us financially? Follow the link: https://bit.ly/rorshok-donate

Follow me on Twitter ⁠⁠@mikeagostinho⁠⁠Check out the latest Episode of the Selecao Podcast as I join Danny to preview Portugal's hopes at the upcoming #UEFAWomensEuro2025Transfer Silly Season is in full swing, so far nothing official but a lot of rumors. "The Mister" Mike Agostinho (@mikeagostinho) gives his thoughts on Alvaro Carreras, Orkun Kocku, Thiago Almada and Joao Felix among others. Then the focus will shift to Rui Costa's announcement that he will in fact seek re-election for the presidency of the club.Check Out My Latest Video on My YouTube Channel byClicking HereCheck Out the Latest Episode of Tuga Tuesday by⁠Clicking HereCheck Out my Vlog I shot while watching the Benfica-Porto match at the Casa do Benfica in Newark, NJ.⁠Click Here to Watch on YouTube⁠Follow the show on the platforms below:⁠Twitter   ⁠⁠Instagram  ⁠⁠Facebook ⁠⁠Apple Podcasts⁠  ⁠Spotify⁠    ⁠Podbean⁠⁠iHeartRadio⁠  ⁠Amazon Music/Audible⁠For more content check out  ⁠www.misterbenfica.com⁠And don't forget to give some love to the musicians who provide the theme music for this podcast! Follow Agendaz on their socials below!!!⁠Spotify ⁠⁠Apple Music⁠⁠Soundcloud⁠⁠Instagram⁠⁠Facebook⁠#IfYouLoveFootballYouLoveBenfica

The Wellington Mayoral race was supposed to be winding down into boring town. Tory went wild, had a tipsy whirlwind on Courtenay Place. A bit of booze, a bit of dine and dashing. It was salacious, it was scandalous. As stories of late-night escapades and unpaid bills and missed council meetings flooded the newspapers, the streets flooded, literally. Every time a scandal burst onto the front page of The Post, so did a pipe. It was as if Wellington's infrastructure were protesting the incompetence at City Hall. Poonamis. An onslaught of cycleways. Crime. And still no second Mount Victoria tunnel. It all came to a head, of course. Andrew Little entered the chat. Tory pulls out. And from here it was meant to get boring. You know in an action movie when all the crazy stuff happens, there's half an hour left on the clock, but the world's been saved by superhero XYZ? All the main cast is safe and well and life goes on happily ever after? That's where I thought we were with Wellington's Mayoral Race. Well, Wellington, you're getting a sequel – within the original. Mayoral candidate Ray Chung sent his colleagues an email, regaling them with a story a friend told him while he was out walking his dog. In it, he says, Tory Whanau had drug-fuelled tempestuous sex with a bunch of young guys. He also claims he was told that she had pendulous soft breasts. It's starting to smell a little bit like Ontario in Canada. Remember the mayor who was accused of smoking crack? Just scandal through a local election campaign. To get real for a minute, two things. One: Tory denies the story completely and utterly rejects it. Two: Ray sent this to three fellow councillors on their personal email addresses. So, it was a private email, he claims. And Ray reckons that one of those people has leaked it to Tory, who has leaked it to the press. So then you start to wonder, is one of Ray's former fellow council mates now turning on him, perhaps for political reasons? I don't know the answer to that question. All I really know is that Wellington, you need some popcorn because you're in for one hell of a tempestuous election campaign. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This is the morning All Local update for Thursday, June 26, 2025.

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It's Thursday and that means it's time to catch up on politics with The Times-Picayune/The Advocate's editorial director and columnist, Stephanie Grace. Today she tells us about the political turmoil unfolding since the Orleans Parish jailbreak, including Sheriff Hutson halting her re-election campaign.If you've ever looked at the vast spreads of prepared food at groceries, bakeries, café's, and restaurants, and wondered where it all goes at the end of the day, the answer is usually – the garbage can.But an app that just launched in Baton Rouge and New Orleans is trying to help that food find a home and reduce the environmental impact of food waste. Allie Denburg, associate director of Strategy and Operations for the “Too Good To Go,” app gives us the details.The Mid-Barataria Sediment Diversion project is the largest in Louisiana's Coastal Master Plan. The $3 billion project would divert freshwater carrying sediment from the Mississippi River into Barataria Bay to build more land and stave off Louisiana's land loss crisis.But under Gov. Jeff Landry, the project has faced significant delays, and now it's possible it might not move forward at all.The Coastal Desk's Eva Tesfaye spoke with Delaney Dryfoos, environmental reporter at The Lens, who has been following this closely t.___Today's episode of Louisiana Considered was hosted by Bob Pavlovich. Our managing producer is Alana Schreiber. We get production support from Garrett Pittman and our assistant producer Aubry Procell.You can listen to Louisiana Considered Monday through Friday at noon and 7 p.m. It's available on Spotify, the NPR App and wherever you get your podcasts. Louisiana Considered wants to hear from you!  Please fill out our pitch line to let us know what kinds of story ideas you have for our show. And while you're at it, fill out our listener survey! We want to keep bringing you the kinds of conversations you'd like to listen to.Louisiana Considered is made possible with support from our listeners. Thank you!

Nightlife News Breakdown with Philip Clark, joined by Andrew Tillett, who writes on politics, foreign affairs, defence and security from the Canberra press gallery for the Australian Financial Review. 

News; Czech voters are sticking to familiar choices as the election campaign begins; The top 4 real-life locations of the hit game Kingdom Come: Deliverance II; Dozens of rarely accessible buildings are set to welcome visitors during Open House Prague.

Three days out from the Australian election and the cost of living continues to be a key issue on the campaign trail. New figures released today show annual inflation is at 2.4 percent which is slightly higher than expected for the latest quarter. Australia's Treasurer said the figures are within the target range for inflation - but that has not stopped the coalition holding firm to its line that the Labor government has been disastrous for the Australian economy. Corin Dann spoke to Lisa Owen.

Australia correspondent Chris Niesche looks at how the last polls are falling for the Albanese government and opposition parties ahead of the election this weekend. 

At least 11 people are dead and dozens more are injured after an SUV was allegedly rammed through the crowd at a Filipino festival in Vancouver. We have extensive coverage of the investigation now underway - and how communities in B.C. and across the country are mourning.Also: The federal election campaign is coming to a close. We have an in depth look at how campaign 2025 went -- from each of the main parties: the Liberals, the Conservatives, the NDP and the Bloc Quebecois

Paul Bongiorno is one of the 1.2 billion Roman Catholics who mourned the loss of Pope Francis this week. As he read tribute after tribute of the impact of the Pope’s life, he noticed what wasn’t on the front page – Peter Dutton’s last-minute policy announcements. “The Pope is a world figure… and of course, it swamped the world’s media, including here in Australia. So it’s not surprising that the death of this pope would overshadow anything that our leaders were doing in the election campaign. In fact, it would blow the campaign out of the water for a few days.” Today, columnist for The Saturday Paper Paul Bongiorno, on how the Pope’s death changed the election. If you enjoy 7am, the best way you can support us is by making a contribution at 7ampodcast.com.au/support. Socials: Stay in touch with us on Instagram Guest: Columnist for The Saturday Paper, Paul Bongiorno. Photo: AAP / Domenico StinellisSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Guest:  Ottawa bureau chief Tonda MacCharles  We're heading into the final stretch of a charged federal election campaign that's shaped not just by a critical point in affordability, housing and healthcare but also by global events and Trump's looming shadow. With election results just around the corner, on Monday; the political mood seems restless.The Star's Ottawa bureau chief Tonda MacCharles unpacks the political climate, key turning points shaping this campaign and what might come next as the results roll in.  Produced by Saba Eitizaz, Paulo Marques and Sean Pattendon

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese appears to have a slight edge over his conservative opponent Peter Dutton whose policies on the housing crisis, tax cuts, the cost of living and nuclear energy are under pressure. Australia correspondent Peter Ryan spoke to Lisa Owen.

In the first week of the federal election campaign, several new foreign interference stories have bubbled up. The first involves allegations that CSIS believed agents working on behalf of India organized support for Pierre Poilievre's 2022 Conservative leadership bid.Meanwhile, the Liberals are dealing with fallout from the allegations that former Member of Parliament Chandra Arya had ties with India and met with Prime Minister Narenda Modi. Liberal leader Mark Carney is also responding to calls to fire a GTA candidate after remarks calling for a Conservative candidate be turned in for a Chinese bounty.Robert Fife has been breaking all of these stories, and he's is on the show to discuss.Questions? Comments? Ideas? Email us at thedecibel@globeandmail.com

Economic woes, worries about immigration and the rise of the far right have loomed over the campaign ahead of Sunday's election in Germany. We hear the latest from our team on the ground in Berlin. Also in the programme: President Trump fires the United States' highest-ranking military officer; and the Vatican says Pope Francis is in a critical condition after a week in hospital.(Photo: German Chancellor Scholz holds final rally ahead of general election, in Potsdam. Credit: REUTERS/Liesa Johannssen)