Podcasts about political writings

In this powerful episode of The P.A.S. Report Podcast, Professor Nick Giordano explores the forgotten legacy of Mercy Otis Warren. She was a fearless writer, satirist, and historian who helped shape the American Revolution. While most history books spotlight the Founding Fathers, Warren's pen proved just as mighty as any musket. Her work influenced public opinion, challenged tyranny, and preserved the ideals of liberty for future generations. Discover how her words swayed a nation, clashed with John Adams, and continue to resonate in today's fight against government overreach.   Episode Highlights: The story of Mercy Otis Warren: political thinker, pamphleteer, and America's first female historian How Warren's sharp satire helped ignite revolutionary sentiment and exposed Loyalist hypocrisy Why her warnings about centralized power and lost liberty still matter in today's political climate

This week, authors Charisse Burden-Stelly and Andrew W. Kahrl discuss their recent work and writing Black history with journalist Arionne Nettles. This conversation originally took place May 19, 2024 and was recorded live at the American Writers Festival.Black Scare / Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States by Charisse Burden-Stelly is a radical explication of the ways anti-Black racial oppression has infused the US government's anti-communist repression. And in The Black Tax: 150 Years of Theft, Exploitation, and Dispossession in America, Andrew W. Kahrl reveals a history that is deep, broad, and infuriating, and casts a bold light on the racist practices long hidden in the shadows of America's tax regimes.This episode is presented in conjunction with the American Writers Museum's special exhibit Dark Testament: A Century of Black Writers on Justice, which is now traveling throughout the United States. Learn more and see where Dark Testament is now at this link here.AWM PODCAST NETWORK HOMEAbout the writers:DR. CHARISSE BURDEN-STELLY is an Associate Professor of African American Studies at Wayne State University and a 2023-2024 Charles Warren Center Visiting Scholar at Harvard University. A scholar of critical Black studies, political theory, political economy, and intellectual history, she is the author of Black Scare/Red Scare: Theorizing Capitalist Racism in the United States, the co-author of W.E.B. Du Bois: A Life in American History, and the co-editor of Organize, Fight, Win: Black Communist Women's Political Writings and of Reproducing Domination: On the Caribbean Postcolonial State.ANDREW W. KAHRL is professor of history and African American studies at the University of Virginia. He is the author of the books The Land Was Ours and Free the Beaches.ARIONNE NETTLES is a lecturer at Northwestern University's Medill School of Journalism, Media, Integrated Marketing Communications. As a culture reporter in print and audio, her stories often look into Chicago history, culture, gun violence, policing and race & class disparities as a contributor to the New York Times Opinion, Chicago Reader, The Trace, Medium's ZORA and Momentum, Chicago PBS station WTTW and NPR affiliate WBEZ. She is also host of Is That True? A Kids Podcast About Facts and the author of We Are the Culture: Black Chicago's Influence on Everything.

Join the #McConnellCenter as we host Dr. Andrew Rabin for a conversation on the merits of reading Dante. Dr. Andrew Rabin joined the University of Louisville English Department in 2005 after receiving his B.A. from Grinnell College and his M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Chicago. His research examines the law and literature of early medieval England. His books include Crime and Punishment in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge University Press, 2020), Wulfstan: Old English Legal Writings (Harvard University Press, The Disputatio Puerorum: A Ninth-Century Monastic Instructional Text (Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2017), and The Political Writings of Archbishop Wulfstan of York (Manchester University Press, 2015).  We all know we need to read more and there are literally millions of books on shelves with new ones printed every day. How do we sort through all the possibilities to find the book that is just right for us now? Well, the McConnell Center is bringing authors and experts to inspire us to read impactful and entertaining books that might be on our shelves or in our e-readers, but which we haven't yet picked up. We hope you learn a lot in the following podcast and we hope you might be inspired to pick up one or more of the books we are highlighting this year at the University of Louisville's McConnell Center. Stay Connected Visit us at McConnellcenter.org Subscribe to our newsletter  Facebook: @mcconnellcenter Instagram: @ulmcenter  Twitter: @ULmCenter This podcast is a production of the McConnell Center

Natasha is particularly interested in Barbauld’s  contributions to public debate in the nation following the French Revolution in 1789, which some Britons supported as an example to follow.  For upcoming interviews check out the Grad Chat webpage on Queen’s University School of Graduate Studies & Postdoctoral Affairs website – https://www.queensu.ca/grad-postdoc/research/share/grad-chat 

In this episode we welcome Thandisizwe Chimurenga and Yusef “Bunchy” Shakur to have a conversation that revolves around Sanyika Shakur's final book, Stand-Up, Struggle Forward: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings on Nation, Class and Patriarchy. Thandisizwe Chimurenga is an award-winning Los Angeles-based journalist. Having worked in print and radio/broadcast journalism, she is the author of No Doubt: The Murder(s) of Oscar Grant; Reparations … Not Yet: A Case for Reparations and Why We Must Wait; the soon-to-be-published Some Of Us Are Brave: Interviews and Conversations with Sistas on Life, Art and Struggle, published by Daraja Press, and Nobody Knows My Name: Coming of Age in and Resilience After the Black Power Movement co-written with Deborah Jones, to be published by Diasporic Africa Press. Her commitment to infusing radical Black feminist/womanist politics within Revolutionary New Afrikan Nationalism, which she believes is key to destroying capitalism, patriarchy and white supremacist imperialism, has been informed by Aminata Umoja, Assata Shakur, Pearl Cleage, bell hooks, Angela Davis, Queen Mother Moore, Gloria Richardson, Fannie Lou Hamer, Ella Baker, Claudia Jones, Ida B Wells and the “Amazons” of Dahomey. Yusef “Bunchy” Shakur is a father, neighborhood organizer, author of multiple books, educator and a member of Community Movement Builders. He organizes in Detroit, Michigan. Yusef wrote the foreword to Sanyika's Stand Up, Struggle Forward which we're discussing today and Sanyika Shakur wrote the foreword to Yusef Shakur's book Redemptive Soul.  In this discussion Thandisizwe and Yusef talk about their own personal and political relationships with Sanyika Shakur and to his writings. We talk a little bit about New Afrikan political thought as it emanated from the New Afrikan Prisoners Organization particularly as was elaborated by Owusu Yaki Yakubu formerly known under the names James “Yaki” Sayles and Atiba Shanna. We discuss the importance of terminology within the New Afrikan Independence Movement and the contributions of Yaki and Sanyika to this body of political thought.  Thandisizwe Chimurenga and Yusef “Bunchy” Shakur share reflections on Sanyika's writings on patriarchy, homophobia and transphobia and on revolutionary transformation. They discuss the difficulties of re-entry for politicized and political prisoners in an environment without a strong political home to return to, as well as the use of solitary confinement and control units as weapons against politicized figures. Since the publication of our last episode Dr. Mutulu Shakur has transitioned beyond this realm and we want to send our condolences to all of his loved ones and co-strugglers, we also want to take this moment to recognize his indelible contributions to the New Afrikan Independence Movement and the cause of Black Liberation. In the show notes we will link to the book we discuss which can be found through Kersplebedeb or leftwingbooks.net along with the writings of Yaki. We highly, highly recommend both. We will also include a link to many more related writings available digitally through Freedom Archives.  And of course if you like what we do, bringing you these episodes on a weekly basis, become a patron of the show. You can do so for as little as $1 a month at patreon.com/millennialsarekillingcapitalism Links: Thandisizwe's website (includes ways to support her work) Yusef "Bunchy" Shakur's website (includes a store with his books) Stand-Up, Struggle Forward: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings on Nation, Class and Patriarchy Meditations on Frantz Fanon's Wretched of the Earth: New Afrikan Revolutionary Writings by James "Yaki" Sayles Freedom Archives: New Afrikan Prisoner Organization Archives "Pathology of Patriarchy: A Search for Clues at the Scene of the Crime" by Sanyika Shakur Beneath My Surface - Thandisizwe Chimurenga (includes reflection on Sanyika's passing as discussed in the episode) Day of the Gun (George Jackson Doc) The Political Theory of Dr. Mutulu Shakur with Thandisizwe Chimurenga, Kalonji Changa, & Akinyele Umoja  

Part I. Life and Death of Homosexuals under the Nazi Regime Guest: David Fernbach is a freelance writer, editor and translator.  His publications and translations include the three-volume edition of Karl Marx's Political Writings, The Spiral Path: a gay contribution to human survival, and The Men With the Pink Triangle: The True, Life-and-Death Story of Homosexuals in the Nazi Death Camps. The Men With the Pink Triangle appeared first in 1980 by Gay Men's Press in which David Fernbach also participated in the publication and translation of the book.   The book is a revolutionary work, and still one of the very few memoirs by a gay victim of Nazism.  Written by Heinz Heger, a pseudonym used by Josef Kohout (1917-1994).   Part II.  Indigenous Justice in Early America Guest: Nicole Eustace is professor of history at New York University.  She is author of Pulitzer-Prize winning Covered with Night: A Story of Murder and Indigenous Justice in Early America (2021). The post Life and Death of Homosexuals under the Nazi Regime appeared first on KPFA.

William of Ockham is best known today for the model of problem solving known as Ockham's (or Occam's) Razor. But the event that defined his life was an argument with Pope John XXII. Research: Lieberich, Heinz. "Louis IV". Encyclopedia Britannica, 7 Oct. 2022, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Louis-IV-Holy-Roman-emperor Kilcullen, John. “Ockham's Political Writings.” “The Cambridge Companion to Ockham. Cambridge University Press. 1999. Republished online: http://publications.thebritishacademy.ac.uk/pubs/dialogus/polth.html Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. "Peter Lombard". Encyclopedia Britannica, 20 Aug. 2020, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Peter-Lombard Gál, Gedeon, O.F.M. "William of Ockham Died "impenitent" in April 1347." Franciscan Studies, vol. 42, 1982, p. 90-95. Project MUSE, doi:10.1353/frc.1982.0011 Lambert, M. D. “THE FRANCISCAN CRISIS UNDER JOHN XXII.” Franciscan Studies, vol. 32, 1972, pp. 123–43. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/44000287 Donovan, Stephen M. “Bonagratia of Bergamo.” Catholic Encyclopedia. https://www.catholic.com/encyclopedia/bonagratia-of-bergamo Nold, Patrick. “Pope John XXII's Annotations on the Franciscan Rule: Content and Contexts.” Franciscan Studies, vol. 65, 2007, pp. 295–324. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41975430 Knysh, George. “BIOGRAPHICAL RECTIFICATIONS CONCERNING OCKHAM'S AVIGNON PERIOD.” Franciscan Studies, vol. 46, 1986, pp. 61–91. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41975065 Spade, Paul Vincent. “William of Ockham.” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. March 5, 2019. https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/ockham/ Vignaux, Paul D.. "William of Ockham". Encyclopedia Britannica, 24 Aug. 2022, https://www.britannica.com/biography/William-of-Ockham See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

From The Valley Labor Report, railroader Matt Weaver on the fallout, next steps, and lessons learned from the rail dispute. On the Heartland Labor Forum, Teamsters Local 955 President Jerry Wood talks about the women in trucking and the importance of warehouses. From The Labor Show, Senator Chris Koons joins JDoc to talk about the renewable fuel standard. On WORT's Labor Radio, University of Wisconsin unions are reaching out to students and fellow workers to make sure they know they have rights on the job. From the On The Job podcast, Emma Hartley and Kleo Cruse talk about "woke-washing." And, from We Rise Fighting, an interview with Dr. Charisse Burden-Stelly, professor and co-editor of "Organize, Fight, Win - Black Communist Women's Political Writings". Please help us build sonic solidarity by clicking on the share button below. Highlights from labor radio and podcast shows around the country, part of the national Labor Radio Podcast Network of shows focusing on working people's issues and concerns. #LaborRadioPod @AFLCIO @LaborReporters @Heartland_Labor @MyPhillyLabor @SaintFrankly @sallyrugg Edited by Patrick Dixon, produced by Chris Garlock; social media guru Mr. Harold Phillips.

E' stato Cobden a dare la spinta propulsiva decisiva agli argomenti a favore del libero scambio. Non vi è alcuna utilità nel tentare di rintracciare in altri la paternità del nostro sistema. - W. E. GladstoneQual è il liberale che ha sviluppato una teoria sulle relazioni internazionali?Uomo di umili origini che riuscì poi a costruirsi il proprio successo cavalcando l'onda della rivoluzione industriale, Richard Cobden ha sviluppato e promosso attivamente i principi del liberalismo. Viaggiando scopre e forma le sue idee: molto importante è il viaggio negli Stati Uniti, dove osserva il funzionamento di una nazione che non conosce il peso dell'aristocrazia. Decide quindi di entrare in politica con lo scopo di abolire le Corn Laws e i dazi per favorire il libero scambio tra nazioni e, con esso, la pace. Egli riesce così non solo ad influenzare l'opinione pubblica, ma anche a portare in parlamento istanze fino a quel momento estranee all'establishment. I suoi ideali pacifisti, perseguiti a scapito della sua popolarità e della sua stessa salute, fanno di Cobden il pensatore di riferimento per una visione liberale delle relazioni internazionali. Protagonista:Lisa KinspergherOspite:Alberto Mingardi, Direttore Generale IBL e Professore di Storia delle Dottrine Politiche presso l'Università IULMI Consigli di Lettura:- “The Political Writings of Richard Cobden. vol. 1” (1835) di Richard Cobdenhttps://oll.libertyfund.org/title/cobden-the-political-writings-of-richard-cobden-vol-1- “The Political Writings of Richard Cobden. vol. 2” (1853) di Richard Cobdenhttps://oll.libertyfund.org/title/welby-the-political-writings-of-richard-cobden-vol-2Per Saperne di Più:- “The Three Panics” (1862) di Richard Cobdenhttps://archive.org/details/threepanicshisto00cobd/mode/2up- “The Mission of Richard Cobden” (1867) by Lord Hobarthttps://archive.org/details/missionofrichar00hoba

In this episode we read two of Kant's most influential essays: “An Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose” and “What is Enlightenment?”. In "Universal History", Kant suggests that history is the progressive development of humanity's reason. In “What is Enlightenment?”, Kant argues that being enlightened is the capacity to think for oneself. History's purpose, therefore, is the gradual enlightenment of the human race. How might we achieve this enlightened state? Well, listening, sharing, and liking the Ideas Matter podcast is a good place to start! Follow and contact us on Instagram @ideasmatterpod Visit the show's website: ideasmatterpod.com This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit

Monticello guide Olivia Brown looks at the life and controversial career of partisan journalist and political writer James Callender, who famously turned on his one-time political patron, Thomas Jefferson.

Monticello guide Olivia Brown looks at the life and controversial career of partisan journalist and political writer James Callender, who famously turned on his one-time political patron, Thomas Jefferson.

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 12-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 14-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

How much does the average person know about Alexander Hamilton (1755 or 1757 – 1804)? Would we have guessed that this hero of many fiscal conservatives wrote, “A national debt, if it is not excessive will be to us a national blessing; it will be a powerful cement of our union…?” Most of us know that he was killed by his political enemy Aaron Burr in a duel. But long before that fatal encounter, Hamilton had engaged in major rows with several of his fellow founding fathers, notably Thomas Jefferson but also James Madison and John Adams. Because he cared so deeply about the fate of the newly established United States and its foreign relations, he dipped his pen in rhetorical vitriol when describing many of his rivals and former close allies in private letters and in public writings detailing where he felt they had gone wrong and were, in his view, harming the country. The angrier side of this brilliant man is on full view in the compendious 2017 two-volume set, The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 1, 1769-1789 and The Political Writings of Alexander Hamilton: Volume 2, 1789-1804, edited by Bradford P. Wilson and Carson Holloway. We are also afforded glimpses of the ambitious 12-year-old clerk Hamilton vowing to better himself and longing for a war that might afford him the opportunity for just such advancement. We read the letters he wrote during the War of Independence, which brought him into the circle of George Washington. In that war, Hamilton served bravely and bitterly criticized the brand new Congress that oversaw and, in Hamilton's view, mismanaged the conflict. We are able to read the letter Hamilton wrote his wife to be read in the event of his death in the duel and follow the public and behind the scenes campaign that Hamilton led against Burr which precipitated the fateful encounter. This collection of writings is probably best perused with a search engine at the ready so as to look up the members of the sprawling cast of characters in it, such as the many recipients of Hamilton's extensive correspondence and to read about the origins of the many pseudonyms he employed (e.g., Lucius Crassus). The documents are presented with little annotation, so some work is required by readers who possess little knowledge of the period. But because so much of the material encompassed is relevant to our day, the investment of time is well worth it. Hamilton laid the groundwork for the legal and political environment we live in and his influence is felt in everything from banking and government finance to libel and bankruptcy law to the structure and scope of powers of the judiciary. As a serving and former soldier, Hamilton took an active interest in the organization of the military and in veterans' affairs and played a vital role in preventing unrest in the ranks in the unsettled days immediately following the cessation of active hostilities with Britain in the Revolutionary War. He was deeply involved in the Citizen Genet affair and helped his young nation traverse tricky diplomatic terrain as France and Britain battled for supremacy. All of this is offered up in the book we are discussing today. The tone of the many letters, partisan policy papers, proto op-eds and governmental reports featured in the book runs the gamut from ruthless ridicule to the coolly analytic to bitter despair to fury and contempt at what Hamilton saw as behavior damaging to the infant republic he loved. Hamilton took offense easily and wrote both voluminously and hot-bloodedly in his own defense. No spin doctors for him. Today, we will talk to Mr. Wilson about this important collection of the political writings of that rare combination of man of action and world-shaping public intellectual that was Alexander Hamilton. Give a listen. Hope J. Leman is a grants researcher.

In this episode we interview Dhoruba Bin Wahad. A leading member of the New York Black Panther Party, a Field Secretary of the BPP responsible for organizing chapters throughout the East Coast, and a member of the Panther 21. He is a veteran and co-founder of the Black Liberation Army and a former political prisoner. He - and Geronimo ji Jaga Pratt - are, we believe, the only two Black political prisoners to use COINTELPRO documents to secure their release from political imprisonment. Both the FBI and NYPD settled with Dhoruba in lawsuits he filed against them for framing him. There are a number of great writings and conversations with Dhoruba Bin Wahad out there. But we asked Dhoruba to do this episode to discuss his political philosophy. He found our approach to that a bit humorous at times, but as one of our favorite thinkers, and someone who embodies their theory in social practice to a degree few of us can imagine, we hoped to contribute to his legacy in this way. In this conversation we cover some common themes in Dhoruba's writing, we ask about his ideology, his frequent use of the term “whirlwind,” Democratic Fascism, his emphasis on humanism, and the differing historical destinies of white and Black people in the US. Dhoruba talks about demands, encapsulation, the local nature of politics, Black sovereign thinking, solidarity, united fronts and political consequences for injustice. We also discuss the iconification of Assata Shakur and what it means to support the right of self-determination and the people who become political prisoners for exercising that right. There were other questions and follow-ups we wanted to ask, but time did not allow for it. We hope that if possible we will be able to record a part 2 in the future. More importantly, we want to note that we are not requesting financial support for our platform for this episode. Instead what we hope our listeners will do is contribute to the GoFundMe that Community Movement Builders has set up for Dhoruba Bin Wahad's medical fund. Dhoruba has stage 4 cancer and is in need of financial support. The GoFundMe will only be up for two more weeks, so if you can give something to that, please do so now. We'll include a link to that in the show notes. Links: The GoFundMe Dhoruba's website  Dhoruba's content on imixwhatilike. Dhoruba's content on Black Power Media. Still Black, Still Strong Look For Me In The Whirlwind Dhoruba Bin Wahad's Political Writings (in French, English and German)

This lecture was given on 16 February 2022 at the University of St Andrews. Ryan Patrick Hanley is Professor of Political Science at Boston College. His most recent projects include The Political Philosophy of Fénelon, and a companion translation volume, Fénelon: Moral and Political Writings, both of which was published by Oxford University Press in 2020.

Gramsci had a strand of Italian patriotism. His patriotism was a Marxist patriotism that believed in international cooperation of the working classes around the world, but he took pride in being Italian. He wrote this article about the Cotton Workers Strike trike of 1906 because it provided the workers an example of working class strength from their own history. Gramsci's narrative was intended to convince them that if they had done it before, they could do it again. Remembering the History of the Cotton Workers' Struggle Il Grido del Popolo December 9, 1916 Selections from Political Writings 1910-1920 - [ ] ITALY 1903-1906 - [ ] JANUARY - APRIL 15, 1906 - [ ] APRIL 22 - JULY 18, 1906 - [ ] POSTSCRIPT: SEATTLE GENERAL STRIKE of 1919 1904 General Strike Italy's first general strike. It was called by Chamber of Labour “The country would experience many general strikes in the years following 1904, with additional general strikes in 1905, 1906, 1909, 1911, and 1914.” https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/1904_Italian_general_strike Inter-Mountain Republican, May 9, 1906 https://newspapers.lib.utah.edu/details?id=4073112 Inter-Mountain Republican, May 10 https://newspapers.lib.utah.edu/details?id=4075101 Oldest Trade Union in Italy, formed in 1906 https://www.etui.org/covid-social-impact/italy/industrial-relations-in-italy-background-summary https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/General_Confederation_of_Labour_(Italy) Wikipedia entry for the Seattle General Strike https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seattle_General_Strike “When Workers Stopped Seattle” by Cal Winslow https://jacobinmag.com/2019/07/seattle-general-strike-1919-union-organizing A bourgeois paper warning against the Seattle General Strike https://depts.washington.edu/labhist/strike/images/news/Star/STAR_19190204_P1.jpg A bourgeois paper calling the strikers dangerous revolutionaries https://depts.washington.edu/labhist/strike/images/news/Star/STAR_19190205_P1.jpg Anna Louise Strong “No One Knows Where” https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/strong-anna-louise/1919/laborspeech.htm “General Strikes, Mass Strikes” by Kim Moody https://solidarity-us.org/atc/160/p3679/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/theworkingclassintelligentsia/message

The foundation of Gramsci's ideas about cultural hegemony are grounded in the French Revolution. Before the Revolution no one could have predicted it. No one believed it was actually possible. According to Gramsci it happened because the Enlightenment created a vision of a better world. The French people stormed the Bastille because the National Convention made the impossible seem possible. Before the National Convention a French Republic was impossible. After the National Convention made the impossible possible, the French Republic became historically predetermined. The King did not realize it yet, but his resistance to the French Republic triggered the storming of the Bastille because the genie was out of the bottle. It was too late. The dream of the Enlightenment was now within reach. The king could not stop it. Show Notes “14 July” July 15, 1916 Avanti! Selections from Political Writings, 1910-1920 - [ ] Background - [ ] 1789 - [ ] 1790 - [ ] 1791-1792 - [ ] 1793 - [ ] 1794 - [ ] Gramsci's Article - [ ] Postscript Storming of the Bastille https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Storming_of_the_Bastille the French Revolution https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/French_Revolution The Dig podcast on Occupy Wall Street with Astra Taylor https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-dig/id1043245989?i=1000536617311 Black Lives Matter George Floyd Protests: 15-26 million https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/George_Floyd_protests --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/theworkingclassintelligentsia/message

Key Insights:Henry: We need to be critical of other people in the public sphere, but we need to be critical in an extraordinarily humble way—to recognize that we, all of us, are incredibly biased as individuals. We see the moats in our brothers' eyes very well. We do not see the beams and our own. We have a duty to others to try to help them to remove the beams in a polite, quiet, sometimes insistent way... think very carefully about the ways in which we can genuinely be constructive in criticism...Brad: We are in huge trouble: organizing our 7.8 billion person anthology intelligence to actually get done what we need to get done in the next century appears beyond our capabilities. It may be time to go back to the trees, or even to devolve completely and let some other more mature species more capable of collective action and organization come up—the raccoons, or something. Nobody has a gospel. So the next move has to be, somehow. with the head...Noah: Perhaps this is just the optimism of relative youth but I think that we're going to break out of our local maximum and find a better way. If you were in the 1930s, and you looked at the state of both America and the world, you would see even more cause for despair. Yet we got our way out of that without having to leave the planet to the raccoons. I think we will this time as well. The key insight is that we are still in the process of learning about what democracy means and about how, you know, humans can participate in their own government without turning it into an unwieldy shout fest.All: Hexapodia!P.S.: Marko Kloos's Paladium Wars series is excellent.References:Jason Brennan: Against Democracy Bryan Caplan: The Myth of the Rational Voter: Why Democracies Choose Bad Policies John Dewey: The Political Writings John Dewey: The Public and Its Problems: An Essay in Political Inquiry Henry Farrell: In Praise of Negativity Henry Farrell & Jack Knight: Reconstructing International Political Economy: A Deweyan ApproachHenry Farrell, Hugo Mercier, & Melissa Schwartzberg: No-B******t Democracy Alexander Hamilton: Federalist 9 Daniel Kahneman, Olivier Sibony, & Cass Sunstein: Noise Philip Kitcher: Science in a Democratic Society Hugo Mercier & Dan Sperber: The Enigma of Reason Michael Neblo, Kevin Esterling, & David Lazar: Politics with the People: Building a Directly Representative Democracy Josiah Ober: Democracy and Knowledge: Innovation and Learning in Classical Athens Melissa Schwartzberg: Epistemic Democracy and Its Challenges Ilya Somin: Democracy and Political Ignorance: Why Smaller Government Is Smarter Richard Thaler & Cass Sunstein: Nudges: Improving Decisions about Health, Wealth and Happiness &, of course:Vernor Vinge: A Fire Upon the Deep Alexander Hamilton: ‘It is impossible to read the history of the petty republics of Greece and Italy without feeling sensations of horror and disgust at the distractions with which they were continually agitated, and at the rapid succession of revolutions by which they were kept in a state of perpetual vibration between the extremes of tyranny and anarchy. If they exhibit occasional calms, these only serve as short-lived contrast to the furious storms that are to succeed. If now and then intervals of felicity open to view, we behold them with a mixture of regret, arising from the reflection that the pleasing scenes before us are soon to be overwhelmed by the tempestuous waves of sedition and party rage. If momentary rays of glory break forth from the gloom, while they dazzle us with a transient and fleeting brilliancy, they at the same time admonish us to lament that the vices of government should pervert the direction and tarnish the lustre of those bright talents and exalted endowments for which the favored soils that produced them have been so justly celebrated. From the disorders that disfigure the annals of those republics the advocates of despotism have drawn arguments, not only against the forms of republican government, but against the very principles of civil liberty. They have decried all free government as inconsistent with the order of society, and have indulged themselves in malicious exultation over its friends and partisans…. It is not to be denied that the portraits they have sketched of republican government were too just copies of the originals from which they were taken. If it had been found impracticable to have devised models of a more perfect structure, the enlightened friends to liberty would have been obliged to abandon the cause of that species of government as indefensible. The science of politics, however, like most other sciences, has received great improvement. The efficacy of various principles is now well understood, which were either not known at all, or imperfectly known to the ancients. The regular distribution of power into distinct departments; the introduction of legislative balances and checks; the institution of courts composed of judges holding their offices during good behavior; the representation of the people in the legislature by deputies of their own election: these are wholly new discoveries, or have made their principal progress towards perfection in modern times. They are means, and powerful means, by which the excellences of republican government may be retained and its imperfections lessened or avoided…Henry Farrell, Hugo Mercier, & Melissa Schwartzberg: No-B******t Democracy: ‘Over the last decade a prominent academic literature tied to libertarian thought has argued that democracy is generally inferior to other forms of collective problem-solving such as markets and the rule of cognitive elites (Caplan 2007, Somin 2016, Brennan 2016). These skeptics appeal to findings in cognitive and social psychology, and political behavior, to claim that decision-making by ordinary citizens is unlikely to be rational or well-grounded in evidence.  Their arguments have received prominent media coverage (Crain 2016), and have been repeated in conservative critiques of democratic voting (Mathis-Lilley 2021), while provoking rejoinders from political theorists whose “epistemic” account of the benefits of democracy invokes mechanisms such as deliberation, the Condorcet Jury Theorem, and the “Diversity Trumps Ability” theorem (Landemore 2013; Schwartzberg 2015). This debate has been largely unproductive…. We set out a different approach. We show that democratic skeptics’ claims tend to rest on partial, inaccurate, and outdated understandings of human cognition. However, we do not retort with a general defense of democracy on cognitive or epistemological grounds. Instead, we advocate a scientific program investigating the conditions under which specific democratic institutions do better or worse in discovering solutions to collective problems, building in particular on results in experimental psychology… (Remember: You can subscribe to this… weblog-like newsletter… here: There’s a free email list. There’s a paid-subscription list with (at the moment, only a few) extras too.) Get full access to Brad DeLong's Grasping Reality at braddelong.substack.com/subscribe

Hello and welcome to episode 31 of Diversity Hire. Today’s guest was Osita Nwanevu a staff writer at The New Republic. We talked about why we are all sick of talking about cancel culture, the shitty incentives of the online writing economy, reactionary liberals, the ups-and-downs of elite media, and much more. Kevin and Arjun also talk about one podcast host’s grievous injury and why you should go to urgent care when you get hurt. Thanks for listening!Arjun & Kevin talk about Arjun’s finger injury and mid-century modern furniture. (0:00)Osita Nwanevu walks us through his career timeline (11:00)Osita on his political evolution (16:25)Osita on the influence of 2010s policy political blogs (21:00)Osita on Substack, platforms, and the rise of reactionary liberalism (22:00) (re: The Willful Blindness of Reactionary Liberalism, The New Republic)Osita on the echo chamber of the commentariat. (re: It’s Time to Stop Yammering About Liberal Bias, Slate) (25:55)Osita on the pitfalls of the freedom of speech beat and campus politics. (29:00) (re: Political Writings, Harpers)Osita on the loosening grip of the anti-woke commentariat on public opinion. (38:30)Osita on what the elite media can offer and what it cannot. (41:30)Osita on Rick MacArthur’s soft ball game (47:00)Osita on how his own politics have functioned in his various media workplaces. (49:30) Osita on the terrible incentives of the online writing economy (53:00)Osita on the value of debate (59:00)Arjun’s Feelings Don’t Care About Facts Corner (1:00:02)The Diversity Tribunal (1:00:13) Get on the email list at diversityhire.substack.com

Wait! Who are we talking about?!? That’s right folks we are finally talking about Francois Fénelon. In case you haven’t ever heard of Fenelon, Boston College’s Professor Ryan Patrick Hanley is here to straighten us out about this historical figure from the court of Louis XIV and chat about his book, "Fénelon: Moral and Political Writings.”

The seventh episode of the Democracy Paradox focuses on the secondary effects of direct democracy with Joshua (Josh) J. Dyck and Edward (Ted) L. Lascher, Jr. Their recent book Initiatives without Engagement: A Realistic Appraisal of Direct Democracy’s Secondary Effects. Typically, initiative referendums are discussed as a philosophical component of direct democracy. Josh and Ted focus on empirical data to show how initiatives have secondary effects with negative consequences. It is a distinct look at a topic many of us (falsely) believe we fully comprehend. The podcast examines the three key findings of their research in the book, but extends to many larger big picture topics. We discuss Brexit, Switzerland (including their failure to extend the franchise to women until 1971), and I even find a way sneak Robert Dahl into the conversation. Our conversation engages with core issues of politics including democracy, institutions, and even the rights of minorities. Take the time to visit my blog at www.democracyparadox.com. I have written 70 reviews of both classic and contemporary works of political science with an emphasis on democracy. This week I reviewed Antonio Gramsci's Selections from Political Writings 1921-1926. Please visit the website and read my book reviews. And don't forget to subscribe to keep up with future episodes.

Fala pessoal do GizCast! O Quem Foi?! dá continuidade à série do Contrato Social, e Gabriel Bonz (@_gabrielbonz) vai falar sobre um grande pensador holandês, que pensous obre a epistemologia e também sobre a política, Samuel von Pufendorf (1632-1694); um filósofo um pouco obscuro, mas extremamente importante que trata sobre os temas do direito natural e da formação do Estado. Lembrando que qualquer dúvida, sugestão, indicação de convidado, é, não só bem vinda, como necessária. Para entrar em contato nos procure no Facebook, no Twitter ou no e-mail. Agradecemos a Yann Cerri (@yanncerri) pela arte da capa e à Sapiens Solutions pelo suporte ao podcast. Produção: Gabriel Bonz. Participação: Gabriel Bonz. Edição: Gabriel Bonz. Arte da Capa: Yann Cerri. Leitura do Início do Programa: “O assunto ficará mais claro se considerarmos quais condições que permitem aos homens estabelecerem Estados; o que é necessário para que alguém possa realmente ser chamado de um animal político (ou seja, um bom cidadão) e, finalmente, o que existe na natureza do homem que resiste à ‘civilidade’. Aquele que entra no Estado sacrifica sua liberdade natural e se sujeita à soberania. Isso inclui, também, os direitos de vida e morte sobre si mesmo. E, por conta disso, muitas coisas acabam tendo de ser feitas de maneira que de forma distinta causaria abominação; […] portanto, a maioria das ações deve ser encaminhada para o bem da sociedade, o que parece frequentemente diferente do bem do indivíduo.” (PUFENDORF, Samuel. “On the Law of Nature and of Nations in Eight Books” in: CARR, Craig L. (ed.). The Political Writings of Samuel Pufendorf. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994, pp. 203). #GizCastAcessível: A capa tem foto de uma escultura de Samuel von Pufendorf, um homem sério e de cabelos compridos que, na pose da escultura, está em pé e olha para um livro que está em sua mão. Está escrito em fonte Times New Roman maior “QUEM XVI FOI?!” e, embaixo, “Contrato Social” de Samuel von Pufendorf. Ao redor da capa há uma simulação de moldura dourada. Fale Conosco: E-mail: contato@gizcast.com.br Facebook: facebook.com/gizcast Twitter: @giz_cast Twitter: @_gabrielbonz Twitter: @caio_ardenghe Instagram: @giz_cast

Last week we explored the life and ideas of William Leggett—the founding father of America’s first identifiably libertarian movement. This week we begin with his attack on censorship as a gross abuse of government power, a sure sign that freedom was dying.Further Readings/References:Earle, Jonathan. Jacksonian Antislavery & the Politics of Free Soil, 1824-1854. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. 2004.Grimstead, David. American Mobbing, 1828-1861: Toward Civil War. New York: Oxford University Press. 1998.Sedgwick, Theodore III. A Collection of the Political Writings of William Leggett (2 Volumes). New York: Taylor & Dodd. 1840.White, Lawrence, ed. Democratick Editorials: Essays in Jacksonian Political Economy. Indianapolis: Liberty Press. 1984.Music by Kai Engel See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Somewhere during the course of his tour—somewhere in the Mediterranean—William Leggett developed a “life-long hatred of authority,” a libertarian spirit within him that revolted against power wherever it existed, wherever people attempted to constrict the liberty of others. Historians tell us the 1820s, 30s, and 40s was the Jacksonian Era, but this week and next we will follow Walt Whitman in declaring this “The Age of Leggett.” Further Readings/References:Leggett, William. Leisure Hours at Sea: Being a Few Miscellaneous Poems, by a Midshipman of the United States Navy. New York: G.C. Morgon and E. Bliss & E. White. 1825.Sedgwick, Theodore III. A Collection of the Political Writings of William Leggett (2 Volumes). New York: Taylor & Dodd. 1840.White, Lawrence, ed. Democratick Editorials: Essays in Jacksonian Political Economy. Indianapolis: Liberty Press. 1984.Worton, Stanley. “William Leggett, Political Journalist (1801-1839): A Study in Democratic Thought.” (PhD Dissertation): Columbia University. Columbia University Press. 1954.Music by Kai Engel See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

https://ia601504.us.archive.org/33/items/on-blanchot/1462-2010-10-26-1-paul.mp3 Slought is pleased to announce “On Maurice Blanchot and the Political,” a conversation on the political works of Maurice Blanchot, on Tuesday, October 26th, 2010 from 6:30pm to 8:00pm. It will feature Zakir Paul, Ann Smock, and Helen Tartar in conversation and will be moderated by Jean-Michel Rabate. The event serves as the book … Continue reading On Maurice Blanchot and the Political: A conversation about political writing, refusing authority, and politicizing the written word

Panelists Steven Lukes is Professor of Sociology at New York University, and teaches political and social theory. Nadia Urbinati is Kyriakos Tsakopoulos Professor of Political Theory and Hellenic Studies. She is a political theorist who specializes in modern and contemporary political thought and the democratic and anti-democratic traditions.