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Bob sits down with the managing editor of the Libertarian Institute, Keith Knight, to sample arguments from his recent four-hour video cataloguing sixty-four problems with democratic socialism.Related:Find More from Keith Here: Mises.org/HAP559a64 Arguments Against Democratic Socialism: Mises.org/HAP559bKeith's Domestic Imperialism: Nine Reasons I Left Progressivism: Mises.org/HAP559c
Bob sits down with the managing editor of the Libertarian Institute, Keith Knight, to sample arguments from his recent four-hour video cataloguing sixty-four problems with democratic socialism.Related:Find More from Keith Here: Mises.org/HAP559a64 Arguments Against Democratic Socialism: Mises.org/HAP559bKeith's Domestic Imperialism: Nine Reasons I Left Progressivism: Mises.org/HAP559c
Democratic socialists insist the horrors of the twentieth century were a betrayal of their ideal—that their version would be staffed by good people, to good ends. In this 1977 essay, Murray Rothbard argues the brutality is inherent in the system, not the personnel, which makes "humanistic" or "democratic" socialism a contradiction in terms.Originally published in the Libertarian Review.
How German “anti-Marxism,” including national (anti-Marxian) socialism, absorbed the very Marxian ideas it claimed to oppose, with Werner Sombart as the case study of a thinker Marxist and anti-Marxist by turns.
******Support the channel******Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/thedissenterPayPal: paypal.me/thedissenterPayPal Subscription 1 Dollar: https://tinyurl.com/yb3acuuyPayPal Subscription 3 Dollars: https://tinyurl.com/ybn6bg9lPayPal Subscription 5 Dollars: https://tinyurl.com/ycmr9gpzPayPal Subscription 10 Dollars: https://tinyurl.com/y9r3fc9mPayPal Subscription 20 Dollars: https://tinyurl.com/y95uvkao ******Follow me on******Website: https://www.thedissenter.net/The Dissenter Goodreads list: https://shorturl.at/7BMoBFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/thedissenteryt/Twitter: https://x.com/TheDissenterYT This show is sponsored by Enlites, Learning & Development done differently. Check the website here: http://enlites.com/ Dr. Matthew McManus is a Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Michigan. He is the author of books like The Emergence of Postmodernity, The Political Right and Equality, and The Political Theory of Liberal Socialism. In this episode, we start by talking about the piece “The Right Wants You Stupid”. We explore the historical link between anti-intellectualism and the American right, the idea of a natural order to society, and how it benefits the ruling class. We talk about anti-intellectualism in the American modern era, and charges against SJWs, feminists, Marxists, the wokes, and “cultural Marxism”. We also discuss whether the right is really in favor of academic freedom. We then talk about Dr. McManus' piece “Steven Pinker Doesn't Know Anything About Marxism”, and explore how he is wrong about Marxism; whether Marxism has really been tried in any society; Pinker's flawed take on the Enlightenment; and issues with Pinker's approach to history, anthropology, politics, and economics. Finally, we discuss the critics of Marxism that Marxists need to contend with the most.--A HUGE THANK YOU TO MY PATRONS/SUPPORTERS: PER HELGE LARSEN, BERNARDO SEIXAS, ADAM KESSEL, MATTHEW WHITINGBIRD, ARNAUD WOLFF, TIM HOLLOSY, HENRIK AHLENIUS, ROBERT WINDHAGER, RUI INACIO, ZOOP, MARCO NEVES, COLIN HOLBROOK, PHIL KAVANAGH, SAMUEL ANDREEFF, FRANCIS FORDE, TIAGO NUNES, FERGAL CUSSEN, HAL HERZOG, NUNO MACHADO, JONATHAN LEIBRANT, JOÃO LINHARES, STANTON T, SAMUEL CORREA, ERIK HAINES, MARK SMITH, JOÃO EIRA, TOM HUMMEL, SARDUS FRANCE, DAVID SLOAN WILSON, YACILA DEZA-ARAUJO, ROMAIN ROCH, YANICK PUNTER, CHARLOTTE BLEASE, NICOLE BARBARO, PAWEL OSTASZEWSKI, NELLEKE BAK, GUY MADISON, GARY G HELLMANN, SAIMA AFZAL, ADRIAN JAEGGI, JOÃO BARBOSA, JULIAN PRICE, HEDIN BRØNNER, FRANCA BORTOLOTTI, URSULA LITZCKE, SCOTT, ZACHARY FISH, TIM DUFFY, SUNNY SMITH, JON WISMAN, WILLIAM BUCKNER, LUKE GLOWACKI, GEORGIOS THEOPHANOUS, CHRIS WILLIAMSON, PETER WOLOSZYN, DAVID WILLIAMS, DIOGO COSTA, ALEX CHAU, CORALIE CHEVALLIER, BANGALORE ATHEISTS, LARRY D. LEE JR., OLD HERRINGBONE, DAN SPERBER, ROBERT GRESSIS, JEFF MCMAHAN, JAKE ZUEHL, MARK CAMPBELL, TOMAS DAUBNER, LUKE NISSEN, KIMBERLY JOHNSON, JESSICA NOWICKI, LINDA BRANDIN, VALENTIN STEINMANN, ALEXANDER HUBBARD, BR, JONAS HERTNER, URSULA GOODENOUGH, DAVID PINSOF, SEAN NELSON, MIKE LAVIGNE, JOS KNECHT, LUCY, MANVIR SINGH, PETRA WEIMANN, CAROLA FEEST, MAURO JÚNIOR, TONY BARRETT, NIKOLAI VISHNEVSKY, STEVEN GANGESTAD, TED FARRIS, HUGO B., JORDAN MANSFIELD, CHARLOTTE ALLEN, DAVID TONNER, PATRICK DALTON-HOLMES, NICK KRASNEY, RACHEL ZAK, DENNIS XAVIER, CHINMAYA BHAT, RHYS, ALEX MACLEOD, HAIDAR, JULIEN PORCHER, ROBERT SUNDSTRÖM, JON STEWART, AND JAMES DORLING!A SPECIAL THANKS TO MY PRODUCERS, YZAR WEHBE, JIM FRANK, ŁUKASZ STAFINIAK, TOM VANEGDOM, BERNARD HUGUENEY, CURTIS DIXON, THOMAS TRUMBLE, KATHRINE AND PATRICK TOBIN, JONCARLO MONTENEGRO, NICK GOLDEN, CHRISTINE GLASS, IGOR NIKIFOROVSKI, PER KRAULIS, ADAM HUNT, AND JOÃO BARBOSA!AND TO MY EXECUTIVE PRODUCERS, MATTHEW LAVENDER,SERGIU CODREANU, AND GREGORY HASTINGS!
Liberalism applied to world affairs: national self-determination, free trade and freedom of movement as the foundations of peace, and critiques of nationalism, imperialism, and colonialism.
How Marxism claims that truth itself is attainable only in a classless society, and how the cult of “action” and violence—by way of Georges Sorel and French syndicalism—fed into Leninism, fascism, and Nazi racial doctrine.
Marx's doctrine of class and class conflict: the claim that class interests determine how people think and set the classes in irreconcilable conflict—with Mises noting that Marx never actually defined what a class is.
Richard M. Ebeling recalls the world of 1952, when socialism seemed ascendant everywhere, summarizes Marx's system of historical materialism and class struggle, and introduces Mises as one of its most formidable critics.
Mises defends his use of the word: true liberalism is defined by private ownership of the means of production, and he explains why he keeps the name despite its distorted modern usage.
Mises's guided reading list of the essential works of liberal thought, from Hume, Smith, and Bentham onward, for readers who want to study the tradition in depth.
Mises argues that modern civilization rests on liberalism and capitalism, and can be destroyed only from within—by the spread of antiliberal ideas, not by any outside enemy.
Why liberalism differs from interest-based parties, the crisis of parliamentary government, and the misleading charge that liberalism is merely the “party of capital.”
The economic case for private property and the free market, including the impracticability of socialism, the failures of interventionism, and the problems of cartels, monopoly, and bureaucracy.
The first principles of liberal politics—private property, freedom, peace, and equality before the law—with a critique of the doctrine of force, fascism, and the proper limits of government.
Mises defines liberalism as a program for material welfare grounded in reason, ties it to capitalism, and examines the psychological roots of antiliberal resentment.
Ludwig von Mises's preface to the English edition: what classical liberalism is, why its program rests on private property, and how “liberal” came to mean nearly its opposite in America.
Tom Woods frames Ludwig von Mises's book around a single question—when the state may legitimately initiate force—and the classical liberal's insistence on a very high threshold for it.
Some people seem to think the Constitution of 1787 is pretty much the same thing as the Declaration of Independence. They're wrong.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/dont-confuse-declaration-independence-constitution
Some people seem to think the Constitution of 1787 is pretty much the same thing as the Declaration of Independence. They're wrong.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/dont-confuse-declaration-independence-constitution
The US “celebrates” its 250th birthday today, but not everyone is celebrating. We bring back a classic from 10 years ago that is even more relevant today.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/its-fourth-july-why-am-i-sad
The US “celebrates” its 250th birthday today, but not everyone is celebrating. We bring back a classic from 10 years ago that is even more relevant today.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/its-fourth-july-why-am-i-sad
Is this the end of liberalism, or just another temporary crisis? If it is the end, what will follow it? And where did it all go wrong?Since the end of WWII, the Western world has been governed by liberal principles. But as faith in liberalism fades, many are asking: what deeper vision should guide our societies going forward? Join Blue Labour founder Maurice Glasman and author of Tyranny Inc., Sohrab Ahmari, as they diagnose the roots of the current crisis and explore possibilities for what lies beyond the faltering liberal world order. Both Glasman and Ahmari's diverging visions call for ideas and morality to lead politics, not the other way around. Don't hesitate to email us at podcast@iai.tv with your thoughts or questions on the episode!To witness such talks live buy tickets for our upcoming festival: https://howthelightgetsin.org/festivals/And visit our website for many more articles, videos, and podcasts like this one: https://iai.tv/You can find everything we referenced here: https://linktr.ee/philosophyforourtimesSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
It is important to change our political culture, which treats "democracy," or the "right" to vote, as the supreme political good.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/libertarian-critique-birthright-citizenship
It is important to change our political culture, which treats "democracy," or the "right" to vote, as the supreme political good.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/libertarian-critique-birthright-citizenship
In this episode of Scripture Untangled, Dr. Kristen Deede Johnson, Principal of Wycliffe College, joins CBS Ambassador Rev. Dr. Andrew Stirling for a rich and personal conversation about faith, formation, and what it really means to follow Jesus today. Kristen offers a hopeful perspective on the future of the Church, highlighting signs of renewal, particularly among younger generations seeking truth, meaning, and community. In this episode, Kristen and Andrew discuss: What it means to be formed in Christ, moving beyond surface-level faith into a vision of discipleship that shapes every part of our lives. How some Christians put pressure on themselves to perform for God, and how a deeper understanding of the Trinity reveals that God, not us, is the primary One at work in the world. How culture quietly shapes our beliefs, identity, and expectations, often influencing our faith more than we realize. A hopeful perspective on the future of the Church, highlighting signs of renewal, particularly among younger generations seeking truth, meaning, and community. Read the transcript: biblesociety.ca/transcript-scripture-untangled-s13-ep11 =====Dr Kristen Deede Johnson is the eleventh Principal of Wycliffe College. She comes to Wycliffe College from Western Theological Seminary, an evangelical and ecumenical seminary in Holland, Michigan, where she was Dean and Vice President of Academic Affairs as well as G.W. and Edna Haworth Professor of Educational Ministries and Leadership. After completing her undergraduate studies at the University of Virginia (BA in Political and Social Thought with a minor in Religious Studies) she pursued graduate studies at St. Mary's College, University of St. Andrews, in St. Andrews, Scotland, where she earned a PhD in Theology. As an administrative leader in theological education, Dr Johnson has significant experience in such areas as strategic planning, developing and implementing academic and external programs in ways that serve the mission of the seminary and the needs of the Church, and establishing centres and recruiting faculty to enhance the reputation and impact of the institution. She is widely published by both popular and academic publishers and a sought-after thought leader on radio and podcasts. Her first book, Theology, Political Theory, and Pluralism: Beyond Tolerance and Difference, was published by Cambridge University Press in the Cambridge Studies in Christian Doctrine series. In 2017 a book she co-authored, The Justice Calling: Where Passion Meets Perseverance (Brazos Press), was awarded Book of the Year from Christianity Today in the Politics and Public Life Category. https://www.wycliffecollege.ca/users/kristen-deede-johnsonCanadian Bible Society: biblesociety.caHelp people hear God speak: biblesociety.ca/donateConnect with us on Instagram: @canadianbiblesocietyThe Bible Course: biblecourse.ca
Welcome to another episode of the Peaceful Political Revolution in America podcast.I want to begin today with a passage that has been sitting with me for some time. It comes from the Swiss scholar Pascal Lottaz, host of the Neutrality Studies podcast, in his March 2026 introduction to an interview with the political scientist Dr. Aaron Good. Lottaz opened that conversation this way. "Crime in the United States is not a bug; it's a feature. That actually explains a lot also about its illegal foreign policies. The US as a political entity is deeply intertwined with crime syndicates and explicitly illegal acts under international and local law. Epstein was not at all an exception. These shady dealers are part and parcel of how US politics works."Good's argument, in brief, is this. After the Second World War, the United States built what he calls a "tripartite state" — the public democratic state we learn about in civics class, the national-security state of the Pentagon and the intelligence agencies, and, behind both of them, a deep state that he defines as an obscured, dominant, supranational source of antidemocratic power. That deep state, he argues, did not emerge from any constitutional design. It emerged from the pursuit of empire — from a postwar project that required, in his words, an endless exception to the rule of law in order to function.That's quite a diagnosis. And it is a powerful one. But it leaves an obvious question hanging. If the rot is structural, what do we do about it? That question is what brings me to today's guest.Dr. Camila Vergara is a Senior Lecturer and Director of Research and Innovation at the Essex Business School at the University of Essex. She is the editor of Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory, and the author of Systemic Corruption: Constitutional Ideas for an Anti-Oligarchic Republic, published by Princeton University Press.Where Aaron Good gives us a forensic account of how the American state has been hollowed out by elite criminality, Camila Vergara takes a longer view. Drawing on Machiavelli, Condorcet, Rosa Luxemburg, and Hannah Arendt, she argues that the corruption we are describing is not a recent betrayal of an otherwise sound design — it is the predictable trajectory of representative government itself. Republics, she contends, decay into oligarchies. They always have. And the question is not whether the United States is corrupt, but whether the constitutional architecture we inherited contains the tools to push back against that decay — or whether we need to build new ones.Her answer, of course, is the latter. She proposes what she calls plebeian institutions — a network of local assemblies, independent of parties and government, designed to give ordinary people a permanent, structural check on the power of the few.Today, we are going to walk through that argument. We will talk about how she defines systemic corruption, why she thinks reform from within is unlikely to be enough, what plebeian power could actually look like in twenty-first century America, and whether the U.S. Constitution — as it stands — is part of the cure or part of the disease.Dr. Camila Vergara, it is a pleasure to have you on the Peaceful Political Revolution in America podcast. Welcome to the conversation.Quick LinksSYSTEM CORRUPTION by Camila Vergarahttps://a.co/d/0eEmbDAFPascal Lottaz, Neutrality Studies:https://youtu.be/WjgvH8xCbv4?si=gjQVXmbCbwhk3al1YouTube:https://youtu.be/0KUlGYE6apw
This special episode of LCHP's History-Politics Podcast features a recording of an event titled “The Future of History: Have We Reached the End of History Again?” This event was the first in a multi-part series by the Luskin Public History Program in conjunction with the UCLA Luskin Center for History and Policy at the Wende Museum. LCHP Director David Myers moderates a conversation between Miloš Jovanović (UCLA Assistant Professor of History), Natasha Piano (UCLA Assistant Professor of Political Theory, and Terry Tang (Executive Editor of the Los Angeles Times). This panel revisits the conclusion of political scientist Francis Fukuyama in his 1992 book The End of History and the Last Man, that we have reached “the universalization of Western liberal democracy as the final form of human government.” The scholars discuss whether the rise of illiberal authoritarianism marks a new end of history. From the rise of China and contemporary challenges to democracy to the role of journalism, education, and historical thinking in a “post-truth” age, the panelists examine the enduring appeal of liberty, equality, and human dignity. In an era of constant change, how should we think about the next phase of history? As part of an unfolding journey into the future, or as the beginning of the end? Miloš Jovanović is an Assistant Professor of History at UCLA. His research looks at the Balkans, Ottoman and Habsburg Empires, capitalism, and Marxist theory and history. His first book, Cities of Dust and Mud: Urbanism and Bourgeois Fantasy in the Balkans (Stanford University Press, 2026), explores the social costs of elite-led urban change. His new project, Spaces of Empire: The Habsburg World and its Afterlives, examines the diverse trajectories of urban spaces after imperial collapse.David N. Myers is Distinguished Professor of History and the Sady and Ludwig Kahn Chair in Jewish History at UCLA. He is the founding director of the UCLA Luskin Center for History and Policy. He also directs the UCLA Initiative to Study Hate, the UCLA Dialogue Across Difference Initiative, and the UCLA Bedari Kindness Institute. He is the author or editor of more than fifteen books, including American Shtetl (Princeton University Press 2022, winner of the 2022 National Jewish Book Award).Natasha Piano is Assistant Professor of Political Theory in the Department of Political Science at UCLA. She specializes in democratic theory and the history of political thought, focusing on realist and empirical traditions in political science and Italian political theory. Her book, Democratic Elitism: The Founding Myth of American Political Science (Harvard University Press, 2025), examines how misinterpretations of elite theory shaped American political systems. She is also the co-editor of Florentine Political Writings from Petrarch to Machiavelli (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2019).Terry Tang is Executive Editor of the Los Angeles Times. Appointed in 2024, she is the first female editor in the paper's 142-year history. Before joining the Los Angeles Times in 2019, she served as director of publications and editorial at the American Civil Liberties Union and held multiple editorial roles at The New York Times. She holds a BA in economics from Yale and a JD from New York University School of Law. She was also a Nieman Fellow at Harvard.
Misha Glenny and guests discuss the group which came to be known as the Levellers and emerged during what would become arguably one of the bloodiest and most turbulent periods of English history. After the First English Civil War, the Levellers started calling for reforms to achieve legal and social equality. They pushed for a new constitution, extended franchise, popular sovereignty, and religious toleration. To do this, the Levellers pioneered the use of pamphlets and petitions, as well as taking to the streets in their thousands to demonstrate wearing their signature sea-green ribbons and sprigs of rosemary. To some they were radical, and to others not radical enough. Though the Leveller movement itself may have been short-lived, the arguments that they made have both inspired and challenged generations since.WithTeresa Bejan Professor of Political Theory and Fellow of Oriel College, University of OxfordTed Vallance Professor of History and Dean of Research and Doctoral Study at the University of RoehamptonAndClare Jackson Honorary Professor of Early Modern History and Walter Grant Scott Fellow in History at Trinity Hall, University of CambridgeProducer: Martha OwenReading list:Teresa M. Bejan, First Among Equals: Visions of Equality before Egalitarianism (Belknap Press, forthcoming in 2026)Michael Braddick, The Common Freedom of the People: John Lilburne and the English Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2018)Rachel Foxley, The Levellers; Radical Political Thought in the English Revolution (Manchester University Press, 2013)Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down (Penguin, 1972)Ann Hughes, Gender and the English Revolution (Routledge, 2011)John Rees, The Leveller Revolution: Radical Political Organisation in England, 1640-1650 (Verso Books, 2016)John Rees (ed.), John Lilburne and the Levellers: Reappraising the Roots of English Radicalism 400 years on (Routledge, 2017), including 'Reborn John: The Eighteenth-Century Afterlife of John Lilburne' by Edward VallanceAndrew Sharp (ed.), The English Levellers (Cambridge University Press, 1998)Edward Vallance, A Radical History of Britain: Visionaries, Rebels and Revolutionaries - the men and women who fought for our freedoms (Abacus, 2010)Blair Worden, Roundhead Reputations: The English Civil Wars and The Passions of Posterity (Penguin, 2002)In Our Time is a BBC Studios productionSpanning history, religion, culture, science and philosophy, In Our Time from BBC Radio 4 is essential listening for the intellectually curious. In each episode, host Misha Glenny and expert guests explore the characters, events and discoveries that have shaped our world.
Misha Glenny and guests discuss the group which came to be known as the Levellers and emerged during what would become arguably one of the bloodiest and most turbulent periods of English history. After the First English Civil War, the Levellers started calling for reforms to achieve legal and social equality. They pushed for a new constitution, extended franchise, popular sovereignty, and religious toleration. To do this, the Levellers pioneered the use of pamphlets and petitions, as well as taking to the streets in their thousands to demonstrate wearing their signature sea-green ribbons and sprigs of rosemary. To some they were radical, and to others not radical enough. Though the Leveller movement itself may have been short-lived, the arguments that they made have both inspired and challenged generations since.WithTeresa Bejan Professor of Political Theory and Fellow of Oriel College, University of OxfordTed Vallance Professor of History and Dean of Research and Doctoral Study at the University of RoehamptonAndClare Jackson Honorary Professor of Early Modern History and Walter Grant Scott Fellow in History at Trinity Hall, University of CambridgeProducer: Martha OwenReading list:Teresa M. Bejan, First Among Equals: Visions of Equality before Egalitarianism (Belknap Press, forthcoming in 2026)Michael Braddick, The Common Freedom of the People: John Lilburne and the English Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2018)Rachel Foxley, The Levellers; Radical Political Thought in the English Revolution (Manchester University Press, 2013)Christopher Hill, The World Turned Upside Down (Penguin, 1972)Ann Hughes, Gender and the English Revolution (Routledge, 2011)John Rees, The Leveller Revolution: Radical Political Organisation in England, 1640-1650 (Verso Books, 2016)John Rees (ed.), John Lilburne and the Levellers: Reappraising the Roots of English Radicalism 400 years on (Routledge, 2017), including 'Reborn John: The Eighteenth-Century Afterlife of John Lilburne' by Edward VallanceAndrew Sharp (ed.), The English Levellers (Cambridge University Press, 1998)Edward Vallance, A Radical History of Britain: Visionaries, Rebels and Revolutionaries - the men and women who fought for our freedoms (Abacus, 2010)Blair Worden, Roundhead Reputations: The English Civil Wars and The Passions of Posterity (Penguin, 2002)In Our Time is a BBC Studios productionSpanning history, religion, culture, science and philosophy, In Our Time from BBC Radio 4 is essential listening for the intellectually curious. In each episode, host Misha Glenny and expert guests explore the characters, events and discoveries that have shaped our world.
Get access to The Backroom (100+ exclusive episodes) on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/OneDimeBenjamin Studebaker joins me on 1Dime Radio for another episode in our regular series of wide-ranging conversations. This time we get into the geopolitical situations in Iran, Ukraine, and Cuba, asking whether the U.S. and Russia are both stuck in wars they cannot neatly win. We analyze how Iran's power structure has changed, what Ukraine's drone strategy signals about the war with Russia, and how North American energy business interests fit into the picture. We also touch on Cuba's demographic pressures, the influence of the “success” of the Venezuela action, and the limits of the U.S. legislative system.In The Backroom on Patreon, Studebaker and I dig into a simple, yet highly nuanced question: what is politics, actually? What does it mean to DO politics? What makes something, or someone, political? When is something politics, and when is it not? What is the difference between Politics as usual, administration, and real politics? What differentiates Politics from social justice activism? Timestamps:00:00:00 The Backroom Preview: A Better Future00:03:48 Intro00:06:07 Has Regime Change Already Occurred In Iran?00:15:00 Will Iran Spike Oil Prices?00:17:48 Israel vs America's Interests00:24:12 Trump's Gas Price Problem00:37:00 Iran's Legitimacy Crisis00:50:11 Can Cuba Survive?01:05:42 Ukraine's Drone War01:11:37 The Energy Politics Behind Ukraine01:20:00 Is America Politically Paralyzed?01:28:37 Can Ukraine Still Negotiate?01:35:00 Was Mearsheimer Right About NATO?01:40:00 China, Trade, and Global Power01:54:23 Backroom Preview: What Is Politics?GUEST:Benjamin Studebaker• Website: https://benjaminstudebaker.com/• Substack: https://substack.com/@bmstudebaker• Legitimacy in Liberal Democracies: https://edinburghuniversitypress.com/book-legitimacy-in-liberal-democracies.html• Political Theory 101: https://open.spotify.com/show/3JwcqFCSwC9gwR6rUXwFFQFOLLOW 1Dime:• Substack: https://1dimereview.substack.com/• X/Twitter: https://x.com/1DimeOfficial• Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/1dimeman/• Check out my main channel videos: https://www.youtube.com/@1DimeeLeave a like, drop a comment, and give the show a 5-star rating on Spotify, Apple, or wherever you listen to this.
Spelman College professor and author of The Political Right & Equality, & The Political Theory of Liberal Socialism, returns to Bad Faith to to discuss his recent article on the Gad Saad, the poor man's Jordan Peterson, his case against "suicidal empathy," and what it shows about the status of the conservative movement. But first, we cover the latest Graham Platner sexting scandal, the NYC Israel Parade, & the California election results. https://jacobin.com/2026/05/saad-empathy-conservatism-book-review Subscribe to Bad Faith on YouTube for video of this episode. Find Bad Faith on Twitter (@badfaithpod) and Instagram (@badfaithpod). Produced by Armand Aviram. Theme by Nick Thorburn (@nickfromislands).
Welcome back to Boundless and Bottomless Seas. In this episode, we finally cross the finish line of Alexander Dugin's infamous text, The Fourth Political Theory. While Dugin frames himself as the ultimate adversary to Western postmodernism, a close, line-by-line reading reveals a wild, contradictory smoothie of ideas. We put it all in the blender: Soviet Marxism, radical traditionalism, Carl Schmitt's friend-enemy distinction, a heavy dose of Martin Heidegger, and a few tablespoons of pure Infowars-level internet mysticism. We dive deep into the messy world of his conflicting translations and the obscure concepts found in his appendices: Political Post-Anthropology: How the shift from a "political subject" to mere "political identification" has reduced modern politics to passive fandom and LARPing. The Metaphysics of Chaos vs. Logos: Dugin's bizarre, quasi-Gnostic argument that "Logos" has expired and that humanity's only savior is an embrace of "pre-ontological chaos." The Cult Bullshit Filter: We analyze why his philosophy reads less like a coherent geopolitical strategy and more like an intellectual trap designed to turn 1990s English majors into reactionaries. We wrap up our thoughts on Dugin and preview what's next on our summer reading list as we shift gears toward American conservative fusionism, movement conservatism, and eating our vegetables with Russell Kirk and Leo Strauss. Dugin, Alexander (2012). The Fourth Political Theory. Translated by Sleboda, Mark; Millerman, Michael. Arktos Media. Check out Varn Vlog Join the Regrettable Century Patreon Visit the Regrettable Century Merch Shop
Send us Fan MailThe problem of dirty hands arises when you have conflicting, but equally motivating, moral obligations. When these occur, is it possible to do wrong? Is it possible to do right? What does it mean to fulfil one's moral obligations in these circumstances? Dr Stephen de Wijze from University of Manchester introduces this problem and varying perspectives of approaching it.Support the show--------------------------If you would want to support the channel and what I am doing, please follow me on Patreon:www.patreon.com/christianityforallWhere else to find Josh Yen:Philosophy YT: https://bit.ly/philforallEducation: https://bit.ly/joshyenBuisness: https://bit.ly/logoseduMy Website: https://joshuajwyen.com/
The popular pastime of modern democracies of punishing the diligent and thrifty, while rewarding the lazy, improvident, and unthrifty, is cultivated via the State, fulfilling a demo-egalitarian program based on a demo-totalitarian ideology.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/democracys-road-tyranny
The popular pastime of modern democracies of punishing the diligent and thrifty, while rewarding the lazy, improvident, and unthrifty, is cultivated via the State, fulfilling a demo-egalitarian program based on a demo-totalitarian ideology.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/democracys-road-tyranny
Kimberlé Williams Crenshaw is a foundational legal scholar, theorist, and Civil Rights advocate, known for coining such significant and controversial terms as intersectionality and Critical Race Theory. But what — or who — inspired her work? Crenshaw examines just this in her new memoir Backtalker, which delves into her past, and the legal cases that shined light on complex and underresearched structures of inequity. In today's episode, Crenshaw joins NPR's Michel Martin for a conversation about Backtalker and why, as she says, “forward momentum has always been met by retrenchment.”To listen to Book of the Day sponsor-free and support NPR's book coverage, sign up for Book of the Day+ at plus.npr.org/bookofthedaySee pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for sponsorship and to manage your podcast sponsorship preferences.NPR Privacy Policy
A central paradox of democracies is that they are always ruled by elites. What can democracy mean in this context? Today, it is often said that a populist revolt against elites is driving democratic politics throughout the West. But in Elites and Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2026), Hugo Drochon argues that democracy is more accurately and usefully understood as a perpetual struggle among competing elites—between rising elites and ruling elites. Real political change comes from the interaction between social movements and elite political institutions such as parties. But, although true democracy—the rule of the people—may never be achieved, striving towards it can bring about worthwhile democratic results. At the turn of the twentieth century, Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, and Robert Michels put forward “elite” theories of democracy and gave us terms such as the “ruling class” and “elites” itself. Drawing on their work and tracing the history of democratic thought through figures such as Joseph Schumpeter, Robert Dahl, C. Wright Mills, and Raymond Aron, Elites and Democracy reveals that this fundamentally elitist basis of democracy—democracy understood as competition between elites—was there all along. The challenge is to think it anew. Moving away from procedural or principled conceptions of democracy, Elites and Democracy develops a dynamic theory of democracy, one grounded in movement. With current politics defined by a populist backlash against elites, dynamic democracy offers the tools we urgently need to understand our contemporary predicament and to act upon it. Hugo Drochon is an Associate Professor in Political Theory at the University of Nottingham. He is a historian of modern political thought, with interests in Nietzsche's politics. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th- and 19th-century British Literature. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory
A central paradox of democracies is that they are always ruled by elites. What can democracy mean in this context? Today, it is often said that a populist revolt against elites is driving democratic politics throughout the West. But in Elites and Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2026), Hugo Drochon argues that democracy is more accurately and usefully understood as a perpetual struggle among competing elites—between rising elites and ruling elites. Real political change comes from the interaction between social movements and elite political institutions such as parties. But, although true democracy—the rule of the people—may never be achieved, striving towards it can bring about worthwhile democratic results. At the turn of the twentieth century, Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, and Robert Michels put forward “elite” theories of democracy and gave us terms such as the “ruling class” and “elites” itself. Drawing on their work and tracing the history of democratic thought through figures such as Joseph Schumpeter, Robert Dahl, C. Wright Mills, and Raymond Aron, Elites and Democracy reveals that this fundamentally elitist basis of democracy—democracy understood as competition between elites—was there all along. The challenge is to think it anew. Moving away from procedural or principled conceptions of democracy, Elites and Democracy develops a dynamic theory of democracy, one grounded in movement. With current politics defined by a populist backlash against elites, dynamic democracy offers the tools we urgently need to understand our contemporary predicament and to act upon it. Hugo Drochon is an Associate Professor in Political Theory at the University of Nottingham. He is a historian of modern political thought, with interests in Nietzsche's politics. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th- and 19th-century British Literature. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
A central paradox of democracies is that they are always ruled by elites. What can democracy mean in this context? Today, it is often said that a populist revolt against elites is driving democratic politics throughout the West. But in Elites and Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2026), Hugo Drochon argues that democracy is more accurately and usefully understood as a perpetual struggle among competing elites—between rising elites and ruling elites. Real political change comes from the interaction between social movements and elite political institutions such as parties. But, although true democracy—the rule of the people—may never be achieved, striving towards it can bring about worthwhile democratic results. At the turn of the twentieth century, Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, and Robert Michels put forward “elite” theories of democracy and gave us terms such as the “ruling class” and “elites” itself. Drawing on their work and tracing the history of democratic thought through figures such as Joseph Schumpeter, Robert Dahl, C. Wright Mills, and Raymond Aron, Elites and Democracy reveals that this fundamentally elitist basis of democracy—democracy understood as competition between elites—was there all along. The challenge is to think it anew. Moving away from procedural or principled conceptions of democracy, Elites and Democracy develops a dynamic theory of democracy, one grounded in movement. With current politics defined by a populist backlash against elites, dynamic democracy offers the tools we urgently need to understand our contemporary predicament and to act upon it. Hugo Drochon is an Associate Professor in Political Theory at the University of Nottingham. He is a historian of modern political thought, with interests in Nietzsche's politics. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th- and 19th-century British Literature. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science
A central paradox of democracies is that they are always ruled by elites. What can democracy mean in this context? Today, it is often said that a populist revolt against elites is driving democratic politics throughout the West. But in Elites and Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2026), Hugo Drochon argues that democracy is more accurately and usefully understood as a perpetual struggle among competing elites—between rising elites and ruling elites. Real political change comes from the interaction between social movements and elite political institutions such as parties. But, although true democracy—the rule of the people—may never be achieved, striving towards it can bring about worthwhile democratic results. At the turn of the twentieth century, Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, and Robert Michels put forward “elite” theories of democracy and gave us terms such as the “ruling class” and “elites” itself. Drawing on their work and tracing the history of democratic thought through figures such as Joseph Schumpeter, Robert Dahl, C. Wright Mills, and Raymond Aron, Elites and Democracy reveals that this fundamentally elitist basis of democracy—democracy understood as competition between elites—was there all along. The challenge is to think it anew. Moving away from procedural or principled conceptions of democracy, Elites and Democracy develops a dynamic theory of democracy, one grounded in movement. With current politics defined by a populist backlash against elites, dynamic democracy offers the tools we urgently need to understand our contemporary predicament and to act upon it. Hugo Drochon is an Associate Professor in Political Theory at the University of Nottingham. He is a historian of modern political thought, with interests in Nietzsche's politics. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th- and 19th-century British Literature. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history
A central paradox of democracies is that they are always ruled by elites. What can democracy mean in this context? Today, it is often said that a populist revolt against elites is driving democratic politics throughout the West. But in Elites and Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2026), Hugo Drochon argues that democracy is more accurately and usefully understood as a perpetual struggle among competing elites—between rising elites and ruling elites. Real political change comes from the interaction between social movements and elite political institutions such as parties. But, although true democracy—the rule of the people—may never be achieved, striving towards it can bring about worthwhile democratic results. At the turn of the twentieth century, Gaetano Mosca, Vilfredo Pareto, and Robert Michels put forward “elite” theories of democracy and gave us terms such as the “ruling class” and “elites” itself. Drawing on their work and tracing the history of democratic thought through figures such as Joseph Schumpeter, Robert Dahl, C. Wright Mills, and Raymond Aron, Elites and Democracy reveals that this fundamentally elitist basis of democracy—democracy understood as competition between elites—was there all along. The challenge is to think it anew. Moving away from procedural or principled conceptions of democracy, Elites and Democracy develops a dynamic theory of democracy, one grounded in movement. With current politics defined by a populist backlash against elites, dynamic democracy offers the tools we urgently need to understand our contemporary predicament and to act upon it. Hugo Drochon is an Associate Professor in Political Theory at the University of Nottingham. He is a historian of modern political thought, with interests in Nietzsche's politics. Morteza Hajizadeh is a Ph.D. graduate in English from the University of Auckland in New Zealand. His research interests are Cultural Studies; Critical Theory; Environmental History; Medieval (Intellectual) History; Gothic Studies; 18th- and 19th-century British Literature.
Bob argues that many Austro-libertarians (himself included, initially) have been too quick to dismiss the Trump administration's foreign and economic policy as mere incompetence or corruption, without grasping the strategic logic behind it. His thesis: the U.S. national security establishment sees China's rise as an existential threat and believes the window to act is closing fast, making the current flurry of aggressive moves less like random chaos and more like a desperate Hail Mary pass.Related:The Charts and Graphs Mentioned in this Episode: Mises.org/HAP549aThe Bob Murphy Show, "LEAKED: Trump's Secret Strategy Briefing": Mises.org/HAP549bCore Insights, "China Quietly Built a 10,400km Railway to Iran — The US is Terrified": Mises.org/HAP549cThe Tom Woods Show, "The Venezuela Propaganda, with David Stockman": Mises.org/HAP549dCelebrate Murray Rothbard's 100th birthday with a free copy of Anatomy of the State. Get yours at Mises.org/HAPodFree
With some simple logic and using Hobbes's own presuppositions and arguments, we can internally critique Hobbes's argument for the state, namely, that the state solves none of the problems he presents.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/hobbess-self-defeating-theory
With some simple logic and using Hobbes's own presuppositions and arguments, we can internally critique Hobbes's argument for the state, namely, that the state solves none of the problems he presents.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/hobbess-self-defeating-theory
Bob argues that many Austro-libertarians (himself included, initially) have been too quick to dismiss the Trump administration's foreign and economic policy as mere incompetence or corruption, without grasping the strategic logic behind it. His thesis: the U.S. national security establishment sees China's rise as an existential threat and believes the window to act is closing fast, making the current flurry of aggressive moves less like random chaos and more like a desperate Hail Mary pass.Related:The Charts and Graphs Mentioned in this Episode: Mises.org/HAP549aThe Bob Murphy Show, "LEAKED: Trump's Secret Strategy Briefing": Mises.org/HAP549bCore Insights, "China Quietly Built a 10,400km Railway to Iran — The US is Terrified": Mises.org/HAP549cThe Tom Woods Show, "The Venezuela Propaganda, with David Stockman": Mises.org/HAP549dCelebrate Murray Rothbard's 100th birthday with a free copy of Anatomy of the State. Get yours at Mises.org/HAPodFree
Who would join a radical minority movement, and commit him- or herself for life to social obloquy and a marginal existence, for the sake of 20% more bathtubs, or 15% more candy bars? Who will man the barricades either physically or spiritually, for more peanuts or Pepsi?Original article: https://mises.org/articles-interest/duty-natural-outlaws-shut
Who would join a radical minority movement, and commit him- or herself for life to social obloquy and a marginal existence, for the sake of 20% more bathtubs, or 15% more candy bars? Who will man the barricades either physically or spiritually, for more peanuts or Pepsi?Original article: https://mises.org/articles-interest/duty-natural-outlaws-shut
Ryan McMaken argues that the American constitutional structure has become a suicide pact: states cannot secede, cannot protect themselves from neighboring states' policies, cannot adopt genuinely federal internal governance, and cannot redraw their own borders. It's a system that guarantees growing conflict and provides only one approved solution: more centralized power in Washington.Recorded in San Diego, California, on April 25, 2026.
Jason and Varn are back and discussing Dugin again. As the discussion of the book inches closer to conclusion, this discussion moves into Dugin's ideas about Fascism, Liberalism, and Communism and the need to transcend these ideologies in the 21st century before moving into the Heideggerian foundations of Dugin's thought. Join the Regrettable Century Patreon Visit the Regrettable Century Merch Shop Check Out Varn Vlog