Podcasts about civil disobedience movement

Episode #273: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS), hosted by Chiang Mai University in August 2024, brought together over 800 scholars, activists, and experts to discuss Myanmar's political, social, and economic challenges, including the impact of the 2021 coup. Insight Myanmar Podcast was given exclusive access to cover the event, where we recorded brief interviews with a number of guests and covering a wide range of diverse topics. These interviews are being presented in a special, four-part series, of which this episode is the first. Guests include: Aung Zaw, founder and editor of The Irrawaddy. He has dedicated his career to independent journalism since the 1988 uprising, facing significant threats and intimidation from the Burmese regime, while remaining committed to democracy, press freedom, and exposing the truth about Myanmar's situation. Dr. Mar Mar Gyi, a Burmese anthropologist and filmmaker. She focuses on gender issues and the overlooked roles of women in Myanmar's history, emphasizing that feminist movements have deep local roots, and that Burmese women historically enjoyed significant rights that have been eroded by colonialism, nationalism, and militarism. Katie Julian, an education expert deeply involved in Myanmar's higher education system. She focuses on developing curriculum and training programs in non-state and ethnic-run sectors, emphasizing locally relevant materials and skills-based learning; she remains hopeful post-coup due to the resilience of Burmese educators and the emergence of informal education structures in IDP camps. Amy, a law graduate and activist. She has spent three years working on gender-based violence and child abuse cases, collaborating with NGOs to support human rights defenders and is now building networks in Thailand and Myanmar to provide legal aid and raise awareness about human rights issues in post-coup Burma. Sitthu, a law student and member of the Civil Disobedience Movement. He focuses on human rights research and believes in using law as a tool to address ethnic divides and expose Myanmar's human rights violations to both regional and global audiences, advocating for inclusive and just legal frameworks in the face of military oppression.

Episode #268: In a discussion emblematic of the complexities inherent in international diplomacy, Scot Marciel, former U.S. Ambassador to Myanmar, elucidates the multifaceted challenges of addressing the crisis there. Marcel's thinking, informed by his extensive diplomatic service, highlights a pervasive hesitancy among international actors to engage decisively with the Myanmar military, largely deemed an untrustworthy entity, yet also to put their eggs in the NUG/resistance basket. Marciel highlights the deep-rooted issues stemming from the military's unyielding grip on power and its demonstrated propensity for reneging on agreements, as evidenced by the 2021 coup. The military's overthrow of a democratically-elected government starkly illuminates their unwillingness to cede control, thus undermining any prospect of meaningful dialogue or compromise. Marciel also explains what he believes is the ideal role for the international community to play: a supportive yet non-intrusive stance that facilitates dialogue among Myanmar's diverse actors without dictating outcomes, and respecting the country's sovereignty while providing essential resources and expertise. Marciel's reflections on the Rohingya crisis reveals the diplomatic result of that terrible time; namely, an international mistrust of both the military and civilian government, in the latter case, a sense of being let down. Fast forward to 2024, and today, the international community's response, though well-intentioned, often falls short due to limited understanding and engagement, highlighting the need for a more nuanced and sustained approach to diplomacy and support in Myanmar.“I do think the solution is for the military to be forced to relinquish political power, and to me, that means for the international community to put maximum pressure on that military, [doing] nothing to confer legitimacy on it,” Marciel says in closing. “At the same time, of course, you also have to figure out what comes next… but to me, the answer is, rather than to be paralyzed by the risks, what can the international community to do now to help the various various elements of the resistance, the Civil Disobedience Movement, civil society, other political actors, and prepare for some kind of transition process?”

In China, a grassroots, underground movement of Chinese has been cutting through the communist regime's censorship and propaganda machines—one pamphlet at a time.Since the Chinese communist regime launched a nationwide persecution of the Falun Gong spiritual discipline 25 years ago, Falun Gong's millions of adherents in China started creating secret underground print shops to expose the regime's human rights atrocities.All across China, they secretly distribute flyers, DVDs, and brochures en masse, hang posters in public areas in the dead of night, and circulate software to their fellow Chinese so they can circumvent China's internet blockade. Those arrested face years in prison—as long as 15 years.So who are these people? And why is their story critical to understanding China today?In this episode, I sit down with Larry Liu, deputy director of the Falun Dafa Information Center.Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

Would you do an incredibly risky job if you were not paid? That's what many medics who joined the Civil Disobedience Movement are still doing, despite the dangers. This week's story is by journalists from Delta News Agency.

On this week's show, our last piece of coverage from the ASEAN (the Association of South East Asian Nations) meeting in Melbourne on 4, 5 & 6 of March, and today we continue our focus on Myanmar.Since the violent military coup on February 1, 2021, the people of Myanmar have staunchly rejected military rule, demonstrating resilience through the widespread Civil Disobedience Movement.  Over the past three years, the country has continued to reject military governance and has mobilised an effective alternative - the civilian government, known as the National Unity Government (NUG), which continues to consolidate its rightful claim to leadership.Today's guest is Debbie Stothard, the founding member of the Alternative ASEAN on Burma was in Melbourne for the Myanmar People's Summit, which was held alongside and in opposition to the ASEAN Special Summit.

Since the violent military coup on February 1, 2021, the people of Myanmar have staunchly rejected military rule, demonstrating resilience through the widespread Civil Disobedience Movement.  Over the past three years, the country has continued to reject military governance and has mobilised an effective alternative - the civilian government, known as the National Unity Government (NUG), which continues to consolidate its rightful claim to leadership.In opposition to, and alongside the ASEAN summit, the Myanmar People's Summit, convened by civil society, took place on March 4, 2024, at the United Workers Union offices in Melbourne. This summit represents a unified stance in support of a civilian and democratic government in Myanmar and aims to amplify the strongest support for civilian rule to ASEAN leaders attending the ASEAN Special Summit in Melbourne, hosted by the Australian Prime Minister.A special thank you to Tasneem Roc at APHEDA for providing the audio for this week's show, and if you'd like to get involved in any solidarity work with Myanmar, contact Tasneem on troc@apheda.org.au.

Episode #216: Helena Cing Deih Sian explores the interaction of socio-historical context and urban spaces, emphasizing how history manifests in architecture and planning. Her work investigates the influence of memories in shaping the narrative of a city, particularly focusing on Myanmar. She explores how architecture serves as a medium of identity expression and community remembrance, albeit sometimes warped by those in power.Helena discusses how the military junta has manipulated historical narratives to maintain dominance, in particular overshadowing minority histories. She critiques the regime's practices, such as the rebranding of significant sites like the Yangon University's Student Union building, the commercialization of the Secretariat building, and the wholesale move to Nay Pyi Daw, as predilections to erase uncomfortable parts of the past. These actions, she suggests, demonstrate a governance style that relies on neglect and selective memory.Despite the regime's attempts at historical manipulation, Helena finds hope in the persistence of oral histories and personal memories. The people's stories, particularly those shared through movements like the Civil Disobedience Movement, defy the junta's narrative control. Helena concludes that as long as these narratives are passed down, the true essence of Myanmar's history and the spirit of its people remain unassailable.

I just want to remind everyone that we release new content every Tuesday morning so be sure to subscribe so you don't miss a single episode. Subscribe here  Ways to support the show: Join our mailing list: Thegunexperiment.com Subscribe, Leave us 5 stars and comment on Apple or Spotify Follow us on instagram and/or FB: Instagram   Facebook Be a part of our growing community, join our Discord page! Today's show is brought to you by Onsight Firearms Training. They are highly qualified instructors and they also host lots of other world renowned instructors from all over the country. Check them out at oftllc.us and get trained by the same outfit that trains The Gun Experiment.  Tonight's guest co-host was on The Gun Experiment a couple of months back and is back to Chop it up with us.  I am pleased to welcome back Karen Hunter of Secure It Gun Storage. Tonight's Topics of Discussion I. Intro:  Catch up with Karen Shot Show Prep and New Products (Secure it) New Articles she is working on. II. Illinois sees Civil Disobedience Movement following New Gun Laws III. AI Poses Global Risk to Election Disruption IV. Mayor Eric Adams Denies Shooting a Gun in School The 72 hour kit from 4 Patriots is super affordable and it's a great way to start your long term food prep journey. The folks at 4Patriots set up a special page for you at 4Patriots.com/GUNEXPERIMENT10 so that our listeners can get weekly discounts and deals, but act quickly because the deals will change each week.  V. Game: Can You Spot the Fake News (Encourage Listeners to Play Along) VI. Hochul Eyes Removing Offensive Native American Art VII. Judge Halts Enforcement of Law Limiting Kids Use of Social Media VIII.  Cannon ball! VIIII. Outro    I think that'll do it for this episode. I want to thank all of our listeners for tuning in and a very special thanks to Karen for hanging out with us and choppin' it up; Be sure to go to Secure It and check out all their top quality gun storage products. If anyone out there has any opinions or thoughts on tonight's conversation, feel free to reach out to us on Instagram, Twitter, Discord or Spotify and let your voice be heard. We may earn a small portion of the sale from some of the product/service links discussed in our show and provided in these notes.  It doesn't come at a cost to you, but helps us to grow the show, buy gear to review and continue to create great content. We will never affiliate ourselves with companies or products that we do not personally stand behind. Thank you for your support.  

The Civil Disobedience Movement was at the heart of the initial resistance to the military coup. But the numbers of workers in the CDM are shrinking as authorities continue to make their lives extremely difficult.

This week on the program we speak with Tasneem Roc and Chue, campaign managers for the Myanmar Campaign Network, a national coalition of aid organisations, unions, human rights groups, faith based groups and Myanmar diaspora organisations under the auspices of Union Aid Abroad APHEDA.Tasneem and Chue speak about what has been happening in Myanmar, the situation for political prisoners, and the ongoing Civil Disobedience Movement, as well as the MCN's call for targeted sanctions from Australia to cut off the flow of money to the military junta.Further information about the situation for political prisoners in Myanmar can be found at this report from the Assitance Assocation for Political Prisoners.The song A Yay Kyi Pi (Thway thitsar) used in this episode can be found here.

Friday, February 3rd - In today's episode of A Catholic Take, we'll cover the latest in breaking news and current events, including the following and much more: - U.S. farm labor shortage - A Chinese spy balloon tracked over the U.S. - Mark Houck pursuing a case against the FBI Also, a brief introduction to our Saint of the Day, Saint Blaise. In the second segment, we'll be joined by "Jack", a Chinese Catholic activist who'll bring us information about the state of the Church in China. In segments three and four, we'll talk to Randall Terry, founder of the anti-abortion group Operation Rescue.

Episode #144: In October 2007, Bobo witnessed uniformed soldiers beating Buddhist monks on the streets of Yangon. That experience radically changed the trajectory of his life.Bobo realized that any success or security he could accrue on an individual level through education and a profession could be snatched away without warning as long as the corrupt and cruel military regime remained in charge. He soon joined Generation Wave, an underground collective formed following the uprising in 2007. The work was dangerous and has put Bobo in the crosshairs since he was a teenager.Following the military coup in 2021, Bobo began working to help mobilize the populace into action with massive nonviolent protests and strikes in key sectors. As the nonviolent protests continued, the military began using live munitions. Being an organization committed to nonviolent resistance, Generation Wave has had to be creative in their approach.Yet while Generation Wave, itself, has been steadfastly committed to peaceful forms of opposition, there is an understanding that each part of the movement is equally needed in order to counter the Tatmadaw: nonviolent action, armed resistance, the Civil Disobedience Movement, sanctions from the West, recognition of the NUG, etc.For the foreseeable future, Bobo is doing all he can at a personal level to play this role himself, pushing aside any thought of the toll it's taking. “I don't want to be there,” he admits wearily. “I want to live very peacefully, and to have fun with friends and with my family. I want a normal life like other people, of course. But now all my energy and all my commitment are for the revolution and for the movement.”

This famous Indian was also known as "Deshbandhu" which means friend of the nation. Chittranjan Das was a freedom fighter, Lawyer and i poet. Das was the first recipient of Bharat Ratan. He was the founder of Swaraj party along side Motilal Nehru.  He was born in a family associated to Brahmo Samaj. After completing his degree form Presidency College Calcutta, he went to London to study Law. There he met with Indian freedom fighters like Sri Aurobindo, Sarojini Naidu, and Dadabhai Nouroji. During Non Cooperation movement he was the initiator to boycott European goods and burn all his European clothes and starting donning Khadi clothes.  After dissociating with Indian National Congress due to withdrawal of Civil Disobedience Movement  by Mahatma Gandhi, he formed the Swaraj party and continued his fight for freedom. To know more about this great Indian, listen in. Support the show: https://www.patreon.com/chimesradio See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Little T's ongoing nightmare started, as it did for so many Burmese people, with the violent coup launched last year by the military. Soon, the first peaceful mass protests hit the streets. Besides organizing some of the protests, the cadre of protesters Little T was involved with also helped in other important ways, such as releasing statements in both Burmese and English for various media outlets, encouraging people to join the protests through social media, and establishing safe houses. The peaceful mass protests continued for several weeks, and were gradually gaining steam when the military chose to crack down, violently. Little T was shocked that the soldiers responded with live ammunition, not rubber bullets; protesters went scattering in all directions, running for their lives, taking cover or shelter wherever it could be found. With the streets becoming so dangerous, and homes providing little safety, Little T's group has had to continue to adjust as the conflict has escalated. Many of her team having fled or gone into hiding, and the support work they can do has branched out in several ways: supporting undercover journalists, taking care of the families of “fallen heroes,” helping at IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) camps, and aiding government workers who have joined the Civil Disobedience Movement. These tense situation, constant danger and frequent moves have been very challenging for Little T's physical and mental health. At one point, soldiers raided an apartment right above the one she was staying in. It hit her that every phone conversation she had with her parents could turn out to be the last. “But then I asked myself the question,” she recalls, “‘Who asked you to join this movement?'” And she realized she had because it was the right thing to do. So she is willing to try and persevere.

When Chuu Wai Nyein was just eighteen years old, she was with her sister at a Mandalay teashop. As they were leaving, a man sexually assaulted her sister. The event deeply traumatized them, and Chuu was horrified to learn this was not an uncommon occurrence for women in Myanmar, and the typical response was equally troubling: basically, if something happens, just stay quiet about it. Chuu decided she would work to address the relative powerlessness of women in Burmese culture. She eventually found her voice through painting.  When the coup first happened, it was still relatively safe for people to assemble in non-violent gatherings outside. Chuu's artistic skills were put to good use at demonstrations making signs that became very popular, even catching the eye of foreign journalists and observers. Long lines would form as protestors waited for her to make their personal signs. She transformed her studio apartment into a kind of warehouse, and began selling artwork on her Facebook page, with all funds going to support the Civil Disobedience Movement. But one day, the military chose to respond to a peaceful protest with force, and their crackdown sent Chuu and all her friends literally running for their lives. Moreover, it was clear that she urgently needed to empty her apartment of all protest-related material. This was tense and very dangerous work, with soldiers camped out on nearly every corner. Fortunately, she and her friends managed to clear out all the artwork just in time, as only a few days later, a dozen soldiers appeared at her door.  Following this close call, Chuu realized that she could do more for the democracy movement by relocating to a place of safety, where she could speak freely. So she decided to go to France. The transition there was not easy, but Chuu adapted. She connected with some galleries, and also developed her own kind of performance art to highlight the coup, giving performances in front of the Louvre and Montmatre. Her work has been featured both in Time and on BBC. But her heart remains with the Burmese people. From afar, she appreciates her home country as never before. She is already looking beyond what she regards as an eventual victory, towards the new Myanmar she hopes to see, one which will bring female empowerment into the Burmese cultural mainstream. 

Reflections on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM) Nominated for the Nobel Prize. 3.27.21 Alan Clements URGENT: Please share widely, especially to Burma Groups inside&outside Myanmar, CDM, Ethnic and activist groups, along with government, UN, Twitter, social media influencers, and traditional media sites. Every minute counts ....

This is the fifth show in the “Love Letters to Myanmar” series, focusing on the role of artists in the democracy movement. It is part of an ongoing conversation about the role of art in the democracy movement, with several past and future shows continuing this exploration. At the present moment, the Burmese people are in the middle of a life-or-death struggle against an organized military that is attacking, shooting, bombing, raping, abducting, torturing, and killing their friends and family every day for the past year, and with no end in sight. Artists are now in the forefront of that movement, which insists upon basic human rights, dignity, and freedom. Far from just being a luxury to pursue when times are safe, artistic inspiration is essential in this struggle! The first guest is music producer, Aye Win. He recently assembled a dozen hip hop artists from across the country for an album, Rap Against Junta's “Dickcouncil,” to call out the military while helping the people keep their spirits up during these difficult times. Next up is May, a poet and writer. She has also been drawing dozens of portraits of people around the world, with proceeds going entirely to her organization's fundraising mission to help people within the Civil Disobedience Movement. The final guest is Alex. He is an Australian living in Montreal who, with a friend, designed a mural depicting the country and showing his support for the democracy movement, with a central tribute to Angel, a young woman who was tragically killed early on in Mandalay.  It is our hope that this episode educates listeners about more of the great art being produced in resistance to the Tatmadaw and their cruelty. Support this podcast

Understanding about this movement and Gandhi -Irwin Pact

Since the Myanmar army overturned the November 2020 election and asserted itself violently against the will of its own people in February 2021. One of the recent features of the CDM has been the flow of young people from lower Myanmar to ethnic minority-controlled areas, where many of them are receiving military training from armed ethnic organisations, which have long been in conflict with the Myanmar army. In the process, these young people are learning about places, peoples, languages, and cultures of Myanmar's border regions in person and often for the first time. For some young activists, the experience is providing connection and insight that enables them to feel more empathy with the experiences of oppression and violence that many minority communities have suffered for decades. Their understanding of what long-standing ‘ethnic conflicts' have been about has changed, and with it their ideas of what the political future of the country could look like. Federalism has become a buzz word among a generation of young people who, until recently, were more likely to understand Federalism as a threat to the nation. Yet how deep is this unity? The political unity of the CDM has emerged in a very short space of time. Immediately before the military's actions in February, those same armed ethnic organisations that are now being lauded as heroes of the new revolution were frequently distrusted as disruptive and backwards-looking forces; the country's civilian as well as military leadership was being held accountable for genocidal actions against the Rohingya people by the International Court of Justice; populist sentiment often tipped into xenophobic outpourings in discussions of ethnic and religious equalities and rights. How deep, therefore, is the understanding of ethnic and religious minority concerns among a newly politically awakened urban youth population that now wants Federalism? If these understandings are still relatively superficial, what is required to make them deeper and more substantive? These important questions will be critical to the future of Myanmar but none of these issues is new. While the current situation is undoubtedly distinctive and has unique characteristics, it did not emerge from a vacuum of experience, and there may still be important lessons that can be drawn from situating these events in a longer timeframe. In 1988, there was a similar flow of young Burmese political activists to the border regions, where they sought support and training from ethnic armed organisations, often with poor outcomes. This seminar, therefore, seeks to understand the opportunities and challenges that exist in relation to developing shared visions of the future. Our speakers will bring unique and compelling insights into these and related issues from a range of perspectives. Speakers: Tom Sheahan (BAFTA winning documentary producer) David Moe (PhD candidate at Asbury Theological Seminary, USA, originally from Mindat, Chin State)

Since the Myanmar army overturned the November 2020 election and asserted itself violently against the will of its own people in February 2021. One of the recent features of the CDM has been the flow of young people from lower Myanmar to ethnic minority-controlled areas, where many of them are receiving military training from armed ethnic organisations, which have long been in conflict with the Myanmar army. In the process, these young people are learning about places, peoples, languages, and cultures of Myanmar's border regions in person and often for the first time. For some young activists, the experience is providing connection and insight that enables them to feel more empathy with the experiences of oppression and violence that many minority communities have suffered for decades. Their understanding of what long-standing ‘ethnic conflicts' have been about has changed, and with it their ideas of what the political future of the country could look like. Federalism has become a buzz word among a generation of young people who, until recently, were more likely to understand Federalism as a threat to the nation. Yet how deep is this unity? The political unity of the CDM has emerged in a very short space of time. Immediately before the military's actions in February, those same armed ethnic organisations that are now being lauded as heroes of the new revolution were frequently distrusted as disruptive and backwards-looking forces; the country's civilian as well as military leadership was being held accountable for genocidal actions against the Rohingya people by the International Court of Justice; populist sentiment often tipped into xenophobic outpourings in discussions of ethnic and religious equalities and rights. How deep, therefore, is the understanding of ethnic and religious minority concerns among a newly politically awakened urban youth population that now wants Federalism? If these understandings are still relatively superficial, what is required to make them deeper and more substantive? These important questions will be critical to the future of Myanmar but none of these issues is new. While the current situation is undoubtedly distinctive and has unique characteristics, it did not emerge from a vacuum of experience, and there may still be important lessons that can be drawn from situating these events in a longer timeframe. In 1988, there was a similar flow of young Burmese political activists to the border regions, where they sought support and training from ethnic armed organisations, often with poor outcomes. This seminar, therefore, seeks to understand the opportunities and challenges that exist in relation to developing shared visions of the future. Our speakers will bring unique and compelling insights into these and related issues from a range of perspectives. Speakers: Khin Ohmar (Burmese human rights activist and founder and chairperson of the Advisory Board of Progressive Voice) Martin Smith (Scholar, journalist, and adviser on Myanmar to media, non-governmental and academic organisations)

BURMA TODAY 3.18.21: From a Civil Disobedience Movement to Armed Resistance to the Downfall of Dictatorship—MAH-SAC — Min Aung Hlaing's Terrorist Organization —-To Freedom Alan Clements

Suzanne and Ruth are joined by Kyar Pauk, a Burmese writer, singer, producer, artist and founder of Bipolarbear Records. Following the coup in February, he was active in the anti-coup movement. During this time he worked with Raymond, Han Nay Tar and Novem Htoo to release a single, Headshot, which highlighted the human rights abuses by the military and the courageous counter-protests of the people. He is the son of Ringo, one of Myanmar's famous classic rockers. Kyar Pauk has carved out a niche in Myanmar's music industry with his punk / funk / hip-hop infused rock and mind-bending electronic creations. He is best known for his famous punk rock band, Big Bag, which has released 10 albums. After almost 20 years of producing nationwide hits for the band and other top 10 artists in Myanmar, Kyar Pauk finally decided to release his very first solo album, Cinematicüs, in 2020. Despite his huge success and fame he has risked it all to show his opposition to the military junta by standing with the people and joining the protests. On 3 April 2021, warrants for his arrest were issued by the military under section 505 (a) of the penal code, for speaking out against the coup. Here he talks about his involvement in the Civil Disobedience Movement post-coup, the brutality of the military and the plight of his country, his music, his art, and his family's situation now that they have been forced to flee Yangon. [Please note this conversation features some strong language]The ah nah: Conversations with Myanmar podcast was born from a desire to bring into public consciousness the atrocities that are currently being committed in Myanmar (also known as Burma). Our goal is simply to keep the conversation going, and to let the people of Myanmar know that they have not been forgotten. You can continue to support the people of Myanmar by keeping this conversation going. You can subscribe to this podcast on all major podcasting apps, including Apple, Spotify and Acast. You can also follow us on all our social media pages, linked below. If you'd like to reach out, please email us or fill out this form to add your voice to the conversation (https://tinyurl.com/3ee7ssm9).Credits:Song: Kabar Makyay Bu (Until the End of the World), was written and recorded by Naing Myanmar, it became the revolutionary anthem of the 1988 pro-democracy movement and could be heard once again all over Myanmar during the 2021 Coup. Naing Myanmar maintains that the song is no longer his, since the '88 uprising “it belongs to everyone”.Graphics: SelinaXinSound Effects: https://mixkit.co*Special thanks to Kyar Pauk, and all artists, musicians and writers who continue to use their creative talents to show their resistance to this brutal military regime and bring awareness to the plight of the people in Myanmar who are suffering under the weight of the dictatorship. We are so grateful to Kyar Pauk for adding his voice to the conversation, you can follow him on instagram @not_kyarpauk and facebook @kyarpauk.artist Check out his incredible album Cinematicüs here: https://tinyurl.com/s45vc2hf Follow ah nah:instagram.com/ahnahpodcastfacebook.com/ahnahpodcasttwitter.com/ahnahpodcastThanks for listening, and remember to #KeepTheConversationGoing! Myanmar, we have not forgotten you.Follow us at @ahnahpodcast on Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The lethal military response to street protests has forced the movement to use different protest tactics, while an ongoing civil servants strike is crippling many government functions.

In Episode 3 of our podcast series, Myanmar: Anatomy of a Coup, we'll hear from the many people up and down the country who have risen up against the military since its February 1 coup. This includes human rights defenders, journalists, politicians, and members of the Civil Disobedience Movement, to better understand why so many people across Myanmar are willing to risk their lives to bring and end to military rule in the country.If you'd like to support the efforts for democracy in Myanmar, please visit the pages below: ISupportMyanmar - https://www.isupportmyanmar.com/ Frontier Myanmar membership - https://www.frontiermyanmar.net/en/membership/Myanmar Now donation - https://www.myanmar-now.org/en/donate

On the 1st of February this year, Senior General Min Aung Hlaing launched a coup, aborting Myanmar’s five-year experiment with electoral democracy. The army toppled the civilian government a day before a newly elected parliament was set to take office. State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and hundreds of their allies were arrested. Since then, numerous ad hoc online fundraisers have materialised in the wake of the coup to support the Civil Disobedience Movement, whose primary tactic is to encourage civil servants to walk off their jobs until a stalled economy and an inability to govern force the generals to step down. New Naratif recently published a journalism piece on this, so please visit our website to check that out. On this week's episode, Jacob Goldberg speaks to 23-year-old Hein Aung Htet, about how the coup has affected him personally, his role in the anti-coup movement, and what those listening in can do to help. To donate, please visit this Instagram page for more information.

While those outside of Myanmar following news of the protests have often heard updates about the importance of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), some may still not be clear about its inception and role in the wider protest movement. This episode's guest, a trainer in public sector reform, educates us accordingly. Initially optimistic about the direction of the democratically elected government, her hopes came to a crashing halt on February 1st when the military illegally seized power. Right away, hundreds of civil servants stopped going to work, which ultimately led to the wider protest movement known as “CDM.” Our guest soon found herself thrust into an advisory role, with many of her former trainees asking for advice on what to do. She sought the help of several international lawyers, and passed that information on so those workers could make a more informed decision. At the same time, she also began getting a fund together from friends and supporters that could be used to support any civil servants who decided to join the movement. The movement's success has put our guest in danger because of her involvement. After her home was broken into and searched, she went into hiding. To deal with the enormous her level of stress has been overwhelming, and her refuge in part has been a daily meditation practice according to the teachings of Ledi Sayadaw and Mogok Sayadaw. Although she didn't have a meditation practice before the pandemic, she now finds that this provides much-needed stability to the mind. For those who are inspired to hear about the work our guest is leading, https://insightmyanmar.org/donation (please make a donation) on our site, and indicate you would like these funds to go towards her CDM effort. Support this podcast

This event was organised by MEI's Political Economy Research Cluster on 24 March 2021. Click on the following link for more details: https://mei.nus.edu.sg/event/egypt-and-myanmar-how-the-militarys-economic-interests-complicates-political-transition/  Abstracts Egypt and Turkey: The Military's Economic Stake and the Path to Political Transition by Dr Yezid Sayigh Comparison between the political and economic roles of the National Armed Forces in Turkey and Egypt allows three principal insights. First, the degree to which the military is committed to a dominant economic model has a major bearing on the form and purpose of its own economic activity. It follows that the lack of a clear vision for the path to capitalist development, or an enduring legacy of non-capitalist path to development, allows opportunistic economic activity and raises the military's stake in holding on to state power. Second, the retreat of the military role in national politics and government is heavily contingent on social transformations resulting from economic modes that generate significant social classes and private sectors with a higher relative degree of autonomy from the state. The converse is also true – the military may tighten its grip where economic mode and state power impede social transformation of this kind and instead, generate concentration of wealth and widen income disparity. Lastly, the preceding two dimensions are reflected in the political domain: in a multi-party system, the military tends to act as a balancer and arbiter whereas in a one or non-party system, the military tends to entrench its role as a regime pillar and further concentrate all forms of power in the state.    The Military Coup in Myanmar: Taking Care of Business by Dr Htwe Htwe Thein The coup in Myanmar is partly about protecting the military elite's economic interests. These interests are vested in two vast military-owned conglomerates – Myanmar Economic Holdings Limited (MEHL) and Myanmar Economic Corporation (MEC).  The spectre of the democratically elected National League for Democracy gradually diluting the military's political power also challenged its economic power. The military's conglomerates were established in 1988 when the armed forces were in full control of Myanmar. As market players, they benefitted from Myanmar's embrace of international trade with Asian investors who, unlike their Western counterparts, did not adhere to US sanctions imposed in 1997 and were only lifted after the political transition in 2011. Myanmar's isolation allowed the military to strengthen the conglomerates' grip on the economy and enrich senior military personnel by controlling licensing, issuing concessions and developing partnerships with Asian investors and emerging domestic private businesses that were dependent on the armed forces. The military maintained its economic interests and partnerships over the last decade despite the transition from military to quasi-civilian rule in 2011 and the subsequent shift into-quasi democratic rule. That is the primary reason why the Civil Disobedience Movement, since the coup on 1 February 2021, has emphasised a boycott of products and services provided by the military's conglomerates as well as domestic and international businesses that are part of the armed forces' nexus. The focus on the nexus highlights the need for future transition to involve both political and economic change and the international community can contribute to that by designing sanctions accordingly.

The podcast returns with an urgent discussion of the February 1 military coup in Myanmar. Moe Thuzar updates us on the latest developments on the ground in Myanmar and the prospects for a diplomatic solution to the conflict. Fanny Potkin explains the military's cyber warfare capabilities and the protesters' tactics. And we consider the role of social media and the Milk Tea Alliance in the growing Civil Disobedience Movement. Moe Thuzar is Co-coordinator of the Myanmar Studies Programme at the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore and Fanny Potkin (@f_potkin) is the Southeast Asia technology correspondent for Reuters. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.indopacifica.com

Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was the first Prime Minister of India. He was quite popular among children and they called him Chacha Nehru. He was born on 14th November 1889 in Allahabad. He was the son of Swarup Ran (mother), and Motilal Nehru (father). Both his parents were attached and involved with freedom movements. He studied theosophy in his childhood and got into the Theosophical Society at age thirteen. Nehru's theosophical interests led him to the study of the Buddhist and Hindu scriptures which later culminated in his book “ The Discovery of India”. 1912, Nehru enrolled himself as an advocate of the Allahabad High Court and tried to settle down as a barrister but he was not interested in law. In 1912, Nehru attended an annual session of the Indian National Congress in Patna and joined Indian politics. He took an active part in movements like Home Rule Movement, Non-Cooperation Movement, and many more. In 1919, while he was traveling, he heard General Dyer talking about the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre. Dyer mentioned how satisfied he was after that incident. That's when Nehru decided to get freedom from the Britishers. He was sent to jail almost 9 times and there he wrote many books like his autobiography, “Towards Freedom”, “Letters from a father to his daughter”, “ Discovery of India”, “Glimpses of World History” and more. He was the right hand of Mahatma Gandhi in Indian Independence. They were an active part of the Civil Disobedience Movement, Salt Satyagraha, Quit India Movement. Nehru became the first Prime Minister of Independent India. Later he worked with Sardar Patel to unify India. In 1950 India became Republic. In 1955, he received the Bharat Ratna for his efforts on Indian industrialization. His attire- the jacket with a rose in the pocket and a Nehru cap is his style statement. Support the show: https://www.patreon.com/chimesradio See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

On this episode, against the backdrop of Myanmar's Civil Disobedience Movement that arose in the wake of the military junta's coup of 1 February 2021, I speak to acclaimed Burmese artist Moe Satt about his performance- and multimedia- based practice. We talk about how visual arts practitioners navigate censorship and restraints on civil liberties. We also discuss the way in which Myanmar's independent cultural organisations like AMCA are engaging in visual activism, how Generation Z and Boomers alike are splitting up across the virtual and actual domains and joining hands against the junta and, indeed, the importance of hands as symbols of solidarity in Moe's work, which we discuss in detail. Click here to access the Image Guide+ and view the images and material being discussed in the podcast: https://sites.google.com/view/artalaap-podcast-resources/episode-6. Credits: Producer: Tunak Teas Design & artwork: Mohini Mukherjee Marketing: Dipalie Mehta Intern: Aastha Anupriya Images: Moe Satt Audio courtesy: Vernouillet by Blue Dot Sessions [CC BY-NC 4.0] Additional support: Kanishka Sharma, Amy Goldstone-Sharma, Raghav Sagar, Shalmoli Halder, Arunima Nair, Jayant Parashar References: Ellen Pearlman 'A Brief History of Contemporary Art in Myanmar', Hyperallergic, 10 July 2017. Lisa Movius, 'The Artists on the frontline of Myanmar's deadly protests', The Art Newspaper, 1 March 2021. Nathalie Johnston, 'The Artists Fighting for a Different Future', Frieze, 19 February 2021. Sarah Cascone, 'After a Military Coup, Artists Across Myanmar Are Making Protest Art to Share Their Struggle for Democracy With the World', Artnet, 16 February 2021. Hannah Beech, 'Paint, Poems and Protest Anthems: Myanmar's Coup Inspires The Art of Defiance', The New York Times, 2 March 2021. Ma Thanegi, 'A brief history of Myanmar modern art', Artstream Myanmar. Yin Ker, 'Where Do We Come From? What Are We? Where Are We Going? Premises for Burmese Contemporary Art with Po Po, Tun Win Aung, Wah Nu and Min Thein Sung.', Afterall: A Journal of Art, Context and Enquiry 2018. 46: 26-37. Nathalie Johnston, ArtReview, 'Myanmar Artists Are Making History', 1 April 2020. Boris Groys, 'On Art Activism', e-flux Journal #56, June 2014. Nicholas Mirzoeff, 'The Right to Look', Critical Inquiry, Vol. 37, No. 3 (Spring 2011), pp. 473-496. Inêz Beleza Barreiros, "Theory is not just words on a page. It's also things that are made": Interview with Nicholas Mirzoeff', Buala, 27 June 2017.

On 18th March, some of the interesting events that took place were: 1910: Gopal Krishna Gokhle presented in British Parliament a suggestion of free education. 1922: Mahatma Gandhi was sent to prison for Civil Disobedience Movement . Listen in to know more interesting things that happened today. www.chimesradio.com   http://onelink.to/8uzr4g   https://www.facebook.com/chimesradio/   https://www.instagram.com/vrchimesradio/   See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Chin Ramkulh khualipi Hakha khuachung ngandamnak lei riantuantu hna cu Civil Disobedience Movement ah an I tel caah Siizungah an um ti lo. Asinain, a leng lein mizaw pawl hna cu an zohkhenh hna tiah theih a si.

A world-renowned expert on Burmese cuisine and author of the best-selling book Mandalay: Recipes and Tales from a Burmese Kitchen, Mi Mi Aye never imagined that one day she might become an activist. But as she has become increasingly invested in Myanmar's current crisis, that is the role she has begun to take on. Having deep connections to the full range of Burma's cuisine— running the gamut from humble street stalls to five-star dining— Mi Mi Aye was concerned when the pandemic broke a year ago, noting that the restaurant industry especially has been suffering. And although she feared that a sudden military takeover would only place a greater strain on this already reeling industry, Burmese cooks have not been idle. Many of them, along with food delivery workers, have been at the forefront of cooking and delivering food in mass quantities to the large numbers protesters taking to the streets each day, as well as to “Civil Disobedience Movement” employees who are refusing to return to their jobs as civil servants. Mi Mi Aye also reflects on the fear many Burmese—especially the older generation—have harbored because of Burma's history of coups and political repression. She says, “Something I don't really talk about is to be Burmese, especially if you're of a certain age, is to be afraid, from bitter experience. It's a low-level, visceral feeling most of the time, but sometimes, like now, it can be overwhelming. Because all the worst things you can imagine that could happen to you or your loved ones can happen and has happened, to you or to people you know, because of the Burmese military. Right now, I don't even want to eat, let alone cook anything. There's a reason Aung San Suu Kyi's most famous book is called Freedom From Fear.” She notes how many younger Burmese followers have thanked her for these words, noting that their parents had always told them something similar, but growing up with greater personal freedoms, they never had quite understood their parents' fears. A note about our mission here at Insight Myanmar Podcast. While it usually takes us several weeks at minimum to produce an episode, we feel that the current moment demands a faster turn-around, and we managed to release this episode after just 36 hours. However, this can be challenging for a primarily volunteer organization, especially one with limited funds. We hope to continue bringing interviews on this topic with Buddhist practitioners, teachers, and scholars, but we need your support to do so. If you would like to support our mission, we welcome your contribution. You may give by searching “Insight Myanmar” on PayPal, Venmo, CashApp, Go Fund Me, and Patreon, as well as via Credit Card at http://www.insightmyanmar.org/donation (www.insightmyanmar.org/donation). Support this podcast

On the morning of 1 February 2021, democratically elected members of Myanmar's ruling party, the National League for Democracy, were deposed by the Tatmadaw—Myanmar's military. The Tatmadaw proclaimed a year-long State of Emergency, declared power had been vested in Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing and declared the results of the November 2020 general election invalid. President Win Myint and State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi were detained, along with ministers, their deputies and members of Parliament, and other prominent political leaders and activists. The people of Myanmar responded with a country-wide (and creative) Civil Disobedience Movement, uniting all religions and ethnic groups against the military regime. The military in turn have responded with violence and bloodshed. MiMi spoke to an anonymous restaurateur in Yangon, the former capital of Myanmar, about dealing with the devastating effects of both a pandemic and a coup. Rate and subscribe on Apple Podcasts: https://tinyurl.com/theMSGpod Website: https://www.facebook.com/TheMSGpod Tweet: @TheMSGpod Instagram: @TheMSGpod Hosted by @meemalee. Edited and produced by @meemalee. Music by @dblackguitar and produced by @vellumhill. Artwork by @meemalee. If you enjoy the show, please subscribe, rate, review and share with your friends. We're an independent podcast and every recommendation helps - thank you! #MSGpod #TheMSGpod

Mahatma Gandhi was the primary leader of India's independence movement and also the architect of a form of non-violent civil disobedience that would influence the world. Until Gandhi was assassinated in 1948, his life and teachings inspired activists including Martin Luther King Jr. and Nelson Mandela. Name: Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi Born: 2 October 1869 (Porbandar, Gujarat) Known for: Being the father of the nation, political activism leading to Indian independence, nonviolence (ahimsa) Occupation: Lawyer, activist, writer, politician Died: 30 January 1948 Cause of death: Assassination through gunshot by Nathuram Godse Introduction He was the youngest son from his father, Karamchand Gandhi's fourth marriage to Putlibai Gandhi. Karamchand Gandhi did not have much elementary education but was capable to be the dewan of Porbandar. He went on to become the dewan of Rajkot later on. Mohandas Gandhi was a mediocre student who won the occasional prizes and scholarships who was - “good at English, fair in Arithmetic and weak in Geography; conduct very good, bad handwriting.” He got married at the age of thirteen to Kasturba Makhanji Kapadia. They went on to have four children - Harilal, Manilal, Ramdas, Devdas. Education He liked to be a doctor but coming from a background of Vaishnava faith, they were against vivisection. To attain a good post in the high posts in one of the states in Gujarat, he had to be a barrister. He went to England and joined the Inner Temple which is one of the four London law colleges. He struggled with more issues than academic problems, especially vegetarianism became a major struggle for him. He came under constant pressure from his friends about how vegetarianism is going to wreck his studies and health. But then he found a vegetarian restaurant and a book reasoning the goodness of vegetarianism. He became a member of the executive committee of the London Vegetarian Society, contributing articles to its journal and attending its conferences. Early Career He had a lot of issues practising law. His fear of public speaking took a toll on him as he could not get any prestigious barrister jobs back in India. This led to him moving to South Africa and taking a job there. South Africa taught him a lot about the disparities between the white and the coloured. India (1915-1947) Non-Cooperation Movement (1920) It began because of the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh massacre. Ended with the Chauri Chaura incident of 1922. It led to the arrest of Gandhi and many other prominent leaders. Civil Disobedience Movement(1930) Dandi March (12th March - 6th April 1930) Time Man of the Year 1930 Gandhi and 78 trusted volunteers marched from Sabarmati Ashram to Dandi (384 km) in 25 days. Resulted in the Government of India Act 1935 which granted large measures of autonomy to the provinces of British India. Quit Indian Movement (1942) It was opposed by Hindu Mahasabha, All India Muslim League, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, Communist Party of India, and the Princely States. Quotes mentioned in the podcasts from Britannica: “Gandhi had critics in his own country and indeed in his own party. The liberal leaders protested that he was going too fast; the young radicals complained that he was not going fast enough; left-wing politicians alleged that he was not serious about evicting the British or liquidating such vested Indian interests as princes and landlords; the leaders of the untouchables doubted his good faith as a social reformer; and Muslim leaders accused him of partiality to his own community.” “Scholars have continued to judge Gandhi's place in history. He was the catalyst if not the initiator of three of the major revolutions of the 20th century: the movements against colonialism, racism, and violence.” Book mentioned in the episode: The Story of My Experiments with Truth by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi: Paperback | Hardcover | Kindle Edition | MP3 CD | Audio Cassette Fin

Throughout history, we have read about great warriors who fought with weapons and ammunition to save the glory of their country. But among all, there is one great leader who chose to fight without any weapon and to follow the path of non-violence. He followed the path of Ahimsa for Indian Independence. He was Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, also well-known by Mahatma Gandhi. He was born on the 2nd of October in Gujarat, Porbandar. His father's name was Karamchand Gandhi and his mother's name was Putli Bai.  Our Father of Nation was adored by his mother as a child and his nickname was Monya. Once he watched a drama "Raja Harishchandra" which happened to be the turning point of his life. He learned the value of truth and honesty from the drama and followed that throughout his life. But did you know once Gandhi ji stole gold from his own house?  He was in debt when he decided to steal gold. But amidst that, he felt so guilty that he wrote a confession letter and gave it to his father. After reading the letter, Gandhiji's father neither shouted nor beat him up but just tore the letter apart.  Gandhiji got married to Kasturba Bai and went to England for further studies. He started living in South Africa once he became a Barrister. In South Africa when he was traveling in a first-class coach which was filled with British officials, he was forced to get down of the train because of his nationality and skin color. That's when he decided to fight for all the Indians who lived in South-Africa and launched the Satyagraha movement. He lived there for 21 years. In fact, the station where he was forced to get down, now has his statue. When he came back to India, he built an ashram near the Sabarmati river, named Satyagraha Ashram. Not only did he fight for Indian independence but as a true Indian, he also spoke against many other social evils like untouchability, poverty, illiteracy, etc. Some of Gandhi's famous movements are the Civil Disobedience Movement, Hind Swaraj, Dandi March, Swadeshi Movement, Satyagraha, etc. He always showed the path of truth and goodwill to his countrymen.  And how can we forget the three famous monkeys of Gandhiji? These three monkeys depict life lessons to us. The first says " See no evil!", the second says, "Say no evil!", and the third says, "Listen no evil!" These ideologies were always followed by Baapu. He was admired because of his strong principles and anyone following his path of non-violence and honesty will be admired too.  Undoubtedly, Mahatma Gandhi is the greatest and famous Indian personality and for his contributions to the Indian independence struggle, he earned the title of "Father of the nation".  Stay tuned to listen to more episodes of our podcast, "Famous Indian Personalities" where we will keep bringing such well-known and not-so-well-known Indian personalities that all kids should know about. www.chimesradio.com  http://onelink.to/8uzr4g  https://www.facebook.com/chimesradio/  https://www.instagram.com/vrchimesradio/    Support the show: https://www.patreon.com/chimesradio See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

It's a recitation of one of the prominent event of India's Freedom Struggle,Civil Disobedience Movement under the leadership of Mahatma Gandhi .Although I had read about it in my Student days but for the purpose of this recitation I took help from a few books and BBC archives .I have tried to encompass all possible relevant events here but there are chances wherein I might have missed a couple as well. This is just an excercise of knowledge sharing in the capacity of a learner .. Recitation : Rakesh Kumar. Disclamer:Content & Music belong to their respective owners/authors and I or this channel does not claim any right over them.The recitation style,Voice and the creativity of expression belong to the channel owner/Podcaster

Nehru Report, Civil Disobedience Movement, First Round Table Conference (Nov. 1930 - Jan. 1931 ), Gandhi - Irwin Pact, Second RTC and Second CDM

Operation Rescue is the largest civil disobedience movement in American history. It even dwarfs the civil rights movement, with over fifty thousand people having been arrested between 1988 and 1992 for nonviolently blockading abortion clinics. Yet most people, even most Catholics, don't know the story. On the rare occasions when it has been covered by the media, it has been falsely and laughably portrayed as violent and extremist. Today's episode is something of an oral history of Operation Rescue, told by Bill Cotter, head of OR Boston, who spent 19 months in prison for his involvement with the protests. You'll also hear from CatholicCulture.org's own Phil Lawler, who provided the public face of OR Boston while Bill was in jail, and also wrote a book about the movement in 1992.   Links Phil Lawler's book, Operation Rescue: A Challenge to the Nation's Conscience https://www.amazon.com/Operation-Rescue-Challenge-Nations-Conscience/dp/0879735066 Operation Rescue Boston http://orboston.org/ Operation Rescue national website http://www.operationrescue.org/ Footage of police brutality against Rescuers during the “Summer of Mercy”, in which tens of thousands of pro-lifers flocked to Wichita and thousands were arrested https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XSPto_gQ5CU Footage of L.A. police breaking a Rescuer's arm with nunchucks https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u6H-8_VE6Oc   Timestamps: Bill Cotter interview 3:00 Description of a rescue 6:49 Tactics to delay police from dragging people away 10:13 Factors that kept Operation Rescue from continuing to operate as a mass movement blockading abortion clinics after its heyday in the late 80s and early 90s: court injunctions, most people unwilling to go to jail for longer than a weekend 12:07 Most of the people involved were not activist types and the rescues were not demonstrations. They had a specific concrete goal: on that day, at that time, in that place, to prevent babies from being killed 14:31 According to Phil Lawler's book Operation Rescue, in between 1988 and 1992 over 50,000 Rescuers had been arrested—about six times as many arrests as during the entire civil rights movement! So why don't more people know about OR? (Need I have asked?) 17:00 Lack of support and even hostility from some Catholic clergy today towards pro-life movement 18:19 Police brutality against Rescuers in West Hartford, CT and elsewhere 22:22 Bill spent 19 months in jail 27:15 Mixed response to OR in Boston 29:19 The genesis of OR; the early days; getting more and more attention 34:06 Bill's participation in Rescues outside Boston; Rescues accompanying St. JPII's visit to the US in 1987; the Summer of Mercy in Wichita 37:39 What is OR doing today? 39:54 Is it true that the young people are becoming more pro-life? 42:05 Learning about Operation Rescue is a challenge to our complacency and desensitization to the continued toleration of abortion. Why shouldn't I be in jail right now? 47:51 Importance of prayer 49:28 How people can learn more and get involved with OR 50:31 Current signs of hope for the pro-life movement; eschatological hope Phil Lawler interview 55:12 How Phil got involved with Operation Rescue 56:35 His first impression of OR people 57:52 Phil was the public face of OR Boston while Bill Cotter was in jail 58:47 Being arrested 59:55 Phil's interactions with the media on behalf of OR, personal experience of media bias 1:02:00 How the archdiocese of Boston treated OR 1:04:07 The media and others routinely accused OR of violence; Ted Kennedy made a speech saying OR had “a policy of firebombing and even murder”(!!!) 1:04:59 The optimism of the pro-life movement at this time 1:07:52 The draconian penalties judges imposed on the protesters 1:10:24 Why do so few Catholics know about OR? 1:11:02 Couldn't the Rescuers have called the bluff on these long prison sentences and brought the whole thing to a standstill? Phil gives his own personal answer 1:13:27 Joan Andrews, the Dorothy Day of the modern pro-life movement; today's Red Rose Rescues 1:15:20 This week's excerpt: Pope Benedict XVI, Deus Caritas Est