Insight Myanmar

Episode #407: One month after the coup, Captain Kyaw Kyaw defected from his post as a military pediatrician. After years of seeing the military brutalize the civilians they were supposed to protect, committing systematic war crimes in conflicts with ethnic armed organizations, he had still felt loyalty to the soldiers in the lower ranks who he viewed also as victims. The carnage that met protests against the coup, however, was the final straw leading him to join the ranks of defectors.In his account of indoctrination and military training, a clear picture emerges of a military leadership that profits off the suffering of the rank-and-file, most of whom are kept in the dark about the historical record and the facts on the ground today. It is also a picture of a military force that is severely debilitated. “I think at least 30 to 40% of infantry soldiers have to be dismissed because of mental instability, drug addiction or alcoholism,” Kyaw Kyaw says. “Half of the brutality, war crimes, and atrocities occur on the front line and among the civilians. A portion of the soldiers are already psychopaths with severe psychological trauma!”It is an open secret in the military, he says, that the real number of combat-ready soldiers is less than half the official statistics. Corruption riddles the procurement and construction sectors, while cementing the loyalty of top generals whose economic interests depend on the military's economic stranglehold. In Kyaw Kyaw's estimate, a significant portion of the military stays loyal only for financial gain, while a minority subscribes to the propaganda. About half, he believes, realize the military is the main perpetrator of injustice, although many are held in check for fear of the consequences if they defect.Kyaw Kyaw has a warning for an international community that has failed to take effective action: “Injustice can be very infectious. If more countries believe in power, instead of dialogue, instead of justice, it will backfire for every nation in the world.”

Episode #406: “I didn't come to study this subject deliberately with a focus on Buddhism,” says Justine Chambers, author of Pursuing Morality, a book that explores Buddhist moral life among the Plong community in southeast Myanmar—known to outsiders as Pwo Karen—particularly in and around the town of Hpaan. Her work, the product of many years of immersive fieldwork, traces not only Buddhist ethical practices in everyday life but also the entanglements of those practices with political transitions, spiritual power, armed conflict, and minority identity in Karen State. Chambers' journey began with refugee advocacy in Australia and continued through work in Mae Sot in 2011, just as Myanmar was opening up. Expecting a conflict zone, she found instead a vibrant town full of youth and ambition, but also widespread moral anxiety. This tension became central to her research. She came to find that morality is not innate, and must be pursued daily. She describes how for the Karen, it is shaped by social factors like gender, age, and class. Chambers corrects the common misconception that Karen identity is primarily Christian. Most Karen in lowland Myanmar are Buddhist, and many trace their spiritual heritage to the Mon and even Burmese kings. Their ethical practice is linked not just to self-cultivation, but to community well-being and even environmental harmony. Yet morality is not always peaceful. Her discussion of the charismatic yet controversial figure, U Thuzana, and the DKBA's role in the destruction of Manerplaw reveals how ethical revival can also justify violence and division. Ultimately, Chambers presents morality as both personal and collective, grounded in Buddhist cosmology but lived through daily negotiations with power, suffering, and hope. “It's also about community, and how you are [a] moral being within that community.”

Episode #405: “Myanmar deserves better,” reflects Olle Thorell, a Swedish Member of Parliament whose nearly two-decade commitment to the nation is both political and personal. Elected to the Riksdag in 2006, Thorell's focus on Asian affairs quickly centered on Myanmar. He learned from dedicated activists and, in 2011, had a clandestine meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi, a moment he recalls as “fantastic;” albeit, goes on to acknowledge that this occurred before what her later fall from grace in international relations. Part of Thorell's vision as a member of the Swedish Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee is for Sweden to fill the global leadership vacuum, challenge the junta's legitimacy, and help create a democratic, federal Myanmar. Thorell's early life inspired his resolve. A working-class upbringing instilled a sense of collective responsibility. His formative teenage years spent in apartheid-era South Africa cemented a lifelong dedication to human rights, teaching him firsthand the kind of society created when prejudice and racism is given free reign. Later, as a Swedish language teacher to Balkan refugees, he honed diplomatic skills, witnessing “what happens when a country falls apart, when there is a division among neighbors and friends.” During Myanmar's democratic opening (2015-2020), he was inspired by citizens printing newspapers by hand but disturbed by child labor in textile factories. These contrasts solidified his belief in the necessity of international solidarity. Thorell is proud of Sweden's historic role in human rights, grounded in the Social Democratic principle of global solidarity, in contrast to rising nationalism. Despite no direct ties, he affirms that Myanmar must remain a focus for Sweden, seen as “the last bastion of military rule where we feel we need to help out.” While lamenting a global shift towards narrow self-interest and nationalism, Thorell remains optimistic. “Liberal values and values of democracy and human rights are impossible to quench in the long run,” he says in closing.

Episode #404: Before the coup, Pandora was a tour guide with little interest in politics. That changed in 2021, when the generals seized power and she found herself leading protests in her hometown of Bago. Arrests of friends and pressure from her family to stop pushed her into the jungle, where she joined the People's Defense Forces. Life there meant leaking tents, beans and noodles for every meal, and complete separation from her family, whom she has not seen since. In September 2021 she entered PDF training with over 200 recruits, just 13 of them women. After a month of basics she had to choose a specialty—commando, mining, or sniper. She picked sniper, unwilling to face mines or close combat. Yet she had never held a weapon before, and the first time she raised a pistol, she shook so badly she thought she could not fire— and even still, her very first shot hit the target! Soon she was handling M4s and M16s, building strength by running the camp with the rifle on her back until her arms no longer trembled. Her precision earned her a place in advanced sniper training, where she was the only woman among 12 trainees. Sniping required both patience and calculation. Pandora trained as a spotter, paired with her partner—and boyfriend— who fired the shots. She learned to measure distance, wind speed, and target movement, ideally with ten minutes to prepare but sometimes with only seconds. Operations could demand lying in wait for days, even a week, hidden in brush or high ground, ready to strike within a kilometer. At times she shook with nerves, yet discipline and teamwork carried her through. Though she rarely pulled the trigger herself, the memories still haunt her. Nightmares of soldiers appear when she tries to sleep. Eventually she left the front line, but not the revolution. In Mae Sot she now runs a clothing brand, Rise and Shine, and also teaches sewing to survivors of gender violence. Pandora now studies politics, determined to empower women and fight for a democratic Myanmar.

Episode #403: Annai had always been attracted to spirituality. Growing up in a devout Catholic family in Barcelona, she preferred spending time in church while her friends only wanted to watch TV, and even began asking how she could one day become a Catholic nun. Eventually she found her way to Dhamma Neru, a vipassana meditation center in Spain the tradition of S.N. Goenka. She found the course extremely difficult and cried every day. However, in the end, she realized this was a path she wanted to dedicate herself to, and so decided to venture to India, where she took the 8-month Pāḷi course offered at Dhamma Giri. After the Pāḷi course, Annai happened to meet Venerable Canda, who told her about her teacher The Phyu Taw Ya Sayadaw in Burma. Playing his chanting for Annai, she was deeply moved and felt compelled to travel to Myanmar to meet him. Annai meditated at the Yangon-based monastery for five months—even drawing inspiration from Webu Sayadaw and foregoing sleep. Seeing her progress, the Sayadaw gave her permission to meditate for long periods under a large tree in the forest. Annai was also fascinated hearing her Sayadaw's stories about practicing in Maha Myaing Forest near the Indian border, where he had a branch monastery. Yet there were many obstacles in her being able to go here, as women were rarely allowed remote practice possibilities, and foreigners weren't even allowed in this part of the country. But somehow Annai was able to break through this red tape, and reaching the forest, took a vow of silence for one year. Still, it was a totally new experience for her, from snakes in her kuti, to armies of termites, to hearing the sound of elephants in the distance, to the playful monkeys. Moreover, whether large or small, each wild animal and insect was a possible threat, and there were spirits in the forest as well, but Annai soon realized that the best way to confront them all was to develop stronger mettā. Eventually, after six years in total in Myanmar, Annai returned to Spain, where she planned to re-engage with the vipassana community of S.N. Goenka. Although she had pursued a rather diverse meditative experience, she always felt close to her first real teacher. Yet Annai found her deep meditation practice put her at odds with the tradition's guidelines, and so instead decided to develop a monastery which could support yogis in the dynamic, varied kinds of ways she, herself, had experienced in Myanmar. This led to the establishment of Sarana Vihara near the Montseny National Park, outside of Barcelona. She decided that if people there could not go to Myanmar, she would bring some part of Myanmar to them. Of course, her strong memories of her time in Myanmar continue to inspire her current work. “It was overwhelming: the generosity, the care, the support of the people [there].”

Episode #402: “In stable times, sustainability may be seen as a long term aspiration,” says Tin Shine Aung, a Burmese scholar and sustainability expert whose work bridges research, policy, and on-the-ground crisis response. “But in our context, in the context of a polycrisis, it's become like a strategy for survival and reconstruction.”Arguing that Myanmar is living through a true polycrisis— multiple shocks that collide and amplify each other rather than simply add up— Tin Shine Aung points out that this demands treating sustainability not as a later luxury but as a present survival and reconstruction strategy. He rejects the idea of “waiting until after the war,” noting that disasters and social-economic collapses do not pause for politics, so governance must integrate sustainability now across environmental, social, and economic pillars.Tin Shine Aung threads a timeline to show how system fragility accumulated: the 2007 fuel-price crisis and Saffron Revolution exposed cracks; in 2008, Cyclone Nargis devastated the delta and the junta nonetheless pushed a constitutional referendum, claiming “over 90%” approval while many communities were still reeling. The 2010s brought ethnoreligious nationalism and political accommodation to it: Muslim candidates were excluded from the NLD's 2015 lists, producing the first Muslim-free legislature since independence, and in January 2017 constitutional lawyer U Ko Ni— closely associated with State Counsellor design— was assassinated at Yangon's airport broad daylight.Here Tin Shine Aung contrasts Myanmar's breakdown with Ukraine to illustrate what makes a polycrisis: in Myanmar, systems across governance, economy, and social services have simultaneously failed and safe exit pathways are scarce. Economically, factories in major cities often get only “two to three hours a day” of grid power, forcing costly generators; more than a million workers have lost jobs; basics like cooking oil have tripled versus pre-coup; sanctions intended for elites cascade down the economy; new U.S. tariffs of about 40% on some categories and military conscription further squeeze the garment sector and labor supply.And yet, despite state failure and natural disasters, even now, grassroots actors are improvising underground schooling, digital classrooms and alternative universities, and turning to small-scale renewables— evidence that sustainability thinking is already alive on the ground! Tin Shine Aung urges international partners to scale such local initiatives and design sanctions, tariffs, and aid logistics to avoid worsening multiplier effects. “Even in the polycrisis,” he says, “our Burmese people are quietly laying the foundation for the sustainable future.”

Episode #401: “Look at my eye. Trust me! You can do this!” With steady assurance, Nay Chi Linn describes her work at the Sunshine Care Center (SCC), a border-based facility she founded to care for Myanmar's war-injured. Located on the Thai side of the border, the SCC provides daily care, physiotherapy, rehabilitation, and emotional support.Nay Chi Linn was raised in Yangon and studied law before moving to Chiang Mai for further study. There, she met an ethnic Karen man and got married; the couple lived in a refugee camp with his family for two years before moving out, but staying nearby on the Thai side of the border. After the 2021 coup, she started financially supporting civil servants and protesters, but Myanmar authorities began investigating her, and were able to trace a bank transfer. Warned of the imminent danger of being detained, she fled to her in-laws' house in the Karen-controlled town of Lay Kaw Kaw. There, in the chaos of displacement after the coup, she began helping people fleeing the regime or displaced by fighting with food, shelter, supplies and health needs; over time, the needs grew and her improvisations became more systematized, laying the foundations for what would become the SCC, which she opened after moving back into Thailand.Nay Chi Linn works with patients with a blend of firmness and empathy— what she calls the “energy of mom.” She allows the initial anger, fear and frustration of patients facing their challenging situations to wash over her, and then urges them to focus on what they have left and take responsibility for their recovery, for their families' and even their country's sake.The SCC is a demanding ecosystem of care that rests on routine, discipline, and morale. The busy, involved day starts early and ends late: medical teams check lists and send those with appointments to hospitals; logistics drives runs back and forth all day; evenings bring pickups and resets for the next day. Within those routines, the work itself is often improvisational and pressured. Amid this challenging, sometimes chaotic environment, Nay Chi Linn is always there for the people in her care. “I have no time to cry!” she exclaims about her workday. Still, she admits that she sometimes breaks down in private afterwards, yet still finds a way to keep going.

Episode #400: James Rodehaver, head of the UN Human Rights Office on Myanmar, offers a sobering account of the country's accelerating crisis and the limits of the international community's response. Drawing on decades of experience in conflict zones, he describes Myanmar as uniquely complex and heartbreakingly violent—particularly since the 2021 coup. His office, which operates from outside the country due to lack of access, monitors rights violations, advises UN agencies, and supports civil society efforts.Rodehaver acknowledges that some UN agencies do engage with the junta to secure humanitarian access, and says the anger this provokes among the Burmese public is entirely justified. But he stresses that discreet coordination also occurs with resistance actors, including the National Unity Government and ethnic armed organizations, though these relationships are often kept quiet to protect humanitarian operations.According to Rodehaver, 2024 was the deadliest year yet, with nearly 2,000 verified civilian deaths—most caused by indiscriminate airstrikes and heavy weaponry used by the military. Since the coup, over 6,300 civilians have been confirmed killed, amid spiraling displacement, economic collapse, and growing food insecurity.He warns that recent cuts in international aid are crippling essential services and shrinking civic space. Part of the problem, he admits, is a failure to tell the full story of Myanmar's suffering and resilience—a failure he takes partial responsibility for. Despite limited staff and access, his team continues to support civil society, provide training in international humanitarian law, and promote protection strategies for at-risk communities.Ultimately, Rodehaver returns to the principle that guides his work: empathy. “We pick the side of the victims,” he says, and draws strength from the courage and endurance of the Myanmar people.

Episode #399: Insight Myanmar was very fortunate to conduct a series of interviews with Friedgard Lottermoser between 2023 and 2024, amounting to more than forty hours before she sadly passed away last year. Friedgard was one of the few non-Burmese who could speak about the experience of meditating extensively with Sayagyi U Ba Khin, life at the International Meditation Center (IMC), and what it was like to live in Burma at a crucial period of its modern history.In this episode, she explains how she survived the July 7, 1962 student massacre by chance, spending the weekend meditating at IMC instead of joining the demonstrations at Rangoon University. “After meditating for several hours, I heard a huge boom, like thunder,” she says. “I thought it was just the continuation of a long thunderstorm, but it was the military blowing up the Student Union building!”She also speaks about her stepfather's work with the German firm Fritz Werner, the state-owned company that helped establish Burma's arms industry in the late 1950s and licensed local production of G3 rifles. These weapons, which became standard issue for the Burmese army, were later turned against students in 1962 and again during the 1988 uprising. For Friedgard, this connection adds a painful irony to her memories, as the same rifles linked to her family's presence in Burma were used to silence the very voices of democracy she might have joined that day.Her reflections often circle back to meditation, which she saw as both refuge and compass. “Of course, I listened to what U Ba Khin said, but it was reinforced by my personal perception through the development of Vipassana meditation. That is why, actually, I followed it up in these early days.” For Friedgard, meditation was not just practice but the thread that allowed her to endure, make sense of, and carry forward the experiences of those turbulent years.

Episode #398: The Telenor scandal has emerged as one of the most serious blows to Norway's reputation as a champion of peace and human rights. Nicolai Prydz, author and long-time observer of Myanmar, calls it “the largest scandal in Norway, but it's under the carpet. Nobody wants to tell it.” When Telenor entered Myanmar in 2014, only 7% of the population owned a mobile phone. Backed by Norway's decision to lift sanctions and forgive $3 billion in debt, the company quickly expanded to more than 20 million users and generated hundreds of millions in annual profits. Norwegian politicians hailed it as a model of how business could support democracy. But Prydz stresses the transition was never real. The 2008 constitution guaranteed the military permanent power. Ordinary people, however, placed their trust in Telenor, associating it with Norway's peace reputation. That trust was betrayed after the February 2021 coup. The junta demanded sensitive telecom data— locations, call records, contact lists— of activists and opposition leaders. Myanmar Now reported Telenor complied over 200 times. Prydz is blunt: “Of course, you don't come back the 20th or 21st time if it's not of any use!” When challenged, Telenor never denied its cooperation, claiming refusal would endanger staff. The company also left intact surveillance equipment capable of monitoring networks nationwide. In 2022, Telenor sold its Myanmar operations to Lebanon's M1 Group and Shwe Byain Phyu, a conglomerate tied to the military, effectively transferring the data of 20 million users to the junta's allies. Norwegian judge Hanne Sophie Greve has warned that Norway and Telenor could be complicit in crimes against humanity. For Prydz, the story is personal: his friend Ko Jimmy, the democracy activist he met in 2012, used a Telenor SIM until his arrest and execution in 2022. “The reason why I wrote my book is because I love my country,” Prydz says. He demands Norway face its complicity, investigate fully, and repair the damage, instead of sweeping the truth under the carpet.

Episode #397: In this episode of the Insight Myanmar Podcast, two compelling voices—Thinzar Shunlei Yi and Wongpun Amarinthewa—illuminate the stakes of Myanmar's political crisis from the frontlines of resistance and reporting. Thinzar Shunlei Yi, a prominent Burmese activist and deputy director of the Anti-Sham Election Campaign Committee, lays out a forceful case against the junta's proposed elections. Far from representing democratic progress, she sees them as a calculated maneuver to legitimize the military's grip on power. These elections, rooted in the discredited 2008 Constitution, are framed as part of a broader strategy to escape accountability and sustain authoritarian rule under the veneer of civilian governance. “The 2008 Constitution was also another coup,” she asserts, “[that was executed] in the name of democracy.” Her coalition, which includes civil society actors and ethnic political parties, has already moved beyond the junta's framework, pursuing a revolutionary roadmap to draft an inclusive federal democratic constitution from the ground up. Speaking to the international community, she warns that continued reference to the 2008 Constitution risks legitimizing a system that has failed time and again to protect Myanmar's people or bring about real change. Wongpun Amarinthewa, a Thai journalist, brings a parallel perspective from across the border. He reflects on his reporting trips to refugee camps along the Thai-Myanmar border, where the trauma of displacement—especially among children—left a lasting emotional mark. His work underscores the human toll of the conflict and the widespread lack of awareness among the Thai public, which is exacerbated by government restrictions, media indifference, and nationalist sentiment. Despite the obstacles, Wongpun remains committed to telling these stories, emphasizing the urgent need for deeper regional awareness and cross-border solidarity. “As a media [worker], it's my responsibility to let the public know what's really happening along the border of Thailand,” he says.

Episode #396: “There is no other issue in Thailand that has this long of a history of civil society engagement like Myanmar.” With these words, Thai humanitarian worker and activist, Mic Chawaratt, discusses the decades-long relationship between Thailand and Myanmar regarding displacement, refugee management, and civil society aid. He traces Thailand's security-driven approach to Myanmar refugees from the 1980s to today. Despite not signing the 1951 Refugee Convention, Thailand has hosted large populations displaced by conflict and political repression, though often without offering any legal recognition. He notes how the official response has been spotty, and Thai civil society, not the government, has largely shouldered the responsibility, building what Mic calls a “parallel system” of humanitarian care. After the 2021 coup, this system has been tested further by surging refugee numbers and increased repression. He criticizes Thailand's “proxy diplomacy,” which masks quiet support for the junta while sidelining the National Unity Government. ASEAN, too, comes under fire for its inaction. Meanwhile, new crises—such as scam centers exploiting vulnerable migrants—intersect with old ones, creating deeper humanitarian challenges. In closing, Mic takes a bird's eye view of the challenge, calling for a shift from emergency response to long-term infrastructure: education, healthcare, and legal protections. He also stresses the need for humanitarian organizations to listen to the refugees' own voices and safeguard their rights while highlighting the reality of burnout and donor fatigue. And as Thai politics shift rightward, he urges vigilance to protect civil society space and regional solidarity. “The story of Myanmar is also the story of Thailand,” he concludes. “We cannot separate them. Our futures are bound together.”

Episode #395: Laetitia van den Assum, a Dutch diplomat and former ambassador to Thailand, was one of nine members of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, a group set up in 2016 at Aung San Suu Kyi's request and chaired by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Its mandate was to improve conditions in one of Myanmar's poorest and most divided regions. In this conversation, van den Assum reflects on the Commission's work, her dealings with Annan and Min Aung Hlaing, and the enduring challenges of Rakhine. From the outset, the military opposed the Commission because it had been established without their consent, and Min Aung Hlaing tried to push Parliament to expel the foreign members. But as van den Assum notes, “he could not stop us,” since the 25 percent of seats reserved for the military under the 2008 constitution was insufficient to block the process. Building trust among local communities was another hurdle-- the Commission had to prove that it represented everyone, not only the Rohingya. In August 2017, the Commission released its final report, containing 88 recommendations focused on peace, development, and human rights. The very next day, ARSA launched attacks on police posts, and the military retaliated with sweeping operations that drove 750,000 Rohingya into Bangladesh. Van den Assum believes these plans were already in place, describing the scale of violence as shocking but not unexpected. She continues to stress the report's lessons. Citizenship remains central: without reform of the 1982 law that excluded the Rohingya and many others, genuine progress is impossible. Long-term planning also requires accurate population data, as nearly a million people were left uncounted in the 2014 census. Looking at Myanmar today, van den Assum sees fragmentation across the country and insists that peace must precede development and rights. Calling for pragmatic international support, she warns that Myanmar cannot rely on foreign aid indefinitely and must become more self-sufficient. Yet her appreciation for the resistance effort is unwavering: “My admiration knows no bounds for those continuing to fight for their self-determination. They don't see a way back. There's only a way forward.”

Episode #394: Sandar, an ethnographer and documentary photographer, dedicated her life to understanding Myanmar's diverse cultures. Before the coup, she conducted extensive research in ethnic territories, particularly in Kachin, documenting their struggles and traditions. However, when the military seized power, her ability to continue fieldwork was shattered. Facing restrictions and violence, she joined mass protests in Yangon, capturing the resistance movement as it first emerged onto the scene. As the military began to target anyone so much as holding a camera, she realized the dangers of remaining in the city, and sought another way to contribute.Sandar decided to relocate to Karenni, one of the first states to systematically resist the coup. There, she witnessed the destruction caused by military offensives and joined displaced medical workers, documenting their efforts. Later, she immersed herself in a Karenni military training camp for three months, observing how ordinary individuals transformed into resistance fighters. Her time there fundamentally changed her understanding of Myanmar's ethnic struggles, shifting her from an external observer to an active participant.Living in the jungle, she adapted to harsh conditions, learning survival skills and embedding herself in Karenni society. Recognizing the lack of education for displaced youth, she established an alternative school, later expanding it into a social studies diploma program. Despite repeated attacks forcing relocation, she remained committed to education as a form of resistance.Through her documentary work, Sandar highlights the resilience of Karenni civilians, and in so doing, challenges top-down peace efforts that ignore lived realities. She emphasizes that genuine solidarity comes from direct engagement. For her, the revolution is not just about fighting the military but reshaping Myanmar's social fabric, because real change must come from the ground up.

Episode #393: “It's now time to be more principled and say that, ‘We would like to support democracy.'” With this statement, Audun Aagre, former head of the Norwegian Burma Committee (NBC), distills three decades of Norway's involvement in Myanmar into a call for credibility and purpose. Aagre's own engagement with Myanmar began in the early 1990s, when Burmese exiles in Norway trained as journalists with the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). Witnessing their dedication inspired him to travel to the Thai–Myanmar border, and later help form a Burma support group back home. He was eventually tapped to lead the Norwegian Burma Committee (NBC), an advocacy group supporting Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD's opposition to the military. Under Aagre's leadership, NBC was broadened to include building political party capacity and working with civil society across ethnic lines. While Norway's policy was pro-democracy early on, it shifted during the Thein Sein era. Norwegian diplomats began to argue the generals had seen the light and were more popular than Aung San Suu Kyi— a view Aagre dismissed as fantasy. Norway launched the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI), which emphasized short-term “peace dividends” like development projects, but failed to address structural issues of federalism and military control, and seemed to back the military's approach. The trust his country had built with democratic forces in Myanmar for decades all but collapsed. The Rohingya crisis then revealed the futility of believing cooperation with the military could ever be compatible with human rights. Meanwhile, business entanglements further eroded Norway's credibility. Telenor, once a symbol of empowerment as cheap SIM cards and internet spread across Myanmar, soon collided with the junta's demands for surveillance data. Forced into compliance, it eventually sold its operations—only to see sensitive information handed straight to military-linked companies. Energy ventures like SN Power's dam project and Statoil's offshore contracts followed the same pattern, funneling resources into conflict zones and, ultimately, into the generals' coffers. For Aagre, the lesson is clear: Norway must stand firmly for democracy, not realpolitik. Otherwise, compromise and “trickle-down” strategies only undermine the very struggles they aim to support. The warning resonates now, as democracies everywhere face pressure from rising authoritarianism and strategic disinformation. “If the military was able to turn Norway, then you can turn any country in the world. The symbolism of turning Norway was very high.”

Episode #392: Landmines and explosive remnants of war are taking a devastating toll on civilians, as armed groups on many sides continue to use the deadly and indiscriminate weapons. Mine Free Myanmar, a country-focused campaign of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, runs an annual art contest documenting survivors' stories and the ever-present threat experienced by communities.The contest, now in its third year, attracts submissions from both adults and children, opening a window on survivors' experiences. One woman who was injured while fetching water was later abandoned by her husband because she was disabled. Last year's prize winner from Rakhine State shows a boy playing football who runs into a mine in front of the village signboard.From anecdotal evidence, including survivor stories collected by volunteers, there was a surge in landmine incidents following Operation 1027 launched by several EAOs in October 2023. The most recent Landmine Monitor report published in November 2024 concluded that Myanmar suffered the most recorded casualties from landmine and explosive remnants of war of any country in the world in 2023.The campaign's nationwide coordinator, who spoke to Insight Myanmar under the pseudonym of Webster, believes many incidents go unreported. “We just collect the impact stories of those who survived. There are many people who are being killed by the landmines in the community.” The role of the international community, he says, is to support multilateral engagement and advocacy to make that ban a reality, although he admits that amid the immediate conflict, reductions in landmine use and more awareness by armed actors might be the best that can be hoped. In the meantime, Webster urges international partners providing victim assistance to focus not just on the immediate injuries and provision of prostheses, to encompass the reality of a person's life after an injury and the need for vocational training and sustainable livelihoods.“If we don't talk about banning landmines, we have to support the survivor every decade, every generation,” Webster says. “It will never end.”

Episode #391: A key figure at Article 19 for the Asia Pacific region, Lana exposes a dilemma: the tense dynamic between an accelerating tech industry and authoritarian governments' increasing digital control. Lana's background informs her examination of how tech operations affect human rights in countries such as Myanmar, Vietnam, and China.Authorities in oppressive Asian nations are increasingly delegating enforcement of their restrictive policies to private tech firms. In Myanmar, post-2021 coup, new legislation forces telecom and IT companies to comply with the cybersecurity law. Lana clarifies that Myanmar's military isn't just removing content directly; it's using laws to transfer censorship and surveillance responsibilities to the tech sector. This puts companies in an untenable position, forced to obey unconstitutional mandates while operating in a worsening economy, with internet shutdowns and conflict further complicating matters.There is also the inconsistent nature of content moderation. She suggests moderation policies often reflect “public opinion in Western countries and public pressure,” rather than consistent ethics. Moreover, weak or absent data protection laws leave users vulnerable, enabling companies to collect vast amounts of information.Despite these hurdles, Lana stresses civil society's essential role in ensuring digital rights. She advocates for a human rights-first approach, urging companies to conduct thorough impact assessments. “We want the private sector to be more transparent and responsive when things are flagged by ​​civil society, and solve those issues together without a fear of being given to their authorities,” she emphasizes.While a universal policy is impractical, international human rights standards are important. “We should not stop and do nothing as a civil society just because it's complicated,” she stresses, placing accountability on both companies and users to ensure a safe, free online environment.

Episode #390: The exhibition Fragmentation, hosted earlier this year at Bangkok Art and Culture Center and co-organized by SEA Junction and A New Burma, presented haunting photographs of displaced teachers and students in Karenni State, capturing both devastation and resilience in the midst of war. Through a series of interviews, curators and participants reflected on the deeper meanings of these images.Tim, the co-curator and graphic designer, explained the deliberate effort to avoid sensationalizing suffering, instead showing both the grief of loss and the ordinariness of children still learning. He recalls how the sound of school bells had come to double as an airstrike siren, a chilling metaphor for the normalization of fear.Nicola Edwards, an education researcher, highlights how schools and health facilities have become deliberate military targets. Yet she notes that this destruction has catalyzed new, community-driven education systems, from jungle classrooms to mother-tongue curricula, where untrained but dedicated volunteers sustain children's learning and safety.Patrick, a frontline doctor in Karenni, describes the direct targeting of hospitals and the horrific injuries he treats daily, many of them children. Though he has survived airstrikes and seen atrocities firsthand, he emphasized solidarity among medical workers and the determination to continue serving despite trauma.Mya Hein, a Muslim student unionist, reflects on his political awakening, the discrimination he faced, and how the revolution has brought fleeting moments of solidarity alongside lingering structural inequalities. He urged that minority rights must be central to any genuine future for Myanmar.Finally, artist and organizer MCP spoke of the revolution's impact on art, where creativity has become both a tool of survival and a means of political dialogue. For him, art conveys truths and emotions beyond statistics, keeping Myanmar's suffering—and hope—visible to the world.Together, their voices reveal a portrait of education, health, identity, and creativity as intertwined acts of resistance.

Episode #389: Mie Mie Wynn Bird, a retired U.S. Army officer and defense strategist runs leadership and capacity-building workshops for Myanmar's pro-democracy movement. In this episode, she argues that morale—and not weapons or resources—is the decisive factor in war. She is guided by this principle: “people first, mission always”: leaders must train, protect, and respect their teams while keeping the mission in focus, building trust that cannot be fabricated in crisis. In Myanmar, morale among the resistance groups continues to be high, with the people believing they are fighting for a righteous cause. In contrast, the morale of the military's conscripts deteriorates by the day, and a vibrant Burmese-language media ecosystem also mocks and undermines the regime, boosting opposition confidence. She estimates the junta holds just 20% of the country despite the huge material and weapons imbalances in its favor. Mie Mie Wynn Bird also highlights language use as part of the struggle. She calls out Western media for framing the struggle in “both sides” platitudes, and for using words that distort perception of the conflict, like “insurgents” instead of “revolutionary forces.” She urges the international community to frame the resistance in Myanmar as a story of ingenuity and determination, because winning the narrative is part of sustaining morale. Praising the diaspora's critical and selfless contributions, which further boosts morale, she notes that the increased participation of women in all facets of the struggle does as well, as diversity strengthens problem-solving and resilience. She does, however, note the beginnings of a decline in women's participation because of lingering cultural norms, which she views as both avoidable but also harmful to the cause. In the end, Mie Mie Wynn Bird says, “The Myanmar story is not a story of victims. It is a story of ingenuity, adaptability, and determination.”

Episode #388: “Every day in Myanmar, people are living in constant fear, fear of air strike, fear of artillery, fear of arbitrary arrest, fear of extra judicial killing. As long as the military is in power, the country will not be in peace,” says Alex, a Burmese activist-in-exile about Myanmar's brutal reality under military rule. His believes that the military's planned, upcoming elections are in his words “a sham,” just a strategy to consolidate power and a deceptive charade to gain international legitimacy. Because they already hold 25% of the Parliamentary seats under the fraudulent 2008 Constitution, which sets the minimum limit of 33% of the total seats as the threshold for being able to form a government, they just need 8% more. This leads Alex to conclude that the junta will easily be able to manipulate the results to achieve whatever outcome they want. “They are trying to lie to the world, to the country, that's what they have been doing since day one.”The second guest is Wunna, and he describes how on the morning of February 1, 2021, he recalls an eerie silence. The internet was down and phone lines had been cut. Wunna and a friend drove to Naypyidaw to see what was happening – they observed MPs being held under house arrest, guarded by soldiers. “I couldn't even describe how I felt that day. It was really powerless and hopeless on the first day.” This direct experience at Ground Zero propelled him into action. He joined the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM), arranging safe houses and transportation for civil servants. But his bank account was subsequently frozen, and the escalating risk finally forced him to reluctantly make the agonizing decision to leave Myanmar, joining countless exiles.Despite his personal sacrifice, Wunna clings to a powerful conviction. He believes the revolution, built from nothing, still has the opportunity to prevail. To avoid despair, he just focuses on what is within his power to do. He acknowledges international skepticism to the resistance but affirms its strength. He advocates for constructive criticism, but says that it should be accompanied by practical suggestions, and not just empty theorizing. His final message is a call to global solidarity: “I just want to request, be part of our history in defending and nurturing democracy.”

Episode #387: “I think vipassana has always been a response to crisis, not just a quest for spiritual purity,” says Gustaaf Houtman, anthropologist and author of Traditions of Buddhist Practice in Burma and Mental Culture in Burmese Crisis Politics. Drawing on decades of research and immersion in the culture, Houtman connects meditation, language, politics, and cultural history, revealing a view of Burma's Buddhist traditions that resists Western simplifications. Houtman contrasts Western notions of religion—rooted in belief in abstract doctrines and separated from culture—with the Burmese concept of sāsana, the Buddha's dispensation, which is integrally embedded in historical and social life. He juxtaposes sāsana with bodha-batha, a term coined by the 19th century American missionary Adoniram Judson, which reframed Buddhism as a belief-based “-ism,” comparable to Christianity. This, Houtman argues, was not simply linguistic but ideological as well. In response, Burmese reformers emphasized Pāḷi terms like sāsana to defend Buddhism's historical and cultural depth, turning language into “a site of resistance” against Western cultural hegemony. This framework illuminates the importance of lineage in Burmese meditation. Unlike monastic ordination, which is formally documented, meditation instruction is informal and personal, requiring validation from respected teachers— and it rarely goes in a straight line. U Ba Khin's reliance on Webu Sayadaw's endorsement exemplifies how Burmese meditation culture depends on networks of trust and recognition. Houtman contrasts this complexity with S. N. Goenka's simplified lineage narrative, which, while pedagogically effective, erases the historical crises— British colonialism, military dictatorship, and cultural reform— that gave rise to vipassana. He links this history to Ledi Sayadaw, whose reforms empowered laypeople to sustain Buddhism during colonial rule, paving the way for later teachers like Mahasi Sayadaw and U Ba Khin. Meditation in Burma, Houtman emphasizes, has long been entwined with social and cultural life, politics, and survival, and is a source of cultural pride. Today, he supports exiled Burmese scholars through what he calls “academic activism,” insisting that understanding Burma requires joining its ongoing historical struggle. “If you stay with it, you will be drawn in. And if you're drawn in, you stay for the long haul.”

Episode #386: Maw Htun, Deputy Minister for Electricity and Energy in Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), has navigated a path defined by personal tribulation and transformation since the 2021 coup. His journey began with joining the NUG to fulfill a lifelong dream of systemic change, but was soon overshadowed by a battle with cancer. With his critical illness and having to endure a series of complex medical procedures, Maw Htun faced an existential crisis. This harrowing experience, including a miraculous recovery linked to a burgeoning meditation practice, radically reshaped his worldview and even his political outlook.Previously driven by achievements, he found a deeper humility, recognizing the fragility of life and the illusion of fixed identities. Though recognizing his Kachin and Christian identities, his experience of suffering led him to perceive social identities as “constructs,” advocating for a politics focused on shared humanity. He advocates for a federal democracy that genuinely ensures “making life better no matter who you are.”Maw Htun's role in the NUG is central to this vision. He describes the body as a legitimate government and a revolutionary force, battling resource constraints and public expectations. He asserts its essential role in rallying support and establishing defense forces, arguing that the junta's brutal aerial attacks prove “the NUG mechanism is working.” While acknowledging valid criticisms regarding efficiency and representation, he stresses the NUG's dedication to human rights and its non-static, evolving nature– a resilience that fuels his resolve to fight for a future Myanmar free from discrimination.

Episode #385: Minna Fredriksson, human rights advisor at the Swedish development organization Diakonia, describes her humanitarian work and critiques the humanitarian aid field based on her years of work in Southeast Asia. Fredriksson managed humanitarian efforts in refugee camps along the Thai-Myanmar border in 2013. This was at the start of the democratic transition, and when donor governments such as the U.S., Sweden, Germany, and Japan were urging refugees to return to Myanmar despite persistent insecurity. She observed firsthand the disconnect between donor timelines and refugee realities. Later, inside Myanmar, Fredriksson found that decades of repression had shaped how people communicated even in safe settings, highlighting the need for culturally-sensitive modes of communication and trust-building. She stresses that aid responses must be trauma-informed, participatory, and led by communities themselves, and offers examples of successful local initiatives. However, she cautions against overromanticizing societies, including traditional societies, noting that all exhibit inequalities and prejudices of some kind or other. “Those need to be addressed,” she says firmly. She also warns of the global trend of aid retrenchment, especially Sweden's shift toward nationalist priorities, which undermines those on-the-ground gains. “It breaks my heart when I hear that people say, ‘It's like the world doesn't care,'” she says. In closing, Fredriksson highlights the damaging effects of information repression inside Myanmar, which she calls a form of “soft violence,” as well as the international marginalization and erasure of Myanmar's crisis. She affirms her commitment to amplifying Myanmar's voices: “The motivation, of course, to continue to talk about Myanmar… and make sure that there is information about what's happening.”

Episode #384: “As a journalist, you always hope for consequences. I mean, otherwise our reporting is meaningless,” says Bjørn Nordahl, a Norwegian investigative reporter who led a two-year probe into Telenor's withdrawal from Myanmar. The case was especially painful because the company, once praised for driving SIM card prices down and sparking a communication revolution in 2014, ended up entangled with a brutal military regime. After the February 2021 coup, Telenor initially disclosed military orders to shut down networks and block Facebook. But on February 14 its CEO told Norwegian media, “From now on, I can't say anything” about Myanmar. From that point until March 2022, the company ceased public disclosures while complying with junta demands. Nordahl's team examined over 750 leaked documents. These showed two categories of orders: shutdown directives and direct requests for subscriber information. One June 2021 internal assessment warned that handing over data on a PDF member meant “the impact of sharing this information is extremely high” and could enable arrests. Another request concerned a doctor close to Aung San Suu Kyi; Telenor concluded “it's likely that this number will be used to support the military examinations of the criminal case against Aung San Suu Kyi.” Nordahl notes Telenor admitted, when asked, that “we never said no” to junta requests, with lawyers justifying every handover under Myanmar's military law, while “Norwegian legislation does not come into consideration.” At home, questions arose about oversight. Around 30 meetings took place between Telenor and Norway's Ministry of Trade and Commerce, though their content remains undisclosed. Nordahl highlighted that the Labor Party was in power during both entry and exit, adding, “probably there will be people in the opposition who are very interested in this story.” He said opposition groups already call for an independent investigation, and predicted, “this claim will be even stronger and probably reach another level after we have published this.” For Nordahl, the saga illustrates the limits of corporate responsibility under authoritarianism. Yet he insists the story must be documented, both for future accountability and as a warning of how global business decisions can imperil lives.

Episode #383: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS) was hosted at hosted by Chiang Mai University. This major event brought together many scholars and experts to discuss Myanmar's ongoing challenges, including the 2021 coup, conflicts, peace efforts, and human rights issues. Hosting over 800 participants over its three day event, it was one of the largest events dedicated to Myanmar studies.Insight Myanmar Podcast recorded exclusive interviews with a number of guests at the conference. These short conversations covered a broad range of topics, and this episode closes out this four-part series. Our guests are:Gar, representing the Myanmar Internet Project, focuses on digital rights and security. She describes the military's use of internet restrictions and surveillance technologies to suppress dissent. Her organization works to raise awareness, provide digital security support, and document online propaganda and surveillance to protect those at risk.Jaivet Eolom, affiliated with the Myanmar Policy and Action Knowledge Hub at the University of Toronto, views Myanmar as being at a critical juncture for being able to reshape its future. He emphasizes the need to unlearn decades of military propaganda in order to avoid repeating past mistakes. This includes particularly harmful narratives like those surrounding the Rohingya.Napas Thein, a research fellow at the University of British Columbia and the Myanmar Policy and Action Knowledge Hub, emphasizes the importance of linking research and humanitarian efforts inside and outside Myanmar, with filmmaking as a vital tool for sharing stories from conflict-affected ethnic regions. He adds that many people abroad continue to contribute significantly to efforts within Myanmar.Sharon Bell, involved in Myanmar's agricultural development through a resilient horticulture project funded by New Zealand, emphasizes the vital role of grassroots civil society organizations in sustaining progress despite COVID-19 and the coup. She advocates for the international community to support local efforts and recognize the legitimacy of ethnic armed groups as key development and political actors.Tin Maung Htwe, a research fellow at Chiang Mai University's RCSD, focuses on human rights, migration, and the Rohingya crisis. He notes the complexity of the conflict, and advocates for empathy and dialogue between communities. He also touches upon the impact of Chinese investment on conflict resolution.Kham Mai, a representative from the Shan Women's Action Network (SWAN), emphasizes the organization's efforts to support Shan women through healthcare, education, and leadership training, particularly in conflict zones. She calls for greater women's participation in political decision-making and providing essential services like reproductive health and support for survivors of gender-based violence.

Episode #382: Zack Tu Nan, a queer, ethnic Zaiwa activist and student living in the Netherlands, reflects on his journey through marginalization, faith, identity, and exile. Born in 1994 in—literally—a rice field in Kachin State while his parents fled military violence, Zack grew up in a remote village run by the Kachin Independence Army (KIA), where he enjoyed a rich, traditional Zaiwa upbringing. But entering a Burmese state school in Loi Jai exposed him to Bamar cultural domination—his family name was stripped away, his pronunciation mocked, and even his given name, “Tu Nan,” ridiculed.As a gender-nonconforming child, Zack lacked the language and social space to express his queerness. Raised in a rigidly Christian environment, he internalized the belief that his identity was sinful. Coming out later created tensions within his devout community. Eventually, he sought healing through personal “decolonization”—reclaiming Zaiwa animist practices, oral traditions, and Zaiwa cosmology, which he now hopes to preserve through a documentary film.After passing the national exam, Zack studied dentistry in Mandalay but found the system stifling. He later attended an online U.S. university while teaching Zumba in Yangon. Political activism for IDPs put him at risk, prompting his asylum claim in the Netherlands. Rejected and detained for deportation, COVID disrupted the process; he escaped from the facility and lived undocumented for a year before finally securing asylum.Despite loneliness and backlash, Zack remains committed to cultural survival. “The past is still haunting me here right now in the present,” he says, “but I carry the weight of my family, my kinship, my people and my community.”

Episode #381: Vicky Bowman, the former UK Ambassador to Myanmar and past director of the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business (MCRB), explains what sanctions are meant to do - prevent harm and promote reform, rather than punish - and how Myanmar's “opaque information ecosystem” makes this challenging.She recalls that in the early 2000s, compiling sanctions lists was difficult, with EU diplomats sometimes relying on public donation plaques or even the Yellow Pages to identify names of people and companies. While noting that identification and evidence have improved since then, and that stronger coordination now exists among allies in shaping their sanctions policies, she emphasizes the continued importance of due process for those targetted, including to petition for their removal. Concerning the recent delistings that stirred public outrage, she notes that the original reasoning that put three of the delisted subjects on the U.S. list had not been considered equally compelling by the U.K. or E.U.Sanctions, she says, take different forms: there are targetted measures such as arms embargoes and “dual-use” controls on goods with civilian and military uses, as well as measures against individuals like asset freezes and visa bans. There are also more general sanctions and measures impacting the wider economy, such as removal of tariff preferences and suspension of development aid.Bowman also details the possible “spillover” harms of sanctions. At the macro level, sanctions can lead companies to exit, and impact jobs and the wider economy. At the micro level, they can impact jobs in, and services provided by, sanctioned firms. Sanctions on named individuals can also cause collateral damage to completely unrelated individuals due to confusion about Myanmar's naming culture.Concerning the practice of sanctioning family members of regime figures, especially adult children, and the desire for punishment, rather than prevention, Bowman reflects that it could be considered to resemble the collective punishment practices used by the Nazis, known as Sippenhaft. She questions whether Western democracies should “sink to the same level” or take the “when they go low, we go high” approach of Michelle Obama.Bowman also reflects on the future for responsible business in Myanmar. She notes that the desire for ‘bottom-up federalism' should avoid fragmenting the laws and institutions needed to drive responsible business practices including well-enforced human rights based laws, transparent procurement processes, functioning courts, and effective anti-corruption bodies.

Episode #380: “I started meditation at a fairly young age,” begins scholar and author, Daniel Stuart. At nineteen, he traveled to India, disillusioned by the world he grew up in and searching for an alternative. What he discovered was vipassanā meditation as taught by S.N. Goenka, and for him it was “a quite revolutionary experience!” For Stuart, meditation was never confined to the cushion. His practice sparked questions about history, authenticity, and cultural context. This curiosity took him through India and Burma, into the study of Pāḷi and Hindi, and ultimately into academia, where he now bridges rigorous research with personal commitment. A “die-hard student” of S.N. Goenka, Stuart nonetheless insists on examining the lineage within its historical complexity, even when this has put him at odds with the community. Over time, Stuart has come to see that many teachings in the Goenka tradition emerged from Buddhism's historical evolution over time, not in an unbroken line unchanged since the time of the Buddha, as is claimed in the tradition. Yet for him, this does not diminish the value of the teachings; it reveals how Buddhist traditions adapt and remain meaningful. He contrasts this with what is called the “Protestant” view of authenticity by many Western meditators who equate purity and authenticity only with the original texts. Instead, Stuart sees Goenka's teaching as a pragmatic response to the cultural worlds and contexts he navigated. He says that embracing this complexity has only deepened his faith and his practice. “We live in this space in between,” Stuart says, “like ancient tradition and modernity… and that's where the whole game is.”

Episode #379: “It's a different migration story,” reflects Amy Hardingson, speaking about her enduring connection to her Burmese heritage, a thread stretching across generations. Her great-grandmother, Hilda, embodied this love, embarking on the perilous Great Trek during World War II to India in 1941. A member of the Eurasian community in Burma, Hilda fled with her three-year-old daughter and seven-month-old son (Amy's grandfather). After losing her husband to malaria during the arduous journey, Hilda and her children were interned by the Japanese in a concentration camp for over a year. Their survival ultimately led them from war-ravaged Burma to the UK in 1947, initiating their family's diaspora story.Growing up mixed-race in the UK, Amy wrestled with a complex identity, often feeling her lived experience didn't conform to societal expectations. She faced intrusive questions and battled “mixed-race imposter-syndrome and anxiety.” Through researching Hilda's family tree, Amy unearthed a mixed heritage stretching back to the beginnings of British colonialism, a revelation that was incredibly healing and reshaped her self-understanding.Amy actively cultivates this rich connection for her daughter, Lucy, through cultural immersion like cooking authentic Burmese food and reading engaging bilingual books. Lucy, at nine, has also enthusiastically embraced this legacy by undertaking a “charity badge” for Girl Guides, choosing to fundraise for Better Burma following the coup. She raised £170, directly aiding 160 different families. This act gifted Lucy a powerful “sense of agency and direct living connection to her Burmese heritage,” says Amy, demonstrating “how every little bit of money helps.”Amy understands that embracing one's heritage, despite external pressures and historical erasures, is important. For her, “untangling that internalized racism is really important to help you to actually forge that sense of self and identity in a healthy and holistic way.” She believes this journey, like a delicate thread, can be repaired, strengthened, and woven into something new, showcasing an evolving identity across time.

Episode #378: Simon Billenness, director of Campaign for a New Myanmar, draws on thirty years of advocacy to explain the mechanics and challenges of U.S. policy toward Myanmar. He begins by discussing the recent removal of sanctions on junta-linked individuals, which he believes reflects corporate lobbying rather than signaling a coherent strategy or change in overall policy. In fact, he says, that action contrasts sharply with Congressional progress on three Myanmar-related bills that punish the junta: the Brave Burma Act (targeting junta-linked financial entities), the No New Funds for Burma Act (blocking World Bank disbursements), and the GAP Act (expanding atrocity accountability and refugee aid).He characterizes this dissonance as just another manifestation of the unpredictable, “whipsaw” nature of current U.S. foreign policy. But despite this volatility, Billenness stresses that Congressional action and grassroots pressure are still the main forces influencing U.S. policy. His organization coordinates both grassroots outreach—mobilizing 19,000 U.S. supporters—and direct lobbying in Washington to push for action. He cites past success in pressuring the Clinton administration to ban new U.S. investments in Myanmar and argues that such efforts show “they don't act on Burma unless there's pressure from Congress.”Billenness also warns of new challenges, such as the administration refusing to spend appropriated funds, and declining refugee resettlement. Still, he insists that advocacy works, pointing to past wins and urging Americans to act. “What we do matters,” he concludes. “It has been proven to change things for the better.”

Episode #377: “Myanmar is a source of inspiration everywhere! This is me speaking directly to friends in Myanmar, that they should understand that they are the source of inspiration, and the source of ideas and reflections, to a level that they don't recognize, because there are a lot of reflections going on in the corners of Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, that are not there on media.” Tee is a Vietnamese activist devoted to regional peacebuilding, and is particularly connected to Myanmar. His solidarity is deeply personal, not about grand gestures but about sharing in the struggles of his friends. As he says, “I am from Vietnam... but I think my identity is much more connected to being a Southeast Asian.” Tee draws parallels between Myanmar's struggle for democracy and Vietnam's history of resistance. Looking at the present situation, he notes how Myanmar's revolutionary forces are not just resisting military rule; they are building a future with fair power-sharing and inclusion of ethnic minorities—ideas that resonate deeply with activist communities across Southeast Asia. Tee critiques Vietnam's role in Myanmar's crisis, particularly through the country's telecom giant, Viettel. This company maintains close and supportive relations with the Myanmar military through its Burmese subsidiary, Mytel, thereby undermining the democratic movement and complicating life for the Burmese people. Tee also addresses migration issues across the Mekong region, in particular, the recent lack of empathetic response in countries like Thailand. He bemoans the erosion of any collective memory regarding the regional solidarity Southeast Asian countries once felt during the colonial and post-colonial eras. Despite these challenges, Tee remains hopeful. He emphasizes that Myanmar's struggle inspires people across the region, even if that impact is not always visible. “Solidarity right now is a big word and it has become a buzzword. But go down to the essence of solidarity, and it's really just about being there. The solidarity that I have with my friends is simply that they were the friends I met after the coup in Myanmar.”

Episode #376: “I think it's a big win. And also people may not like to hear this, it's actually a win for sanctions,” says Erich Ferrari, founder of Ferrari & Associates and a leading U.S. sanctions attorney. In this episode, he explains the legal and procedural framework behind the U.S. Specially Designated Nationals (SDN) list and responds to criticism over his firm's role in recent delistings of Myanmar-linked clients. Ferrari entered sanctions law after 9/11, troubled by the lack of due process in early terrorism-related designations towards Muslim charities. His firm now handles compliance, licensing, and delisting cases, which often take years to be resolved. The SDN list includes individuals, entities, and assets sanctioned under U.S. laws or executive orders for conduct or status deemed harmful to U.S. interests, but not necessarily for any illegal acts. OFAC, within the Treasury Department, manages the list, but designations involve interagency input from bodies such as the State Department, DOJ, and CIA. Removal requires proving mistaken designation, changed circumstances, or remediation. Ferrari says arguing OFAC was wrong rarely works; the focus must be on addressing its concerns. Even after delisting, reputational and financial restrictions often persist for years. The recent delisting of four Myanmar-linked parties, including Ferrari's clients, angered Burmese communities and rights advocates. Ferrari stresses that delistings signal sanctions' effectiveness, not weakness, and are decided by the U.S. government, not lawyers. He distinguishes legal representation from prohibited lobbying and accepts only clients committed to change and truthfulness. He closes by urging those at risk to treat allegations seriously and act preemptively to avoid designation.

Episode #375: “Don't fall for the junta's attempt to try to propagandize!” says Derek Mitchell, former U.S. ambassador to Myanmar. In this interview, he assesses U.S. strategy under the Trump administration, focusing on recent sanctions “de-listings” that have raised concern. Regarding the de-listings, Mitchell believes that the they were a bureaucratic decision, not a strategic one. “It could be the left hand didn't know what the right hand was doing,” he says, pointing to the hollowed-out National Security Council and lack of interagency coordination. Ultimately, he sees no change in the overall U.S. sanctions policy towards the junta. Another key issue involves Myanmar's important rare earth deposits, which have caught the White House's attention. Mitchell doubts this will translate into meaningful policy change, however, stressing that the deposits lie in conflict zones largely outside junta control and that only China has the capacity to process them. He argues that working through the junta is “a fool's errand” and instead calls for engagement with ethnic forces and the democratic resistance. The junta is trying to spin the de-listings and some recent symbolic gestures into a narrative of growing international legitimacy and a change in US-Myanmar relations. The resistance rejects this, pointing to continued sanctions, congressional backing, and senior U.S. officials condemning the junta's planned elections as a sham. Mitchell sides with the resistance, calling the junta's spin mere propaganda from a losing side. Mitchell warns against viewing Myanmar solely through a U.S.-China lens, which “reduces the country to a pawn,” and urges sustained, careful engagement—including the appointment of a special envoy. “If we can do something in their interest to bring dignity to the people of this country,” he concludes, “that will automatically serve the strategic interests of the United States over time.”

Episode #374: “Miraculously, amazingly, the mission has continued up until now in 2025.” These words from Dr. Zaw Moe Aung, Executive Director of The Leprosy Mission Myanmar (TLMM), encapsulates the resilience of an organization founded in 1898. While still focused on leprosy, TLMM has expanded its work to extend support to all people with disabilities in the country, including the growing number of survivors injured by the scourge of landmines and explosive remnant of war. With the backing of international partners, TLMM has been providing prosthetics to landmine survivors, training physiotherapists, and operating mobile workshops in remote areas. Beyond physical aid, their holistic approach includes psychosocial support and peer interaction, empowering survivors who often prove to be each other's most effective allies. Despite diminishing international attention on leprosy, TLMM, a locally led and staffed organization, remains steadfast in its original mission. Leprosy, or Hansen's Disease, carries a deep historical burden of stigma that persists in impoverished modern-day Myanmar. Before 2020, 2,000-3,000 new cases were identified annually. However, the combined impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, the 2021 military coup and subsequent conflict drastically reduced diagnoses, reflecting the challenges faced throughout the disability movement and chronic lack of reliable data to inform policy and action. The last five years, particularly since the 2021 coup and the March 2025 earthquake, have brought unprecedented challenges. Yet, Dr. Zaw Moe Aung maintains hope, viewing these disasters as paradoxical opportunities for transformation. Championing landmine and leprosy survivor agency amidst revolution, he says, “Let's pray together that Myanmar can be transformed, can stop fighting and stop inflicting and conflicting with each other.”

Episode #373: In this wide-ranging interview, journalist Lorcan Lovett returns to the podcast to discuss Aung San Suu Kyi's imprisonment, the fractured resistance, and Myanmar's trajectory under military rule. He recounts his investigative work authenticating leaked prison logs from early 2024 that reveal Suu Kyi's declining health, sparse diet, and isolation. Obtained from a group called People's Embrace—which connects with junta insiders—the logs were cross-verified with a neutral source in Myanmar and Suu Kyi's son, Kim Aris. Lovett believes Suu Kyi, though held incommunicado, likely understands the scale of the civil conflict, reading between the lines of junta-run newspapers, and by other means. He speculates that her silence may be deliberate resistance, “She will not tell people to put their guns down.” Lovett explores Suu Kyi's controversial legacy, particularly her defense of the military during the Rohingya genocide hearings at The Hague, noting how this has complicated her status as a democratic icon. Meanwhile, the broader resistance movement suffers from disunity. The NUG has failed to provide coherent leadership or military coordination, and internal disputes—such as infighting among Chin factions—have weakened momentum. Lovett warns that the junta's upcoming election could be “one of the bloodiest... in modern history,” with bombings and assassinations likely, particularly in military-held areas. Though he doubts its legitimacy, he notes the vote may serve internal power dynamics—providing a way to ease Min Aung Hlaing out of military command while elevating him to a largely symbolic presidency. Lovett also observes that Myanmar's hoped-for federal democracy may instead give way to a fragmented confederal model shaped by ethnic autonomy and local control. Lovett ends on a personal note: “I love Myanmar so much... I know I'll go back there one day.”

Episode #372: “I focus on research that's mostly relevant for climate resilience, and I really look at Myanmar as the most interesting and important case.” Kyungmee Kim, a researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, explores the intersection of climate justice, extractive industries, and conflict in Myanmar. Her early work focused on community resistance to hydropower dams in ethnic minority regions like Karen and Chin States—areas rich in resources but historically subject to marginalization and violence. She uses the Myitsone Dam as a case study: secretly negotiated by the junta and China Power Investment, it was exposed by accident, sparking a grassroots campaign that grew into a national movement. Kim draws connections between this environmental resistance and the current pro-democracy revolution, arguing that climate justice and political liberation are deeply intertwined. Despite Myanmar's low carbon footprint, it suffers disproportionately from climate change, while its military junta profits from oil and gas exports. Rare earth mining, too, harms communities through toxic runoff and unregulated exploitation, benefiting armed groups and perpetuating a conflict economy. Yet Kim highlights resilient grassroots actors who maintain renewable energy projects and conservation initiatives. She calls for international support—bypassing the junta—and stresses the need to scale up decentralized aid. Reflecting on Myanmar's halted progress since the 2021 coup, she contrasts bottom-up environmental care with top-down corruption and extraction. Drawing from South Korea's past, she calls for a development path that prioritizes justice, sustainability, and solidarity. As she concludes, “Unless we also consider the climate and the environment...we also cannot expect better future for Myanmar and also the future population, the future generations.”

Episode #371: “I remain confident in the longer term, completely, actually, that this regime is losing,” says Sean Turnell, Australian economist and former advisor to Myanmar's civilian government, as he analyzes the recent U.S. decision to lift sanctions on several junta-linked cronies, in what his fourth appearance on this platform. While acknowledging widespread concern, he offers a measured, optimistic assessment rooted in his deep knowledge of Myanmar's economy and U.S. sanctions policy. Turnell explains that this recent move is “very targeted to a few individuals and a few enterprises,” and not a broad shift in policy. He rejects the claim that it was prompted by a flattering letter from Min Aung Hlaing to Donald Trump, instead attributing it just to one of the rare successes in Washington lobbying campaigns around sanctions. He details how sanctions, managed by the U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), have been both financially and psychologically effective, especially measures against state-owned banks, which have “choked off” the junta's ability to conduct foreign exchange and fund its war machine. Turnell expects additional sanctions targeting entities like the Myanmar Economic Bank and possibly even the central bank, though he warns that U.S. staffing shortages may slow progress. While acknowledging that the decision carries some unfortunate symbolism that could embolden the junta's cronies, Turnell stresses that the core sanctions regime remains strong. But he urges relentless advocacy to prevent normalization efforts around the junta's planned sham election. “We've just got to keep going,” he says in conclusion.

Episode #370: "Why are [Asian women] not allowed to dream that we can open our own thing and lead our own work?" This question by human rights lawyer Emilie Palamy Pradichit slices through the silence, exposing the systemic barriers that have historically muted and marginalized Asian women in leadership. Pradichit's journey as a young Lao refugee navigating discrimination in a low-income Parisian suburb crowded with migrants cemented this perspective. In Paris, she witnessed firsthand the insidious nature of inequality. These early encounters ignited a vision within her to dismantle entrenched norms - by centering the voices of underrepresented communities. Her passion to challenge injustice took her through studying human rights law at Sorbonne University and roles at the United Nations and UPR-Asia. However, her experience revealed the limitations of top-down approaches in achieving genuine grassroots change. “I was learning a lot, but I was surrounded by people with privilege. I was sitting at headquarters, and I didn't know what it was like on the ground!” This realization sparked the creation of Manushya Foundation, envisioned as a distinctly feminist, intersectional, and decolonial human rights organization dedicated to amplifying the agency of marginalized communities in Asia. Pradichit's work challenges what she terms “white feminism” and the imposition of external agendas. Her approach in the Myanmar context prioritizes the voices of ethnic minority women. As she puts it, “How can you be a human rights activist and exclude Rohingya people?” Pradichit's sentiments reflect the important role of a decolonial lens in her work. “In the global majority work, it's very important for the people from lived experience to be the ones leading the human rights work.” She believes this isn't just a strategy; it's reclaiming the power of lived truth leading the way towards real justice.

Episode #369: “I promised Aung San Suu Kyi and committed myself to work for democracy and human rights in the country as long as necessary. And still it is necessary!” So says Kjell Magne Bondevik, former Prime Minister of Norway and a longtime supporter of Myanmar's democratic struggle. In this conversation, he reflects on his decades of advocacy for Myanmar, from a surreptitious 1997 visit to Yangon where he first met Suu Kyi, to his post-retirement work at the Oslo Center, which he co-founded to support democratic institutions globally. Bondevik describes Norway's strategy toward Myanmar as one of principled engagement: opposing the junta while supporting civil society and political parties. Though optimistic during Myanmar's tentative liberalization in the 2010s, he now concedes that Norway and others may have placed too much faith in the reform of Myanmar's transition period. The military's lurking presence was underestimated, ultimately culminating in the 2021 coup. Acknowledging the diplomatic dilemma around formally recognizing the National Unity Government, Bondevik calls for coordinated global action, combining pressure on the military with support for the democracy movement. He critiques ASEAN's passivity and highlights China's dual role—economically empowering the junta and holding sway over ethnic armed groups—as a major obstacle to international leverage. Yet he remains hopeful, urging Norway and others to sustain diplomatic efforts and keep Myanmar on the global agenda. “It's very easy to be pessimistic and to give up… but we know from history that it's possible to change the situation.”

Episode #368: The Adhikara podcast is an important, new voice in Burmese media, aiming to build not just a movement but a resilient community against oppression. Created by Maw Nwei and Morgen after the 2021 military coup, Adhikara provides a platform for expression and education, especially around human rights. The podcast allows the creators to connect with the Burmese people without the barriers of traditional in-person training, offering flexible and accessible content to circumvent the economic and social restrictions of the military regime. The podcast focuses on fostering an intellectual revolution, encouraging listeners to rethink issues like patriarchy, cultural norms, and religion's role in society. Maw Nwei challenges traditional values and questions whether they align with modern, human rights standards. With content in Burmese and plans to include ethnic minority languages, the Adhikara team aims to address linguistic diversity and ensure broad inclusivity. Adhikara also addresses the tension between Buddhist teachings and the military's actions, calling out the concept of 'military Buddhism' and promoting the idea that true Buddhist values should align with human rights. By questioning and exploring the linguistic dimensions of human rights, Maw Nwei emphasizes the importance of understanding these concepts deeply within Myanmar's cultural context. More than just a podcast, Adhikara represents a transformative effort to democratize knowledge and foster a resilient community in Myanmar. As Maw Nwei says, "This is the best time for the Burmese people to talk about human rights... People are very eager and hungry to listen."

Episode #367: In this episode, we hear from two compelling voices grappling with the human and political costs of authoritarianism in Southeast Asia. Raoul Manuel, the youngest elected member of the Philippine Congress, describes how his work on education reform and youth rights intersects with a broader transnational resistance against repressive leadership. He draws on his experience in grassroots organizing and progressive legislation to explain how state violence, economic injustice, and environmental crises are linked across borders. For Manuel, democratic engagement must be paired with community action, especially as governments increasingly retreat from human rights responsibilities. Looking ahead to the Philippines' upcoming ASEAN chairmanship, he remains skeptical of official rhetoric and stresses that real accountability will come only through persistent pressure from civil society. Han Htoo Khant Paing, a former student activist turned educator, provides a sobering reflection on Myanmar's ongoing crisis. Since fleeing the country after the 2021 coup, Han Htoo has helped displaced youth continue their education. But his outlook is grim: he sees no viable resolution in the near future and believes ASEAN's Five-Point Consensus has been irrelevant from the start. He calls instead for pragmatic, human-centered approaches—reducing suffering, cutting arms flows, and documenting atrocities. Han Htoo also challenges the resistance to evolve, urging a move from radical means to sustainable strategies. In revisiting an earlier statement in which he welcomed the coup for exposing democratic illusions, he now expresses deep regret, acknowledging the overwhelming loss and trauma that has followed. “To give up is unthinkable,” he insists, even as sorrow and exhaustion weigh heavily on his words.

Episode #366: Sallo Polak, founder of the Philanthropy Connections Foundation (PCF), has spent decades building a grassroots approach to humanitarian aid in Thailand, Myanmar, and Cambodia. Motivated by a lifelong desire to address global inequality—first sparked by a formative journey to India at age 18—Polak established PCF in 2011 to serve under-resourced communities through trust, dignity, and local leadership. “I always wanted to do good, to help people,” he explains, a conviction that continues to guide the foundation's work. PCF supports 25 to 30 projects annually, reaching over 15,000 people. Rather than implement projects itself, PCF partners with local groups who understand their community's needs. “We do not implement any of the projects ourselves,” Polak notes. “We believe in the power of the local communities and local leadership.” The organization avoids formal application processes and instead actively seeks marginalized communities that lack access to other funding sources. Among its standout initiatives is a multilingual education program that helps children from ethnic minority groups transition into Thai-language instruction, enabling greater educational and economic opportunities. Though PCF operates a diverse fundraising strategy, including embassies, private donors, and corporate partners, financial limitations remain its biggest constraint. “I want to win the lottery,” Polak jokes ruefully. Then he adds, “Maybe it's not winning the lottery, but if we can, through your podcast, get some more sponsors… that would be awesome!”

Episode #365: “The Buddha lives and teaches for the welfare of the world, for the happiness of the world,” says Bhikkhu Bodhi. “He does live for the welfare and happiness of human beings. And so now, when we look at contemporary conditions, the question arises as Buddhists following in the footsteps of the Buddha, how do we live for the welfare and happiness of other human beings?” Bhikkhu Bodhi, a renowned Buddhist scholar and advocate of Engaged Buddhism, has dedicated his life to making Buddhist teachings accessible and relevant in contemporary society. His translations of the Pāḷi Canon have provided invaluable access to the Buddha's words, bridging the gap between ancient wisdom and modern seekers. Beyond his scholarly contributions, he founded Buddhist Global Relief, an organization addressing hunger, poverty, and educational inequality, an embodiment of Buddhist ethics in action. He has consistently emphasized that Buddhist practice should extend beyond just meditation and personal transformation, the tenor it has taken on in the West, and address systemic suffering and injustice in the world as well. He critiques Western Buddhism's tendency to focus on individual well-being while neglecting broader, ethical concerns as a “Buddhist Disneyland.” In discussing Myanmar's crisis, he highlights the responsibility of Buddhists to engage with the harsh political and social realities of the Burmese people's struggle for freedom, especially given the prominent place Burmese Buddhist traditions hold regarding the spread of mindfulness worldwide. Reflecting on his legacy, Bhikkhu Bodhi sees his work as part of a larger movement to ensure that Buddhism remains a force for wisdom and compassion in the world. He calls for practitioners to apply Buddhist principles to real-world challenges, advocating for a flexible yet principled approach to the Dharma. “I came to see that it's necessary to adopt adaptations of the Buddhist teachings... applying them in ways that deal very realistically and in a very even heads-on way with the challenges and problems and injustices that we're facing in today's world.”

Episode #364: Ben's simple words resonate strongly: “If I could do something small for one person, why would I not?” This episode brings together Ben and a Burmese student who goes by the moniker Little Activist. Together, they discuss the profound impact of individual gestures and transnational solidarity. Ben, who worked briefly in Myanmar with a UN agency, was moved by an episode that Insight Myanmar Podcast aired last year, in which Little Activist described how he was documenting military atrocities and sharing online information. Compelled by Little Activist's courage and the sacrifices he was making, Ben decided to offer a monthly donation to support him and his mission. For Ben, this act was more than charity; it was a way to honor the kindness he experienced in Myanmar and to inspire others to stand in solidarity with those aspiring for democracy. Little Activist's response underscored the far-reaching effects of Ben's generosity: to him, the donation was more than a lifeline, as it provided not only material support but also a morale boost. Not content to keep the fund for himself alone, Little Activist distributed portions of the donation to others in need, reflecting his enduring commitment to collective well-being. The conversation also addresses the worsening conditions in Myanmar under the junta, from economic and educational crises to escalating violence and airstrikes. Despite these challenges, Little Activist remains steadfast in his mission to document the junta's atrocities and keep Myanmar's plight visible to the world, despite censorship and surveillance. In closing, Little Activist expressed deep gratitude, emphasizing that even in the absence of robust international intervention, solidarity from individuals like Ben provides hope. His final words capture his resolve: “Even if the international giants don't care about us, we'll continue our fight, knowing there are people out there who do.”

New Bloom is an online magazine and community space covering activism and youth politics in Taiwan and the Asia Pacific, founded in Taiwan in 2014 in the wake of the Sunflower Movement. They welcomed the host of Insight Myanmar for a talk at their Taipei center.

Episode #363: In post-coup Myanmar, where conventional aid channels with humanitarian intentions risk getting diverted and empowering the military junta, Blockchain technology presents a nuanced alternative. An anonymous Blockchain researcher, 7k, highlights both the promise and the pitfalls of digital solutions. He explains that “Blockchain is a fundamental technology that enables cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin to emerge or work,” offering a potential detour around junta-controlled centralized banks. However, he acknowledges that crypto is not without its own challenges and pitfalls: the risk of arrest, fraudulent schemes like money laundering, and practical obstacles such as limited accessibility, elevated costs, and the necessity for user-friendly interfaces. He notes that Blockchain offers a potential bypass to centralized banks controlled by the junta. Unlike centralized servers susceptible to control and surveillance, Blockchain functions as a distributed ledger, providing transparency coupled with pseudonymous transactions. This characteristic, according to 7k, could offer a layer of protection against the junta's oversight, enabling more secure operations for the people of Myanmar and aid organizations. Moreover, in a nation grappling with a rapidly depreciating kyat, cryptocurrencies offer a potentially more stable store of value. The technology's utility extends beyond finance, with initiatives exploring Blockchain-based digital identities for marginalized communities like the Rohingya, who have historically been denied recognition.

Episode #362: Myanmar has recorded the world's worst casualties from landmines and explosive ordnance for the first time, with over 1,000 casualties in 2024 alone, 29% of whom are children. The inaugural episode in our “Navigating a Minefield” series kicks off with Bekim Shala, a humanitarian mine action expert whose journey in the field began in his native Kosovo, heavily contaminated by landmines during the breakup of Yugoslavia. Witnessing the human toll there, he recognized the importance of mine action. “By being exposed to people who have been injured really quickly, it became clear how important this work is,” Shala says. His work has since taken him to numerous conflict and post-conflict zones, including Eritrea, Sri Lanka, Lebanon, and Vietnam before arriving in Myanmar in 2016. As a coordinator for humanitarian mine action in the country, Shala led a team contributing to explosive ordnance risk education (EORE) and secured permissions for surveys through engagement with Naypyidaw, while pushing for permission to conduct de-mining. Shala believes that “had COVID-19 not struck and the coup not unfolded, [they] would have been clearing landmines in Myanmar by now.” However, the 2021 coup worsened the situation, with landmines now pervasive across all states and regions, moving increasingly into residential zones. This shift, coupled with indiscriminate mining by less experienced parties, has led to an increasing threat to civilians that could take decades to defuse. Most landmines are factory-produced by the Myanmar military, although improvised explosive devices (IEDs) are also made by some ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and People's Defense Forces (PDFs). Systematic clearance is impossible given the conflict and lack of permissions. As Myanmar is not a signatory to the 1997 Mine Ban Treaty, Shala's strategy focuses on engaging all parties to reduce landmine use, especially in civilian areas, looking ahead to a future where the country can be cleared of explosive ordnance. “Even small reductions, such as refraining from use in populated areas or encouraging basic record-keeping of where landmines are laid, can shave decades from the other end,” he says.

Episode #361: “I am Burmese. I feel like it is my duty and responsibility to speak about it.” With these words, Myet opens a conversation that explores Myanmar's past and present, weaving together personal history, political critique, and spiritual insight. Raised under military rule, Myet witnessed the silencing of dissent and the trauma that shaped her parents' generation after the 1988 uprising. After resettling in the West, she was struck by how little people knew about Myanmar's history and suffering. “We do not exist in the imagination of the world as a place of suffering,” she says, highlighting the disparity in global attention, where some crises are prioritized for their geopolitical weight, while others, such as Myanmar's, remain largely unacknowledged. Myet critiques Myanmar's 2010–2020 “transition” as a façade that never disrupted military power. She praises the post-coup resistance as more decentralized and inclusive, led by youth, women, queer activists, and ethnic minorities. Here, she urges deeper forms of solidarity, calling on the international community to abandon simplistic narratives and instead “care” in meaningful ways. “For me, the opposite of violence is not just peace. It's care.” Spirituality grounds Myet's resilience. A daily meditator, she draws on both the Burmese monk U Jotika and the Western teacher Eckhart Tolle to cultivate presence and self-understanding. Rather than aiming for perfection, her practice is about “being,” not “achieving.” She also speaks to the burden of survivor guilt: “Sometimes I feel guilty, just to be secure.” Yet she refuses to give in to despair. Her closing message is direct and urgent: “The world needs to care before it's too late.”

Episode #360: “To have my daughter summarily decide that I was complicit in genocide, I really had to think through again my logic for taking the position that we should stay. It sent me on a lot of soul searching,” confesses Ellen Goldstein, a former World Bank Country Director for Myanmar. This revelation, a central theme to her book “Damned If You Do”, encapsulates the dilemmas she faced during Myanmar's tumultuous democratic transition and the Rohingya crisis.Goldstein's decades-long career, dedicated to poverty reduction, led her to Myanmar in 2017. Initially, the World Bank's aid program brought economic reforms and growth. Yet, she quickly recognized that this prosperity masked deeper systemic issues, not reaching ethnic minorities in remote regions facing “exclusion, discrimination and abuse of civil liberties and human rights.” This exposed a fundamental flaw in the traditional development model, which often overlooked the political and systemic dimensions of poverty. A critical juncture arrived in 2017 when the military's atrocities against the Rohingya escalated. Despite a pre-approved $200 million grant to the civilian government, Goldstein faced an agonizing moral choice: disburse the funds and risk complicity, or withhold them. She chose the latter. This controversial decision, though ultimately costing her job, became a catalyst for change. And so instead of withdrawing, as some advocated for at the time, the World Bank “stayed engaged but focused on other things, such as social inclusion in conflict areas, specifically for deprived ethnic minorities.”This strategic pivot influenced a new World Bank approach for fragile states: “to never disengage but to try to engage in ways that could drive forward the right values.” Considering this shift, Goldstein advocates for moving beyond state-centric foreign aid and supporting non-state and resistance actors in Myanmar, showing how dedicated individuals can continue to create new pathways for justice and human well-being amidst tragedy.

Episode #359: “The real motivating force is people, it is those human relations.” Duncan McArthur, a backpacker turned decades-long humanitarian leader, found his truth not in textbooks, but in the raw, unfiltered experiences along the Thai-Burma border. His journey began as an English teacher in a Karen refugee camp, where he was inspired by the resilience and humility of the communities he worked with in the face of unimaginable suffering. Motivated to stay on the border and continue working there, McArthur soon joined The Border Consortium in 2003, a charity organization that exposed him to the complexities and frustrations of the humanitarian aid architecture. He has observed how the transition-era ‘peace industry,' as he calls it, often prioritized formal ceasefire agreements over addressing the root causes of conflict, leading to an influx of international aid workers who at times seemed more interested in career advancement than genuine impact. He also challenges the traditional notion of neutrality, advocating for Hugo Slim's practice of “humanitarian resistance” where, in certain contexts, “choosing sides is actually essential in order to reduce suffering.” In Myanmar, this might mean working with ethnic armed organizations and civil society in Myanmar to reach the most vulnerable, who live beyond the military's reach. McArthur also acknowledges the shortcomings of the UN's presence in Myanmar, which he sees as a lack of political leadership and a reluctance to directly confront the military junta. While appreciating the institution's aspirational goals, he urges a more proactive stance, including exploring satellite offices or parallel systems in neighboring countries to support sub-national authorities. McArthur's perspective is one of grounded idealism: recognizing the inherent self-interests of all actors, but seeking to align them with the greater good. “The challenge is as much as it is for negotiating access and delivering aid,” he reflects, “but also about how to strengthen the platforms that raise the voices of the oppressed and the marginalized to a meaningful level.”

Episode #358: The 4th International Conference on Burma/Myanmar Studies (ICBMS), hosted by Chiang Mai University in August 2024, brought together scholars, activists, and experts to discuss Myanmar's critical issues. The event focused on conflicts, peace processes, human rights, and the 2021 coup's impact, drawing an estimated 800 participants, making it one of the largest gatherings on Myanmar studies.Insight Myanmar Podcast had exclusive on-site access, recording a number of brief interviews with a wide range of guests. These interviews explore many different themes, and we're excited to bring them to you here. This is the third episode of our four-part series, and features:Charlotte Galloway is an Honorary Associate Professor at the Australian National University, and has worked in Myanmar since 1999, focusing on art history, archaeology, and heritage conservation. She played a key role in cataloging museum collections and contributing to Bagan's UNESCO World Heritage listing, while advocating for the restoration of local scholarship and cultural heritage after the disruptions caused by the 2021 coup."Eileen" (a pseudonym used for safety), a Burmese youth activist and former Student Union member, has been instrumental in organizing protests against the military regime. She now advocates from Thailand for greater Thai and international involvement in Myanmar's crisis, urging more proactive approaches and emphasizing the importance of the voices of border communities in Thai-Myanmar relations.Peter Morris, a lawyer, part-time journalist, and teacher, remains optimistic about the success of Myanmar's Spring Revolution. He emphasizes the unity of resistance forces, including ethnic armed organizations and the younger generation and highlights the growing solidarity among Myanmar's diaspora, while underscoring the crucial leadership roles of youth and women in the revolution.“Beverley” (a pseudonym used for safety), is psychologist working in the field of mental health and psychosocial support. She notes the significant rise in mental health issues since the coup, especially fear, anxiety, and grief. She explains that professional counseling is still relatively new in Myanmar, with many traditionally turning to spiritual practices for support.Nang Moet Moet, a leader from the Women's League of Burma (WLB), advocates for peace, reconciliation, and women's political empowerment. She stresses the need for ethnic women's involvement in decision-making, while highlighting the intersectionality of the revolution as people unite to fight both military dictatorship and gender oppression.