Podcasts about Aung San Suu Kyi

The former President of Myanmar seems to have disappeared inside the country's prison system. Now her son has an impassioned plea, demanding 'proof' of life. Kim Aris, the son of detained Myanmar State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, has not heard from his mother since 2023. Kim contests the international media's narrative that his mother betrayed the Rohingya so she could keep the military junta on side.Recently in Australia, he has launched a global fitness and solidarity campaign called the 81 for 81 challenge. It's part of the growing international demand for Myanmar to provide 'proof of life' that the Nobel Peace Prize laureate is still alive.Guest Kim Aris, son of Aung San Suu KyiGet in touch:We'd love to hear from you! Email us at global.roaming@abc.net.auFind all the episodes of Global Roaming now via the ABC Listen App or wherever you get your podcasts. 

Episode #552: Mon Mon Myat, a journalist, filmmaker, and peace scholar, frames Myanmar's political struggle as a long contest over power, moral discipline, and the possibility of change without domination. Her account begins with U Hpo Hlaing, the nineteenth-century thinker she calls “a kind of very early political theorist in Myanmar,” and moves toward Aung San Suu Kyi, whose politics she sees as part of the same search for accountable authority. For Mon Mon Myat, U Hpo Hlaing matters because he complicates the idea that democracy arrived in Myanmar only through Western influence. He studied Western parliamentary systems, but tried to translate them into Burmese moral and Buddhist terms, creating what she calls “Burma-native democracy.” His work was not a full modern system, but it offered a principle: rulers must be bound by ethical restraint, not merely by power. Aung San Suu Kyi, in Mon Mon Myat's view, widened that principle. She did not speak only to rulers, but to citizens. Through speeches, radio broadcasts, and years of nonviolent resistance, she helped Mon Mon Myat understand politics as personal responsibility. “Politics had nothing to do with me,” she says of her younger self, before Aung San Suu Kyi's example changed her sense of what citizenship required. That is why nonviolence remains central to Mon Mon Myat's reading. She knows it is slow and costly, but argues that armed struggle leaves wounds across society, while nonviolence risks the masses less than others. The post-coup conflict has only deepened her fear of trauma that may last for generations. Her defense of Aung San Suu Kyi during the Rohingya crisis rests on a difficult distinction. Mon Mon Myat does not present her as flawless. She insists that Aung San Suu Kyi was a politician trying to hold together a fragile country, preserve civilian rule, and avoid further conflict under military pressure. Critics saw silence. Mon Mon Myat sees constraint, calculation, and a refusal to inflame communal violence. The hope she still holds is narrow but persistent: that Myanmar's future depends not only on removing military rule, but on whether power can be morally restrained before it consumes everything around it.

The son of Myanmar's jailed leader Aung San Suu Kyi has called on members of the public to raise awareness of her plight, as he urges the country's military rulers to prove that his mother is still alive. Iran is being called on to re-engage with the world's nuclear watchdog, the International Atomic Energy Agency, to allow inspections to resume at sites bombed a year ago. - イランに対しIAEA（国際原子力機関）との対話を再開し、1年前に爆撃された施設での査察再開を認めるよう求める声が上がっています。2021年より拘束されているミャンマーの指導者、アウン・サン・スー・チー氏の息子が、同氏が置かれている苦境への関心を高めるよう国民に対し呼びかけ、さらに、ミャンマーの軍事政権に対し、スー・チーの生存を証明するよう強く求めました。SBSの日本語放送は火木金の午後１時からSBS3で生放送！火木土の夜10時からはおやすみ前にSBS1で再放送が聞けます。SBS日本語放送ポッドキャストから過去のストーリーを聞くこともできます。無料でダウンロードできるSBS Audio Appもどうぞ。SBS 日本語放送のFacebookとInstagramもお忘れなく。

Episode #548: Sunda Khin shares a remarkable family journey through contemporary Burmese history. She starts with her father, U Chan Htoon, who suggested that a young Indian businessman named S.N. Goenka learn meditation from Sayagyi U Ba Khin to cure his migraines. Growing up as the daughter of the country's first Supreme Court Justice, she recalls spending time in General Ne Win's home during the "Caretaker Government" years. Ne Win's coup in 1962 marked a shift, leading to economic turmoil and loss of civil liberties, including the arrest of her father. As a means for explaining the many challenges that have befallen her country since 1958, she explains the Burmese Buddhist concept of "tha gyarr thar tha nar," which is a Burmese prophecy that signifies the end of the Buddha's protective period after 2,500 years.Sunda Khin shares several international situations that her father was involved with. The most complex of these was when South Vietnamese members of the World Fellowship of Buddhists (WFB) demanded the organization stand up against Ngo Dinh Diem's discrimination of the country's Buddhist minority. The US was concerned that this move could weaken their ally against rising Communist influence in the region, and indeed, that the influential WFB might be falling under Communist control. U Chan Htoon was making some headway is mediating this crisis, but unfortunately, before it could be resolved, Ne Win had him arrested, perhaps out of a political fear of his popularity and influence.Sunda Khin also describes her father's rather unexpected acquisition of a lakefront property, which was later inherited by Aung San Suu Kyi, and where she endured decades of house arrest.And she discusses her childhood friendship with Louisa Bensen, who transformed from a beauty queen to a Karen insurgent leader, and their involvement together in the democracy movement many years later.“A lot of things have happened, but I have a lot of hope for things to change,” she says regarding the current resistance movement. “I might not see it right now, or before I die, but I'mhoping that it will change and that the people will be able to have their own government and their freedom. That is my hope.”

Myanmar ist einer der wichtigsten Lieferanten der Welt für Seltene Erden. Die werden zum Beispiel für die Produktion von Elektroautos und Wärmepumpen gebraucht – auch von deutschen Unternehmen. Doch für die Menschen im angrenzenden Thailand ist der Bergbau eine Katastrophe: Flüsse in der Region sind von Schwermetallen verseucht. Christiane Justus aus dem ARD-Studio Singapur ist in die Region gereist und hat mit Betroffenen und Wissenschaftlern gesprochen. Sie erzählt in dieser 11KM-Folge, wie eine ganze Region um ihre Lebensgrundlage bangt und wieso niemand Verantwortung für die Umweltschäden übernimmt. Hier geht's zum Weltspiegel-Film “Thailand: Seltene Erden gegen Menschen“ von Christiane Justus: https://www.ardmediathek.de/video/weltspiegel/thailand-seltene-erden-gegen-menschen/br/Y3JpZDovL2JyLmRlL2Jyb2FkY2FzdC81MzMzMWE4MC03Nzg0LTQwOGYtYjI2MS1kZjBlMjlmYTI5Zjlfb25saW5lYnJvYWRjYXN0L3NlY3Rpb24vNTMzMzFhODAtNzc4NC00MDhmLWIyNjEtZGYwZTI5ZmEyOWY5 Auch in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo betreiben Milizen lukrative Minen – und profitieren vom Export in die ganze Welt. In dieser früheren 11KM-Folge “Minen und Macht” schauen wir auf den andauernden Bürgerkrieg im Kongo: https://1.ard.de/11KM_Rohstoffe_Ostkongo Hier geht's zu “Die OpenAI Story”, unserem Podcast-Tipp: https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/die-peter-thiel-story-100.html Diese und viele weitere Folgen von 11KM findet ihr überall da, wo es Podcasts gibt, auch hier in ARD Sounds: https://www.ardsounds.de/sendung/11km-der-tagesschau-podcast/urn:ard:show:4549910994dc2464/ An dieser Folge waren beteiligt: Folgenautor: Jakob Marlon Müller Mitarbeit: Niklas Münch, Lukas Waschbüsch Host: David Krause Produktion: Konrad Winkler, Timo Lindemann, Christine Dreyer Planung: Laura Stuhlmacher, Nicole Dienemann und Hardy Funk Distribution: Kerstin Ammermann Redaktionsleitung: Yasemin Yüksel und Fumiko Lipp 11KM: der tagesschau-Podcast wird produziert von BR24 und NDR Info. Die redaktionelle Verantwortung für diese Episode liegt beim BR.

* Apoie a Cultura: Chave Pix: 7296e2d1-e34e-4c2e-b4a0-9ac072720b88A história de Aung San Suu Kyi chamada de a "Dama de Myanmar" é uma das mais dramáticas e complexas da política moderna. É uma história sobre coragem, isolamento e escolhas difíceis. Aung San Suu Kyi tornou-se um símbolo mundial da resistência não violenta, vencendo o Prêmio Nobel da Paz enquanto estava detida. Essa é a nossa história de hoje. Se você gostou deixe seu like, faça seu comentário, compartilhe essa biografia com mais pessoas. Vamos incentivar a cultura em nosso pais. Encontro voces na próxima história. Até lá! (Tania Barros)- Contato: e-mail - taniabarros339@gmail.com

Is it Burma, or is it Myanmar? Did its former leader Aung San Suu Kyi bring democratic reform or did she commit genocide? Both? Chris Milligan, former Agency Counselor for USAID, highlights breathtaking human resilience and the strategic value of foreign assistance.

Myanmar has been in a state of violent upheaval since the military seized power in 2021, leading to a nationwide resistance and the collapse of vital state functions. Myanmar’s parliament recently convened for the first time in five years, with the former commander-in-chief Min Aung Hlaing appointed as president. Hunter Marston, Director of the Lowy Institute’s Southeast Asia Program, and Sean Turnell, a Senior Fellow in the Southeast Asia Program and former economic adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi, discuss the current state of the resistance in Myanmar, prospects for the country’s economy, and what the international community can do to encourage dialogue between all parties. More episodes of the Lowy Institute's podcasts are available on your favourite podcast apps, including Spotify, YouTube and Apple. Follow the Lowy Institute on our website, X, Instagram or LinkedIn.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

EDITORIAL: ​Aung San Suu Kyi: Myanmar's bargaining chip | May 8, 2026Check out our Streaming Channel: https://streaming.manilatimes.net/Subscribe to The Manila Times Channel - https://tmt.ph/YTSubscribeVisit our website at [https://www.manilatimes.net](https://www.manilatimes.net/)Follow us:Facebook - https://tmt.ph/facebookInstagram - https://tmt.ph/instagramTwitter - https://tmt.ph/twitterDailyMotion - https://tmt.ph/dailymotionSubscribe to our Digital Edition - https://tmt.ph/digitalCheck out our Podcasts:Spotify - https://tmt.ph/spotifyApple Podcasts - https://tmt.ph/applepodcastsAmazon Music - https://tmt.ph/amazonmusicDeezer: https://tmt.ph/deezerStitcher: https://tmt.ph/stitcherTune In: https://tmt.ph/tunein#TheManilaTimes#VoiceOfTheTimes Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Myanmar's military government says the detained democracy leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, has been moved to house arrest, and her sentence reduced to 18 years. State media have shown a picture of the Nobel laureate sitting with two uniformed men. Her son says the published image is old and he has had no reassurance that his mother is still alive. Also: Republicans and Democrats clash over a deadline for Donald Trump to secure authorization from the US Congress to continue the war against Iran; Britain's terror threat level is raised to "severe", a day after two Jewish men were stabbed in an attack in London; Islamist militants in Mali call for the country to come together to bring down the military government, days after trying to seize power; and a new sculpture by the the elusive British street artist, Banksy, suddenly appears in central London. The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight. Get the news that matters, delivered twice a day on weekdays and daily at weekends, plus special bonus episodes reacting to urgent breaking stories. Follow or subscribe now and never miss a moment. Get in touch: globalpodcast@bbc.co.uk

Middle East war: Growing consequences on global humanitarian supply chains: UNHCRUN chief welcomes release of Aung San Suu Kyi from prison to house arrestNew death penalty in Israel perpetuates racial discrimination against Palestinians, warn independent human rights experts: OHCHR

Secretário-geral da ONU pediu libertação imediata e incondicional de todos os presos arbitrariamente e disse que país precisa encontrar solução para fim da violência; Aung San Suu Kyi, 80 anos, ganhou Prêmio Nobel da Paz em 1991.

Aung San Suu Kyi erhielt den Friedensnobelpreis, wurde später Regierungschefin in Myanmar und verschwand vor 5 Jahren in einem Gefängnis. Jetzt hat die Militärjunta ein Bild von ihr veröffentlicht und sie offenbar in den Hausarrest überführt. Südostasien Korrespondent Martin Aldrovandi ordnet ein. Weitere Themen: · Mitte Mai steigt in Wien der Eurovision Song Contest. Was einen ESC-Gewinnersong ausmacht? Das haben drei Forschende untersucht, unter ihnen Dirk Helbing, Professor für Computational Social Science an der ETH Zürich. Er erlkärt, wie sich die ESC-Gewinner in den letzten Jahrzehnten entwickelt haben. · Seit 25 Jahren veröffentlicht Reporter ohne Grenzen ein weltweites Ranking zur Pressefreiheit. Und noch nie fiel die Bilanz so düster aus. Weshalb ist das so? Und warum wird in der Schweiz die Pressefreiheit "nur" mit zufriedenstellend bewertet? Valentin Rubin von Reporter ohne Grenzen im Gespräch. · Das Hubble-Weltraumteleskop liefert seit gut 35 Jahren Fotos und Messdaten aus dem All. Jetzt bekommt es einen Nachfolger: das Nancy-Grace-Roman-Teleskop. Die Nasa will das Teleskop im September ins All schiessen. Wissenschaftsredaktorin Anita Vonmont erklärt, was das neue Modell kann.

VOV1 - Cựu Cố vấn Nhà nước Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi vừa tiếp tục được giảm án theo lệnh ân xá mới, đánh dấu lần thứ hai trong vòng hai tuần. Sau quyết định này, bà còn phải thụ án hơn 18 năm tù.Truyền thông nhà nước Myanmar ngày 30/4 cho biết cựu Cố vấn Nhà nước Myanmar, bà Aung San Suu Kyi, đã được chuyển từ nhà tù Naypyitaw sang hình thức quản chế tại gia. Đây là bước thay đổi đáng chú ý trong tình trạng giam giữ của bà kể từ sau sự kiện chính biến năm 2021.Theo thông báo của chính quyền Myanmar, tất cả tù nhân sẽ được giảm án trong tuần này. Động thái diễn ra sau một loạt lệnh ân xá của tân Tổng thống Min Aung Hlaing. Trước đó, bản án 27 năm tù của bà Suu Kyi đã được giảm thêm 1/6 trong đợt ân xá ngày 17/4 nhân dịp Tết Thingyan, cùng với việc phóng thích cựu Tổng thống Win Myint. Trong đợt ân xá này, hơn 4.300 tù nhân, trong đó có 179 người nước ngoài, đã được trả tự do.Ông Min Aung Hlaing, 69 tuổi, vừa được Quốc hội bầu làm Tổng thống Myanmar ngày 3/4. Trong lễ nhậm chức, ông khẳng định ưu tiên hàng đầu của chính phủ mới là “hòa bình, ổn định và hòa giải dân tộc”./.VOV Thái LanCựu Cố vấn Nhà nước Myanmar Aung San Suu Kyi. Ảnh: Reuters

Johnston, Jennifer www.deutschlandfunk.de, Informationen am Abend

Comprehensive coverage of the day's news with a focus on war and peace; social, environmental and economic justice. April 30 is Persian Gulf National Day Supreme Court hears arguments over Administration's termination of protected status for migrants fleeing war or natural disasters; Senate Dems grill Defense Secretary Hegseth over Iran war, UN chief says humanity will feel the pain for months; Science Under Siege co-author discusses climate disinformation, attacks on science; Iran celebrates April 30 national holiday “Persian Gulf Day”; April 30 marks anniversary of end of US-Vietnam war in 1975; Myanmar moves former leader Aung San Suu Kyi from prison to house arrest The post Supreme Court considers fate of TPS protections for migrants fleeing war, disaster; Senate Dems grill Defense Secretary Hegseth over Iran war costs, War Powers Act – April 30, 2026 appeared first on KPFA.

Freiburg feiert Schweizer Meistertitel von HC Fribourg-Gottéron, Bundesgericht klärt Art der Beziehung zweier Richter ab, am Tag der Arbeit nehmen Tausende an Kundgebungen teil, Haft von Aung San Suu Kyi in Hausarrest umgewandelt TS1930 260501 korrigert V2

Alan Clements, rodom iz Bostona u Sjednjenim Američkim Državama je postao jedan od prvih zapadnjaka koji se zaredio za budističkog redovnika u Mjanmaru. Clements je autor nekoliko knjiga, istraživački novinar i voditelj budističkih meditacija i obuka u koje je integrirao teme poput univerzalnih ljudskih prava, socijalnih nepravdi i političkog aktivizma, proučavajući propagandu i kontrolu uma u demokratskim i totalitarnim društvima. U intervjuu za program radija SBS na hrvatskom jeziku, Clements govori o svojem boravku u Hrvatskoj tijekom Domovinskog rata, svrgnutoj mijanmarskoj čelnici Aung San Suu Kyi i susretu s Dalai Lamom.

Listen to current week's news from and about the Church in Asia in a capsule of around 10 to 15 minutes. Indonesia passes a historic domestic workers protection bill, while Myanmar's leadership considers potential leniency for jailed Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. But, amidst a broadly positive week for global women's and workers' rights, Pakistani activists are questioning courts for blatantly disregarding a minority woman's appeal for justice. Tune in for the latest developments from across Asia. Filed by UCA News reporters, compiled by Fabian Antony, text edited by Anosh Malekar, presented by Joe Mathews, Cover photo by AFP, background score by Andre Louis and produced by Binu Alex for ucanews.com For news in and about the Church in Asia, visit www.ucanews.comTo contribute please visit www.ucanews.com/donateOn Twitter Follow Or Connect through DM at : twitter.com/ucanewsTo view Video features please visit https://www.youtube.com/@ucanews

No país da Nobel da Paz desaparecida Aung San Suu Kyi, ativista e política que é um símbolo da democracia no país.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

¿Sabías que en 1235, mientras Europa firmaba la Carta Magna para proteger a sus nobles, un rey africano proclamaba una constitución que abolía la esclavitud, reconocía los derechos de las mujeres y declaraba que "toda vida es una vida"? Esa constitución se llama Kouroukan Fouga, y el hombre que la concibió es Sundiata Keita, el fundador del Imperio de Malí. En este episodio, conoceremos la epopeya de Sundiata: el príncipe que no podía caminar, el exiliado que aprendió a ver el mundo desde dos perspectivas a la vez, y el rey que, al vencer a su enemigo, eligió distribuir el poder en lugar de acumularlo. Un viaje al corazón de África Occidental en el siglo XIII que resulta ser, en realidad, un manual de liderazgo para el siglo XXI. En este episodio: La historia de Sundiata Keita y la epopeya mandinga narrada por los griotsLa Kouroukan Fouga: la constitución oral más antigua del mundoEl concepto de "visión binocular" de Edward Said y el exilio como escuela de poderEl choque entre el poder duro de Soumaoro Kanté y el poder blando de SundiataEl eco del patrón de Sundiata en Mandela, Aung San Suu Kyi y Steve Jobs Fuentes y lecturas recomendadas:Niane, D. T. Sundiata: An Epic of Old Mali. Longman, 2006.Said, Edward W. Reflections on Exile and Other Essays. Harvard University Press, 2000.Nye, Joseph S. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. PublicAffairs, 2004.Kouroukan Fouga en el Patrimonio Inmaterial de la UNESCO: https://ich.unesco.org/es/RL/la-carta-del-manden-proclamada-en-kurukan-fuga-00290 Sigue a Mitos y Más: Blog: mitosymas.com Instagram: @mitosymas YouTube: youtube.com/@mitosymas ★ Support this podcast ★ Click here to view the episode transcript.

====================================================SUSCRIBETEhttps://www.youtube.com/channel/UCNpffyr-7_zP1x1lS89ByaQ?sub_confirmation=1==================================================== DEVOCIÓN MATUTINA PARA MENORES 2026“HEROES Y VILLANOS”Narrado por: Tatania DanielaDesde: Juliaca, PerúUna cortesía de DR'Ministries y Canaan Seventh-Day Adventist Church25 de MarzoLa heroína que dejó la comodidad«Porque ya saben ustedes que nuestro Señor Jesucristo, en su bondad, siendo rico, se hizo pobre por causa de ustedes, para que por su pobreza ustedes se hicieran ricos» (2 Corintios 8: 9).Es muy extraño encontrar entre los líderes políticos manifestaciones de sincero interés por los demás. Uno de esos raros casos es Aung San Suu Kyi, una política y activista birmana que ha sido reconocida por su compromiso con la democracia en Myanmar. Suu Kyi fue clave en la transición de una junta militar a un gobierno parcialmente demócrata. Suu Kyi desafió al régimen militar en Myanmar y luchó por la democracia en su país a precio de persecución, detenciones y restricciones a lo largo de los años. Suu Kyi pasó 15 años bajo arresto domiciliario y también sobrevivió un atentado de homicidio en su contra. Suu Kyi se declaró defensora incansable de la libertad de expresión, la libertad de prensa, la igualdad de género y otros derechos fundamentales en su país.Cuando en 1988 Suu Kyi vivía en el extranjero con su familia, se desató una ola de protestas prodemocráticas en Myanmar. Kyi decidió regresar a Myanmar para cuidar a su madre enferma, quien estaba sufriendo de una enfermedad terminal. Su regreso a Myanmar la llevó a la primera línea del movimiento prodemocrático y la convirtió en una figura central en la lucha contra el régimen militar. Aunque inicialmente no tenía la intención de liderar el movimiento, su compromiso con los principios democráticos y su coraje para enfrentarse al régimen opresivo la convirtieron en un símbolo de resistencia y de esperanza para el pueblo birmano.La nación reconoció el sacrificio personal de Aung San Suu Kyi y su dedicación a su gente. Con un cónyuge británico y grados académicos de instituciones extranjeras, hubiera sido muy cómodo para Suu Kyi permanecer fuera de su polémico país y gozar una vida libre de tensiones, pero no lo hizo. Suu Kyi regresó con los suyos y luchó por un cambio que trajera bienestar a todos.El apóstol Pablo describe a Jesús mediante una metáfora interesantísima. Dice de él que, siendo rico, se hizo pobre para así enriquecernos a todos con su pobreza. Escoger la privación sobre la opulencia es señal de notable renunciamiento y abnegación. Jesús tenía a su disposición todo poder, y renunció al servicio de los ángeles por la pobreza de esta tierra. Jesús demostró que el renunciamiento propio por amor es, en verdad, la ley del cielo. Ese tipo de heroísmo, aunque doloroso, es ampliamente satisfactorio y no puede pasar desapercibido. 

Although Buddhism is widely considered a peaceful tradition, some of its monks incite hatred and slaughter. Sonia Faleiro explores this trend in her latest book The Robe and the Sword: How Buddhist Extremism is Shaping Modern Asia.Drawing on reporting from Sri Lanka, Myanmar and Thailand, she unflinchingly shows how extremists target minorities, highlights alliances between ethnic nationalists who demonise Muslims, and reflects on resistance to militant Buddhism.Together, we look at the roots of these disturbing developments, from traumatic impacts of British colonialism to political rivalries and economic grievances. In the process, we talk about the legacy of Aung San Suu Kyi, monastic misconduct in Thailand and self-immolation, among many other topics.Sonia is also the author of The Good Girls – documenting the killing of two Indian teenagers – and Beautiful Thing, about Bombay's dance bars. She has co-edited a collection of testimonies from Gaza and is the founder of South Asia Speaks, a mentorship programme for emerging writers.--

"Fiat Lux". From the living breath of Genesis to the Kikuyu's sacred seed, from the Greek cosmic egg to the Sulawesi tale of the earth-shaking boar scratching its itch — across countless traditions, humankind has always sought to explain the origins of the cosmos. Perhaps fewer people are aware that humanity has also tried to explain the origins of technological life, with ‘technology' here meaning the discovery of activities that enabled progress: agriculture, the construction of more complex structures, brewing, and the domestication of animals. The myths, or stories, that describe how humankind, often with the help of divine or supernatural beings, came to acquire such knowledge are known as "civilisation myths".Western scholars (ethnographers, anthropologists, linguists, and archaeologists alike) were often fascinated by the collection of such stories from remote or so-called ‘exotic' places. These narratives were variously published in richly illustrated children's books or in dense and rather austere academic volumes. Among those who ventured into this field was Nicholas J. Allen, who explored both physical and conceptual terrains that were ‘new' only to Western audiences - for those who lived there, they were part of everyday life and cultural heritage.During his fieldwork in the Solukhumbu District (Nepali: सोलुखुम्बु जिल्ला [solukʰumbu]; Sherpa: ཤར་ཁུམ་བུ་རྫོང་།; Wylie: shar khum bu dzong), Allen studied the Rai, a division of the Kiranti peoples inhabiting the middle hills of eastern Nepal, and in particular the Thulung, one of more than a dozen Rai subtribes, each with its own distinct language. His attention was drawn to the peculiarities of the Thulung, which set them apart from other Rai groups. Through comparative linguistic andmythological analysis, Allen hypothesised that, although the Thulung had been influenced by Hindu immigrants, they showed virtually no trace of Tibetan or Buddhist influence and were hence the result of very ancient cultural heritage pre- dating Buddhism in Nepal. Yet, this observation was only the starting point of our own exploration, not its goal.In our work, we turned to the Jaw-Khliw cycle, a civilisation myth that culminates in a wedding. We sought to express this story through sound, following Khakcilik on his journey as he learns to build a house, prepare a swidden, and brew beer thanks to a woman called Wayelungma. His path is accompanied by the sounds of animals known to inhabit elevations between 1,400 and 2,000 m near Mukli, where the original soundscape was recorded in 1970. These include the dark-sided flycatcher, ultramarine flycatcher, Nepal fulvetta, and wild boar (the latter also mentioned in another of Allen's myths).The soundscape does not mirror the narrative point by point; instead, it employs evocative sounds to express key moments in the story, such as the Nepali gong introducing the three siblings, or the shimmering textures that evoke the magic of Wayelungma. We did not introduce one sad moment, as our intention was not to recount loss, but to dwell on the wonder of knowledge and of learning, with the aim of nourishing soul and intellect. The journey of Khakcilik and Wayelungma culminates in a marriage, for which Nicholas's 1970 recording was used. The names and lives of those who married and celebrated their love and were recorded by Nicholas may now be lost to history, but, in a romantic (and perhaps slightly naïve) gesture, we wished to honour love as one of the possible driving forces of civilisation itself — a celebration of the journey of Khakcilik and Wayelungma. Jaw and Khliw, the greater and lesser hornbill, try to kill their younger brother Khakcilik. Destroying an effigy of him, they fly off. After a quarrel the younger is eaten by an owl, then resuscitated. Meanwhile, Khakcilik, who lives by fishing, repeatedly catches a stone which he eventually deposits in his house. The stone, really a woman called Wayelungma or Nagimo, sweeps and cooks for him while he is out until one day, following advice, he hides behind a winnowing fan and captures her as his wife. Wayelungma instructs him how to build a house but in the process their first child is crushed under the central pillar. Also under her instruction and with her help he prepares a swidden, brews beer from its grain and invites, and when this fails, entices, his sisters to return home for the wedding. One comes from the north, one from the south and they contribute copper vessels as wedding gifts.Reference: TIBET AND THE THULUNG RAI: TOWARDS A COMPARATIVE MYTHOLOGY OF THE BODIC SPEAKERS Nicholas J. Allen (1980) in Tibetan Studies in Honour of Hugh Richardson ed. By Michael Aris and Aung San Suu Kyi.Proceedings of the International Seminar on Tibetan Studies. Oxford 1979. Aris & Phillips LTD Warminster, EnglandCeremonial (wedding) music from the Himalayas reimagined by Soundscapes Of Antiquity.———Part of the project A Century of Sounds, reimagining 100 sounds covering 100 years from the collections of the Pitt Rivers Museum at the University of Oxford. Explore the full project at citiesandmemory.com/century-sounds

Myanmar just held its latest round of so-called elections - but the military's proxy party won over 85% of seats after banning the country's most popular opposition party and imprisoning its leaders, including Nobel laureate Aung San Suu Kyi. Voting couldn't even take place across large portions of the country because resistance forces control the territory. So why do these sham elections matter to the rest of the world?In this episode, hosts Ray Powell and Jim Carouso sit down with retired three-time U.S. Ambassador and author Scot Marciel to unpack what these elections really mean, and why the stakes reach far beyond Southeast Asia.Myanmar has become the world's largest source of methamphetamines and a booming hub for cyber scam operations that bilk victims worldwide out of billions of dollars annually. China is simultaneously deepening its strategic footprint in the country, building ports and pipelines from its southern provinces to the Indian Ocean - a critical geopolitical waterway - while Chinese companies extract rare earth minerals from Myanmar's north that barely benefit the country's own people.Ambassador Marciel explains why the military held elections at all - not out of any democratic impulse, but to manufacture legitimacy and give countries like China, India, and Russia a convenient excuse to re-engage. He also breaks down why ASEAN, despite refusing to certify the results, remains largely paralyzed: constrained by its own consensus rules and non-interference norms, while watching China's influence expand with little competition.On the outlook, Marciel is candid: there is no magic bullet, no easy diplomatic compromise, and the most likely near-term scenario is more of the same - a grinding civil war fading into the background while a fatigued world looks away. But he closes with one reason for hope: the extraordinary, unbreakable resilience of the Myanmar people themselves.

Episode #481: Toby Mendel, a lawyer with the Centre for Law and Democracy, has spent over a decade working on freedom of expression and democratic reform in Myanmar. He recalls the Thein Sein years (2012–2015) as an exhilarating period when military-linked officials introduced new laws and appeared surprisingly open to external advice. International organizations were energized, and citizens sensed real hope. But with the NLD's 2015 election victory, momentum stalled. Mendel points to the 2015 broadcasting law, which could have created an independent broadcasting council, but was never implemented by the NLD. By the 2021 coup, Myanmar still had only twelve licensed radio stations, evidence of a media sector “absolutely not developed.” At the core, he argues, was the NLD's reluctance to practice democracy in full: they affirmed it in principle but resisted certain aspects, such as a free, critical press. Concerning the Rohingya genocide, he expresses disappointment that Aung San Suu Kyi, despite her “enormous moral authority... just went along with it”; in his view, not using “her moral and political authority is a significant failure as a leader.” Since the coup, however, he has seen attitudes shift as more Burmese experience the military's repression first-hand, prompting rethinking about the Rohingya and entrenched patriarchy. Despite NLD shortcomings, progress was still made in some areas. For example, CLD worked with a Women's Health Organization on the right to information, showing how openness could strengthen women's rights. Mendel also established the Myanmar Media Lawyers Network, helping build capacity for democratic media law. The coup was a rupture that few foresaw. Officials once moving toward democratic reforms were jailed overnight. Since then, CLD has pivoted to supporting civil society in conflict zones, developing adaptable democratic frameworks, and aiding local “statelets” experimenting with governance. Mendel stresses that replacing the military with something “less toxic” is not enough—Myanmar needs real democratic structures. While free elections are impossible today, local initiatives adopting media policies and civil society rules mark fragile but vital first steps. Looking outward, he warns of China's export of authoritarian models and the spread of disinformation, and urges Western governments, especially Canada, to prioritize democracy support. “The people of Myanmar are engaged in an epic struggle,” he concludes, one that demands far greater international backing.

Gaza's Rafah crossing reopens today in a high-stakes test for the region's fragile ceasefire. Israel bars Médecins Sans Frontières from Gaza after the charity refuses to disclose staff lists, citing safety concerns. Ayatollah Khamenei warns of "regional war" as President Trump claims nuclear talks are underway amid a massive U.S. military buildup. Five years after Myanmar's coup, Aung San Suu Kyi remains in secret detention following military-run elections. Pierre Poilievre secures a strong leadership mandate in Calgary as strategists warn the party must link Trump's trade threats to Canada's affordability crisis. Ottawa is cutting 840 climate and environment jobs, sparking warnings that critical research on toxins and wildlife will be lost. Auditions open for the 10th season of The Great Canadian Baking Show as the nation's pandemic-born obsession with baking continues to surge.

Bienvenue dans le supplément du Grand reportage consacré entièrement à la Birmanie. Reportage sur la vie quotidienne à Rangoon. 5 ans après la prise de pouvoir par les militaires, Aung San Suu Kyi, alors dirigeante, est toujours détenue, condamnée à 27 ans de prison. Un long processus électoral vient de s'achever en Birmanie. Les militaires règnent et régneront. En 2è partie, dans le nord de la Thaïlande, se regroupent par milliers, ceux qui fuient le sol birman. Avec Juliette Chaignon.  En Birmanie, vivre sous la junte  La dernière phase du long processus électoral a pris fin le week-end dernier en Birmanie. Résultats officiels, ou pas encore,… une chose est sûre : le parti de la junte au pouvoir s'affiche grand gagnant. C'est le 1er février 2021, que les chars de l'armée birmane faisaient tomber le gouvernement élu avec une large majorité d'Aung San Suu Kyi. Depuis, les militaires règnent sans partage. Mais les militants pro-démocratie ont pris les armes. Les groupes rebelles et les armées ethniques contrôlent de larges pans d'une Birmanie à feu et à sang. L'économie est à genoux et la jeunesse rêve d'exil plutôt que de conscription. Alors que le pays est fermé aux journalistes, les élections ont permis à RFI de se rendre à Rangoun, la capitale économique et culturelle du pays. Un Grand reportage de Nicolas Rocca qui s'entretient avec Jacques Allix. Refuge précaire sur le sol thaïlandais pour les exilés birmans  En Birmanie, le processus électoral s'est achevé et la junte n'est en rien menacée de ses pleins pouvoirs. Depuis son coup d'État de 2021, qui a mis fin à la brève transition démocratique débutée en 2015, des forces de résistance, alliées à des groupes ethniques, combattent les militaires. Les civils fuient par dizaines de milliers ; bombardements, persécutions et crise économique. Ils fuient dans les pays voisins comme la Thaïlande. Un Grand reportage de Juliette Chaignon qui s'entretient avec Jacques Allix.

La dernière phase du long processus électoral a pris fin le week-end dernier en Birmanie.  Résultats officiels, ou pas encore,… une chose est sûre : le parti de la junte au pouvoir s'affiche grand gagnant. C'est le 1er février 2021, que les chars de l'armée birmane faisaient tomber le gouvernement élu avec une large majorité d'Aung San Suu Kyi. Depuis, les militaires règnent sans partage. Mais les militants pro-démocratie ont pris les armes. Les groupes rebelles et les armées ethniques contrôlent de larges pans d'une Birmanie à feu et à sang. L'économie est à genoux et la jeunesse rêve d'exil plutôt que de conscription. Alors que le pays est fermé aux journalistes, les élections ont permis à RFI de se rendre à Rangoun, la capitale économique et culturelle du pays. « En Birmanie, vivre sous la junte », un Grand reportage de Nicolas Rocca, réalisation : Pauline Leduc.

Justus, Christiane www.deutschlandfunk.de, Eine Welt

Justus, Christiane www.deutschlandfunk.de, Eine Welt

La Birmanie va débuter la troisième et dernière phase des élections générales dimanche 25 janvier. La junte au pouvoir depuis le coup d'État de 2021 organise le scrutin et tente de se légitimer aux yeux de la communauté internationale. Elles sont toutefois qualifiées de « mascarade » par la plupart des ONG et observateurs. De nombreux réfugiés birmans regardent cette élection depuis l'extérieur et notamment les Rohingyas, majoritairement musulmans et victimes de graves persécutions depuis l'indépendance du pays. Alors que la Gambie a saisi la Cour internationale de justice pour accuser la Birmanie du génocide de la communauté, plusieurs d'entre eux, exilés en Malaisie, ont accepté de témoigner. De notre envoyée spéciale à Kuala Lumpur, Dans le sud de Kuala Lumpur, un bâtiment discret se fond dans le quartier. À l'intérieur : les locaux d'une association d'aide aux réfugiés birmans, et notamment aux Rohingyas. Rafik Ismaël est originaire de l'État birman d'Arakan. Lui et sa famille ont fui les persécutions il y a presque 30 ans. « Mon père était un leader local, donc il essayait d'aider les communautés qui avaient besoin de nourriture. Mais les militaires n'aimaient pas ça, et ils ont pris mon père pour le mettre dans un camp de détention. Ensuite, ils s'en sont pris à ma mère, et puis à mon grand-père. Notre communauté s'est battue pour ma famille, mais après les avoir libérés, les militaires nous ont dit : "Il vaut mieux que vous partiez, sinon on tuera toute la famille." » À lire aussiÉlections en Birmanie: «C'est un effort visant à légitimer un pouvoir qui va se succéder à lui-même» Un problème qui dure depuis 70 ans Malgré l'exil, Rafik Ismaël regarde attentivement le déroulement des élections organisées en Birmanie dans les médias : « Le problème en Birmanie dure déjà depuis 70 ans, donc je ne vois aucun avenir possible. Sauf si on fait partir la junte. L'élection pourrait alors permettre la démocratie, peut-être qu'on aurait une chance, mais cette élection-là ne sert à rien. Pour nous Rohingyas, que ce soit la junte ou Aung San Suu Kyi, c'est pareil. Parce qu'ils ne nous soutiennent pas. La dernière fois, parce qu'elle a obtenu le prix Nobel de la paix, vous savez, on a cru qu'elle pouvait faire quelque chose de meilleur pour le pays, mais malheureusement non, on n'a vu rien bon de sa part. » Dans un coin de la pièce, Katija regarde attentivement deux réfugiés endormis sur des matelas posés au sol. Elle a fui la Birmanie il y a cinq ans. Certains de ses proches rohingyas sont toujours sur place : « Mon beau-frère a été pris par l'armée d'Arakan en 2024, c'était l'an dernier. Il a été battu pendant environ deux mois, donc il ne peut presque plus bouger, il est quasiment paralysé maintenant. Je crois à l'unité, mais je ne pense pas que la situation en Birmanie va s'améliorer. On sait que beaucoup de pays soutiennent la junte avec des armes et aussi de l'argent. Nous connaissons la plus longue guerre de l'histoire, donc je ne pense pas que ça ira mieux. » D'autres difficultés font désormais le quotidien de ces Rohingyas, exilés en Malaisie : le pays n'est pas signataire de la convention de l'ONU pour les réfugiés. L'accès à l'emploi, la santé et l'éducation sont notamment limités. À lire aussiBirmanie: la junte organise la deuxième phase des élections législatives

Voting has ended in the initial phase of Myanmar's first election since the military seized power almost five years ago. Most opposition parties were banned, including that of the deposed democratic leader, Aung San Suu Kyi.Also in the programme: The titan of French cinema, Brigitte Bardott has died aged 91; President Trump will meet Ukraine's leader, Volodymyr Zelensky, in Florida later on Sunday as efforts continue to reach a peace deal with Russia; and Sabalenka vs Kyrgios: in tennis - a true battle of the sexes or an opportunity for critics to belittle women's sport?(Photo: Junta chief Min Aung Hlaing cast his ballot in the capital Nay Pyi Taw. Credit: Win Kyaw Thu/BBC)

Episode #451: Marte Nilsen, senior researcher at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, joins the podcast to explore Aung San Suu Kyi's central role in Myanmar's political life. Drawing on decades of research across Myanmar and Thailand, she also reflects on Norway's complex engagement with Myanmar—from early solidarity movements and reform-era optimism to today's challenges of diplomacy, reversals, and rebuilding. Norway's involvement began in the wake of the 1988 uprising and Suu Kyi's 1991 Nobel Prize, when exiles and NGOs forged ties across the Thai border. The devastating Cyclone Nargis in 2008 highlighted the capacity of local civil society, prompting Oslo to expand support in that direction. Then when President Thein Sein launched reforms in 2011 and Suu Kyi contested the 2012 by-elections, Norway began engaging state institutions more directly again. Suu Kyi's NLD triumphed in 2015 and 2020, though ethnic groups criticized her Bamar-centric focus, and her stance the Rohingya crisis posed a very serious dilemma for Western nations otherwise wanting to support the country's democratization process. The 2021 coup, of course, ended the reform era. Nilsen stresses that Myanmar's current junta bears no resemblance to the military of 2010, back when foreign nations were willing to deal with the junta. Today, it is widely seen as a desperate, illegitimate regime that is waging war on its people. She rejects any notion that the 2025 elections could be free or fair. In the end, Nilsen insists that while outside solidarity and support matter, “the changes on the ground, it comes from the Burmese people.”

De dochter van de vader des vaderlands van Myanmar werd in 1988 bekend toen ze in verzet kwam tegen de militaire junta die het land regeerde. Ze leefde - totdat ze in 2016 State Counselor werd - af en aan 15 jaar onder huisarrest en werd een beroemde politieke gevangene. In 1991 won ze voor haar strijd de Nobelprijs voor de Vrede. Na een periode van voorzichtige democratisering volgde in 2021 opnieuw een staatsgreep. Nu zit ze weer gevangen. Ze werd dit jaar tachtig en geldt daarmee als een van de oudste politieke gevangenen ter wereld. Intussen is er in Myanmar al tachtig jaar sprake van een volksopstand tegen het leger. Voor journaliste Minka Nijhuis is dit geen abstract verhaal. Aan het begin van haar carrière kreeg ze het advies om naar Myanmar te reizen. In 1995 sprak ze Aung San Suu Kyi voor het eerst, toen die nog onder huisarrest leefde. In de jaren daarna ontmoette ze haar vele malen en zag ze van nabij de veranderingen in Suu Kyi’s leven: van vrijlating tot regeringsdeelname, en alle obstakels die daarmee gepaard gingen. Deze week staat er een uitgebreid profiel van Suu Kyi in De Groene. Met de recente geschiedenis van Myanmar erdoorheen geweven. Want dat lijkt ook zo te zijn met het leven van Aung San Suu Kyi. Productie: Laura ten Hove, Kees van den Bosch en Matthijs Domen.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Episode #428: This panel gathers five voices from Myanmar's unraveling present—specialists in food, economy, energy, education, and digital life—who together trace the anatomy of a country still fighting to exist. Their stories intertwine across fields once filled with promise, now marked by loss, adaptation, and the quiet persistence of rebuilding. Thin Lei Win, a journalist and food systems expert, bridges the elemental links between nourishment and truth. She describes a nation abundant in resources yet starved by political neglect, where conflict and inflation have turned meals into measures of survival. For her, recovery begins with food sovereignty and regenerative farming— but also with journalism that insists on accountability, exposing the human costs of repression and keeping the language of truth alive. Economist Sean Turnell, once an adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi, recalls the fragile optimism of Myanmar's reform years before the economy imploded. The coup, he says, erased progress overnight, returning the country to extraction and scarcity. Yet he believes that when democracy returns, stability and investment will quickly follow, because the will to rebuild already exists. From the energy sector, Guillaume De Langre describes stalled electrification and broken trust, yet sees in renewable technologies and decentralized grids the outline of a fairer, more resilient future. Education reformer Thura echoes that belief in renewal, recounting how teachers and students who refused the junta reimagined schooling underground and online— an act of defiance that made learning itself a form of resistance. And in the digital realm, Bradley charts the turn from openness to surveillance, yet also the rise of encrypted communities that protect connection and expression. Together, these voices reveal that even in collapse, Myanmar's pulse endures— in food and light, in words and classrooms, in the stubborn will to begin again.

Episode #416: In the early 1990s, a chance encounter with Burmese student exiles in Bangkok sparked Nic Dunlop's enduring interest in the country. His initial ignorance of the country developed into curiosity, empathy, and visual storytelling. As a photojournalist, Dunlop has spent years documenting the “invisible dictatorship” of Myanmar's military regime, focusing on the mechanisms of social control, forced labor, and repression. His 2013 book, Brave New Burma, aimed to educate Western audiences about the complex realities behind simplistic narratives. Rather than reinforcing the myth of Aung San Suu Kyi as a saintly figure, he presents her as a tough leader shaped by privilege, critiquing her understanding of marginalized communities alongside a limited understanding of the country's peripheral conflicts. He also challenges the Western romanticization of both Suu Kyi and Myanmar, arguing that it led to performative policies and a blindness to the structural conditions that enabled the 2021 coup. Dunlop documents not just brutality, but structure—capturing how indoctrination, poverty, and coercion shape Myanmar's military conscripts. From refugee camps to prison quarries, his work illustrates repression both subtle and overt. His photographs, including one of Suu Kyi herself, offer visual testimony to the country's contradictions. In the end, he emphasizes humility as essential to understanding Myanmar: “The more I learn about Burma, the less I know.”

Davide Frattini analizza l'evoluzione del negoziato fra Hamas e Israele sul piano di pace per la Striscia. Viviana Mazza racconta la decisione del presidente degli Stati Uniti di inviare anche in Illinois la Guardia nazionale per combattere la criminalità a suo dire «fuori controllo» (come già a Washington, in California e a Portland). Paolo Salom parla delle condizioni di salute dell'80enne oppositrice del regime militare birmano, in carcere dal 2021.I link di corriere.it:Trump: «A Gaza reale possibilità di pace». Ma Hamas vuole il ritiro completo di IsraeleTrump dispiega la guardia nazionale a Portland: «I terroristi Antifa assediano le sedi dell'agenzia per l'immigrazione»Trump pattuglia le strade di Washington con la Guardia Nazionale. Poi porta agli agenti pizza e hamburger: «Presi nel posto migliore»

Episode #405: “Myanmar deserves better,” reflects Olle Thorell, a Swedish Member of Parliament whose nearly two-decade commitment to the nation is both political and personal. Elected to the Riksdag in 2006, Thorell's focus on Asian affairs quickly centered on Myanmar. He learned from dedicated activists and, in 2011, had a clandestine meeting with Aung San Suu Kyi, a moment he recalls as “fantastic;” albeit, goes on to acknowledge that this occurred before what her later fall from grace in international relations. Part of Thorell's vision as a member of the Swedish Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee is for Sweden to fill the global leadership vacuum, challenge the junta's legitimacy, and help create a democratic, federal Myanmar. Thorell's early life inspired his resolve. A working-class upbringing instilled a sense of collective responsibility. His formative teenage years spent in apartheid-era South Africa cemented a lifelong dedication to human rights, teaching him firsthand the kind of society created when prejudice and racism is given free reign. Later, as a Swedish language teacher to Balkan refugees, he honed diplomatic skills, witnessing “what happens when a country falls apart, when there is a division among neighbors and friends.” During Myanmar's democratic opening (2015-2020), he was inspired by citizens printing newspapers by hand but disturbed by child labor in textile factories. These contrasts solidified his belief in the necessity of international solidarity. Thorell is proud of Sweden's historic role in human rights, grounded in the Social Democratic principle of global solidarity, in contrast to rising nationalism. Despite no direct ties, he affirms that Myanmar must remain a focus for Sweden, seen as “the last bastion of military rule where we feel we need to help out.” While lamenting a global shift towards narrow self-interest and nationalism, Thorell remains optimistic. “Liberal values and values of democracy and human rights are impossible to quench in the long run,” he says in closing.

Myanmar is once again in the grip of civil war. Since the 2021 military coup that ousted the civilian government of Aung San Suu Kyi, hundreds of thousands of Burmese have fled to Thailand to escape escalating violence and a collapsing economy. Thai authorities are struggling to manage the influx, particularly in border regions. At the same time, Thailand faces a labor shortage – and increasingly relies on Burmese workers to fill critical gaps in the workforce.

Episode #395: Laetitia van den Assum, a Dutch diplomat and former ambassador to Thailand, was one of nine members of the Advisory Commission on Rakhine State, a group set up in 2016 at Aung San Suu Kyi's request and chaired by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Its mandate was to improve conditions in one of Myanmar's poorest and most divided regions. In this conversation, van den Assum reflects on the Commission's work, her dealings with Annan and Min Aung Hlaing, and the enduring challenges of Rakhine. From the outset, the military opposed the Commission because it had been established without their consent, and Min Aung Hlaing tried to push Parliament to expel the foreign members. But as van den Assum notes, “he could not stop us,” since the 25 percent of seats reserved for the military under the 2008 constitution was insufficient to block the process. Building trust among local communities was another hurdle-- the Commission had to prove that it represented everyone, not only the Rohingya. In August 2017, the Commission released its final report, containing 88 recommendations focused on peace, development, and human rights. The very next day, ARSA launched attacks on police posts, and the military retaliated with sweeping operations that drove 750,000 Rohingya into Bangladesh. Van den Assum believes these plans were already in place, describing the scale of violence as shocking but not unexpected. She continues to stress the report's lessons. Citizenship remains central: without reform of the 1982 law that excluded the Rohingya and many others, genuine progress is impossible. Long-term planning also requires accurate population data, as nearly a million people were left uncounted in the 2014 census. Looking at Myanmar today, van den Assum sees fragmentation across the country and insists that peace must precede development and rights. Calling for pragmatic international support, she warns that Myanmar cannot rely on foreign aid indefinitely and must become more self-sufficient. Yet her appreciation for the resistance effort is unwavering: “My admiration knows no bounds for those continuing to fight for their self-determination. They don't see a way back. There's only a way forward.”

Episode #393: “It's now time to be more principled and say that, ‘We would like to support democracy.'” With this statement, Audun Aagre, former head of the Norwegian Burma Committee (NBC), distills three decades of Norway's involvement in Myanmar into a call for credibility and purpose. Aagre's own engagement with Myanmar began in the early 1990s, when Burmese exiles in Norway trained as journalists with the Democratic Voice of Burma (DVB). Witnessing their dedication inspired him to travel to the Thai–Myanmar border, and later help form a Burma support group back home. He was eventually tapped to lead the Norwegian Burma Committee (NBC), an advocacy group supporting Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD's opposition to the military. Under Aagre's leadership, NBC was broadened to include building political party capacity and working with civil society across ethnic lines. While Norway's policy was pro-democracy early on, it shifted during the Thein Sein era. Norwegian diplomats began to argue the generals had seen the light and were more popular than Aung San Suu Kyi— a view Aagre dismissed as fantasy. Norway launched the Myanmar Peace Support Initiative (MPSI), which emphasized short-term “peace dividends” like development projects, but failed to address structural issues of federalism and military control, and seemed to back the military's approach. The trust his country had built with democratic forces in Myanmar for decades all but collapsed. The Rohingya crisis then revealed the futility of believing cooperation with the military could ever be compatible with human rights. Meanwhile, business entanglements further eroded Norway's credibility. Telenor, once a symbol of empowerment as cheap SIM cards and internet spread across Myanmar, soon collided with the junta's demands for surveillance data. Forced into compliance, it eventually sold its operations—only to see sensitive information handed straight to military-linked companies. Energy ventures like SN Power's dam project and Statoil's offshore contracts followed the same pattern, funneling resources into conflict zones and, ultimately, into the generals' coffers. For Aagre, the lesson is clear: Norway must stand firmly for democracy, not realpolitik. Otherwise, compromise and “trickle-down” strategies only undermine the very struggles they aim to support. The warning resonates now, as democracies everywhere face pressure from rising authoritarianism and strategic disinformation. “If the military was able to turn Norway, then you can turn any country in the world. The symbolism of turning Norway was very high.”

Episode #384: “As a journalist, you always hope for consequences. I mean, otherwise our reporting is meaningless,” says Bjørn Nordahl, a Norwegian investigative reporter who led a two-year probe into Telenor's withdrawal from Myanmar. The case was especially painful because the company, once praised for driving SIM card prices down and sparking a communication revolution in 2014, ended up entangled with a brutal military regime. After the February 2021 coup, Telenor initially disclosed military orders to shut down networks and block Facebook. But on February 14 its CEO told Norwegian media, “From now on, I can't say anything” about Myanmar. From that point until March 2022, the company ceased public disclosures while complying with junta demands. Nordahl's team examined over 750 leaked documents. These showed two categories of orders: shutdown directives and direct requests for subscriber information. One June 2021 internal assessment warned that handing over data on a PDF member meant “the impact of sharing this information is extremely high” and could enable arrests. Another request concerned a doctor close to Aung San Suu Kyi; Telenor concluded “it's likely that this number will be used to support the military examinations of the criminal case against Aung San Suu Kyi.” Nordahl notes Telenor admitted, when asked, that “we never said no” to junta requests, with lawyers justifying every handover under Myanmar's military law, while “Norwegian legislation does not come into consideration.” At home, questions arose about oversight. Around 30 meetings took place between Telenor and Norway's Ministry of Trade and Commerce, though their content remains undisclosed. Nordahl highlighted that the Labor Party was in power during both entry and exit, adding, “probably there will be people in the opposition who are very interested in this story.” He said opposition groups already call for an independent investigation, and predicted, “this claim will be even stronger and probably reach another level after we have published this.” For Nordahl, the saga illustrates the limits of corporate responsibility under authoritarianism. Yet he insists the story must be documented, both for future accountability and as a warning of how global business decisions can imperil lives.

Episode #373: In this wide-ranging interview, journalist Lorcan Lovett returns to the podcast to discuss Aung San Suu Kyi's imprisonment, the fractured resistance, and Myanmar's trajectory under military rule. He recounts his investigative work authenticating leaked prison logs from early 2024 that reveal Suu Kyi's declining health, sparse diet, and isolation. Obtained from a group called People's Embrace—which connects with junta insiders—the logs were cross-verified with a neutral source in Myanmar and Suu Kyi's son, Kim Aris. Lovett believes Suu Kyi, though held incommunicado, likely understands the scale of the civil conflict, reading between the lines of junta-run newspapers, and by other means. He speculates that her silence may be deliberate resistance, “She will not tell people to put their guns down.” Lovett explores Suu Kyi's controversial legacy, particularly her defense of the military during the Rohingya genocide hearings at The Hague, noting how this has complicated her status as a democratic icon. Meanwhile, the broader resistance movement suffers from disunity. The NUG has failed to provide coherent leadership or military coordination, and internal disputes—such as infighting among Chin factions—have weakened momentum. Lovett warns that the junta's upcoming election could be “one of the bloodiest... in modern history,” with bombings and assassinations likely, particularly in military-held areas. Though he doubts its legitimacy, he notes the vote may serve internal power dynamics—providing a way to ease Min Aung Hlaing out of military command while elevating him to a largely symbolic presidency. Lovett also observes that Myanmar's hoped-for federal democracy may instead give way to a fragmented confederal model shaped by ethnic autonomy and local control. Lovett ends on a personal note: “I love Myanmar so much... I know I'll go back there one day.”

The university academic was working in Australia when he developed an interest in Myanmar.He then became an adviser to Aung San Suu Kyi but was jailed for nearly two years by the country's military regime following the 2021 coup.Sean Turnell recalls the moment of his arrest and tells us about the harsh conditions he endured – and how books, along with pacing the length of his tiny cell, helped him survive.He also reflects on Myanmar's deepening economic crisis – and shares his hopes for the country's future.Produced and presented by Sam Fenwick(Sean Turnell with Myanmar's former leader Aung San Suu Kyi)

She was once the great hope for Myanmar. Though Aung San Suu Kyi fell from grace – and now sits in jail – she still has much support. How LifeWise, a Christian group, is changing religious education in America. And what to make of butter yellow, the colour of the moment. Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.  Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

She was once the great hope for Myanmar. Though Aung San Suu Kyi fell from grace – and now sits in jail – she still has much support. How LifeWise, a Christian group, is changing religious education in America. And what to make of butter yellow, the colour of the moment. Listen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account. 

The country of Myanmar has been in crisis for years. A civil war has been going on since 2021. And then, last Friday, a devastating earthquake hit, leaving at least 3,000 people dead. The tragedy only deepened the humanitarian crisis in the country.One person watching the situation closely is Kim Aris. His mother is Aung San Suu Kyi, who was the country's de facto leader before the military ousted and imprisoned her after a coup four years ago. When Aris spoke to NPR earlier this week, he wasn't even sure where his mother was, or whether she was safe. The earthquake has brought more devastation to Myanmar raising questions about whether the country's military can stay in power – and about the future of its ousted leader Aung San Suu Kyi. For sponsor-free episodes of Consider This, sign up for Consider This+ via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org.Email us at considerthis@npr.org.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

In episode 1838, Miles and guest co-host Francesca Fiorentini are joined by journalist and co-host of It Could Happen Here, James Stout, to discuss... The Revolution In Myanmar and more! LISTEN: Wu Punk by Georgia Anne Muldrow WATCH: The Daily Zeitgeist on Youtube! L.A. Wildfire Relief: Displaced Black Families GoFund Me Directory See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

More aftershocks have been felt in Myanmar as the military junta continues bombing rebels. We speak to Kim Aris, Aung San Suu Kyi's son, about her 4 years' incarceration in a Burmese jail. Also: Donald Trump has said he was very angry with President Putin for questioning the credibility of the Ukrainian president; and we explore the relationship between John Lennon and his fellow Beatle, Sir Paul McCartney. (Image: Burmese rescuers sift through the rubble of a collapsed building. Credit: Reuters)