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US president Donald Trump most recent visit to three Gulf monarchies — Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) — saw him leave with bountiful, billion-dollar deals. According to fact sheets released by the White House, the president secured economic agreements amounting to $600 billion with Saudi Arabia, $243.5 billion with Qatar, and $200 billion with the UAE — what were deemed as “historic” levels of investment. While these reported deals illustrate Mr Trump's strong business focus, the choice of the three Gulf states reflects their global diplomatic standing and connections with the US president. The mutual adulation on display pointed to how Washington sees the Gulf states as paving the way in Middle Eastern affairs. From the Gulf-US Summit to the announcement of Syria's sanction relief, Mr Trump's programme was also marked by discussion on important regional files. The glaring omission on his itinerary, however, was Israel — sparking speculation of a Trump-Netanyahu rift. Are we witnessing a golden era in US-Gulf relations? How sustainable are the deals signed? Apart from doing business, will the Trump administration provide greater security guarantees to the Gulf states? Are we expecting more US-Gulf alignment on regional theatres such as Iran, Syria, and Gaza? The Middle East Institute hosted two experts from the region, Hasan Alhasan and Yousuf Al Bulushi, to address the above issues and more.

In February, King Abdullah II of Jordan rebuffed US President Donald Trump's proposal for his country to absorb Palestinians living in Gaza — part of the now infamous “Riviera” plan. When dealing with the Trump administration, the Jordanian king is certainly caught in a bind between rejecting Palestinian displacement and restoring the flow of foreign assistance from Washington. An aid-reliant economy notwithstanding, Amman has longstanding identity issues arising from citizens of Palestinian origins, tracing back to the aftermath of the 1948 war which saw Jordan's population triple with the addition of Palestinian refugees and inhabitants of the West Bank. Domestically, Jordan's recent parliamentary elections held last September produced a strong Islamist showing, with the Islamic Action Front (IAF) — the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood — emerging as the largest bloc in the legislative body. Amman also had to navigate the succession crisis in 2021 involving Prince Hamzah bin Hussein, whose house arrest and subsequent public reconciliation with King Abdullah II revealed underlying tensions within the Hashemite royal family. The Middle East Institute hosted Steve L. Monroe and Nicolai Due-Gundersen, two newly-minted authors and experts on Jordan, to address the above issues and more.

The Gulf states, rich in mineral reserves—Saudi Arabia with gold, silver, copper, nickel, iron ore, and aluminum, and the UAE with limestone, copper, and gypsum—are increasingly positioning themselves as key players in the global critical mineral market. As the demand for clean energy technologies, particularly in EV batteries, grows, and as AI continues to drive heavy energy consumption, these states are embracing the mining, processing, and trading of critical minerals. This strategic shift is part of their broader effort to diversify their economies, reduce reliance on oil, and secure a leading role in the future global economy. Global Distinguished Professor of Environmental Studies and Public Policy at NYU Abu Dhabi Sophia Kalantzakos discusses these in the final edition to the ME Outlook series.

Grant Rumley, Senior Fellow at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, speaks with Clemens Chay, MEI Research Fellow, about the significance of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Jordan's King Abdullah visiting Washington in the early weeks of Donald Trump's presidency. Rumley highlights President Trump's unconventional diplomatic style and his aim to foster peace and stability in the Middle East. Comparing policy trends across the Trump and Biden administrations, he notes that while Trump's approach is more bilateral, there are notable parallels. Although Trump often wields the stick, he also remains open to new offers—a strategy, Rumley argues, that compels foreign leaders to assess whether the president is calling their bluff.

As Trump returns to office and lifts the freeze on LNG export permit applications, the global LNG landscape is set for another shake-up. Importing countries are closely watching how the US leverages LNG in trade negotiations, while competing producers, particularly Qatar, brace for intensified competition. With its 80% expansion of the North Field announced in early 2024, Qatar must now navigate a market where US LNG suppliers offer more flexible, destination-free contracts. In this interview, MEI Senior Research Fellow June Park speaks with Dr Steven Wright, Associate Professor and Associate Dean for Academic Affairs at Hamad Bin Khalifa University, to unpack the implications of these developments on the Gulf's role in the global energy market.

In recent years, China's relations with North Africa have evolved significantly, driven by strategic economic interests and geopolitical considerations. As China expands its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), North Africa's strategic location—linking Europe, the Middle East, and sub-Saharan Africa—makes it increasingly important. Looking ahead, China's engagement in the region is expected to deepen, particularly in the digital economy, renewable energy, and space cooperation. However, despite strong mutual interest in strengthening ties, Sino-North African relations should not be overstated, as China's presence and influence in the region remain far below that of the US and the EU.

Dr Rory Miller, Professor of International Politics at the Georgetown University of Qatar, discusses the shifting security dynamics in the Gulf region, particularly how inter-state relations might evolve with the return of the Trump administration in 2025. He also explores the prospects and pitfalls of the ceasefire in the Israel-Hamas war, providing a summary of the key issues at play.

Daniel Neep, Professorial Lecturer at the Elliott School of International Affairs at George Washington University, discusses the challenges for Syria after the fall of Bashar al-Assad. With regime change now placing Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) in charge, Neep outlines the domestic and foreign policy priorities of the new government led by de facto leader Ahmed al-Sharaa. It is clear from the outset, with Al-Sharaa's various foreign trips, that regional and international recognition is a pressing matter for his new administration. But so are territorial integrity, inclusivity, and the rebuilding of infrastructure, as Neep highlights. He also assesses the level of Islamism that we can expect from governance, following media reports on Al-Sharaa's jihadist history, including prior connections with Al-Qaeda and Isis.

Professor (International Security) at the Graduate School of Public Policy, The University of Tokyo in Japan, Dr Yee-Kuang Heng, outlined Tokyo's strategic priorities in the Middle East for 2025, highlighting the country's growing ties with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), particularly the UAE and Saudi Arabia, with a focus on trade and economic partnerships. He also highlighted Japan's humanitarian efforts in Gaza and its ongoing commitment to the vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific. Dr Heng discussed Japan's role in ensuring the smooth handover of the Expo from Osaka to Riyadh, as well as its efforts to secure stable trade and energy supply chains. Finally, he noted Japan's interest in encouraging restraint in regional conflicts, especially between Israel and Iran.

Mehran Kamrava, Professor of Government at Georgetown University-Qatar and Director of the Iranian Studies Unit at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, discusses the domestic climate in Iran more than six months into President Masoud Pezeshkian's tenure. From the hijab bill to social freedoms, Kamrava underscores the challenges facing the Iranian president despite his reformist stance. He also offers insights into the potential impact of Donald Trump's return to the White House on Tehran's foreign policy.

Dr Wang Jin, Associate Professor and Assistant Director of the Institute of Middle East Studies at Northwest University of China, outlines China's key Middle East policy priorities for 2025. He notes that Beijing will closely monitor shifts in US policy towards the region and assess their potential impact. Additionally, it will focus on the activities of extremist and terrorist groups, with a particular concern for Uighur separatist movements in Syria. Lastly, Beijing will continue to foster pragmatic cooperation with Middle Eastern countries, emphasising mutually beneficial economic partnerships.

In the second edition to the ME Outlook 2025, Rasha Fityan Saleem, Executive Director of the Politics and Society Institute in Jordan, discusses key developments shaping the Middle East this year, with a focus on Jordan's evolving role in the region. From the aftermath of the Assad regime's fall in Syria to ongoing regional conflicts, she underscores how Amman can position itself as a stabilising force in a rapidly changing landscape.

In the year since war broke out in the Middle East, the conflict has threatened to widen several times, and has now expanded into Lebanon, and direct attacks between Israel and Iran. What will a second year of war bring? Will an Iran, hampered by a weakened Hezbollah, scale back its efforts? What will the regional landscape look like when the long-anticipated “Day After” arrives? Join us as we welcome back General (Retired) David Petraeus, who delivered last year's  S. R. Nathan Distinguished Lecture shortly after the conflict erupted, for his thoughts on these and other questions in a chat with the Middle East Institute's Honorary Fellow, Bilahari Kausikan.

Dr Al Nuaimi will speak on the Emirates' efforts to promote religious tolerance, and moderate Islam within and beyond the Middle East. He will also share his experiences working with Southeast Asian Muslim communities.

Jonathan Fulton, a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council's Middle East Programmes and the Scowcroft Middle East Security Initiative, discusses how US-China competition in the Middle East could unfold in 2025. He explains that while China's presence peaked in October 2023, driven by regional engagement and economic connections, it waned following the Gaza conflict, revealing the limits of Beijing's political and security contributions. Fulton notes that the Gulf states perceive China primarily as a transactional partner, contrasting with their deeper, strategic alliance with the US. He also predicts that a new Trump presidency may not drastically alter this dynamic, but could affect US-Iran relations. Given their growing ties with Beijing, Fulton also identifies Egypt and Iran as crucial countries to monitor in 2025.

Eight days before Hamas launched its deadly attack on Israel, US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan, in an article written for The Atlantic, described the Middle East as “quieter” than it had been in two decades. This statement has now been shredded. The final lecture of the ME101 series will draw on the findings of previous lessons to offer a regional assessment of the political and economic environment of the Middle East.  Specifically, we will consider the prospects for regional stability, looking at the main risks (political, security, economic, social) faced by the countries in the area.

Between 1977 and 1983, the first phase of Singapore's Mosque Building Fund (MBF) played a pivotal role in shaping the architectural and social evolution of local mosques. The MBF exemplifies the state's pragmatic governance and approach to secularism, balancing religious autonomy with social cohesion and urban development. Mosque construction during this period emerged from a collaborative process involving the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (MUIS), the Housing Development Board (HDB), and the Mosque Building Committee (JPM), ensuring mosque designs balanced religious needs with urban planning goals. Local mosque architecture reflects regional styles and cultural influences, with distinct Southeast Asian elements. Despite these design differences, the spiritual essence remains unified within the global umma (Muslim community). Traditional elements — such as domes, minarets, and arches — were reinterpreted through modernist ideas. These shifts align religious spaces with Singapore's urban development goals, while preserving Islamic identity within a multicultural context. The MBF mosques — such as Masjid Muhajirin (1977), Masjid Assyakirin (1978), and Masjid An-Nur (1980) — illustrate how these buildings evolved into multi-functional spaces. They serve not only as places of worship, but also as community hubs that accommodate education and social activities. This evolution reflects Singapore's unique approach to balancing religious expression with secular governance to foster social cohesion.

The US's failed intervention in Afghanistan The question of what caused America's Afghanistan debacle or, in other words, where the US, backed by NATO and non-NATO allies, went wrong, has been widely debated from varying perspectives. However, there has not been an insightful and coherent expose of what led the US to move from its initial ‘light footprint' approach to a ‘heavy footprint' one, which trapped the US in the complex task of state-building in a country that traditionally lacked the necessary foundations for statehood. The move marked a turning point in entangling the US in a long and unwinnable war and therefore ultimate defeat. Drawing on his book How to Lose a War, Prof Saikal will address critically the key factors that contributed to the US failures and narrate the important lessons learned from America's Afghanistan experience.

Azerbaijan will host the 29th session of the Conference of the Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (COP29) in November 2024. The conference will pick up where COP28 left off: The completion of the first global stocktake, the consensus to “transition away” from fossil fuels, and agreements for a massive expansion of clean energy, among others. While COP meetings have made significant strides in forging consensus in major areas — mitigation, adaptation, and finance — the pace of implementation is too slow to address the urgent challenges posed by climate change. This webinar, hosted in collaboration with the UAE Embassy in Singapore, aims to discuss the key outcomes of COP 28, expectations for COP 29, and whether it will further advance the UAE-led consensus on finance and fossil fuels. It also aims to shed light on the persistent gap between COP outcomes and their implementation. Featuring examples from Singapore and the UAE, it will explore how countries can benefit from multilateral platforms to translate international climate agreements into meaningful national policies.

Throughout history, the Middle East has been at the forefront of global change, engaging with the West through crusades, wars, colonialism, and terrorism. Beyond these familiar narratives lies a region undergoing profound economic transformation, cultural evolution, and facing pressing environmental challenges. This lecture series will examine these key aspects and drivers of change, with an emphasis on how these transformations impact regional stability and present significant economic opportunities, particularly for Singapore's strategic interests. This year, we are excited to introduce a new format for the ME 101 series in collaboration with the SUSS DBA Alumni Graduate Student Community (DBAC) and the SUSS School of Business. The series is specifically designed for top business leaders and professionals who are interested in exploring the economic potential that the Middle East holds.                                                                              .          .          .          .          . Session 5: With an eye on a future beyond oil, the Gulf countries are marching ahead with an ambitious domestic transition to renewable energy. From investing in renewables, nuclear, hydrogen, electric vehicles, and carbon capture to climate diplomacy, and hosting world's major international climate meetings such as COP 28 in the UAE), Gulf countries  aspire to secure their position as leaders in both clean energy, as well as transition the oil and gas industry in the evolving energy landscape. This lecture delves into ambitious plans to become global leaders in the new energy industry. It will explore the motives driving the Gulf states' renewable energy transition, examine the diverse  strategies employed to “transition away from fossil fuels”, and examine the implications of these strategies on the global energy outlook.            

Throughout history, the Middle East has been at the forefront of global change, engaging with the West through crusades, wars, colonialism, and terrorism. Beyond these familiar narratives lies a region undergoing profound economic transformation, cultural evolution, and facing pressing environmental challenges. This lecture series will examine these key aspects and drivers of change, with an emphasis on how these transformations impact regional stability and present significant economic opportunities, particularly for Singapore's strategic interests. This series is specifically designed for top business leaders and professionals who are interested in exploring the economic potential that the Middle East holds. Session 3: In 2016, Saudi Arabia launched its Vision 2030, which is aimed at economic diversification, and social development. After decades of dormancy, the pursuit of this vision has shifted Saudi Arabia from a conservative society towards a somewhat more liberal and open society, emerging as a giant economic force in the region. From the abolition of a longstanding law that prevented women from driving to promoting entertainment, tourism, high-tech and AI sectors, and hosting international events in sport, business and entertainment, this lecture will discuss these state-led economic, social, cultural, legal, and religious transformations. The lecture will also assess the progress and challenges encountered in this transformative process, eight years since its launch. Finally, it will examine the geopolitical ramifications of the Kingdom's pursuit of its 2030 economic goals.

Across the MENA region, environmental challenges are rising, but the six Gulf Arab states—Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and Bahrain—are feeling the impact the most. With economies built on oil and gas, they're now on the frontlines of climate change. COP28 in Dubai last year called for urgent action, but what are Gulf countries actually doing? How are they tackling climate risks while trying to diversify their economies? In our 34th episode, we spoke to Aisha Al-Sarihi. She is a Research Fellow at the Middle East Institute at the National University of Singapore. She is also a Research Associate at Chatham House, and a Non-Resident Fellow the Middle East Council on Global Affairs and the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington.  Her research focuses on political economy, geopolitics, policy and governance of energy transition, climate and environment, with a focus on the Middle East and Southeast Asia.  In this episode, we covered several topics including A deep dive into Gulf states' energy commitments and net-zero policies The importance of deploying capital for climate projects The challenges in mitigating climate risks in economic diversification

MEI in collaboration with the SUSS DBA Alumni Graduate Student Community (DBAC) and the SUSS School of Business   Throughout history, the Middle East has been at the forefront of global change, engaging with the West through crusades, wars, colonialism, and terrorism. Beyond these familiar narratives lies a region undergoing profound economic transformation, cultural evolution, and facing pressing environmental challenges. This lecture series will examine these key aspects and drivers of change, with an emphasis on how these transformations impact regional stability and present significant economic opportunities, particularly for Singapore's strategic interests.   The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has embarked on a series of reforms in order to position itself as an oasis of tolerance and an attractive destination for foreign talent and investors. Notable changes include advocating religious tolerance and a respect for personal faiths. These make up an overhaul of the personal and family laws, which now allow cohabitation between unmarried couples, and dangling citizenships to selected foreigners. Such moves constitute an awareness by the Emirati leadership that it will have to act swiftly to stay ahead of neighbouring competitors such as Saudi Arabia and Qatar if it wishes to become the top talent destination. But social questions persist despite this renewed drive to take the country further forward, particularly debates on national identity. 

MEI in collaboration with the SUSS DBA Alumni Graduate Student Community (DBAC) and the SUSS School of Business   Throughout history, the Middle East has been at the forefront of global change, engaging with the West through crusades, wars, colonialism, and terrorism. Beyond these familiar narratives lies a region undergoing profound economic transformation, cultural evolution, and facing pressing environmental challenges. This lecture series will examine these key aspects and drivers of change, with an emphasis on how these transformations impact regional stability and present significant economic opportunities, particularly for Singapore's strategic interests. This year, we are excited to introduce a new format for the ME 101 series in collaboration with the SUSS DBA Alumni Graduate Student Community (DBAC) and the SUSS School of Business. The series is specifically designed for top business leaders and professionals who are interested in exploring the economic potential that the Middle East holds. The opening lecture addresses the socio-economic changes in the Gulf Arab states, why Singapore is interested in these transformations, and the extent to which the oil monarchies have diversified their economies. Intertwined  with economic ambitions are social policies which aim to create appealing living and work environments for expatriates. Profiling on the global stage also constitutes a foreign policy goal, whether it is through the hosting of mega-events, or through investments in sport. More than weaning themselves off oil and gas, the Gulf leaderships are also diversifying their international partnerships, turning away from the West and looking elsewhere, particularly the East. 

Iran's new president, Masoud Pezeshkian, is deemed a reformist whose “balanced” foreign policy approach may be the answer to Iran's complex international relations, including ongoing tensions with the West, the Israel-Gaza conflict, and uranium enrichment concerns. While he has been endorsed by Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, any West-ward overture by Mr Pezeshkian will require the Supreme Leader's assent. Tehran's relations with Russia and China will also complicate any talk about sanctions relief, with a new US administration looming in the background. Mr Pezeshkian's presidency should also be measured against the backdrop of public sentiment. The backdrop of a low voter turnout, widespread discontent over Iran's economic malaise, and recent crackdowns on dissent, pose significant domestic challenges. What do the recent presidential elections results say about the regime's legitimacy? What are the implications for succession planning for a new Supreme Leader? Can Mr Pezeshkian's pragmatic approach improve Iran's economy while navigating complex international relationships? The Middle East Institute will host a panel of experts to examine the significance of Mr Pezeshkian's victory, and his vision for Iran's domestic and foreign policy landscape.

After years of opposition, nuclear power is enjoying renewed appeal around the world. A key reason for this is an urgency to mitigate the impact of climate change by pursuing clean energy sources. Geopolitical events, such as the Russia-Ukraine war, have likewise intensified the drive for energy security. In South-east Asia, Singapore is exploring nuclear power, while the Philippines, Indonesia, and Vietnam have announced plans to build plants. This marks a turnaround from years of government and public opposition. Similarly, in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia is actively studying the issue, and is seeking a deal on civilian nuclear programme with the US, while the UAE already as an operational plant. This webinar will discuss what is behind the sudden change in perceptions towards nuclear energy, the paradox of Gulf countries with vast oil reserves turning to an alternative energy source, and the international controls needed to prevent civilian nuclear programmes from morphing into military ones.

After years of opposition, nuclear power is enjoying renewed appeal around the world. A key reason for this is an urgency to mitigate the impact of climate change by pursuing clean energy sources. Geopolitical events, such as the Russia-Ukraine war, have likewise intensified the drive for energy security. In South-east Asia, Singapore is exploring nuclear power, while the Philippines, Indonesia, and Vietnam have announced plans to build plants. This marks a turnaround from years of government and public opposition. Similarly, in the Middle East, Saudi Arabia is actively studying the issue, and is seeking a deal on civilian nuclear programme with the US, while the UAE already as an operational plant. This webinar will discuss what is behind the sudden change in perceptions towards nuclear energy, the paradox of Gulf countries with vast oil reserves turning to an alternative energy source, and the international controls needed to prevent civilian nuclear programmes from morphing into military ones.

This event is organised by MEI Political Economy Cluster in collaboration with S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS).   Lost Decade is an essential guide for understanding the historic shift to Asia-centric geopolitics and its implications for the United States' present and future. Across the political spectrum, there is wide agreement that Asia should stand at the center of U.S. foreign policy. But this worldview, first represented in the Barack Obama administration's 2011 “Pivot to Asia,” marks a dramatic departure from the entire history of American grand strategy. More than a decade on, we now have the perspective to evaluate it in depth. In Lost Decade, Robert D. Blackwill and Richard Fontaine—two eminent figures in American foreign policy—take this long view. They conclude that while the Pivot's strategic logic is strong, there are few successes to speak of, and that we need a far more coherent approach to the Indo-Pacific region. They examine the Pivot through various lenses: situating it historically in the context of U.S. global foreign policy, revealing the inside story of how it came about, assessing the effort thus far, identifying the ramifications in other regions (namely Europe and the Middle East), and proposing a path forward. The authors stress that the United States has far less margin for foreign policy error today than a decade ago. As the international order becomes more unstable, Blackwill and Fontaine argue that it is imperative that policymakers fully understand what the Pivot to Asia aimed to achieve—and where it fell short—in order to muster the resources, alliances, and resolve to preserve an open order in Asia and the world. Crafting an effective policy for the region, they contend, is crucial for preserving American security, prosperity, and democratic values.

Before Hamas' attacks on Israel on 7 October and the ensuing war in Gaza, most of the policy discussions in the Middle East focused on the process of normalisation between Israel and the Arab world. The Abraham Accords, signed in 2020 between Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and Bahrain, seemed to herald a new era for the region. In his book, Hope & Despair, Michael A. Horowitz tells the story behind this push for normalisation. It looks not only at the hopes ushered in by the normalisation agreements, but also at the enduring despair both Israelis and Palestinians feel about the waning prospects for peace. Rather than examining the past, Horowitz looks to Israel's future — one marked by new opportunities, but also tremendous challenges, as the country tries to find its place in a region trying to find itself. This book talk, hosted by MEI, will provide the opportunity to discuss the current state of Israel-Arab normalisation efforts, as well as its prospects beyond the ongoing war, with the author.

A year ago, the Middle East region was in a state of flux in certain ways, but seemed to be stabilising in others. Confrontation paradigms were giving way to what seemed to be de-escalation plans: Normalisation of relations between Saudi and Iran, and the widening of the Abraham Accords, among others.  October 7 upended all of that – or did it? Dr HA Hellyer will examine how things have changed – and how, indeed, they've stayed the same.

A year ago, the Middle East region was in a state of flux in certain ways, but seemed to be stabilising in others. Confrontation paradigms were giving way to what seemed to be de-escalation plans: Normalisation of relations between Saudi and Iran, and the widening of the Abraham Accords, among others.  October 7 upended all of that – or did it? Dr HA Hellyer will examine how things have changed – and how, indeed, they've stayed the same.

Between Xi Jinping's December 2022 visit to Riyadh and the August 2023 expansion of BRICS to include several Middle Eastern countries, China's power and influence in the MENA region appeared to gain significant momentum. Regional expectations of China as a major external actor also grew, with many countries deepening their bilateral cooperation with Beijing across economic, technological, diplomatic, and increasingly strategic sectors. However, China's responses to the Gaza war and the Red Sea crisis have revealed a disconnect between the desires of the Middle East and what China is willing to provide. This presentation will delve into the regional perceptions of China's expanding presence in the Middle East. Drawing on fieldwork conducted across the Middle East since mid-2022, Dr. Fulton will explore how China is perceived as a partner by individuals in the region.

On March 1, 2024, the Islamic Republic of Iran will hold elections for the sixth term of the Assembly of Experts. The major responsibility of this 88-man institution, comprising qualified clerics, is to choose the future supreme leader after Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's death, or is rendered incapable of fulfilling the position's responsibilities. Tehran's political system, which relies on a complex set of institutional arrangements including a central personality, has held up despite internal strains. Since the 1979 Revolution, Tehran has turmoil, from the war with Iraq in the 1980s to Donald Trump's “maximum pressure” campaign more recently. Why and how has the Iranian system persevered despite its adversaries' efforts, and self-inflicted wounds? What are the control mechanisms or safety-valve functions within the system that have kept it going? What can we expect from the day after Khamenei? In this webinar, the Middle East Institute will host Professor Mehran Kamrava to explain Iran's resilience and key findings from his recently-released book, Righteous Politics: Power and Resilience in Iran. Prof Kamrava will also touch on Tehran's foreign policy domain, which he observes as increasingly securitised in recent decades.

The post-Arab Spring collapse of decades-old regimes inaugurated a decade of re-shaping for the geopolitical order in the Middle East and North Africa region. A multipolar disorder ensued, solidified by the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Amid general bewilderment, the small monarchies of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) spent the decade between 2011 and 2022 trying to re-shape regional equilibria as protagonists. Cinzia Bianco's book applies an original theoretical framework to unpack the threat perceptions and strategic calculus driving the behaviour of these new impactful regional players. Six chapters look at the GCC monarchies individually. Bianco challenges commonly-held narratives, and goes beyond attention-grabbing headlines, thus provides reading keys to the past, present, and future of policy-making in the Gulf monarchies, which are middle powers destined to play an oversized role in the new multipolar world. Against that backdrop, the book talk will allow us to reflect on the major evolutions of Gulf states in the past decade, and venture on their future trajectories.

Between November 30 and December 12, 2023, the United Arab Emirates hosted the 28th meeting of the Conference of Parties (COP 28) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). A major outcome of COP 28 was the conclusion of the first-ever Global Stocktake — a mechanism to measure collective progress towards meeting the goals of the Paris Climate Agreement. For fossil fuel producers, who were granted the highest representation in the history of COP, the inclusion of language on “transitioning away from fossil fuels in energy systems, in a just, orderly and equitable manner” was perhaps the most striking of the COP 28 outcomes. This webinar will explore the following questions: What are the main outcomes of COP 28? Do these get us on track to keeping 1.5°C within reach? Does the phrase “transitioning away from fossil fuels” signal an end for the fossil fuel industry? What are the geopolitical implications of the phrase for fossil fuel producers and consumers such as the Gulf states and their major energy partners, such as China, Japan, and South-east Asia?

The aim of the S R Nathan Distinguished Lecture is to provide greater awareness and understanding of the modern Middle East. This lecture provides a forum for statesmen, internationally prominent scholars and public intellectuals to express their views on key issues. The lecture series is named in honour of Singapore's late former president, Mr S R Nathan, who encouraged a deeper understanding of the Middle East region in Singapore. The 2023 S R Nathan Distinguished Lecture was organised by Middle East Institute (NUS). This year's distinguished speaker was General (Ret.) David H. Petraeus, who served in the US military for 37 years, including several combat commands. Following his retirement from the US Army, General Petraeus served as director of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). During his tenure, the CIA made significant achievements in the global war on terror, established important digital initiatives, and made significant investments in the agency's most important asset – its human capital. This year's format featured a conversation between General Petraeus and Chairman of Middle East Institute Bilahari Kausikan. This public lecture was conducted both in-person and via Zoom on Wednesday, 13 December 2023.

Between November 30 and December 10, 2023, the United Arab Emirates will host the 28th meeting of the Conference of Parties (COP 28) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). It becomes the fourth Arab country to host the event. COP 28 brings the world together at a critical moment for humanity, as we stand at the halfway point between the Paris Agreement and the 2030 deadline for GHG emissions to decline. This webinar raises the questions: What can we expect from the UAE as host of COP 28? Will the event be a course-correction COP? Perhaps more importantly,  how will governments and businesses adapt to this momentum and implement practical climate solutions? To answer these questions and more, the Middle East Institute and the United Arab Emirates Embassy in Singapore will bring a panel of experts from the both countries for their views on these questions, and their implications for governments and businesses.

Throughout history, the Middle East has been locked in engagements with the West through crusades, wars, colonialism and terrorism. However, beyond the clichés and convenient facades lie many lesser known facets from economic transformation to climate change. This last closing lecture aims to summarise the different sessions and give you an overview of the region, its impacts on Singapore and why should Singapore care about.    

Are Islam and Malay culture in Southeast Asia becoming more Arabised? Several academics and policymakers reckon that Muslims in Southeast Asia, whom they once regarded as the “smiling face of Islam”, are now alienating their cultural practices by mimicking Middle Eastern fashion and lifestyle. They shun Malay words, dressing, and food, in favour of Middle Eastern lifestyles in the name of being better Muslims. This lecture examines critically dominant images of Southeast Asian Islam, focussing on three countries, Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia. It highlights the interaction between the region and the Middle East. Applying the socio-historical approach, the lecture makes three arguments: (1) while Islam originated from the Middle East, the type of Islam brought to Southeast Asia was predominantly the Sufi type; (2) the heterogeneity of Islam in the Middle East also shapes Southeast Asia differently, depending on which era is discussed, and the country of focus; and (3) Islam and politics take many forms in Southeast Asia, and they adopt and adapt to global and local dynamics, such as capitalism, feudalism, socialism, and revivalism. The impact of Middle East movements Sufism, Shiism, Muslim Brotherhood, Salafi-Wahhabism, Hizmet and reformism will also be discussed. It argues that evolving Muslim lifestyles in Southeast Asia intersect with changing socio-economic structures of Southeast Asian societies, the use of English in religious transmission throughout the Islamic worlds (rather than Arabic), and Southeast Asian religious elites themselves being the agents of cultural transformation.

The lecture will discuss shifting patterns of further and higher education choices of young people in Saudi Arabia under Vision 2030 and how these shifts influence and are influenced by new labour market trends in the Kingdom.

This talk offers a lively discussion of five common stereotypes of oil/gas in the Middle East including ‘Oil and gas is just about the only thing the Middle East exports'; ‘The decline of oil demand in future is bad for the Middle East', ‘The oil and gas exporting states in the Middle East are climate deniers'. Participants should come away with a clearer understanding of the role of hydrocarbons in the past, present, and future of the Middle East.

Marked by hot and arid climate and vast disparities of security and wealth, climate change brings unique challenges to the Middle East. The region is already battling with common challenges of water scarcity, desertification, biodiversity loss and low levels of food self-sufficiency, aggravated by climate change. Temperatures in the region have already risen by 1.5°C — twice the global increase over the past three decades — and climate models for the region until the end of the century estimate a continuous rise. Rainfall in the region has become more variable and the intensity and frequency of climate-related hazards such as extreme temperatures, storms, floods and droughts have become more visible and are likely to increase because of climate change, exacerbating existing environmental, socio-economic and security challenges. The objectives of this lecture are twofold: provide an overview of climate change challenges facing the Middle East region and discuss current policies meant to mitigate the effects of climate change in the region.

This lecture will provide insights into the latest developments in the socio-cultural landscape of the Gulf Arab states. Conceptually, the long-held rentier model in academic scholarship no longer has the same purchase that it once did, owing to a slew of domestic reforms implemented notably in the UAE and Saudi Arabia. Economic diversification and urbanisation have also altered societal attitudes in a region where the family unit has been a social anchor. The presentation will also examine social demographics, including the need for professional foreign talent and low-skilled labour. The reassertion of kinship ties, among other preserved traditions, is equally an indication that national, if not, localised identity is a priority against the forces of modernisation.

In the last decade, rulers in Gulf regimes have aspired to greater strategic autonomy and putting some distance between them and the West. Coined the “Gulf moment” by local commentators, this regional trend reflects a redistribution of power in the Arab world. This new book from Jean-Loup Samaan, Senior Research Fellow at the Middle East Institute, is the first to examine the military dimensions of these shifts. Gulf military strategy has prioritised the improvement of local armed forces and the diversification of defence partnerships towards countries such as Russia, Turkey or China. However, Dr Samaan's book shows how this has led to the militarisation of Gulf societies, the further erosion of multilateral initiatives – including the Gulf Cooperation Council – and the region's perilous involvement in the war in Yemen. It also highlights an enduring reliance on the West. This book talk will examine the evolving strategic ambitions of the Gulf countries.  Close attention will be paid to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar, countries that have played prominent roles in the region's security affairs over the last decade. In light of increased tensions over China's presence in the region, the discussion will also explore the ways Gulf states may wind up in the middle of the competition between Washington and Beijing. Book discount: Use the following discount codes to save 20% on this book when purchasing on Bloomsbury.com UK and rest of world customers: GLR CA3UK US customers: GLR CA3US Canada customers: GLR CA3CA Australia and New Zealand customers: GLR CA3AU Click here for the book flyer.

This lecture will cover the latest developments in the great power competition – namely between the US, Russia, and China – and its effects on the Middle East. It will study the current foreign policy agenda of Washington, Beijing, and Moscow towards the Middle East and assess how this rivalry takes different forms, be it military, diplomatic, economic, or informational. Meanwhile, it will discuss how regional powers such as Saudi Arabia, Israel, or the UAE, have been revising their own strategies in light of this new “cold war” environment.

This lecture will study and compare the evolution of the foreign policies of Israel and Turkey. As two non-Arab Middle Eastern countries, Israel and Turkey historically built a bilateral partnership that went through multiple crises in the past decade. However, the recent warming-up of ties between both governments suggest a restoration of the bilateral military and economic cooperation. Against that backdrop, the lecture will explore the regional drivers of the IsraeliTurkish partnership, its implications for the Middle East security architecture, and the ways domestic politics in both countries could derail strategic plans.

China's growing footprint in the Middle East culminated in March 2023 when Saudi Arabia and Iran announced a historic rapprochement in Beijing. The PRC was not just the host but directly mediated the final rounds of talks between the two Persian Gulf rivals. Only a few months later, building on the momentum of the KSA-Iran diplomatic success, China doubled down, proposing itself as a mediator between Israel and Palestine. Although Beijing's unprecedented diplomatic boldness in the region surprised many, it hardly represents a substantial change in the PRC's strategy in the Middle East. Nor it represents the inception of a new regional security architecture with Chinese characteristics. This presentation will elucidate what is behind China's diplomatic push, reflecting on how it might or might not interplay with other regional initiatives such as the Abraham Accords and if it is set to change the balance of (external) power in the Middle East.

The Syrian civil war, which began over a decade ago, created a massive humanitarian crisis which displaced more than five million people, with many escaping into neighbouring countries. Turkey harbours the most Syrian refugees, at three million, while Jordan and Lebanon have taken in over a million each, respectively. Their plight has attracted the attention of many humanitarian agencies around the world, including in Singapore, where Love Aid Singapore has played an active role for the last eight years or so. Love Aid Singapore humanitarian work is mainly focused on the educational needs of poor and orphaned kids. To this end, Love Aid Singapore funds their education to the tune of US$150 per year per child, with the programme benefitting more than 100 orphaned children so far. In addition to helping children, Love Aid Singapore also operates an annual Ramadan humanitarian drive, which provides food and other items of need, as well as a winter programme, which equips refugees with fuel, heaters, and clothes to help them endure the conditions. To highlight the efforts of Love Aid Singapore, the Middle East Institute hosted Mr Gilbert Goh, over a talk cum mini photo exhibition.

The launch of the Hope probe in July 2020 made the United Arab Emirates the first Arab nation to undertake inter-planetary exploration. The unmanned spacecraft has been in orbit around Mars since February 2021, and reports have it that the mission is now studying the moons of the Red Planet. The UAE's space agenda does not stop there: Sultan Al Neyadi, now a cult figure in Emirati society, became the first Arab astronaut to go on a long-term mission to the International Space Station (ISS) earlier this year. More recently, in April, he concluded a historic seven-hour-long spacewalk. The UAE's eye on the great beyond is encapsulated by its National Space Strategy 2030. The 60-page long document outlines the country's ambition to develop “advanced local capacities in space technology manufacturing and R&D”, among others. Satellite manufacturing and launching are also part of the plan. How will these endeavours support other sectors, such as defence and communications? What are the key findings of the Mars Mission? How far have local interest and capacity come since the inception of the Space Strategy in 2017? The Middle East Institute, in collaboration with the UAE embassy in Singapore, hosted Mr Ali Al Shehhi, the Director of the National Space Science and Technology Center (NSSTC), and an experienced hand in the intelligence and space satellite domains, to answer these questions and more.

Countries around the world – from oil-producing Gulf Arab states to net-energy importers in South-east Asia – have turned to hydrogen for energy security, environmental, and economic reasons. Hydrogen has been largely seen as a clean fuel with potential to decarbonise sectors such as transportation (shipping and aviation) and industry (e.g., steel and chemicals), keeping global warming in check. But how realistic is hydrogen development? Is the technology commercially viable? Is the infrastructure, both physical and regulatory, in place? The Middle East Institute has organised a webinar to answer these questions and more.

Qatar's newly-appointed Prime Minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al-Thani, who is also the country's foreign minister, recently reaffirmed the importance of soft diplomacy in an interview, adding that it “contributes greatly” to Doha's “position as a major and important player in the region and the world”. Qatar's quest to cement its place in the international arena was also boosted by its success as host of the World Cup. Despite this, however, Qatar has not escaped criticism over human rights, or prevent the various diplomatic crises it faced in the 2010s. Nevertheless, the country has sought to establish itself as both a mediator and a humanitarian channel in crises. How does Doha earn sufficient credibility to tip countries over to its side? In an era fraught with fake news and disinformation campaigns, how does Qatar communicate its foreign policy effectively, while repulsing criticism? Will the gleaming facilities built for the World Cup end up as white elephants now that the tournament is over? What is “Qatar's brand”? To answer the above questions and more, the Middle East Institute will welcome Mr. Ibrahim Al-Hashmi, the Director of Media and Communication at Qatar's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, for its first in-person session for the Bridging the Gulf series.