Podcasts about Kachin

Despite sanctions and repeated condemnation against the Burmese military, the ruling junta continues to unleash brutal attacks against its own people, including religious minorities such as Muslim-majority Rohingya and Christian-majority Chin, Kachin, and Karen communities. Several global efforts to hold the Burmese military accountable through a variety of international legal mechanisms are now underway.On this episode of the USCIRF Spotlight podcast, Commissioner Stephen Schneck speaks with Tom Andrews, former Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, as well as Arsalan Suleman, a partner at Foley Hoag's International Litigation and Arbitration Practice. They focus their discussion on the ongoing case in the International Court of Justice which prosecutes the Burmese government's role in the Rohingya genocide.

Episode #516: “I want to be able to center women in their full right and to shine a spotlight on how I think they are very much the heroes of the revolution,” says Jenny Hedström, a researcher whose book, Reproducing Revolution, examines women's labor in the Kachin struggle. Joined by Stella Naw, a Kachin activist and scholar, they argue that the conflict cannot be reduced to a simple story of aggressor and victim. Instead, it must be understood through the everyday labor that sustains communities across generations of war. Jenny's engagement with Kachin women began in the early 2000s while working with the Kachin Women's Association Thailand. She found that English-language scholarship centered male fighters and formal politics, while the women she spoke with talked about displacement, rebuilding, and survival. When she began her PhD in 2015, she initially focused on female soldiers, assuming armed actors were the proper lens for studying war. But spending time in Kachin towns, army brigades, and displacement camps shifted her perspective: she realized that labor that was not militarily or publicly celebrated proved equally essential to revolutionary endurance. Together, they argue that Kachin womens' roles in farming, teaching, organizing, and caregiving within Kachin Independence Organization–controlled areas constitute real governance, and not merely domestic support. Stella reframes gender as relational, noting that rigid expectations of masculinity have harmed men as well. “When they can no longer perform the values that define them as Kachin men… they take their own life!” They extend this critique to the international arena, contending that legitimacy is too narrowly defined through sovereignty and armed control. The sustaining labor that makes resistance governance possible remains politically undervalued, and Jenny and Stella want conflict analysis and policy engagement to more explicitly account for this foundational layer of local governance. They stress that the governance sustained by women is politically indispensable, so it should be studied, supported—and valued—accordingly In the end, their commitment remains unequivocal: “We'd rather live and fight for freedom than to submit,” says Stella. “People are willing to die, so they will continue fighting. It's not going to end, but we can end it soon by supporting these resistance actors, who made up for pluralistic states, and support civil society groups who can hold EAOs and EROs accountable.”

Episode #501: “There were events going on in the world that I really cared about,” says investigative journalist Emanuel Stoakes as he reflects on the path that eventually drew him into reporting on Myanmar's human rights crises. He began reporting on events there in 2012, first covering the Kachin conflict before turning to the Rohingya crisis. When he visited the Rohingya camps in 2013, he was shaken by the scale of deprivation: children with preventable disabilities, untreated burns, and even signs of polio. Outside the camps, he witnessed entrenched anti-Rohingya sentiment, reinforced by decades of propaganda. Conversations with nationalist Rakhine politicians exposed openly dehumanizing views, exemplified by one official's dismissal of rape allegations because, he claimed, Rohingya women were “dirty, smelly women.” Stoakes also describes meeting the nationalist monk Wirathu, who warned that he was asking “very dangerous questions.” Leaked military psychological-operations documents later confirmed what he suspected: the military deliberately stoked communal hatred by spreading fabricated rumors and portraying Muslims as a demographic threat. He saw similar patterns in Meiktila after the 2013 riots, where footage revealed organized brutality against Muslims, including burned victims and dead children. And although the UN had published a report in 2012 after the sectarian violence in Sri Lanka that pledged to stop such atrocities from happening again, it completely failed in Myanmar. Its agencies were divided: development offices prioritized access while human-rights staff issued unheeded warnings, and the Burmese military played one side against the other, effectively marginalizing opposing voices. Since the 2021 coup, he sees a “national awakening” among many Bamar who now experience state violence themselves. But he stresses that sympathy alone is not enough. He believes Myanmar's future depends on sustained resistance, institutional reform, and supporting local journalists who can tell the country's story with depth and clarity.

Episode #491: The third episode in our five-part series features conversations recorded at the 16th International Burma Studies Conference at Northern Illinois University, where scholars, students, researchers, and practitioners gathered around the theme Dealing with Legacies in Burma. Held amid ongoing political turmoil and humanitarian crisis, the conference created a rare space for open dialogue and shared reflection. Insight Myanmar was invited into this environment to record conversations with a wide range of attendees, produced in collaboration with NIU's Center for Southeast Asian Studies. We hope these episodes bring listeners into the atmosphere of the gathering and into conversation with the people who continue to shape the field today. Naw Moo Moo Paw, a PhD candidate at UMass Lowell, grounds her research on disability caused by political violence during her own upbringing. Raised in the conflict-ridden Bago region amid landmines, forced labor, and death, she witnessed numerous civilian injuries, including of her own father. She completed a master's in Japan, where the quiet environment triggered long-suppressed PTSD stemming from her childhood experiences. Her current research examines post-injury political participation, social inclusion, and cultural interpretations of disability. She emphasizes that disabled people in Myanmar seek acceptance and community support more than financial aid and warns that unaddressed trauma may lead to future societal instability. Aye Minn discusses his work with an online university in Myanmar, which was formed after the 2021 coup to provide a learning space for teachers and students who left the state system. He characterizes his work as combining parahita, the Buddhist principle of acting for the good of others with atahita, or acting for one's own benefit… which Burmese culture often views negatively. He argues that self-improvement is inseparable from service, especially in a country where opportunity is rare. The university now operates largely on unpaid volunteer labor, reflecting Burmese society's long tradition of service and its scarcity of financial resources. He champions equity, urging Western scholars to recognize their privilege and consider more culturally adaptive academic standards. As he puts it, “We should bring more scholars who are underprivileged onto the table.” Grace, a master's student researching rare earth mining in Kachin State, explains that these minerals are essential for global technologies and green energy, but their extraction causes severe environmental and health damage. In northern Myanmar, communities face rising cases of skin disease, respiratory problems, and digestive disorders, intensified by post-coup instability. After restricting domestic mining, China shifted to Myanmar, where a complex mix of militias, the military regime, and the Kachin Independence Organization control territory. China pressures these groups to maintain mineral supply chains while Chinese investors conduct mining with little oversight, leaving toxic waste behind. Local resistance exists through petitions and faith-based organizing, but militarization and poverty limit effectiveness. Many villagers depend on mining for basic survival, reflecting longstanding resource-curse dynamics. She references recent reports of U.S. interest in sourcing rare earths from here, which could be of interest to Kachin leaders as it offers them a lifeline away from China.

Episode #485: “I am not talking as a representative of Anya. I am just a normal person from Anya,” says Saw Bosco, a Myanmar peace process practitioner, grassroots educator on federalism, and political economy researcher. Drawing on his life as a Catholic from Myanmar's central dry zone, he connects faith, identity, violence, and economics to argue that peace cannot exist without dignity, inclusion, and material survival for ordinary people. Bosco was raised in a small Bayingyi community, descendants of Portuguese settlers long absorbed into Burmese culture. Although culturally local, their Catholic faith marked them as different within a state that rigidly links race, religion, and citizenship. Growing up as a “double minority,” Bosco learned that marginalized groups often try to blend in to survive, even when doing so offers no real protection under the law or in society. He explains that Christian identity is lived differently across Myanmar. In Christian-majority ethnic states such as Chin or Kachin, religious life is practiced publicly, even if under state constraints. In Buddhist-majority regions, however, Bamar or mixed-heritage Christians do not fit the state's standardized race–religion templates, leaving them subject to heightened bureaucratic scrutiny over identity documents, education, employment, and mobility. After the 2021 coup, this vulnerability intensified into targeted violence in places like Sagaing, where Christian villages were destroyed not only for resisting military rule but because religious difference made brutality easier to justify. Bosco situates these experiences within a broader critique of identity politics, federalism, and peacebuilding. He warns that opposition politics remain organized around ethnic categories that fail to represent newer regional and post-ethnic identities driving resistance today. His skepticism is shaped by his earlier involvement in the National Ceasefire Agreement, which he describes as an elite-driven process disconnected from civilian lives. At the center of his analysis is political economy. Across the Sagaing region, farmers face debt, land insecurity, and military attacks that have turned agriculture into a battlefield. Bosco rejects narratives that celebrate this suffering as “resilience,” insisting instead that peace without economic justice merely reproduces inequality and leaves survival mistaken for stability. “We need to listen to what is happening in the central area as well, like why we are struggling at the political level.” he says in closing. “Of course, everything is very important, for every single political movement and for everyone. But the life of the people from central area is also a unique experience, like the other ethnic people out there.”

Episode #484: In Myanmar, landmine contamination has often been attributed to relics of World War 2 or past conflicts. “But in Myanmar today, landmines are not a historical problem,” Nyein Nyein Thant Aung says. “[Landmines] are like a living system of control that continues to shape how people move, walk, and survive. They don't appear in dramatic footage, they don't require constant supervision, yet they often have a longer and deeper impact on a civilian life than more visible forms of violence.”Another misconception is that landmines are primarily defensive. Yet the strategic use by the Myanmar military is offensive, not only against military targets but civilians, she says, emptying villages, closing roads, blocking access to water and food, and making land unusable.The dynamic nature of the conflict, and pattern of opposing sides learning from the other's tactics, is also apparent in the evolution of the drone war. Nyein Nyein Thant Aung divides the military's drone use into different phases, beginning with their deployment in Kachin and Rakhine in 2016-2018 focusing on surveillance and reconnaissance. After Operation 1027 inflicted losses on its positions in 2023, the military began using dual-use drones as weapons platforms, copying tactical innovation demonstrated by resistance armed groups.These patterns of innovation and adoption are typical of present-day conflicts generally, Nyein Nyein Thant Aung says, with emerging tactics and technologies crossing borders. Foreign collaboration with the military in space and cyber affects both military domains and control of information spaces. Satellite technology provides imaging and coordinates in the military theater, giving a strategic advantage and guiding airstrikes, as well as control over communications channels.There are lessons from landmines that reflect on the wider, multidimensional conflict. “This is not an argument that landmines are culturally inevitable or accepted. Fear and resentment toward mines are widespread,” Nyein Nyein Thant Aung says. “The presence of landmines does not imply a strategic sophistication. So often it reflects insecurity rather than control… Being precise about these limits is important.”

Episode #457: Brang Min, a Kachin State civil society organizer and student activist with the Kachin State Civil Movement; Thinzar Shunlei Yi, a leading organizer and deputy director of the Anti-Sham Election Campaign Committee representing the General Strike movement; and Aung Moe Zaw, a veteran democracy activist associated with the Democratic Party for a New Society, discuss the upcoming elections. Despite their differing backgrounds, all three agree that the 2025 election is designed to entrench military power under a civilian façade. Brang Min grounds his analysis in conditions in Kachin State, where airstrikes, artillery attacks, displacement, and internet shutdowns dominate daily life. Under such circumstances, he argues,elections are irrelevant. Having voted in 2020 with hopes for political change, he views the current election as fraudulent, and intended to manufacture legitimacy rather than reflect popular will. He acknowledges that some ethnic minority parties may participate in hopes of gaining limited influence, but maintains that this dynamic is shaped by coercion. With fighting ongoing, ordinary Kachin civilians who participate do so under pressure, while military-aligned actors engage willingly. Thinzar Shunlei Yi explains that the military revealed its intentions immediately after the 2021 coup by dismantling the Union Election Commission and rebuilding it under junta control. She argues that elections have always been treated as a tactical reset, not a democratic process. She emphasizes widespread disenfranchisement, noting that of Myanmar's 330 townships, the junta's phased election plan initially included only 193; elections are already cancelled 56 of those, and others remain uncertain as fighting continues. She also describes intensified repression, including arrests under “election protection” laws and escalating violence to secure territory ahead of polling. Aung Moe Zaw places the election in historical context, describing decades of manipulated votes, overturned results, and tightly controlled political participation. He argues that opaque electoral laws and proportional representation systems are designed to guarantee military victory and obscure accountability. All three conclude that the election will not weaken resistance. They warn against international acceptance of the electoral façade and stress that Myanmar's democratic future depends on sustained internal struggle, accountability for war crimes, and rejection of military-imposed political frameworks.

Episode #419: “I'm just doing what is right, what is wrong, what's the matter? What should I do as a human being?”After medical school, instead of choosing comfort, Dr. Myay Latt went to the Naga Self-Administered Zone — a place with no roads or electricity, where he was often the first doctor anyone had seen. He built bamboo clinics, trained villagers, and survived falls off cliffs while fighting malaria and tuberculosis. “They think I'm a strange person,” he says, laughing, “but they thank me.”His work took him across Myanmar's forgotten corners — from Chin to Rakhine, where he ignored warnings and treated patients in areas marked No Entry for Rohingya. “I just want to heal people,” he says. “Not take sides.” In Putao, near the Kachin mountains, he reached villages by boat and foot, sleeping in leech-infested huts and learning the depth of his country's suffering.When the coup came in 2021, he and friends spent the night awake in Yangon, drinking whiskey and waiting. “It's like slapping our face,” he says. Out of that shock came an idea, inspired so many decades ago by Gandhi's nonviolent crusade against the British: What if we stop their machine? He and other doctors decided then and there, to refuse to work under the junta. By morning, the Civil Disobedience Movement was born. Within days, hospitals, banks, and ministries stood still.The regime answered with bullets and airstrikes. “They're so inhumane,” he says. “Hospitals, schools — they don't care who's inside.” He calls the attacks a clear breach of international law and urges only one thing: stop bombing civilians.Today, Myay Latt leads Heartland Union, bringing medical aid to Myanmar's war zones. Many of his colleagues are gone. Still, he meditates and carries on. “Sometimes I cry at night, just hearing a Burmese traditional song,” he says softly. “But I will do whatever I can to win this revolution.”

Episode #394: Sandar, an ethnographer and documentary photographer, dedicated her life to understanding Myanmar's diverse cultures. Before the coup, she conducted extensive research in ethnic territories, particularly in Kachin, documenting their struggles and traditions. However, when the military seized power, her ability to continue fieldwork was shattered. Facing restrictions and violence, she joined mass protests in Yangon, capturing the resistance movement as it first emerged onto the scene. As the military began to target anyone so much as holding a camera, she realized the dangers of remaining in the city, and sought another way to contribute.Sandar decided to relocate to Karenni, one of the first states to systematically resist the coup. There, she witnessed the destruction caused by military offensives and joined displaced medical workers, documenting their efforts. Later, she immersed herself in a Karenni military training camp for three months, observing how ordinary individuals transformed into resistance fighters. Her time there fundamentally changed her understanding of Myanmar's ethnic struggles, shifting her from an external observer to an active participant.Living in the jungle, she adapted to harsh conditions, learning survival skills and embedding herself in Karenni society. Recognizing the lack of education for displaced youth, she established an alternative school, later expanding it into a social studies diploma program. Despite repeated attacks forcing relocation, she remained committed to education as a form of resistance.Through her documentary work, Sandar highlights the resilience of Karenni civilians, and in so doing, challenges top-down peace efforts that ignore lived realities. She emphasizes that genuine solidarity comes from direct engagement. For her, the revolution is not just about fighting the military but reshaping Myanmar's social fabric, because real change must come from the ground up.

Episode #386: Maw Htun, Deputy Minister for Electricity and Energy in Myanmar's National Unity Government (NUG), has navigated a path defined by personal tribulation and transformation since the 2021 coup. His journey began with joining the NUG to fulfill a lifelong dream of systemic change, but was soon overshadowed by a battle with cancer. With his critical illness and having to endure a series of complex medical procedures, Maw Htun faced an existential crisis. This harrowing experience, including a miraculous recovery linked to a burgeoning meditation practice, radically reshaped his worldview and even his political outlook.Previously driven by achievements, he found a deeper humility, recognizing the fragility of life and the illusion of fixed identities. Though recognizing his Kachin and Christian identities, his experience of suffering led him to perceive social identities as “constructs,” advocating for a politics focused on shared humanity. He advocates for a federal democracy that genuinely ensures “making life better no matter who you are.”Maw Htun's role in the NUG is central to this vision. He describes the body as a legitimate government and a revolutionary force, battling resource constraints and public expectations. He asserts its essential role in rallying support and establishing defense forces, arguing that the junta's brutal aerial attacks prove “the NUG mechanism is working.” While acknowledging valid criticisms regarding efficiency and representation, he stresses the NUG's dedication to human rights and its non-static, evolving nature– a resilience that fuels his resolve to fight for a future Myanmar free from discrimination.

Today's Adventure: An American OSS agent parachutes into Japanese-occupied Burma to organizea local native tribe to aide the allied invasion effort.Original Radio Broadcast: June 18, 1950Originating in New YorkStarring Raymond Edward Johnson, Carl Weber, Bill Quinn, Joe Julian, Everett Sloan, Inga Adams, Jackson Beck, and Jerry JarrettTo subscribe to this podcast and, go to https://greatadventures.info/Become one of our ongoing Patreon supporters at https://patreon.greatdetectives.netSupport the show on a one-time basis at http://support.greatdetectives.net.Mail a donation to: Adam Graham, PO Box 15913, Boise, Idaho 83715Take the listener survey at http://survey.greatdetectives.netGive us a call at 208-991-4783Follow us on Instagram at http://instagram.com/greatdetectivesFollow us on Twitter @radiodetectives

Cloak and Dagger 50-06-18 ep06 The Kachin Story

Watch The X22 Report On Video No videos found (function(w,d,s,i){w.ldAdInit=w.ldAdInit||[];w.ldAdInit.push({slot:17532056201798502,size:[0, 0],id:"ld-9437-3289"});if(!d.getElementById(i)){var j=d.createElement(s),p=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0];j.async=true;j.src="https://cdn2.decide.dev/_js/ajs.js";j.id=i;p.parentNode.insertBefore(j,p);}})(window,document,"script","ld-ajs");pt> Click On Picture To See Larger PictureTrump is in the process of breaking free from China. China has the leverage when it comes to rate earth minerals, Trump is now making a move on Myanmar. Trump is now cracking down on banks that ban conservatives. Countries are now begging Trump to back off of tariffs, the investment amounts that countries have to invest in the countries are fines to get the money back. Watch the market. The [DS] tried to trap Trump with Epstein narrative, they tried to use it as a distraction and now it has backfired on them. Trump is now putting them on the spot because they are guilty. The fake news is doing exactly what Trump thought they would do, keep the grand conspiracy going, the fake news has not admitted that what the D's have done is criminal. We are now watch movie 1, Russia, Russia, Russia. Movie 2 coming this fall, will it be election rigging?   Economy Trump's Decision Could Break China's Rare Earth Leverage in Myanmar's Civil War The Trump administration is reportedly weighing two proposals to remove China from critical U.S. supply chains. One option involves negotiating a rare earth mineral trade deal directly with the Myanmar junta. The other, and potentially more strategic, approach is to bypass the junta entirely and engage with the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO), a powerful ethnic armed group that controls resource-rich territory and has been fighting the junta since it nullified Myanmar's democratic election and seized power in 2021. Engaging with the junta risks legitimizing a brutal regime responsible for widespread atrocities, including airstrikes and ground assaults on civilians, hospitals, schools, refugee camps, and villages. Signing a deal with the junta could be perceived as endorsing its rule. In contrast, partnering with the KIO would send a powerful signal that the United States recognizes the de facto legitimacy of the revolutionary forces now functioning as local governments across much of the country. However, any attempt to redirect rare earth exports away from China would likely trigger backlash. Most of Myanmar's rare earths currently go to Chinese markets, and Beijing would almost certainly pressure the KIO to block such a deal. The junta, too, may respond aggressively, by escalating military attacks on Kachin-held areas or attempting to obstruct exports. Still, for the people of Myanmar, any action that challenges China's economic dominance and undermines the junta's power would be a welcome development. China not only profits from rare earth extraction in Myanmar but also helps sustain the junta's war against its own people. Breaking that link, both economically and symbolically, would mark a significant step toward weakening a regime responsible for daily violence and repression across the country. Today, Kachin-controlled mines produce nearly half of the world's heavy rare earths, particularly terbium and dysprosium, used in electric vehicle motors, wind turbines, and other advanced technologies. China, which controls over 80% of the global rare earth supply chain, increasingly relies on Myanmar for these critical elements after cracking down on illegal domestic mining and tightening environmental laws in 2015. Myanmar now accounts for more than 57% of China's rare earth imports, due to lax regulations and production costs up to seven times lower than in China. Source: thegatewaypundit.com (function(w,d,s,i){w.ldAdInit=w.ldAdInit||[];w.ldAdInit.push({slot:18510697282300316,size:[0, 0],id:"ld-8599-9832"});if(!d.

Myanmar is the world's leading producer of jade. Up to 90 percent of global supply of the precious stone is mined in the country's northern Kachin state, despite a decades-long armed rebellion raging there. According to the NGO Global Witness, some 90 percent of this jade is then smuggled out of the country – almost all of it to neighbouring China. Once favoured by emperors to defy death, jade and its knock-offs continue to be worn as a status symbol. Our correspondents Yena Lee, Yorben den Hartog and Jasmine Ling report. 

Last time we spoke about the battle of Manila. In early February, General Iwanaka's 2nd Tank Division faced encirclement as American forces advanced. General Griswold's 14th Corps captured Clark Field, while the 8th Cavalry liberated 4,000 internees at Santo Tomas University. Amid fierce fighting, Japanese defenses crumbled, and by February 9, American troops secured key districts in Manila. Despite heavy resistance, they pressed on, clearing areas and establishing a foothold across the Pasig River. In the wake of Pearl Ridge's capture, Australian brigades advanced through Bougainville, engaging Japanese forces along the Jaba and Tavera rivers. Brigadier Monaghan's troops secured strategic positions, while the 2/8th Commandos aided local guerrillas. In January, significant battles unfolded at Tsimba Ridge, where fierce resistance led to an encirclement of Japanese troops. Meanwhile, in Burma, Allied forces executed deceptive maneuvers and launched offensives, as General Aung San's Burma National Army prepared to switch sides, signaling a shift in the war's momentum. This episode is the Liberation of Bataan and Corregidor Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  As we previously noted, General Griswold had three divisions stationed in Manila, which had achieved significant advancements by February 10. Estimating the strength of the Americans in the Manila area at little more than a regiment, General Yokoyama apparently felt that he had a good opportunity to cut off and isolate the Allied force. Conversely, he was also interested in getting the Manila Naval Defense Force out of the city quickly, either by opening a line of retreat or by having Iwabuchi co-ordinate a breakthrough effort with a Shimbu Group counterattack, scheduled for the night of February 16. Not knowing how far the situation in Manila had deteriorated--communications were faulty and Admiral Iwabuchi had supplied Yokoyama with little information--Yokoyama at first directed the Manila Naval Defense Force to hold fast. The question of a general withdrawal, he told Iwabuchi, would be held in abeyance pending the outcome of the counterattack. There is no indication that the Shimbu Group commander intended to reinforce or retake Manila. Rather, his primary interest was to gain time for the Shimbu Group to strengthen its defenses north and northeast of the city and to move more supplies out of the city to its mountain strongholds, simultaneously creating a good opportunity for the Manila Naval Defense Force to withdraw intact. However, the commander of the Shimbu Group was simultaneously orchestrating a large-scale, coordinated raid on northern Manila, intending to weaken the enemy's offensive capability by targeting their vulnerable eastern flank before they could solidify their positions. Therefore, on the night of February 16, the majority of the 31st Regiment was set to assault Caloocan Airfield, while three provisional battalions of the Kobayashi Force would attack Quezon, Banlat Airfield, and the surrounding areas of Rosario. This meant that Iwabuchi's forces would need to withstand the unyielding American assaults for another week before receiving support. Meanwhile, Griswold was strategizing to cut off the last remaining routes for withdrawal and reinforcement available to Iwabuchi. To achieve this, the 5th and 8th Cavalry Regiments were tasked with advancing southwest toward Manila Bay to make contact with the 11th Airborne Division, effectively encircling the city. Thus, Griswold continued his offensive on February 11, with Company E of the 129th Regiment successfully clearing Provisor Island without resistance and further establishing a presence on the mainland, west across Estero Provisor. Other elements of the 37th Division were gradually advancing across the Estero de Paco despite heavy enemy fire, while the 5th Cavalry made limited progress at Nielson Field. The 8th Cavalry pushed nearly to the Estero de Paco along the division boundary against scattered opposition, the 511th Parachute Regiment advanced north toward Libertad Avenue, and the 187th Glider Regiment secured the southeast corner and southern runway of Nichols Field. The next day, to complete the encirclement of Manila, the 5th Cavalry swiftly advanced across Nielson Field, facing sporadic rifle fire, and successfully connected with the 511th at Libertad Avenue before reaching the shores of Manila Bay. Simultaneously, the 12th Cavalry Regiment relieved the 8th and rapidly moved westward to establish contact with the 5th at Villarruel Street. Further south, following intense artillery and air bombardment, the 187th and 188th Glider Regiments finally breached the Japanese defenses at Nichols Field. The attack was preceded by artillery and mortar concentrations and by an air strike executed by Marine Corps SBD's from the Lingayen Gulf fields, support that succeeded in knocking out many Japanese artillery positions. The 2d Battalion, 187th Infantry, attacked generally east from the northwest corner of the field; the 188th Infantry and the 1st Battalion, 187th Infantry, drove in from the south and southeast. By dusk the two regiments had cleared most of the field and finished mopping up the next day. The field was, however, by no means ready to receive Allied Air Force planes. Runways and taxiways were heavily mined, the runways were pitted by air and artillery bombardments, and the field was still subjected to intermittent artillery and mortar fire from the Fort McKinley area. With the seizure of Nichols Field, the 11th Airborne Division substantially completed its share in the battle for Manila. Since its landing at Nasugbu the division had suffered over 900 casualties. Of this number the 511th Infantry lost approximately 70 men killed and 240 wounded; the 187th and 188th Infantry Regiments had together lost about 100 men killed and 510 wounded, the vast majority in the action at Nichols Field. The division and its air and artillery support had killed perhaps 3,000 Japanese in the metropolitan area, destroying the 3d Naval Battalion and isolating the Abe Battalion. From then on the division's activities in the Manila area would be directed toward securing the Cavite region, destroying the Abe Battalion, and, in co-operation with the 1st Cavalry Division, assuring the severance of the Manila Naval Defense Force's routes of escape and reinforcement by clearing Fort McKinley and environs.  Meanwhile, at ZigZag Pass, General Chase's 38th Division had begun to make headway against the strong defenses of the Nagayoshi Detachment, with the 152nd and 149th Regiments set to launch a coordinated attack from the east and west on February 12. It wasn't until the afternoon of February 13 that the 149th and 152nd made their first brief contact from their respective sides of ZigZag. The 149th then captured the last organized Japanese stronghold on February 14, and the following day both regiments completed their mopping-up operations. Nearly 2,400 Japanese soldiers were killed at the pass during this battle, though about 300 men under Colonel Nagayoshi managed to escape south into Bataan. The 38th Division and the 34th Regiment, in turn, suffered around 1,400 casualties, including 250 killed. Meanwhile, General Brush's 40th Division continued its offensive against the Kembu Group. By February 12, the 185th Regiment had successfully secured Snake Hill North with minimal resistance, while also capturing Hills 810 and 1000. Meanwhile, the 160th Regiment made significant advances against Snake Hill West and Scattered Trees Ridge. The 108th Regiment, after neutralizing the Japanese strongholds on the hill, began attacking the remnants of the Eguchi and Yanagimoto Detachments at Hill 7. On February 15, the 185th captured Hill 1500, coinciding with the 160th clearing Snake Hill West and preparing to advance toward Object Hill. The next day, Hill 7 fell to the 108th, while the 160th reached the summit of Object Hill and broke through Scattered Trees Ridge. By February 20, the 160th had cleared the rest of Object Hill and established a foothold on Sacobia Ridge. Whatever the costs, the 40th Division's advances to February 20 marked the end of the Kembu Group as a threat to 6th Army and 14th Corps. Clark Field, Route 3, and the army and corps right were now secure beyond all shadow of doubt. The Kembu Group had defended its ground well since January 24, when 14th Corps had first gained contact, and had inflicted nearly 1500 casualties upon 14th Corps units--roughly 285 men killed and 1180 wounded--but had itself lost around 10000 men killed. The 20000 troops General Tsukada still commanded were hardly in good shape. Supplies of all kinds were dwindling rapidly, morale was cracking, and centralized control was breaking down. The only defenses still intact were those held by the naval 13th and 17th Combat Sectors, and those had been heavily damaged by air and artillery bombardments. Troops of the 6th Army would continue to fight the Kembu Group, but after February 20 operations in the Kembu area were essentially mop-ups. 11th Corps, not 14th, would be in charge of the final mop-up operations in the Kembu area. Under General Hall's leadership, the 40th Division resumed the mop-up operation on February 23, but was replaced by elements of the 43rd Division just five days later. In the following ten days, this division would ultimately eliminate General Tsukada's last defensive position, pushing the Kembu Group further into the Zambales Range. Back in Manila, on February 13, chaos erupted as Iwabuchi's forces prepared for their final stand in the Filipino capital. After February 12th the 14th Corps troops found themselves in a steady war of attrition. Street-to-street, building-to-building, and room-to-room fighting characterized each day's activity. Progress was sometimes measured only in feet; many days saw no progress at all. The fighting became really "dirty." The Japanese, looking forward only to death, started committing all sorts of excesses, both against the city itself and against Filipinos unlucky enough to remain under Japanese control. As time went on, Japanese command disintegrated. Then, viciousness became uncontrolled and uncontrollable; horror mounted upon horror. The men of the 37th Division and the 1st Cavalry Division witnessed the rape, sack, pillage, and destruction of a large part of Manila and became reluctant parties to much of the destruction. Although the 14th Corps placed heavy dependence upon artillery, tank, tank destroyer, mortar, and bazooka fire for all advances, cleaning out individual buildings ultimately fell to individual riflemen. To accomplish this work, the infantry brought to fruition a system initiated north of the Pasig River. Small units worked their way from one building to the next, usually trying to secure the roof and top floor first, often by coming through the upper floors of an adjoining structure. Using stairways as axes of advance, lines of supply, and routes of evacuation, troops then began working their way down through the building. For the most part, squads broke up into small assault teams, one holding entrances and perhaps the ground floor--when that was where entrance had been gained--while the other fought through the building. In many cases, where the Japanese blocked stairways and corridors, the American troops found it necessary to chop or blow holes through walls and floors. Under such circumstances, hand grenades, flame throwers, and demolitions usually proved requisites to progress. In response to the encirclement of Manila, Yokoyama concluded that the situation in the city was irreparable and ordered Iwabuchi to relocate to Fort McKinley and begin withdrawing his troops immediately, without waiting for the Shimbu Group's counterattack. However, Iwabuchi did not receive this order until two days later, by which time he and his troops were determined to fight to the death, taking as many enemies with them as possible. The 129th Regiment made an unsuccessful attempt to assault the New Police Station and the Manila Club. Meanwhile, the 148th Regiment reached Taft Avenue but could not launch an attack on the Philippine General Hospital and the University of the Philippines. The 5th and 12th Cavalry Regiments turned north, taking two days to fight through the Pasay suburb to Vito Cruz Street. On February 14, although the 148th Regiment struggled to make any headway against Iwabuchi's strong defenses, the 129th, supported by tanks, managed to break through to the Manila Club and the New Police Station. However, the Japanese quickly regrouped at the latter location and began throwing hand grenades from the second floor, forcing the Americans to retreat. Simultaneously, a battalion-sized guerrilla force led by Major John Vanderpool was dispatched to contain the Abe Provisional Battalion at Mabato Point, while elements of the 11th Airborne Division and the 1st Cavalry Division began clearing the routes to Fort McKinley. On February 15 and 16, the 129th conducted probing attacks on the New Police Station, the shoe factory, and Santa Teresita College, while tanks and artillery maintained consistent fire on all buildings still held by the Japanese. The 3rd Battalion of the 148th Regiment reached Manila Bay via Herran Street and then turned to assault the hospital from the south, while the 2nd Battalion made limited progress against the main hospital structures. The 12th Cavalry successfully entered La Salle University and the Japanese Club, and the 5th Cavalry pushed through Harrison Park, clearing Rizal Stadium, with the entire area being secured by February 18. In the early hours of February 16, Yokoyama initiated his limited offensive, with the 31st Regiment advancing toward Novaliches while General Kobayashi's three battalions attacked Marikina.The 112th Cavalry RCT, which had replaced the 12th Cavalry along the 1st Cavalry Division's line of communications, broke up the northern wing's counterattack between 15 and 18 February. In the Novaliches-Novaliches Dam area, and in a series of skirmishes further west and northwest, the 112th Cavalry RCT dispatched some 300 Japanese, losing only 2 men killed and 32 wounded. Un-co-ordinated from the start, the northern counterattack turned into a shambles, and the northern attack force withdrew in a disorganized manner before it accomplished anything. The Kobayashi Force's effort was turned back on the morning of the 16th, when American artillery caught this southern wing as it attempted to cross the Marikina River. During the next three days all Japanese attacks were piecemeal in nature and were thrown back with little difficulty by the 7th and 8th Cavalry Regiments, operating east and northeast of Manila. By 19 February, when the southern counterattack force also withdrew, the 2d Cavalry Brigade and support artillery had killed about 650 Japanese in the area west of the Marikina from Novaliches Dam south to the Pasig. The brigade lost about 15 men killed and 50 wounded. Consequently, Yokoyama's only achievement was the escape of the remnants of the 3rd and 4th Naval Battalions from the Fort McKinley area, which was later occupied by American forces. Additionally, from February 15 to 20, the 511th Parachute Regiment thoroughly searched the Cavite Peninsula and the adjacent mainland but encountered only a few Japanese stragglers. Meanwhile, to secure the Bataan Peninsula, Hall divided his forces into two groups: East Force and South Force. The East Force, consisting of the recently arrived 1st Regiment and led by Brigadier-General William Spence, was tasked with advancing down the east coast to divert Japanese attention from the Mariveles landing, which was to be executed by Chase's 151st Regiment. Accordingly, the 151st Regiment boarded Admiral Struble's Task Group 78.3 vessels at Olongapo just as the 1st Regiment was passing through Orani and beginning its southward advance, reaching Pilar by the end of February 14. The following day, after conducting minesweeping and bombardment operations—during which the destroyers La Vallette and Radford were unfortunately disabled by mines—Struble successfully landed the 151st at Mariveles under machine-gun and rifle fire. The Americans found no Japanese forces before sunset, but during the night, they had to fend off a counterattack by approximately 100 enemy troops. During the night of 15-16 February an estimated 300 Japanese attacked the 1st Infantry's perimeter near Orion, but the U.S. regiment, losing 11 killed and 15 wounded, beat off the Japanese and killed 80 of them in a melee of confused, sometimes hand-to-hand fighting. The incident marked the end of organized Japanese resistance in southern Bataan. The 151st spent the following days securing the Mariveles area while simultaneously sending patrols northward along both sides of the Bataan Peninsula. They connected with the 1st Regiment at Limay on February 18. By February 21, the Americans had advanced across Bataan to Bagac, encountering only abandoned defensive positions and a few Japanese stragglers. However, Nagayoshi's remaining 1,000 troops managed to take refuge in the jungled slopes of Mount Natib, where elements of the 38th Division, the 6th Division, and Filipino guerrillas systematically hunted them down. While Bataan was being cleared, Generals MacArthur and Krueger were also planning the invasion of Corregidor Island. The assault plan involved Colonel George Jones' 503rd Parachute Regiment airdropping onto the island, supported by a nearly simultaneous shore-to-shore operation conducted by the reinforced 3rd Battalion, 34th Regiment, from the recently secured Mariveles.  The decision to employ paratroopers to make the principal assault against an objective of Corregidor's size and terrain merits attention. Shaped like a tadpole, with its bulbous head pointing west toward the South China Sea, Corregidor is but three and a half miles long and one and a half miles across at its point of greatest width. The prospective cost of amphibious assault was, indeed, one of the chief factors that led to a decision to use paratroopers. Planners saw the obvious risks in sending parachute troops against such a small and rough target, but in view of the GHQ SWPA estimate that the Japanese garrison numbered only 850 men, the cost of the airborne operation promised to be less than that involved in an amphibious attack. Krueger intended to land almost 3,000 troops on Corregidor on 16 February, over 2,000 of them by parachute. Another 1,000 men or more would come in by parachute or landing craft the next day. Planners hoped that such preponderant strength, combined with intensive air and naval bombardment, might render the seizure of the island nearly bloodless. An equally important (if not even more decisive) factor leading to the decision to employ paratroops was the desire to achieve surprise. GHQ SWPA and Sixth Army planners hoped that the Japanese on Corregidor would judge that no one in his right mind would even consider dropping a regiment of parachutists on such a target. The defenses, the planners thought, would probably be oriented entirely toward amphibious attack. The attack was scheduled for February 16, with paratroopers set to land on a parade ground and a golf course at Topside. They would then immediately assault Malinta Hill before the Japanese garrison could recover from the shock of the preparatory air and naval bombardment and the surprise of the parachute drop, with the amphibious troops launching their attack two hours after the paratroopers began jumping. Although Corregidor had been under attack by Allied Air Forces since January 22, General Kenney's forces intensified their assaults at the start of February. By February 16, the 5th and 13th Air Force planes had dropped approximately 3,125 tons of bombs on the island. Naval bombardment also commenced on February 13, in conjunction with the bombardment and minesweeping in preparation for the capture of Mariveles. On the morning of February 16, air and surface forces conducted their final preliminary bombardment before the paradrop. Launching from Mindoro, the 317th Troop Carrier Group transported the first wave of the 503rd Parachute Regiment in two columns of C-47s, swiftly dropping them over Corregidor at 08:30. Encountering only sporadic Japanese rifle and machine-gun fire, the paratroopers successfully secured the Topside drop zones by 09:45. However, approximately 25% of the paratroopers were injured, and many others failed to land on Topside. One unexpected blessing resulted from the scattered drop of paratroopers in the 0830 lift. Captain Itagaki, having been informed that landing craft were assembling off Mariveles, had hurried with a small guard to an observation post near Breakwater Point, obviously more concerned with the imminent amphibious assault than with the possibility that paratroopers might drop out of the C-47's already in sight of Corregidor. Suddenly, his attention was rudely diverted as twenty-five to thirty paratroopers who had been blown over the cliffs near the point began pelting down around the observation post. Fired on by the Japanese, the small American group quickly assembled and attacked. In the ensuing skirmish eight Japanese, including Captain Itagaki, were killed. Effective control among the Japanese units, already rendered practically impossible by the destruction of the communications center during the preassault air and naval bombardment, now ceased altogether. Leaderless, the remaining Japanese were no longer capable of coordinated offensive or defensive efforts. Each group would fight on its own from isolated and widely separated strongpoints. Meanwhile, the 3rd Battalion, 34th Regiment departed Mariveles Harbor on 25 LCMs and made their way to the western end of Corregidor, landing on the south beach at 10:28. Contrary to expectations, the first four waves faced no opposition as they came ashore. However, as the fifth wave arrived, Japanese machine-guns opened fire from Ramsay Ravine, Breakwater Point, and the cliffs at San Jose Point. Despite this, Companies K and L advanced quickly and established a strong position on top of Malinta Hill by 11:00. This ensured total surprise, as the paradrop effectively drew Japanese attention away from the amphibious craft approaching Corregidor. At 12:40, the second wave of the 503rd began to land successfully on the drop zones, facing only limited fire from Japanese automatic weapons. With these reinforcements, the paratroopers were positioned to secure the remainder of Topside by the end of the day. However, during the night, the infantrymen would need to fend off a series of small but determined Japanese counterattacks along the northern side of Malinta Hill. For eight consecutive days leading up to February 23, the 3rd Battalion, 34th Regiment successfully defended against relentless banzai charges, mortar assaults, and a suicide squad of soldiers equipped with explosives, resulting in approximately 300 Japanese casualties. On the afternoon of 17 February the 1st Battalion, 503d Infantry, and other reinforcements reached Bottomside by landing craft. Japanese rifle and machine gun fire, most of which passed overhead, "expedited" the movement ashore, and the battalion soon joined the rest of the regiment on Topside. The troops already on Topside had spent the day expanding their hold, systematically reducing the first of the many Japanese bunkers, pillboxes, and underground defenses they were to encounter, and had developed a pattern for the destruction of the Japanese installations. First, aircraft or naval fire support ships--the air arm using napalm extensively--were called upon to strike positions accessible to these types of bombardment; then the infantry attacked almost as the last shell or bomb burst. When this method failed, the 503d's own 75-mm. pack howitzers and lesser weapons were brought forward for direct fire. Next, having stationed men with submachine guns and rifles at advantageous points to cover approaches to a Japanese position, infantry assault teams moved forward behind white phosphorus hand grenades and the extremely close support of flame thrower teams. To avoid backflash and assure the deepest possible penetration of cave defenses, flame thrower operators often projected their fuel unignited, and then used white phosphorus grenades to fire it. If the Japanese within the caves still could not be induced to give up the fight, engineer demolition experts blocked the cave entrances. One Japanese tactic was both advantageous and disadvantageous to the 503d Infantry. Each night small groups of Japanese would attempt to reoccupy positions cleared during the previous day. To the 503d, this often meant some dirty, repetitive work, and additional casualties. On the other hand, the Japanese sometimes reoccupied tactically indefensible positions that proved easy to take out. The 503d Infantry seems to have been happy to let the Japanese occasionally return to such positions, secure in the knowledge that the only result would be more Japanese killed at no cost to the attackers. The only way to keep the Japanese from reoccupying less vulnerable positions was to stop night infiltration, a process that in turn required the blocking of the underground passageways that abounded on Topside. By these methods Japanese casualties began to mount rapidly. On the 17th, for example, over 300 Japanese were killed; nearly 775 were killed the next day. In the same two days Rock Force's casualties were approximately 30 killed and 110 wounded. The Japanese resistance at Topside finally crumbled two days later after the Americans effectively repelled a fierce counterattack. The last significant opposition, concentrated at Wheeler Point, concluded with a small-scale banzai charge on the morning of February 23. By the end of that day, the 503rd had largely cleared the western section of Corregidor. Following intense air and naval bombardments, the paratroopers launched a final assault on the eastern end of the island on February 24, systematically destroying several strongholds over the next two days. Shortly after 1100 on 26 February the Japanese on Corregidor executed their final, suicidal tour de force, blowing an underground arsenal at Monkey Point amid scenes of carnage on both sides. As the dust from terrific explosions settled, a hollow appeared where a small knoll had previously stood. Debris had flown as far as Topside where one man, almost a mile from the explosion, was injured by flying rock. Other debris hit a destroyer 2,000 yards offshore. A medium tank was hurled 50 yards through the air, most of its crew killed. Bits and pieces of American and Japanese troops splattered the ground; rock slides buried alive other men of both forces. Over 200 Japanese were killed outright, while Rock Force lost some 50 men killed and 150 wounded. This explosion signified the end of organized resistance on Corregidor, and by 16:00, elements of the 503rd Parachute Regiment had reached the island's eastern tip. Mopping-up operations continued until March 2, when Hall and Jones determined that the island was secure. Ultimately, by the conclusion of the battle, the Americans had suffered approximately 215 killed and 790 wounded, while the Japanese losses were estimated at 5,200 killed and 20 captured. On February 17, in Manila, the 129th Regiment secured the damaged shoe factory and cleared several buildings along the south bank of the Pasig River before being relieved by the 145th Regiment. During 17 February, with the aid of support fires from the 1st Battalion, now on the south side of Herran Street, the 2d Battalion smashed its way into the two most easterly of the hospital's four wings and overran the last resistance in the Nurses' Dormitory and the Science Building. The advance might have gone faster had it not been necessary to evacuate patients and other Filipino civilians from the hospital. By dusk over 2,000 civilians had come out of the buildings; the 148th Infantry conducted 5,000 more to safety that night. At the end of the 17th the 148th had overcome almost all opposition except that at the Medical School and in a small group of buildings facing Padre Faura Street at the northwestern corner of the hospital grounds. The next day, the 145th cleared Santa Teresita College but could not establish a presence inside the New Police Station. Meanwhile, the 148th consolidated its gains before being relieved by the 5th Cavalry. The 11th Airborne Division began besieging the Abe Provisional Battalion at Mabato Point, ultimately destroying this unit by February 23. On February 19, the 5th Cavalry launched an assault on and cleared the Medical School and Assumption College, while the 1st Squadron of the 12th Cavalry advanced north along the bay, facing strong opposition, and successfully reached Padre Faura Street. At the same time, the police station and San Pablo Church underwent intense artillery and tank bombardment, with the church eventually falling to the 145th by nightfall. After further artillery and tank fire nearly leveled the police station, American forces secured its ruins on February 20. The 145th also began attacking City Hall and the General Post Office, making minimal progress in the initial days. Supported by heavy bombardment, the 5th Cavalry managed to capture Rizal Hall and the Administration Building but was eventually forced to withdraw after the Japanese detonated significant explosives. The 12th Cavalry overcame the last resistance at the High Commissioner's residence and pressed onward to San Luis Street. The next day, the 12th swiftly entered the Manila Hotel and successfully took control of the area after a fierce battle. Meanwhile, the 5th Cavalry captured the Administration Building with minimal resistance, but they did not secure Rizal Hall and University Hall until February 24. During this time, the 145th Regiment continued its assault on City Hall and the General Post Office, which ultimately fell by February 22. As a result, Griswold's forces had effectively confined the remnants of Iwabuchi's troops to Intramuros, the South Port Area, and the Philippine Commonwealth Government buildings at the southeastern edge of the Walled City, leaving behind a trail of destroyed and damaged public and private structures. The fall of Manila was imminent; however, we must now shift our focus away from the Philippines to cover the Burma offensives. As we last reported, by mid-February, General Messervy's 4th Corps had successfully established a bridgehead over the Irrawaddy River at Nyaungu, while General Stopford's 33rd Corps continued to advance towards Mandalay, with the 19th Indian Division moving toward Madaya by the end of the month. Concerned about the bridgehead established by the 20th Indian Division, General Kimura decided to withdraw the main force of the 18th Division, which was engaged with the 36th British Division at Myitson. Consequently, after leaving the 114th Regiment at Mongmit, General Naka began relocating the majority of his division to Hsumhsai and then to Mandalay. In addition to the 18th Division, Kimura assigned the Kanjo Force to the 15th Army, further instructing General Katamura to prepare a general offensive aimed at destroying Stopford's bridgeheads while the reinforced 31st Division continued its counterattacks against the 20th Division. As attention turned to Nyaungu, a flurry of activity ensued to transport supplies to the 255th Indian Tank Brigade and the 48th and 63rd Indian Motorized Brigades across the river using boats and barges. General Cowan devised a plan for these units to gather at Mahlaing, capture the Thabutkon airstrip, where the air-transportable 99th Indian Brigade would land, and ultimately encircle and take Meiktila. With all his units successfully across by February 21, Cowan launched his advance towards Meiktila, quickly taking Seywa and Ngathayauk with minimal resistance. The following day, British-Indian forces attacked Taungtha from two fronts, with the southern group facing some opposition at the village of Oyin. Despite the Japanese putting up fierce and determined resistance, they were ultimately overwhelmed by the superior firepower of the British tanks. Upon realizing this new threat to his rear, Kimura halted his previous offensive and swiftly redirected the 53rd Division to Taungtha to block the enemy's advance towards Meiktila. Meanwhile, to bolster Kimura's focus on Mandalay, the 2nd British Division crossed the Irrawaddy near Ngazun on the night of February 24, encountering heavy opposition but managing to secure a bridgehead two days later. Nonetheless, by February 24, the 48th Brigade reached Taungtha ahead of Kimura's reinforcements and captured the town with light resistance. In the afternoon, the 63rd Brigade and the tanks moved through and continued towards Mahlaing, arriving on February 25. The next day, the Mahlaing area was completely cleared, and the Thabutkon airstrip was successfully captured. Realizing the seriousness of the situation, Kimura quickly dispatched the 18th and 49th Divisions along with the remaining forces of the 53rd Division towards Meiktila,  but only the 1st Battalion, 168th Regiment under Colonel Yoshida would arrive in time. At Meiktila, Major-General Kasuya Tomekichi, commander of No. 2 Field Transport, which had responsibility for all the transport units supporting the 15th and 33rd Armies, was put in charge of the defense of the town. Kasuya had approximately 2500 administrative and line of communications troops available, and another 2000 from various Japanese Army Air Force units, including the 52nd and 84th Airfield Battalions and the 36th Anti-Aircraft Battalion. The administrative and line of communications troops were hastily organized into three emergency infantry companies and a mobile reserve force. Any hospital patient who could walk or shoot was sent out to man a bunker. Kasuya set up a western and eastern sector for the defense of the town, with the dividing line being Meiktila's northern and southern artificial lakes. The troops in Meiktila hurriedly prepared bunkers throughout the town and laid mines and booby traps along the approaches. Kasuya opened up the ordnance depots around the town and ensured that all units were well supplied with medium and light machine-guns, and had plenty of ammunition. Cowan quickly began airlifting troops from the 99th Brigade to Thabutkon on February 27, with the operation expected to conclude by March 2. During the airlift, armored car patrols advanced along the main road to Meiktila, where they encountered a formidable Japanese roadblock that the 63rd Brigade later destroyed. That evening, advance patrols observed fires in Meiktila as the Japanese started to destroy their supply depots. The Battle for Meiktila was imminent; however, while General Slim's 14th Army continued its Extended Capital offensive, new developments were also occurring in northern and southern Burma. In the north, the 36th Division finally secured Myitson following the withdrawal of the 18th Division and began moving toward Mongmit. The 50th Chinese Division, bolstered by the 1st Chinese Separate Regiment, crossed the Myitnge River at Namtu but encountered fierce resistance, with the 113th Regiment launching nine separate counterattacks before relinquishing the bridgehead. Meanwhile, the 30th Chinese Division advanced toward Lashio, supported by Kachin guerrillas. However, General Wedemeyer and the Generalissimo decided to withdraw all Chinese-American troops back to China once Lashio was captured, allowing them to prepare for a potential offensive toward Canton and Hong Kong. In the south, the 82nd West African Division continued its push toward An, facing strong opposition from General Koba's forces at the Dalet River, while the 63rd Indian Brigade readied for an amphibious assault on Ruywa. Additionally, with a robust garrison in the Tamandu sector, General Miyazaki planned to gather his remaining units at An and launch a counteroffensive to eliminate all enemy forces west of the pass. Before he could proceed, the 53rd successfully landed at Ruywa on February 16 with minimal opposition. In the following days, British-Indian forces quickly secured the area. By February 22, the 2nd West African Brigade had also arrived at the beachhead and immediately began a swift advance eastward toward An, while the 74th Indian Brigade was being deployed. The 74th then launched an attack toward Tamandu and, on February 28, began assaulting the main defenses of the 111th Regiment. However, upon learning of the enemy's approach to Meiktila, General Sakurai ordered the 72nd Independent Mixed Brigade to attack the Nyaungu bridgehead after some earlier probing attacks had failed. He also instructed Miyazaki to send the Koba Detachment, primarily composed of the 154th Regiment, to reinforce Yenangyaung. Consequently, facing less resistance in the north, Dalet would ultimately fall to the West Africans by the end of the month. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In Manila, General Yokoyama planned a counterattack to isolate Allied forces, but chaos ensued as American troops advanced. Fierce street fighting within Manila led to significant casualties, marking a brutal struggle for control. Paratroopers launched a surprise assault on Corregidor, overwhelming Japanese defenses, but taking significant losses in the process. Despite injuries and challenges, they secured the island, leading to significant enemy casualties and the end of organized resistance.

Episode #307: Ashley South's exploration of Myanmar began as a journey into the unknown. He first worked with Karen refugees in Thailand, where he struggled to deal with the many cultural and religious differences. But over time, his understanding of Myanmar was transformed, deepening his connection with the people.Traveling extensively through Kachin, Shan, and Mon states, South's insights reveal Myanmar not as a true “nation state,” but more a tapestry of distinct, ethnic identities, and a colonial creation held together by force. While advocating for the assertion of ethnic identities, he highlights the challenges of ethnic identity politics, acknowledging the risks of an exclusionary movement and intragroup conflict, like the fragmented Karen nationalist movement. For South, an inclusive, federal government is the only way forward that would prevent Myanmar from fragmenting into isolated enclaves.The impact of climate change is another key concern for South. He explains that rising temperatures, changing rainfall patterns, and extreme weather events will severely impact Myanmar, particularly its agricultural base. Coastal regions like the Irrawaddy Delta face significant risks due to rising sea levels, which could displace millions."I don't expect the state of Myanmar to recover in my lifetime, partly for political reasons," he says soberly towards the end of the discussion. "But also [stemming from] the impacts of climate change, I think that these are going to be devastating. And so I don't expect a coherent Myanmar state to recover. I think that does have massive humanitarian implications, which will inevitably drive huge suffering and displacement, which are not things to celebrate. But also it does create a political opportunity for the reemergence of these identities and associated political spaces that have arguably really been suppressed since the emergence of the modern nation-state."

Last time we spoke about the ongoing battles of Peleliu, Angular and Operation Ichi-Go. On September 23, Colonel Venable's regiment struggled to breach Lake Salome's defenses, leading to tactical changes and propaganda attempts to force Japanese surrender, which ultimately failed. The American command underestimated Japanese resolve, resulting in heavy bombardments and a strategic advance. By September 26, American forces had divided Peleliu and isolated Japanese defenders, facing fierce resistance but making significant progress. On September 27, 1944, Company F secured two ridges in Peleliu but struggled with Japanese forces entrenched in caves, halting progress. Despite controlling the northern shore, Marines faced persistent underground resistance from skilled Japanese miners. Meanwhile, the 5th Marines captured Hill 3, Ngesebus Island, and Radar Hill. In October, Japanese offensives continued against minimal resistance. This episode is the Japanese Triumph in China Welcome to the Pacific War Podcast Week by Week, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about world war two? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on world war two and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel you can find a few videos all the way from the Opium Wars of the 1800's until the end of the Pacific War in 1945.  In our previous episode, General Mueller's infantry on Angaur had driven Major Goto's isolated forces into the Romauldo Pocket by October 1. After this victory, it was decided to shift away from costly full-scale infantry assaults. Instead, tanks, mortars, and artillery were deployed to target the remaining enemy positions directly. On 6 October artillery and mortars undertook an especially heavy bombardment. From 0700 to 1030, 155-mm. howitzers fired at especially chosen targets, including a suspected Japanese observation post, while 105-mm. howitzers, 4.2-inch mortars, 81-mm. mortars, and 60-mm. mortars laid concentrations on the flanks and rear of the remaining Japanese-held area to prevent any Japanese from escaping. At 1030 the artillery and mortars switched to smoke shells to blanket the Japanese area and at 1035 these weapons ceased fire. Following the bombardment, two companies were dispatched to feint attacks on the Japanese flanks, aiming to force them out of their fortified positions. The defenders, deceived by the ruse, were then subjected to another intense artillery and mortar barrage, which inflicted significant casualties. Additionally, in the afternoon, a major concrete and steel emplacement, likely serving as Goto's command post, was uncovered and destroyed by direct fire. With the enemy defenses considerably weakened, infantry operations resumed, focusing on sniper teams, small patrols, ambushes, and booby traps to encircle the remaining Japanese forces and cut off their supply and escape routes. Over the next few days, the Americans also rescued 183 captive natives during the final stages of their assault.  The Japanese had under their control in the final pocket a number of Angaur natives, three of whom had managed to make their way into the 322nd Regiment lines after a surrender broadcast on October 1. These related stories of hardships suffered in caves where the Japanese had kept them closely guarded and also told the 322nd that more natives were being held in the northwest pocket. First attempts by native volunteers to lead some of the others out were unsuccessful; but on October 8,137 more natives made their way out of the pocket to an area where elements of Company B, 306th Engineers, were working. The next day, three native volunteers led 90 more out of the pocket. About 1/5 of the total of 183 natives rescued from the Japanese needed extensive medical attention and all the rest were suffering from malnutrition. The healthier ones rebuilt their own village and some were ultimately used as labor on various projects at Angaur. On October 13, a coordinated attack was launched, with the 1st Battalion advancing from the west and the 2nd Battalion pushing from the north and northeast. Despite fierce resistance, by October 18 the Americans had successfully compressed the remaining Japanese into a pocket approximately 100 yards long and 50 yards wide. The following night, Major Goto was killed, and by October 21, the last pockets of resistance were eliminated. The engagement ended two days later when the Americans realized they had eliminated nearly all the Japanese troops, with only a few stragglers remaining. By the conclusion of the Battle of Angaur, approximately 1,300 Japanese soldiers had been killed, and 45 were captured. The Americans, on the other hand, suffered 264 men killed and 1,355 wounded, primarily from the 322nd Regiment. To be more specific the 321st Infantry's part in the operation had cost that regiment 26 men killed and 135 wounded. The 322d Infantry, which fought longer and against stiffer opposition, lost 211 men killed and 772 wounded.  Despite the heavy losses, capturing Angaur proved crucial in securing the Palaus and removing the island group as a threat to Allied lines of communication across the western Pacific toward the Philippines. Airdrome construction on Angaur was begun on 20 September, F plus 3, by the 1884th and 1887th Engineer Aviation Battalions. The first plane, a C-47, landed on the field on F plus 28, 15 October. Four days later two 6,000-foot landing strips were completed and work on taxiways, gasoline storage, and other air-base installations was well along. Air-base construction on Angaur presented difficult problems. There was available no conveniently located Japanese airfield which the Allies could repair, improve, and expand. Instead, the work had to begin at the beginning. Jungle had to be cut away, swamps filled, and rough terrain leveled. There was no hope that an airstrip could be prepared in three or four days as had been the case on many other islands in the Pacific. The completion of two 6,000-foot runways by 19 October, F plus 32, represented a considerable accomplishment. In defending Angaur, the Japanese lost a well-equipped, highly trained, and well-led infantry battalion. While this force might have been more effectively deployed elsewhere in the Palaus, it succeeded in its mission of delaying the American advance.  Meanwhile, General Ishii of the 32nd Division decided to reinforce the limited Japanese presence in Morotai to hinder the development of an enemy airbase capable of supporting an assault on the Philippines. Consequently, three temporary raiding detachments from the 10th Expeditionary Unit and the 211th and 212th Regiments were formed, with the 210th Regiment preparing a battalion as a follow-up force. On the night of September 26, Ishii's reinforcements began their movement to Morotai in barges, with two detachments successfully landing near Tilai and the other near Cape Posiposi despite interference from Allied PT boats. Enemy patrols around the island's perimeter blocked the use of coastal tracks, forcing the reinforcements to navigate through dense jungle. As the concealed Japanese raiders made their way toward Major Kawashima's main force in the Pilowo-Sabatai River area, the 3rd Battalion of the 210th Regiment landed in the Boesoboeso sector on October 9. The raiding detachments finally joined up with the 2nd Provisional Raiding Unit on October 20. Without waiting for the 210th battalion, Kawashima initiated a series of new infiltration raids, some of which reached the airfield itself. Although these reinforcements created some disruptions by harassing Allied outposts, they did not significantly impact the situation at Morotai. This was due to high disease rates among the reinforcements and the inability to deliver enough supplies through the Allied air and naval blockade. General Anami decided more decisive action was needed to prevent the enemy from utilizing their airbase effectively. He instructed Ishii to deploy as much force as possible to Morotai to destroy the enemy. In response, Ishii planned to send additional reinforcements, including the main forces of the 210th and 211th Regiments and the 18th Shipping Engineers. By November 16, approximately 1,900 troops successfully landed south of Wadjaboela, with Colonel Kisou Ouchi taking command of all Japanese forces on Morotai. Raiding activities intensified in December, but with the new year, American torpedo boats further tightened the blockade, making it impossible for the 32nd Division to supply the ammunition and rations needed for a major offensive. Unable to dislodge the enemy from Morotai, the Japanese eventually had to withdraw to the center of the island, where they remained until the end of the war. The most notable Japanese response to the Allied landing was a series of frequent but mostly ineffective air raids. The first raid occurred on September 16 when a solitary enemy aircraft dropped three bombs on the Red Beach area, causing no damage. Between September 15, 1944, and February 1, 1945, General Sudo's 7th Air Division conducted 82 raids on Morotai, involving 179 sorties. The initial 54 raids caused minimal damage, with only twelve Allied soldiers wounded by October 4. However, the later raids resulted in 42 Allied aircraft destroyed, 33 damaged, 19 men killed, and 99 wounded. Despite these efforts, Morotai was successfully developed into a crucial base for the return to the Philippines. In Bougainville, with General Griswold's 14th Corps initially slated for the Leyte invasion, efforts were made to replace it with the Australian 2nd Corps. Although Griswold's corps would not participate in the October 20 operation, advance elements of General Savige's headquarters landed on October 6 to facilitate the transition. By mid-November, the 7th Brigade had relieved the 129th and 145th Regiments, and on November 22, Savige officially took command of Allied operations on Bougainville. By December 12, the replacement of American frontline troops by Australians was complete, and with only a few service personnel remaining, all American troops had departed by February 1, 1945. Despite having 30,000 men—though always short on heavy equipment and shipping—Savige's forces were considered sufficient to continue monitoring the Japanese and defending the perimeter around the airfields from any potential counterattacks. However, General Blamey disagreed with this approach and preferred a more aggressive strategy. He wanted his troops to actively seek out and destroy the enemy by patrolling deep into Japanese-held territory, targeting supply areas and bases to starve and eventually annihilate the Japanese garrisons. This shift in strategy signaled the start of a new offensive phase in the Bougainville Campaign. At the same time, attention shifts to North Burma, where the Allied campaign continued after the victories at Myitkyina and Mogaung. However, the strained relationship between General Stilwell and Chiang Kai-Shek was approaching its breaking point. Confronted with the impending loss of Guilin, Stilwell persuaded President Roosevelt to issue an ultimatum to Chiang, threatening to cut off American aid to China unless Stilwell was given full command of all forces in China. Chiang, perceiving this as an attempt to dominate China, countered by demanding Stilwell's immediate replacement and welcoming any other qualified American general. As a result, on October 19, Stilwell was recalled and replaced by Major-General Albert Wedemeyer by the end of the month. The China-Burma-India Theater was then reorganized: Lieutenant-General Daniel Sultan took over the India-Burma Theater, while Wedemeyer assumed command of the newly established China Theater. However, Wedemeyer would only serve as chief of staff to Chiang, not taking effective command of the Chinese forces. Thus, no American officer would be held accountable for the loss of eastern China. Nonetheless, this represented another significant diplomatic victory for Chiang Kai-Shek, though it would be his last for many years. However, it also marked the end of his relationship with Roosevelt, who had previously championed China's and the Generalissimo's interests. Meanwhile, upon taking command, Wedemeyer faced open dissent among the Chinese Nationalists, with local commanders in eastern China on the verge of insurrection against Chiang's regime, as he had refused to supply arms to those defending against the Japanese advance in Operation Ichi-Go.  There were many detailed reports that the east China commanders bitterly resented the Generalissimo's failure to support them. When Hengyang fell on August 8, Chinese claiming to be emissaries of these men presented to American authority a plan for a separatist regime and pleaded for American support. Unknown to the Americans, Chinese making identical representations had been negotiating with the Japanese since the winter of 1943-44. Intelligence reports were received at US headquarters to the effect that the Generalissimo's attitude toward the east China campaign reflected an understanding between him and the Japanese under which they would leave him undisturbed in southwest China if he in turn would not interfere while they took the airfields that presented so obvious a menace to the Japanese homeland. In 1951 a group of senior Japanese staff officers of China Expeditionary Army were interrogated on the question of Sino-Japanese relations in 1944. They denied that there had been any understanding between the Japanese and the Chinese Central Government. Two of them, Lt. Cols. Yoshimasa Okada and Yoshio Fukuyama, stated that an agreement was reached between the Japanese 23rd Army at Canton and the local Chinese commander, General Yu Hanmou, in February 1944 under which General Yu agreed not to disturb Canton when the Japanese marched north from it. Yu kept his word, according to Okada, even though the Generalissimo was ordering him to attack Canton. The Japanese officers agreed among themselves that there had been extensive contact with dissident Nationalist commanders in southeast China, and stated that through many channels they had sought to inform the Chinese that the east China drive offered no threat to them, but only to the US airfields. One of Wedemeyer's key objectives was to prevent China from fragmenting into warring factions. Additionally, he observed that air transport was delivering supplies to China at unprecedented rates, with 35,131 tons arriving in October 1944—four times the amount sent to support Stilwell in October 1943. The strength of the Allied forces in northern Burma and the weakened state of the Japanese meant that time was on Wedemeyer's side; each day China remained an active belligerent bolstered the prospect of significant American supplies soon being available. Consequently, his mission involved continuing support for General Chennault's 14th Air Force, General LeMay's 20th Bomber Command, and air transport over the Hump; further training and advising the Y-Force in Yunnan and the Z-Force in eastern China; and assisting the Generalissimo with military operations against the Japanese.  Speaking of Chennault's 14th air force, by November 1944, they now had an average strength of 398 fighters, 97 medium bombers, and 47 heavy bombers. In that same month the Fourteenth received 13,578 tons of supplies flown in over the Hump, of which 9,357 tons were gas and oil. From the Kunming airfields, the China Wing of the ATC flew these supplies to Chennault's forward fields, this intratheater transport being of course a charge on Hump tonnage. The apparent crisis in east China made it seem advisable to use all available Chinese trucks for concentrating the Chinese for the defense of Kunming; the quartermaster truck companies of the SOS were not by themselves enough to support the Fourteenth Air Force. These resources of air power, unimpressive in contrast to what Allied commanders had in Europe or the Pacific, but a good deal more than the Japanese had in China, were divided among two composite wings--the 68th and 69th--the 312th Fighter Wing, the Chinese-American Composite Wing (CACW), and the 308th Bombardment Group (H). An example of Chennault's flexibility, the 68th Wing had three fighter squadrons assigned, with bombers attached as the mission required. The 69th had four fighter squadrons and three medium squadrons. With headquarters at Kunming, it was shifting its attention from the campaign in Burma to the defense of Kunming against a Japanese attack from the south or southeast. The Chinese-American Composite Wing, headquarters at Peishiyi, had two fighter groups and one bombardment group. The 312th had two fighter groups (50 P-47's, 60 P-51's, and 6 P-61's), a total of five squadrons, protecting the B-29 fields at Cheng-tu. After the air effort and the attempts to move tonnage to the airfields and to the troops, the remaining US project in China was liaison with and training and observation of Chinese troops. On the Salween front, liaison and technical advice was given in the forward areas, while troop training continued in the rear. In east China, the reluctance of the Chinese to attempt a stand after Hengyang's fall on August 8 led to the withdrawal of almost all the Americans who had tried since January 1, 1944 to train a second 30 Divisions in east China. The so-called Z-Force Operations Staff that remained comprised an observer group with the headquarters of the Chinese 9th War Area and a liaison team of 28 under Col. Harwood C. Bowman in the city of Liuchow. This handful of Americans, in the first months of Wedemeyer's command, sought to give technical aid to the Chinese defenders of Guangxi while sending a flow of information back to theater headquarters in Chongqing. They provided air-ground liaison, supervised demolitions, helped distribute the 500 tons of munitions flown into east China in late October 1944, and helped with administrative and logistical matters. The remaining 625 men of Z-FOS, including the headquarters, were in Kunming, their future mission dependent on Wedemeyer's estimate of the situation. While these events were unfolding, Allied forces in northern Burma were preparing to launch an offensive with six divisions to eliminate the remaining Japanese presence in the region and establish a new supply route to China. Following the capture of Myitkyina and Mogaung, efforts were underway to organize two new Chinese armies, while experienced Chinese divisions continued their rigorous training in anticipation of resuming their advance southward. As the new commander of the Northern Combat Area Command and the Chinese Army in India, Sultan had the New First Army, under General Sun Liren, included the 30th and 38th Divisions. The 38th Division had been engaged since 30 October 1943, and had previously taken a creditable part in the First Burma Campaign of 1942. The division had been trained, re-equipped, and brought up to strength at Ramgarh Training Center in Bihar Province, India. Its sister division, the 30th, was also Ramgarh-trained. Its 88th and 89th Regiments had fought at Myitkyina. There was also New Sixth Army consisting of the 14th, 22nd, and 50th Divisions, commanded by General Liao Yaoxiang. The 22nd Division had fought in the First Burma Campaign, then been rebuilt at Ramgarh. It had been in action since January 1944. Lastly there was General Festing's 36th Division, and the recently-formed 5332nd Provisional Brigade at his disposal.  Current plans called for brigading the 1st Chinese Separate Infantry Regiment, which had been trained at Ramgarh in long-range penetration tactics, with two American regiments, the 475th Infantry and the 124th Cavalry. The combined unit would be the equivalent of a division, but would have the designation 5332d Brigade (Provisional). To carry out the project, the 5332d Brigade (Provisional), known later as MARS Task Force, was activated 26 July 1944. Brig. Gen. Thomas S. Arms assumed command the same day. The activating order provided for most of the brigade's subordinate units to be attached to it as they arrived in India or were activated--as of 26 July the brigade was still very much in the preparatory stage. Thus, the 475th Infantry Regiment (Long Range Penetration Regiment, Special), Lt. Col. William L. Osborne, was not activated until 5 August 1944. It included many survivors of the original American experiment in long-range penetration tactics--GALAHAD, or "Merrill's Marauders." Its companion regiment, the 124th Cavalry (Texas National Guard), Col. Milo H. Matteson, arrived in India on 30 August 1944. It did not reach the brigade's training area until 27 October. Also attached were the 612th Field Artillery Battalion (Pack), Maj. John W. Read, and six quartermaster pack troops. In mid-August 1944 the training area which had been set up about ten miles north of Myitkyina on the west bank of the Irrawaddy began receiving members of the 475th Infantry Regiment. The area was designated Camp Robert W. Landis in honor of the first member of GALAHAD to be killed in action. Unit after unit started moving into Camp Landis as the 5332d began to put on flesh and assume the likeness of a pair of regimental combat teams. Another battalion of pack artillery, the 613th under Lt. Col. James F. Donovan, the 18th Veterinary Evacuation Hospital, the 44th Portable Surgical Hospital, the 1st Chinese Separate Infantry Regiment, Col. Lin Kuan-hsiang, arrived during the fall. Unfortunately, after overseeing the 5332nd's organization and training, Arms was injured in a motor accident and was succeeded by Brigadier-General John Willey on October 31. In support of Operation Capital, it was agreed that Sultan's forces would advance through the Katha-Bhamo area towards Kunchaung, Sikaw, and Namhkam in mid-October, followed by a southern advance to the Mogok-Mongmit-Lashio line in coordination with General Slim's push towards Mandalay. Sultan planned a three-pronged attack south from Myitkyina into Japanese-held territory in northern Burma. The British 36th Division and the Chinese 50th Division would advance south along the Railway Corridor to secure the Katha-Indaw area; the Chinese 22nd Division would move southeast to capture the Broadway airstrip northeast of Katha and establish a bridgehead over the Irrawaddy at Shwegu; and the Chinese 38th Division, followed by the 30th Division, would move south from Mogaung to secure the Bhamo-Mansi area. By the end of August, Festing's forces had followed the 53rd Division to Pinbaw, then advanced cautiously until they secured Nanma in September. The British moved out on 15 October. At first, contact was light, but by the time they reached Mawlu on 31 October Japanese posts were stronger and closer together and their artillery and mortar fire was progressively heavier. However, at Mawlu the 36th was eighty miles south of Mogaung and very near the great bend of the Irrawaddy which was the goal for 15 December. The Japanese stiffened at Mawlu, and the 1st Battalion, Royal Scots Fusiliers, met artillery, mortar, and machine gun fire that took thirteen casualties. By evening the town was occupied. Road conditions were very bad, for the ground was still wet, and vehicles had trouble moving. After occupying Mawlu the division paused until 9 November. There were brushes with Japanese, snipings, patrol actions, but no heavy fighting. Festing used the lull to bring up the 72d Brigade, and so make his advance one of brigades in line, with the 72d on the east, the 29th on the west. The 72d would make the main effort. Moving down a dry-weather road parallel to the railway tracks, elements of the 72d Brigade on 10 November met stubborn resistance a few miles northwest of a railway station called Pinwe. It came from a cluster of bunkers, which together with heavy artillery fire and the identification of Japanese from a number of units all pointed to one conclusion for the 36th--it had met the Japanese main line of resistance in this area centering on Pinwe. The Pinwe area was well adapted to defense. Farther north the 36th had fought its way over rice fields, but here the bush made an impenetrable screen on either side of the jungle tracks. Flanking movements were so difficult that they were judged to be impossible. Frontal attacks after artillery and air preparations became the order of the day. The Japanese lines at Pinwe were held by the 119th Regiment, 53d Division. Pinwe was the hardest fighting the 53d had encountered, and the 119th received a diploma of merit for its work there. At night their infiltration parties harassed the British rear areas and sought to destroy their artillery. On one occasion, they thrust so deftly into the British positions as to cut off two companies of infantry, which had to be withdrawn at night. The fighting resolved itself into British attempts at prying the Japanese out of their strongpoints, while maintaining a close guard against Japanese raiding parties. In these days the 72d Infantry Brigade, which had been trying to force its way over the stream covering the principal Japanese positions, took heavy casualties and had to be relieved by the 29th Infantry Brigade. On 25 November the British did put a company across the stream, but found they could not reinforce or supply it. The 53d Division was also ordered to execute limited but bold attacks to its front. To relieve the pressure on the 53d Division, the 15th Division was directed to attack the right flank and rear of the enemy 36th Division along the Meza River. Although the attacks of the 15th Division and the counterattacks of the 53d failed to destroy the enemy, they were successful in checking the offensive of the 36th and enabled the 53d Division to hold the line for approximately three weeks. The order to the 53d showed the DiVision commanders the caliber and determination of the new Army commander and the 53d's success in holding bolstered the sagging combat spirit of the entire 15th Army. Pressure on the 53d Division increased as the weeks went by; and when enemy elements infiltrated into the gap between the 53d and 15th Divisions in late November, the 15th Army finally ordered the 53d to withdraw to Katha and the sector north of Tigyaing. The 15th Division was ordered to withdraw its right wing to maintain contact with the revised battle line of the 53d Division. The 15th Army finally issued orders to the 53d and 15th Divisions directing the commencement of the withdrawal movement to the Irrawaddy River line on 1 December. The 33d Division was directed to withdraw on 4 December, giving the Division additional time for disposal of munitions in its area. From positions in the Kamaing area, far behind the outposts held by the 36th Division in the Railway Corridor, the 22d began its march on 15 October. It was to move southeast toward Mogaung, but bypassing the town to save ten miles, then toward Pinbaw, then Hopin. As the march got under way it appeared that the long rest after combat had left troops and animals in poor condition. The troops were traveling as light as possible, but fatigue was evident when after three days the division reached Hopin. Predawn departures were ordered to keep to a minimum the time spent marching under the full sun, and a day of rest was spent at Hopin. At Hopin the division turned east, to take a route that would sorely test the marching powers of its troops, for the chosen trail led over the ridge that marked the eastern boundary of the Railway Corridor, down into a plain formed by a tributary of the Irrawaddy, where the old Chindit airstrip BROADWAY was located, and up again over a hill mass overlooking the Irrawaddy valley. On 26 October the division reached the airstrip, twenty-seven miles southeast of Hopin. General Liao Yueh-shang, commanding the New Sixth Army, of which the 22d Division was part, flew in to BROADWAY, and gave the division detailed orders for the final move to the Irrawaddy. The division was formed into two columns. On the west, the 64th Regiment was directed to take Shwegugale, which lay on the south bank downstream from Shwegu. The 65th and 66th were to move off as one column, then to split into combat teams just north of the Irrawaddy and cross on a broad front. Kachin irregulars and patrols reported there were no Japanese ahead, and after a three-day rest the division resumed its advance. On 3 November the division occupied the north bank of the Irrawaddy without opposition. The troops rested while commanders studied maps and waited for rubber boats and outboard motors to be airdropped. Three days later the 64th Regiment crossed the Irrawaddy and took Shwegugale against light opposition. Next day the 65th Regiment took Shwegu, and the division had its first objectives. Meanwhile, after the unsuccessful Dan offensive, General Honda reorganized the 33rd Army. The 56th Division resumed defending Longling and Mangshi, while the 18th Division took over the defense of Namhkam. Although the Yoshida Force and the Bhamo Garrison remained with the 33rd Army, the 2nd Division was reassigned to the area army and began relocating to the Pyinmana-Toungoo area by the end of October to be available for operations in central Burma. Unbeknownst to Honda, he was soon to encounter the full force of Sultan's renewed offensive. Major-General Li Hong's 38th Division had departed from Myitkyina on October 15, advancing cautiously along the road to Bhamo with minimal contact until October 28. On that date, they encountered Japanese patrols two miles north of the Taping River, which were quickly dispatched. At Myothit was the Japanese outpost line of resistance; the Chinese patrols speedily found that the Japanese meant to defend it. Strong Japanese positions were seen on the south bank, and the commander of the 38th Division, General Li Huang, saw that he would have to force a defended river line unless he could turn the Japanese position. General Li decided to use the 112th and 114th Regiments, which had been the main body of the 38th, as an enveloping force. Since they were some seven miles to the north the 112th and 114th were out of contact with the Japanese and well placed to make a wide swing to the east. The two regiments began their march through the hills, while the 113th made a show of activity around Myothit to keep the Japanese attention focused there. Once again envelopment proved its worth. The Japanese were too few to defend a long line, and the enveloping force was able to cross the Taping at an unguarded bridge upstream, go around the right end of the Japanese outpost line of resistance, and emerge on the Bhamo plain on 10 November. Pressing on west toward Bhamo, the enveloping force met a strong entrenched Japanese force at Momauk, which is eight miles east of Bhamo and is the point at which the Myitkyina-Bhamo road swings to the west for the last stretch into Bhamo. Here there was savage fighting between the 114th Regiment and the Japanese defenders. Heavily outnumbered, the Japanese outpost at Momauk was driven into the main defenses at Bhamo. The appearance of its survivors, some without rifles, others without shoes, depressed the Bhamo garrison. Hara's forces endured significant losses as they conducted a delaying action at Momauk, with the remaining reconnaissance units joining the defense of Bhamo by November 16. Meanwhile, the 113th Regiment moved west along the south bank of the Taping River and approached Bhamo from the north. However, instead of directly attacking the town, the 113th Regiment repositioned south and southeast of Bhamo. Concurrently, the 114th Regiment advanced west from Momauk to encircle the town from the north, creating a loose encirclement around the Japanese outposts in the Bhamo suburbs. This maneuver allowed the 112th Regiment to bypass the confrontation entirely and continue south towards Namhkam. By early November, Japanese patrols had also detected the presence of the 22nd Division in the region between Bhamo and Katha, apparently moving towards Mandalay. Fearing that this force might sever the Mandalay-Lashio rail line by advancing through Mongmit, Honda's staff decided to keep the 55th Regiment stationed at Namhkam and reassign the rest of General Naka's 18th Division to Mongmit to prevent the effective separation of the 15th and 33rd Armies. While the 64th Regiment remained to secure the crossing area, the 22nd Division advanced towards Man Tha along the main road south from the Japanese stronghold of Bhamo, which was captured without incident on November 14. Continuing along the Bhamo-Myitson road, the Si-u area was secured by late November, with Colonel Ernest Easterbrook's 475th Regiment also moving there after bypassing Bhamo successfully. Meanwhile, after a period of recovery due to heavy losses in September, General Wei's Y-Force was preparing to resume its Salween offensive. On October 29, Lieutenant-General Huang Jie assaulted  Longling, defended by the 146th Regiment's main force with artillery support up to 1,700 rounds and 30-40 air sorties per day carried out by 37 P-40s of the 14th Air Force. Elements of the 200th Division attacked from the south and west, targeting positions behind Colonel Imaoka's defenses, while two divisions of the 71st Army exerted heavy pressure from the north. With many positions being devastated and numerous defenders killed or wounded, General Matsuyama ordered the 146th to retreat from Longling to Mangshi on November 3. Although the Japanese managed a midnight withdrawal, the Chinese succeeded in capturing their main objective. The Japanese respite, however, unsettled the Americans, who promptly urged Chiang to continue the offensive. Following the Generalissimo's orders to advance on November 9, Wei directed the newly arrived 53rd Army through the hills north of the Burma Road to Chefang, while the 2nd and 6th Armies moved south towards Mangshi, and the 71st Army proceeded down the road itself. Against the expected offensive, the 56th Division consolidated its defense around Mangshih with eight infantry and two artillery battalions on an established defense perimeter. The Yoshida Force, which was under the direct command of the Army at Wanting, was assigned the missions of protecting the rear of the 56th Division with its main force in the area north of Chefang and the 3d Battal- ion in the Menka area. At the same time, the 3d Battalion of the 146th Infantry Regiment was moved from Mangshih to join the Yoshida Force. A detachment of about 100 replacement troops was assigned to hold Chefang Pass. Although the 56th Division continued to be optimistic about its chances of holding against the expected Chinese attack, Army Headquarters took a less hopeful view. The Division was ordered to conduct a flexible holding operation north of Wanting and not cling too tenaciously to Mangshih. After a strong Chinese offensive on November 19, and following Colonel Tsuji's insistence, Matsuyama had no choice but to withdraw during the night to the Chefang Pass. General Matsuyama was strongly in favor of conducting a holding action in the Mangshi area and merely directed a partial withdrawal of his forces to be effected on November 22, 23 and 24. Col. Tsuji, of the 33rd Army headquarters, was present at the 56th Division headquarters and warned the chief of staff against over-optimism. Tsuji stressed the point that, once the withdrawal had been decided upon, the Division should withdraw simultaneously from the entire line to the south of Chefang Pass, preferably on the eve of the general attack or on the following night, at the latest. However, Col. Kawamichi, the Division chief of staff, would not change the order because it had already been passed down to the subordinate units. Subsequently, following an inspection of the front lines and an observation of enemy activity on the 18th, Tsuji came to the conclusion that the enemy would launch a general attack at dawn on the 19th or early on the 20th. He bluntly advised General Matsuyama to change his division order and at his insistence the order was changed to a withdrawal at midnight on November 19 to Chefang Pass. At dawn of the 19th, the Chinese launched a heavy attack in an attempt to envelop the entire line, just as Tsuji had predicted. All frontline units held in their prepared positions and inflicted heavy losses. Throughout the day they were able to check the enemy, but with the tremendous forces arrayed against the Division it is probable that many of the positions would have been overrun the following day. The Division, however, succeeded in withdrawing from the entire line at midnight on November 19.As a result, the strategic Mangshi airfield fell to Wei, enabling him to land supplies rather than relying solely on airdrops.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Despite the heavy losses, capturing Angaur proved crucial in securing the Palaus and removing the island group as a threat to Allied lines of communication across the western Pacific toward the Philippines. General MacArthur was getting closer to his ultimate goa

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Weekly Ethnic language program (Kachin) - Padan Sheri.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Metadata, VBR MP3

Weekly Ethnic language program (Kachin) - Padan Sheri.This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Item Tile, Metadata, PNG, Spectrogram, VBR MP3

Weekly Ethnic language program (Kachin) - Padan Sheri.This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Metadata, VBR MP3

📌 Local news-Nway Oo Mon 📌  "Rays of hope, rough journey, blood oath." 📌  "Internet Disconnection and Freedom of Speech" (Human Rights Voice) Thet Htet Phyo (Human Rights Educator) 📌   "Spring Revolution, aloft"(Music) by Spring people 📌  Weekly Ethnic language program (Kachin) -Â....This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Item Tile, Metadata, PNG, Spectrogram, VBR MP3

"The United Nations announced that 6 million children in Myanmar are malnourished. Military council helicopter shot down in Kachin State" Myanmar Nway Oo Chronicle 3rd Jan 2024 (Moemaka Article) Nway Oo Naing.This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Item Tile, Metadata, PNG, Spectrogram, VBR MP3

Weekly Ethnic language program (Kachin) - Padan Sheri .This item belongs to: audio/opensource_audio.This item has files of the following types: Archive BitTorrent, Item Tile, Metadata, PNG, Spectrogram, VBR MP3