Podcasts about commander in chief

Another week, another packed slate of football on The Spread Zone.Anthony Stalter is catching fire and coming off a 6-1 week, Tim McKernon continues to dominate the board on college football Saturday's, but Rizz is still trying to find his footing on the new season as his struggles continue. On the college sides, they break down some great values in the weekend's marque matchups. First homecoming week in Columbia as the Missouri Tigers take on the red hot Florida Gators. Then up to Iowa City as the Hawkeyes play host to the Ohio State Buckeyes and Heisman frontrunner Jeremiah Smith. Will Indiana's offense get back to their national championship form against Rutgers? Plus, how to play the first leg of the Commander-In-Chief trophy as Air Force and Navy prepare for battle. Onto the NFL, the guys try to rebound after a wild week of upsets and bad bounces. First, the battle for Texas as the surpiusely terrible Texans take on the Cowboys. Is it Houston's week to bounce back? Should we expect a shootout in the Bay Area? Will Drake Maye revive his season against Josh Allen and the Bills?It's all on a new episode of The Spread Zone.LEGAL DISCLAIMERWe provide information about sports betting for entertainment purposes only. Please confirm gambling regulations in your state of residence. To participate in sports gaming, you must be 21 years of age or older and be physically present in a state where sports betting is legal. If you or someone you know has a sports betting or gambling problem, please call 1-800-GAMBLER or visit www.ncpgambling.org for more information and further assistance.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Another week, another packed slate of football on The Spread Zone.Anthony Stalter is catching fire and coming off a 6-1 week. Tim McKernon continues to dominate the board on college football Saturdays, but Rizz is still trying to find his footing in the new season as his struggles continue.On the college side, they break down some great values in the weekend's marquee matchups. First, homecoming week in Columbia as the Missouri Tigers take on the red-hot Florida Gators. Then up to Iowa City as the Hawkeyes play host to the Ohio State Buckeyes and Heisman frontrunner Jeremiah Smith. Will Indiana's offense get back to their national championship form against Rutgers? Plus, how to play the first leg of the Commander-In-Chief trophy as Air Force and Navy prepare for battle.On to the NFL, the guys try to rebound after a wild week of upsets and bad bounces. First, the battle for Texas as the surprisingly terrible Texans take on the Cowboys. Is it Houston's week to bounce back? Should we expect a shootout in the Bay Area? Will Drake Maye revive his season against Josh Allen and the Bills?It's all on a new episode of The Spread Zone.LEGAL DISCLAIMERWe provide information about sports betting for entertainment purposes only. Please confirm gambling regulations in your state of residence. To participate in sports gaming, you must be 21 years of age or older and be physically present in a state where sports betting is legal. If you or someone you know has a sports betting or gambling problem, please call 1-800-GAMBLER or visit www.ncpgambling.org for more information and further assistance.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Another week, another packed slate of football on The Spread Zone.Anthony Stalter is catching fire and coming off a 6-1 week. Tim McKernon continues to dominate the board on college football Saturdays, but Rizz is still trying to find his footing in the new season as his struggles continue.On the college side, they break down some great values in the weekend's marquee matchups. First, homecoming week in Columbia as the Missouri Tigers take on the red-hot Florida Gators. Then up to Iowa City as the Hawkeyes play host to the Ohio State Buckeyes and Heisman frontrunner Jeremiah Smith. Will Indiana's offense get back to their national championship form against Rutgers? Plus, how to play the first leg of the Commander-In-Chief trophy as Air Force and Navy prepare for battle.On to the NFL, the guys try to rebound after a wild week of upsets and bad bounces. First, the battle for Texas as the surprisingly terrible Texans take on the Cowboys. Is it Houston's week to bounce back? Should we expect a shootout in the Bay Area? Will Drake Maye revive his season against Josh Allen and the Bills?It's all on a new episode of The Spread Zone.LEGAL DISCLAIMERWe provide information about sports betting for entertainment purposes only. Please confirm gambling regulations in your state of residence. To participate in sports gaming, you must be 21 years of age or older and be physically present in a state where sports betting is legal. If you or someone you know has a sports betting or gambling problem, please call 1-800-GAMBLER or visit www.ncpgambling.org for more information and further assistance.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

We break down the 24-20 loss at Alabama-Birmingham and look ahead to Saturday's service academy showdown at Air Force. Navy travels to Colorado Springs for the first leg of the Commander-in-Chief's Trophy series. All-time Navy great and College Football Foundation Hall of Fame inductee Chet Moeller is our Alumni Spotlight segment guest.

This Day in Legal History: Congress Creates the U.S. ArmyOn September 29, 1789—the very last day of the First Congress's inaugural session—the House and Senate passed the act that formally established the United States Army under the new Constitution. President Washington had pressed hard for it, reminding Congress that the militia provisions inherited from the Articles of Confederation were inadequate and that the nation needed a standing military establishment placed on a proper constitutional footing.The legal significance lies less in the creation of a fighting force than in how that force was subordinated. The Constitution had already divided military power deliberately: Congress alone can raise and fund armies and declare war, while the President serves as Commander-in-Chief. The 1789 Act operationalized that division, embedding the bedrock American principle of civilian control of the military—that the armed forces answer to elected civilian authority and operate within, not above, the rule of law. The Framers were deeply wary of standing armies and concentrated power; their answer was not to forbid a military, but to fracture control over it between the branches so no single actor could wield it unchecked.The significance of September 29, 1789 is that principle—power channeled through congressional authorization and constitutional limits rather than executive will alone. And that is precisely the thread running through our lead story today: a dispute over whether the executive branch can wield federal money as a lever to force its policy preferences on the states, or whether it may only do what Congress has actually authorized. The names change over 237 years; the fundamental question—who gets to exercise power, and with whose permission—does not.A federal judge has blocked the administration from tying federal counterterrorism grants to whether states adopt its preferred election-administration changes—the latest in a long string of election-related defeats we've tracked this month. Here's what the administration did: the Department of Homeland Security announced it would withhold 20% of funding under grant programs meant to help state and local governments prepare for terrorist attacks and other threats, unless those governments adopted election measures the administration favored. U.S. District Judge Amir Ali, in a 24-page opinion, sided with counties and cities in Texas, Ohio, and Tennessee that sued, holding that federal agencies simply lacked authority from Congress to attach those conditions to the grants. Let me put this in its constitutional frame, because it's a classic. The federal government routinely attaches strings to the money it gives states—that's the spending power, and it's legitimate within limits. But the Supreme Court set boundaries in cases like South Dakota v. Dole and, more forcefully, in the NFIB v. Sebelius healthcare decision: conditions must be clearly stated, must relate to the purpose of the funding, and can't be so coercive that they amount to a “gun to the head.” Conditioning anti-terrorism preparedness money on unrelated election changes runs into two of those problems at once—the germaneness requirement, since election administration has nothing to do with counterterrorism, and the basic separation-of-powers point that an agency can't invent conditions Congress never authorized. That last point is what Judge Ali hung his ruling on, and it's the same principle that decided the homelessness and mail-ballot cases: agencies have only the power Congress gives them. The significance is that this is now a consistent, rulings-deep pattern—court after court telling the executive it cannot use funding leverage, or agency fiat, to seize control over how states run their elections. On the anniversary of a law about channeling power through congressional authorization, it's a fitting rebuke.Judge blocks Trump from tying anti-terrorism grants to election changes | Reuters · PBS News · US NewsIn a notable reversal, Justice Samuel Alito has recused himself from a major climate-change case the Supreme Court is set to hear next week—and the move opens up real questions about both judicial ethics and the case's outcome. The case involves Boulder, Colorado, and its county, which sued Exxon Mobil and Suncor Energy seeking damages for the local harms of climate change; it's set for argument October 5. Environmental groups had pushed for Alito to step aside because he owns stock in oil-and-gas companies—ConocoPhillips and Phillips 66, among others—that, while not parties to this particular suit, plainly have interests riding on how the Court treats climate liability. Here's why the reversal is striking. Back in May, a Court spokeswoman said Alito would not recuse, on the theory that he had no financial interest in any actual party to the case. Now he's stepping aside anyway. This goes to the heart of the judicial-ethics debate that has dogged the Court: federal law, 28 U.S.C. § 455, requires a judge to disqualify when their impartiality might reasonably be questioned or when they have a financial interest in the subject matter in controversy—and Supreme Court justices, unlike lower-court judges, have historically decided their own recusal questions with no review and little explanation. Alito's flip suggests the pressure and scrutiny over the Court's ethics, which produced its first-ever formal code of conduct in 2023, is having an effect. And there's a concrete consequence: with only eight justices participating, the case could end in a 4-4 tie—which would leave the lower-court ruling in place without setting any national precedent. The significance is that it's a small but real sign of the Court responding to ethics scrutiny, and a reminder that in the climate-liability wars, procedural moves like a single recusal can matter as much as the merits.US Supreme Court's Alito won't participate in climate case involving oil companies | Reuters · CNBC · NBC NewsAnd finally, Florida has asked a court to bar OpenAI from developing new AI models without outside oversight—an extraordinary requested remedy that, if granted, would be one of the most aggressive judicial interventions into AI development we've seen. This is part of a lawsuit Florida's attorney general, James Uthmeier, filed in June, accusing OpenAI of misrepresenting ChatGPT's safety and of harming children—the complaint alleges the platform provided information to school shooters, offered guidance on self-harm, and was designed to addict young users. In Monday's filing, Florida escalated the requested relief dramatically: it asked the court to prohibit OpenAI from developing new models without external oversight, to order the company to keep minors off ChatGPT entirely, and to bar it from giving the chatbot “human attributes.” Let me unpack why that's such a big ask. Courts issue injunctions all the time, but a prohibitory injunction against building new products—essentially putting a court-supervised brake on a technology company's core R&D—is a remarkable expansion of the injunctive remedies we've discussed in the teen-harms cases. It raises hard questions about how far a court's equitable power can reach into ongoing innovation, and whether such sweeping prior restraint on development is even administrable. Notably, OpenAI says it has already paused training its most capable models and won't resume until additional safeguards are in place—which both undercuts the urgency Florida claims and signals the company sees the writing on the wall. Florida is the first state AG to sue OpenAI over harms to young users, though the company faces individual and family suits too, including ones tied to self-harm. And this connects to a huge thread we've followed all month—the Harvey guardrails acquisition, the ChatGPT-fabricated testimony, California's Adam's Law. The significance is that the legal system is now being asked not just to punish AI harms after the fact, but to preemptively supervise how these models get built—a genuine frontier for the law, and one courts will approach with real caution.Florida asks court to bar OpenAI from developing new models as part of child harm lawsuit | Reuters · US News · Lawyer Monthly This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

Apple Pie Playground with Valerie Title: What is your divine child's ikigai? What gets you up in the morning? If it's your alarm clock, let's talk. What Is Your Divine Child's Ikigai? Sacred Geometry, Blue Zones, and Finding Your Reason for Being Valerie leads a solo hour on Apple Pie Playground exploring the Japanese concept of ikigai, tracing its sacred geometry and Okinawan Blue Zone roots before guiding listeners through a live four-column exercise to measure their own passion, purpose, mastery, and profession. Welcome To The Divine Playground Valerie opens Apple Pie Playground by welcoming listeners back to what she calls the place where divine children play under the Tree of Life. She explains the Kabbalah's structure of a mother principle, a father principle, and a child, describing the child as representing the emotional or astral body, the part of consciousness that carries emotion, imagination, and passion. She notes that the phrase get your head out of the clouds actually references that same astral nature of daydreaming and imagining. Valerie invites listeners to spend the hour indulging their inner child, dabbling in imaginings of a better world, and thanks BBS Radio for bringing everyone together on the playground. She frames understanding the divine inner child as more than nostalgia for childhood memories, setting up a discussion of how ancient spiritual traditions treated that inner spark as something sacred and worth deliberately awakening within the body. Gnostic Roots Of The Sacred Child Valerie turns to Gnostic practice, explaining that devotees worked to incarnate what they called the sacred child, or divine spark, into the physical body, a process meant to pull Christ consciousness into the vessel and awaken what she calls the inner sun within. She ties this to ideas from earlier shows about a universe and a central sun existing inside the human body. She says some call this receiving the Holy Spirit and others call it reconnecting with source consciousness, framing them as the same experience described differently. Valerie argues humanity has lost its essential connection to source through what she calls dark design, and that reconnecting is intentional, mission-critical work accomplished through daily devotions, rituals, and meditations. She recommends a YouTube and Spotify teacher named Morg, spelled M-O-R-G, praising his integration of Kabbalah, Gnosticism, biblical and Christian studies, and encouraging listeners to simply pick a video of his and get started. A Date In History Before turning to her planned topic, Valerie flags something from the news she feels went largely unnoticed: President Trump's speech at the United Nations this week, delivered on September 22nd. She recalls that the same date in history marked President Lincoln's preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, a stern warning that in 100 days the government would consider enslaved people in hostile Confederate states to be free. Valerie draws a parallel between Lincoln acting as commander-in-chief during wartime and Trump addressing the United Nations while presiding over a military she describes as in active combat, under what she says some call martial law. She wonders aloud whether the UN speech quietly drew a line in the sand for a liberated humanity, and whether a hundred days might bring freedoms not yet imaginable. She acknowledges she may be reaching, but urges listeners to consider world events through a more mystical or metaphorical lens. Introducing Ikigai And Sacred Geometry Valerie pivots to the day's chosen topic, ikigai, a Japanese concept she describes as more intricate and debated than she expected, essentially a debate about happiness. She explains that ikigai, or one's reason for being, is typically illustrated with a Venn diagram combining four questions: what is your passion, your purpose, your mastery or skill, and your profession or service. Answering these, she says, builds an internal sense of life's worth and self-realization. Valerie highlights that the Venn diagram takes the shape of a vesica piscis, which in sacred geometry is the foundation of the Flower of Life, a pattern she says animates the cosmos. She suggests that practicing ikigai connects a person to the same creation energies embedded in that geometry, linking a simple word for contentment to a much larger cosmic design, and promises to unpack what ikigai actually means and where it comes from next. Lessons From Okinawa's Blue Zone Valerie traces ikigai's roots to Okinawa, a so-called Blue Zone she says is home to a remarkable concentration of centenarians, and credits much of that longevity to daily ikigai practices. She describes hara hachi bu, eating until only about eighty percent full, along with constant gentle movement such as walking, bending, sitting on the ground for meals, and living by the rhythm of sunrise and sunset rather than the clock. She notes that traditional Okinawan culture has no real concept of retirement and that people tend medicinal gardens for home remedies. Valerie then explores Shintoism's concept of kami, the belief that all things carry divine spirit, which extends a person's reason for being toward serving community harmony, or wa, rather than the self alone. She describes moai, small childhood friend groups that stay close for life, as a fading but treasured practice, and closes with the Zen Buddhist view that everyday life itself is the greatest teacher. A Four-Column Ikigai Exercise With time running short, Valerie leads a simplified, live version of the ikigai Venn diagram, asking listeners to grab paper and draw three lines to make four columns labeled Passion, Purpose, Mastery, and Profession, filling each from the bottom up. For every column she poses three candid questions, such as how clear one's greatest passion is, how much of the week goes to others' demands, how easily a loved one could state one's life purpose, and how ready one feels to retire regardless of age, asking listeners to score each answer as a percentage. She explains that columns with stronger percentages at the bottom than the top suggest a life built on solid footing, while the reverse suggests a structure unlikely to stand. Valerie frames the exercise as a starting point for further reflection during the week ahead, then thanks BBS Radio and her listeners before the pre-recorded announcer closes the show and invites everyone back the following Sunday.

Mike Slater recently got an email from a listener that accused him of always going along with President Donald J. Trump blindly and never questioning what the current administration is doing, similar to how the LAMESTREAM MEDIA was with Joe Biden when he was commander-in-chief. Is this true? Slater sure doesn't think so and you'll want to hear his defense of himself!Following that, Mike chats with Breitbart's living legend, John Nolte, about the latest madness from Hollywood and also give his unique hot takes on how the 2026 Midterm Elections will REALLY go down. It's good stuff so dig in!MAGA! Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

This Day in Legal History: The Preliminary Emancipation ProclamationOn September 22, 1862, following the Union's costly victory at Antietam, President Abraham Lincoln issued the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation. It gave the Confederate states an ultimatum: return to the Union by January 1, 1863, or the enslaved people in the rebelling states “shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free.” The Confederacy did not yield, and on New Year's Day 1863, Lincoln issued the final Proclamation, recasting the Civil War as a war against slavery and setting more than three million people on the path to freedom.For legal history, the Proclamation is a landmark study in the scope—and the limits—of executive power. Lincoln did not act under a statute passed by Congress; he acted as Commander-in-Chief, framing emancipation as a “fit and necessary war measure” to weaken the Confederacy. That's why the Proclamation, by its own terms, reached only the areas in rebellion—not the border states loyal to the Union, where Lincoln doubted his war powers extended. It was a document acutely aware of its own legal boundaries. Lincoln understood that a wartime executive order might not survive the war's end, which is precisely why he pushed so hard for the 13th Amendment—to place the abolition of slavery on the permanent, unshakable footing of the Constitution rather than the contested ground of a presidential proclamation.The significance of September 22, 1862 is that it is one of the most consequential exercises of executive authority in American history—and a permanent lesson in that authority's nature. It showed both the enormous power a president can wield in a crisis and the reason such power is inherently limited and temporary, requiring the other branches to make it durable. That tension—between decisive executive action and the checks that legitimate and constrain it—runs directly into my column today, which is, at its heart, about exactly that balance.Paramount has settled with California and eleven other states, clearing one of the biggest remaining hurdles to its roughly $110 billion merger with Warner Bros. Discovery—a deal that would reshape Hollywood. Let me set the stage. Back in July, a coalition of twelve states, led by California Attorney General Rob Bonta, sued to block the merger, arguing in their complaint that combining Paramount and Warner Bros. would “extinguish competition” in the entertainment industry. And you can see why they worried: this deal would unite two of Hollywood's biggest film studios, two major streaming services, and—critically for the news business—two of the largest cable-news operations, CBS and CNN, under a single owner. This is state antitrust enforcement, and it's a reminder that state AGs are increasingly aggressive independent players in merger review, not just spectators to the federal agencies. The settlement, which came together over the weekend after four holdout states came around, includes some genuinely interesting concessions. First, an output commitment: Paramount pledges to release 30 films a year for the first two years and 32 a year for the next three, or pay a penalty—a remedy aimed squarely at the fear that the merged giant would slash output and starve theaters. But the most striking term, from a media-law perspective, is this: the states secured a commitment to independent editorial boards for CBS and CNN. Think about what that addresses—the concern that concentrating this much news media under one owner threatens editorial independence, that the danger of media mergers isn't just higher prices but a narrowing of the free press. The significance is twofold: it clears a major path toward closing one of the largest media mergers in history, and it shows antitrust remedies stretching beyond the usual price-and-output concerns into the territory of safeguarding editorial independence—a novel and telling wrinkle in an age of consolidated media.Paramount settles with California, other states, clearing major hurdle for Warner Bros | Reuters · Washington Post · NBC NewsNow a story that will resonate with anyone who's ever sat for the bar: the vendor behind California's disastrous 2025 bar exam has agreed to a class-action settlement. Longtime listeners may recall the debacle—the February 2025 California bar exam was marred by serious technical failures, with test-takers reporting crashing software, login problems, and lost answers on the online platform, in what became a genuine crisis for the people whose careers hung on that test. The company that administered it, ProctorU, doing business as Meazure Learning, has now agreed to settle the examinees' proposed class action for about $1.35 million. Under the deal—which still needs approval from a federal judge in the Northern District of California—roughly 4,100 examinees would get full refunds of the $153 laptop fee they paid to take the exam. One quick clarification, because you may see a bigger number floating around: the class-action figure is $1.35 million, but separately, the State Bar of California itself sued the vendor and secured a $5.25 million settlement—so the total the vendor is paying across both actions is meaningfully larger than the class-action number alone. The legal framing is a straightforward but important one: this is a consumer/contract and negligence theory—the plaintiffs alleged the company deployed malfunctioning software despite knowing about glitches weeks in advance. That last part, the alleged prior knowledge, is what elevates it from unfortunate technical failure toward actionable misconduct. The significance goes beyond the dollars, which are modest—a $153 refund doesn't remotely capture the stress and career disruption of a botched bar exam. It's a cautionary tale about the high-stakes migration of critical, gatekeeping exams onto proprietary software, and about accountability when that technology fails the people who depend on it. As more of the legal profession's own infrastructure goes digital, the reliability of the vendors behind it becomes a real professional-responsibility concern.California bar exam software provider to pay $1.35 million in class action over test | Reuters · Bloomberg Law · Law360And finally, in my column for Bloomberg Tax this week, I take on the messy afterlife of the tariff wars—specifically, what happens when tariffs get unwound. Billions in tariff refunds are now flowing back to U.S. companies after the Supreme Court struck down the IEEPA tariffs earlier this year, and my argument is that the whole refund process reveals a deep design flaw: the government is good at returning cash to the businesses that legally paid it, but it has no way to get that money back to the consumers who actually bore much of the cost. Here's the core problem. Tariffs legally fall on the importer—the company that writes the check—but economically, that burden gets passed down the supply chain into higher prices for distributors, retailers, and ultimately consumers. So when the tariff is refunded, the money goes back to the importer, not to the people who really paid. And companies do whatever they want with that windfall—pay down debt, reward workers, or lower prices on something totally unrelated. My favorite illustration in the piece: imagine you overpaid for a coffee machine last year because of the tariff, and the company uses its refund to discount patio furniture this year. The patio-furniture buyer gets a subsidy funded by your coffee-machine overpayment. That's only a “refund” if you treat all consumers as one undifferentiated blob rather than actual individuals. Now here's the legal heart of my argument, and it draws on the tax code. Section 6416 of the Internal Revenue Code already solves a version of this for federal excise taxes: a business generally can't get a refund just because it remitted the tax—it has to show it either didn't pass the tax on to customers, or it repaid them, or they consented. Tariffs have no comparable mechanism. So my proposal is that Congress should require any temporary tariff to contain an unwinding mechanism from the very beginning—specifying who gets refunded, what happens when the burden was shifted downstream, whether claims accrue interest, and how Treasury should account for potential refund liability while the tariff is even in effect. And this ties directly to today's legal-history theme: the Supreme Court, in striking down those tariffs, essentially treated tariffs as a branch of the taxing power. So maybe, I argue, we should start treating their unwinding with the same seriousness—and the same built-in checks—we give other taxes. Given that this administration already exceeded the tariff authority Congress delegated it, this isn't a hypothetical worth shrugging at. It's a design problem Congress should fix before the next tariff, not after. Tariffs Need a Checks-and-Balances System From the Beginning | Bloomberg Tax This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Malayan Campaign. In December 1941, Japan invaded British Malaya, aiming to cripple Allied power. Despite British defenses, General Yamashita's battle-hardened 25th Army overwhelmed them. The British fumbled early, failing to strike Japanese beachheads, while the sinking of Force Z left Malaya without naval protection. At Jitra, the absence of tanks proved devastating for the Indian defenders. Yamashita employed blitzkrieg tactics, using tanks and bicycles to exploit the terrain. The British, spread thin and under-resourced, retreated south, facing constant attacks and encirclements. The evacuation of Penang further demoralized the Allies, with locals turning against their colonial rulers.   #220 The Malayan Campaign Part 2: The Collapse of Johore Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   While British forces retreated southward in disarray, a different response was taking shape within the local Chinese population. Ethnic Chinese volunteers, motivated by decades of Japanese aggression in Asia and the brutality of Japan's ongoing war in China, began organizing into military formations to resist where the British colonial administration was failing. These volunteers lacked the resources of official forces, but they possessed something the dwindling British garrisons did not: deep roots in Malayan territory and an existential stake in defeating the Japanese. As British commanders abandoned town after town, Chinese resistance fighters prepared to stay and fight.   Despite acts of heroism, such as at Kampar, the Japanese advanced relentlessly. The defenders prepared a new line of defense at Trolak, five miles north of Slim River. Reinforcements arrived, and the 45th Brigade was dispatched to repel the enemy's advance on Kuala Selangor. General Paris established a new defensive line at the Slim River, approximately 50 miles north of Kuala Lumpur. Though the river presented a significant anti-tank obstacle with its consistent 200-yard width, insufficient troop numbers prevented complete coverage. The next delaying action was staged at Trolak, a narrow point 9 miles north of the river. Paris positioned Lieutenant Colonel Ian Stewart's depleted 12th Brigade in the forward constricted area, the 28th Brigade to cover the road and railway, and the 15th Brigade in reserve at Tanjong Malim. This represented a defense-in-depth strategy. Stewart deployed his battalions strategically, but the forward commander, Lieutenant Colonel Wilson Haffenden, was wounded in an air attack shortly after taking position. Japanese fighters exploited the predictable concentration of defenders along the narrow road, attacking with impunity against limited anti-aircraft defenses. The forward battalion's role was to serve as a tripwire, alerting the brigade to large-scale attacks and delaying the Japanese advance. A critical weakness was the inadequate deployment of artillery. Only eight 25-pounder guns were positioned forward, while over sixteen were kept further back for safer withdrawal across the river. The forward defenses also lacked mines and anti-tank guns, though these were available to the supporting battalion. By this point, the campaign had drained morale—troops were exhausted, underfed, unwashed, and sleep-deprived from constant movement, aerial attacks, and minimal time for proper defensive construction. A Tamil laborer reported seeing at least 80 "tanks" in a nearby village. British officers dismissed the report, mistakenly assuming he confused trucks for tanks. The men remained unaware of the imminent danger. The Japanese initiated minor probes along the railway that morning, repelled by artillery fire with approximately 60 enemy dead. The remainder of the day was quiet. Stewart requested 48 hours' rest for his exhausted men. Paris agreed and sent divisional reserves to positions south of Trolak. Ninety minutes after they arrived, the Japanese attacked. Major Hajime Shimada commanded approximately 30 Type 95 tanks and 10 light tanks, plus trucks carrying infantry. After setbacks at Kampar, Shimada convinced his superiors to permit a night armored assault—uncommon in World War II but calculated as a worthwhile risk given the narrow defensive front where artillery could devastate his concentrated force. At 3 a.m. on January 7th, heavy rain fell. Defenders in foxholes along the jungle road heard gunfire at dusk, indicating Japanese attempts to pinpoint positions. At 3:30 a.m., Japanese mortars and artillery shells opened fire. Fifteen minutes later, Japanese infantry within 300 yards attempted to breach barbed wire obstacles. At 4 a.m., tanks arrived, their yellow tracer rounds causing widespread panic. The forward anti-tank gun remained silent, its crew possibly dead or fled. Defenders retreated in chaos. At 4:30 a.m., one of Shimada's tanks detonated an anti-tank mine. The tank behind was disabled by a Boys anti-tank rifle. Punjabi defenders on high ground began launching Molotov cocktails against the vehicles. Shimada's plan backfired. His immobilized armored column became vulnerable to artillery fire, illuminated by the burning Molotov cocktails. The tanks lacked radios; commanders opened hatches to shout orders, exposing themselves to grenades. Ironically, the Molotov fires revealed escape routes, and Shimada's force managed to break through. The opportunity to destroy the entire column was lost, possibly due to the newly arrived reinforcements failing to establish telephone lines for directing artillery fire. By 6 a.m., most Japanese tanks had advanced, mopping up infantry. The leading tanks were halted again by another anti-tank mine. Molotov cocktails were deployed, and two anti-tank guns engaged, destroying one tank. But the crews soon fell silent, possibly unnerved by advancing Japanese infantry. By 7 a.m., organized resistance collapsed, and defenders fled the Trolak area. In the central sector, Captain Kenneth McLeod watched turbaned soldiers stream past: "I stood there like a traffic officer to whom no one pays any attention." Roadblocks were hastily established as commanders attempted to prepare bridge demolition charges. The first four tanks appeared in the remaining darkness, easily overcoming initial roadblocks. The second defensive line included armored cars and Boys rifles. One tank was set ablaze by Molotov cocktail and immobilized by a Boys shot. The armored cars were hit and disabled. Defenders heroically pushed the damaged vehicles to the southern end of the Trolak bridge to delay the Japanese before destroying it around 6:30 p.m. Many Japanese forces bypassed this sector, attempting to encircle fleeing defenders before they reached the Slim River. Tank ambushes along roadways forced many into the jungle. Second Lieutenant Ian Primrose was knocked unconscious during an ambush. Upon regaining consciousness, he discovered Japanese soldiers taking prisoners and segregating the wounded. Primrose recalled: "Everybody had heard the stories about Japanese atrocities in China, but that was Asians dealing with Asians. We never expected this sort of thing to happen to us." Afterwards, surviving prisoners were forced to dig graves for the murdered and carry wounded Japanese soldiers. En route south of Trolak, Paris's reinforcements approached with ammunition and heavy weapons. Shimada's vanguard, led by 2nd Lieutenant Sadanobu Watanabe, ambushed the approaching vehicles. The first two companies—approximately 250 men—were decimated. Watanabe pushed on. Near the Slim River, his tanks attacked the Gurkha brigade's headquarters. Captain Tom Mooney, rather than seeking cover, "drew his .455 revolver, stood his ground and fired upon the tanks until he was shot dead." Watanabe's objective was seizing the Slim road bridge. He encountered Gurkha forces, many young recruits. Major Winkfield recalled: "The next thing I knew a machine-gun blazed in my ear; a bullet grazed my leg and I dived into the ditch as a tank bore down on me. It had passed through half my battalion without my realizing that anything was amiss." The casualties were severe. Colonel Fulton was wounded and later died in captivity. At his headquarters in Tanjong Malim, Archibald Paris remained unaware of the rapid collapse. Two hours after the Japanese attack, intelligence ceased. Reports of enemy breakthroughs surfaced. Paris dispatched Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Harrison to investigate. Harrison recalled: "The next thing I knew was a deafening volley as machine gun bullets shattered my windscreen. I wrenched the wheel hard to starboard, crashed into the ditch, opened the door, leapt out and ran like hell over 50 yards of open ground to flimsy security of some scattered rubber." Behind him, his driver Ghulam, holding a wounded shoulder, asked in bewilderment: "Are those our armored cars, Sahib?" Watanabe continued his advance, killing Lieutenant Colonel Charles Holme, and reached the bridge, defended by Bofors gunners and Hong Kong Artillery men. Their anti-tank guns, using air-burst ammunition, proved ineffective against the Type 95's armor. The gunners fled. Watanabe, injured, remained on the bridge, cutting the wires to the demolition charges. Ensign Toichero Sato led three tanks south of the river toward Tanjong Malim, killing Colonel Augustus Murdoch. A Japanese soldier later remarked of Sato: "He died in an officer-like manner, with his hand on the hilt of his service sword." Tsuji, visiting the wreck, observed: "Sato had collapsed beside his gun like a dish of ame." Harrison, reflecting on the experience in his unpublished history of the 11th Division, could not conceal his admiration for the Japanese: "Heedless of danger and of their isolation they had shattered the division; they had captured the Slim bridge by their reckless and gallant determination." The Battle of Slim River represented a catastrophic collapse of British defenses. In a single night of audacious tank assault, Yamashita's forces had shattered the 11th Indian Division, secured a critical crossing, and opened the road to Singapore. The campaign's southern phase had begun.   As British formations collapsed at Slim River and scattered across northern Malaya, Dalforce—the Chinese volunteer army officially formed on December 25th—was already seeing combat. This 4,000-strong unit, hastily organized under Lieutenant Colonel John Dalley and comprised predominantly of ethnic Chinese recruits, had begun operations despite severe handicaps. Many fighters carried sporting rifles rather than military-grade weapons; critical supply shipments had been lost when the SS Empress of Asia sank. Yet they fought. Dalforce members, drawn from Chinese communities throughout Malaya and Singapore, were motivated by more than military duty. Japanese forces had invaded China in 1937, and the brutality of that occupation—massacres, forced labor, cultural suppression—was well known to these volunteers. Many had family connections to China and viewed the Japanese invasion of Malaya as an extension of the same imperial aggression. Unlike British forces, which operated under colonial orders, Chinese volunteers fought for their own survival and that of their communities. Their involvement during this phase remained largely in supporting roles and guerrilla actions, as Dalforce units engaged Japanese forces in skirmishes and ambushes across the peninsula. Though initially integrated with British command structures, their effectiveness and commitment stood in sharp contrast to the demoralization gripping the official military hierarchy. While British brigades were fragmenting and retreating in confusion, Chinese resistance fighters demonstrated the kind of stubborn determination that would characterize their struggle throughout the coming Japanese occupation. General Sir Archibald Wavell arrived in Singapore on January 7th as Percival's forces were collapsing at Slim River. Wavell carried considerable prestige. Despite his mixed record against Rommel in North Africa, even the Desert Fox himself rated Wavell highly. Auchinleck, Wavell's replacement in the Middle East, later wrote of him: "In no sense do I wish to infer that I found an unsatisfactory situation on my arrival—far from it. Not only was I greatly impressed by the solid foundations laid by my predecessor, but I was also able the better to appreciate the vastness of the problems with which he had been confronted and the greatness of his achievements, in a command in which some 40 different languages are spoken by the British and allied forces." Churchill had relieved Wavell in June following failed operations, and he was subsequently appointed commander in chief of ABDACOM (American, British, Dutch, Australian Command) for the Far East. Upon landing, Wavell assumed control of the British Far East Command and immediately traveled to Rasa to assess the situation. He encountered Brigadiers Stewart and Selby—the men responsible for defending Trolak and Slim River. Wavell recalled: "I have never seen two men look so tired." The scale of the catastrophe became apparent. Stewart's 12th Brigade, once formidable, could muster only 430 officers and men—roughly one-sixth its original strength, with barely 200 armed troops fit for combat. Selby's 28th Brigade fared slightly better at 750 men. The sight shocked Wavell, and he immediately suspected serious command failures under Percival. What Wavell did not know was that Percival had already decided to abandon central Malaya forty-eight hours before the Japanese reached Slim Bridge. This strategic decision, however, was proving catastrophic in execution. Wavell quickly grasped that Johor—the last state before Singapore—would be decisive. He needed to buy time for reinforcements and reorganize the scattered forces into defensible positions. Wavell appointed the 8th Australian Division under Major General Gordon Bennett to defend northwestern Johor, while Indian forces took responsibility for southern and northeastern Johor. Bennett, however, was frustrated by the defensive posture. The plan involved retreating 140 miles and abandoning key terrain to establish a new line in northern Johor, bolstered by incoming East Anglian Territorials. Lieutenant Colonel Arthur Harrison, who had narrowly escaped Japanese tanks at Tanjong Malim, later wrote that he "could not conceal his admiration for the men who almost killed him." Japanese officer Mustaph Ghulam observed their "heedless of danger and of their isolation they had shattered the division; they had captured the Slim bridge by their reckless and gallant determination." Even Stewart acknowledged mistakes: "I am rightly criticised for the location of Brigade Headquarters, and for not using the Field Artillery in an anti-tank role...It is no excuse, but I had never taken part in an exercise embodying a coordinated anti-tank defence or this type of attack. The use of tanks on a road at night was a surprise." Wavell intervened decisively in the dispute between Percival and Bennett. Accepting the withdrawal to Johor, he overruled Percival's reluctance to commit the Australians to the threatened western coast. As Bennett put it, they were "going into bat, we must take certain risks on the east coast temporarily in order to organize a good defense on the western side which is immediately threatened." Wavell reorganized Bennett's forces into Westforce, positioning them to counter Yamashita's inevitable coastal advance. Westforce dug in along the Muar River to buy time for Indian forces to reorganize. As the British retreated, they employed scorched earth tactics—burning rubber factories, mines, and fuel stocks. Percival acknowledged the cost to British prestige: "Pillars of smoke and flame rose into the sky as rubber factories, mine machinery, petrol and oil stocks were denied. Small wonder that British prestige sank to a very low ebb among the population." Booby traps inflicted additional casualties on the pursuing Japanese. The 5th Army advanced toward Gemas, where Captain Jack Duffy's engineers prepared a devastating surprise. When the bridge over the Gemensah River exploded, Duffy recalled the chaos: "Japanese bodies, bicycles, timber, rocks and earth flew far and wide in a huge red flash leaving a gaping space where the bridge had been." The 8th Australian Division's ambush mauled the Japanese column. Lieutenant Colonel Frederick "Black Jack" Galleghan held the position, his anti-tank gunners methodically dismantling enemy armor. Sergeant Kenneth Harrison, commanding a 2-pounder, described the grim ballet of tank warfare: "These burst on contact and the flash enabled me to see where we were hitting, and to adjust the sights accordingly. Eventually our infantry sent a message, 'Tank destroyed. Save ammunition.' It lay there with men crawling out like wood bugs from a burning log." After inflicting heavy losses, Harrison and his partner reflected on the moment: "we wave back rather lamely, but that was without doubt the proudest moment either of us will ever know." After 24 brutal hours, Galleghan withdrew. Tsuji, observing the Australians' ferocity, wrote they "fought with a bravery we had not previously seen." Fresh reinforcements—including the 53rd Infantry Brigade—arrived in Singapore, kindling hope that momentum might shift. Yet south of Gemas at Muar, Brigadier Horatio Duncan's 45th Brigade faced Japan's elite: Nishimura's Konoye Imperial Guards Division. The disparity was stark. By January 16th, Muar fell. Lieutenant Colonel John Williams, leading a Jat battalion of teenage recruits, was caught in a Japanese encirclement after being bypassed upstream. He was beheaded by a Japanese officer wielding a katana. On January 17th, Australian reinforcements under Lieutenant Colonel Charles Anderson arrived to stiffen the line at Bakri, but the situation remained precarious. As Duncan's brigade retreated, Percival grasped the threat: the Imperial Guards had become the spearhead. He committed Anderson's 19th Battalion to hold the door open while the 53rd Brigade deployed immediately into combat. One Australian officer, watching newly arrived British soldiers take up positions, noted their shock: "they were a fine body of men but almost dazed by the position in which they found themselves." The contrast was stark—while Australians fought for their lives, a British officer was reportedly heard discussing getting "the officers mess going." At Bakri, the air attacks became horrifying. Lieutenant Ben Hackney witnessed devastation that defied quick description: "just beside the road a naked waist with two twisted legs lay about two yards from a scarred bleeding head with a neck, half a chest and one arm." Gunner Russell Brandon saw their best soldier fall: "the black bastard was dead, our best soldier had not survived and we were now surrounded." The Imperial Guards attacked from multiple directions, tightening their encirclement. Malaya's situation had become critical. The defenders faced a dire situation. Muar had fallen with heavy losses to the 45th Indian Brigade, forcing a disheartening retreat. The Australians were driven from Gemas, and remnants of both forces regrouped at Bakri, establishing a defensive perimeter as Japanese forces converged. Nearly all of Duncan's officer staff had been killed in an aerial attack. The newly arrived 53rd Brigade—the 5th & 6th Norfolks and 2nd Cambridgeshires, fresh from three months at sea—were thrown into the frontlines without adequate acclimation or training for jungle warfare. Percival ordered a counterattack to recapture Muar, mobilizing the Garhwalis reserves for a three-pronged advance. But Lt. Colonel James Woolridge, the Garhwalis' commander, was killed during a dawn reconnaissance patrol. The counterattack collapsed into disaster. Most remaining British officers were killed or wounded; survivors seized Bren guns and attempted to hold a rubber estate before retreating to Bakri amid artillery and aerial bombardment. Australian gunners, watching the fleeing sepoys, dubbed them the "Galloping Garhwalis." On January 18th, General Nishimura of the Imperial Guards Division launched a three-pronged assault that turned into a siege. Captain Shiegeo Gotanda led a tank vanguard at 6:45 AM without infantry support, inspired by Shimada's success at Slim River. Waiting were 2-pounder guns commanded by Lance Sergeant Clarrie Thornton. As six tanks approached in single file through a narrow, heavily vegetated cutting, Thornton's crew hit the first, third, and fourth tanks. The armor-piercing rounds penetrated the T-95s with devastating internal damage. All six tanks were immobilized. A Japanese sniper shot Thornton in the thigh before he was evacuated; he received the Distinguished Conduct Medal for his bravery. Encouraged by this victory, Percival decided to contain the Muar front but misjudged Japanese strength, believing it to be small when it was the entire Imperial Guards Division. Some Japanese forces had landed further down the coast, preparing to cut off the Muar-Bakri line from the south. Colonel Robertson was shot in the leg while riding a dispatch rider's motorbike and did not survive. Duncan, still recovering from an aerial bombardment that killed his officer staff, relinquished command to Lt. Colonel Charles Anderson. Anderson found himself commanding about 1,000 teenage Indian boys—just over a battalion—many only 17 years old. Though he held Indian soldiers in high regard from his East Africa experience, he expressed concern about their immaturity and lack of training. Some of Anderson's Australians launched a counterattack west of Bakri and trapped 200 Japanese soldiers. Platoon commander Patrick Reynolds described the chaos of Japanese soldiers "running in circles." When a seemingly dead enemy soldier suddenly rose with a grenade, Reynolds shot him just as it exploded, injuring himself. Another Japanese attempted to push his rifle toward Reynolds; when his pistol jammed, his batman shot the enemy soldier. The Australians increasingly believed rumors that the Japanese were "fanatics." Sergeant Desmond Mulcahy was searching a fallen Japanese sergeant's body when the man suddenly sprang up with a grenade. Mulcahy grabbed it to prevent detonation, but the Japanese sergeant struck him with it and punched him until another soldier bayoneted the attacker. Private Bluey Watkins set down his rifle to inspect Japanese bodies; one seized it and nearly shot him. The lesson was harsh: capturing Japanese alive was too risky. Private Charles Warden of B Company, just five months shy of 17, remarked, "from the first engagement we learned not to trust their wounded." The Australians killed approximately 140 of the 200 trapped Japanese, suffering only 10 casualties and 15 wounded—their high point in the campaign. By dawn on January 20th, Anderson received orders to withdraw toward Yong Peng. The Imperial Guards Division had established so many roadblocks that encirclement seemed imminent. A single company from the 19th Indians held off the Japanese while the rest retreated toward Parit Sulong, then found themselves nearly surrounded as the Japanese set up additional roadblocks. At the first roadblock, Anderson instructed his Australians to charge with bayonets while singing "Waltzing Matilda." Leading personally, he fired as he directed movements; the men likened him to a comic book hero come to life. As they neared Parit Sulong, Duncan—still recovering from concussion—commanded the rearguard and led a bayonet charge of Jats to recover lost vehicles. Anderson described him as "a very able and gallant officer," but Duncan was killed during the charge. By January 21st, they approached the Parit Sulong bridge, held securely by the Japanese. Two RAF Fairey Albacores and three Brewster Buffalo escorts arrived from Singapore to drop supplies, but when Australians rushed to collect them, they found only canned beetroot instead of bully beef. By January 22nd, Anderson knew holding the triangular perimeter was impossible. He attempted one final assault on the bridge. The Japanese had set up three barricades using sandbags, oil drums, and timber, covered by heavy machine guns on high ground. Approximately 30 Australians stormed while 100 provided cover fire. They breached the first barricade, reached the third, but machine gun fire blew apart the sandbags. With only five Australians left alive, they crawled back. Anderson ended the sacrifice, deeming it futile. He faced an impossible choice: abandon 150 severely wounded and break through the jungle to Yong Peng, about 12 miles away. They believed wounded would receive decent treatment; the Japanese had allowed Australian ambulances to pass at Gemas without interference. They did not yet know the truth. Initially, the Japanese were slow to close in, contenting themselves with sniping and probing. By 2:30 PM, wounded Lieutenants Hackney and Tibbitts lay beneath a wrecked utility truck supporting the rearguard with a Bren gun until ammunition ran out. The first Imperial Guards approached from the west, bayoneting and shooting anyone unable to escape. Those who made it across a drainage ditch were assembled in front of Public Works Department buildings and garages, sitting naked except for boots while Japanese searched them for weapons or maps. Requests for medical attention and water were denied. Many passing troops stopped "to have fun at the expense of the wounded defenders." Hackney noted, "the wound in my back attracted the attention of many who, whenever possible, took delight in kicking and belting the place." The Japanese did not reserve their hatred for whites alone. An Indian soldier with half his hand blown off and bleeding profusely from a thigh wound was beaten into unconsciousness, then when he rose groaning, subjected to frenzied kicks before a bayonet repeatedly thrust into him pushed him into the drainage ditch. When his head surfaced gasping for air, he was shot. Wounded prisoners were crammed into sheds. Hackney described it as "a stinking, scrambling hellhole, full of tortured, groaning, delirious soldiers." Lt. General Takuma Nishimura arrived and ordered disposal of the wounded. Guards appeared with water canteens and cigarettes as war correspondents photographed prisoners reaching for them. Once the correspondents left, the water was poured out, cigarettes pocketed, and prisoners forced back inside. Most Australians were tied together and shot. Japanese officers drew samurai swords to execute Indians. Many were doused with petrol and set alight. In Russell Braddon's words, "after their incineration, they were systematically run over, back and forth, by Japanese-driven trucks." Lance Havildar Benedict knocked the rifle from his executioner's hands and dove into the water, swimming away while Japanese fired wildly. Hackney, stabbed by a bayonet, pretended dead, hearing men burned alive nearby. He eventually found two survivors, Sergeant Ron Croft and another private, both reeking of petrol, who had escaped into the jungle. This became known as the Parit Sulong Massacre. Yamashita later claimed that had he commanded instead of Nishimura, such a massacre would not have occurred. Nishimura later oversaw occupational forces in Singapore and allegedly presided over the Sook Ching Massacre. He received a life sentence after the war but served only four years before returning to Japan. The Australian government apprehended him, subjected him to military court, convicted him, and executed him on June 11, 1951. The Muar battle signaled the end of serious Johore defense. Percival's last chance was a lateral line from Batu Pahat to Mersing, but Yamashita struck with a three-pronged offensive across both coasts and the central trunk road. On January 26th, a Hudson patrol spotted Japanese transports heading toward Endau. Air Vice Marshal Conway Pulford's squadrons—21 Vildebeest and Albacore torpedo bombers, 9 Hudsons, 15 Buffalos, and 8 Hawker Hurricanes—launched a mass daylight attack. The Hurricanes, equipped with air-intake filters and 12 machine guns instead of the usual 8, were less maneuverable than the Zero below 20,000 feet. Among the 24 pilots were 5 Australians, 1 Texan, and 4 Canadians, including future Australian Prime Minister John Gorton, who survived a crash that injured his face against his gunsight. Leading the first wave, Tim Rowland's Vildebeests were outfitted with 250-500 pound bombs due to shallow waters. The wave broke through clouds at 2,000 feet, heavily laden and slow—"an anti-aircraft gunners dream." Rowland's aircraft exploded mid-air before starting his bomb run. RAF Flight Lt Tom Lamb dived toward the beaches, later recalling: "It's a wonder the old crate didn't fall apart. Within seconds the sky was thick with aircraft… it was disconcerting to see rows of holes appearing all over the place in the fabric and hear the twang of parting wires. I could hear Sharp [his Australian gunner] blazing away and I heard him shout that he had got a Zero. At one time I could see five parachutes in the sky and two aircraft going down in flames… I dropped my bombs at little more than tree-top height… doing some vicious skids whenever attacked. Suddenly Gil Sharp gave a shout… A shell had got him right through the knee and the lower half of his leg was hanging off. Wills [sergeant observer] took over the gun." The initial wave faced not only anti-aircraft fire from IJN warships but 19 Nates and a single Nakajima Ki-44 "Tojo." It lost 5 Vildebeests but successfully bombed 2 transports and shot down 1 Nate. The second wave—9 Vildebeests, 3 Albacores, 4 Buffalos, and 7 Hurricanes—encountered problems as escorts arrived late. Before support could assist, 10 Nates and 2 Tojos intercepted them, resulting in the loss of 5 Vildebeests, 2 Albacores, and 1 Hurricane. Over 38 aircrew went missing, with 27 confirmed dead, including both squadron leaders. Air Vice Marshal Paul Maltby assured returning pilots there would be no more daylight attacks like that. Subsequent unescorted waves had little impact. That night, HMS Thanet and HMAS Vampire attempted a hit-and-run torpedo attack. Most torpedoes missed; both destroyers came under searchlight fire. Thanet was hit in the engine room, and her crew abandoned ship. Vampire could not safely rescue them and retreated to Singapore. Of Thanet's crew, 50 men, including Captain Lt. Commander Davis, struggled to reach shore on a grueling march back to Singapore. Some 30 sailors were rescued by the IJN destroyer Shirayuki, including Sub Lt. Danger, Thanet's torpedo officer. The Shirayuki later landed at Endau, where all sailors except Danger were murdered. Danger became significant as the first Royal Navy officer captured by the IJN. Endau fell to the Japanese 18th Division. Japanese forces bypassed Mersing, defended by the Australian 18th Battalion, who were ordered to withdraw as part of a general retreat to Singapore. At dawn, the 18th Battalion reached the Nithsdale rubber estate north of Jemaluang, where they ambushed a Japanese vanguard. Using Bren guns, 16 25-pounders, and mortars firing simultaneously, they trapped Yamashita's 18th Division troops between two companies. However, orders came to disengage and retreat to Jemaluang. By January 27th, Percival instructed all commanders to gather on Singapore; the causeway would be destroyed on February 1st. On January 28th, the 26th Australian Battalion covered Westforce's rearguard south of Simpang Rengam. After a frontal assault, the Japanese launched an outflanking maneuver through rubber plantations to cut the Trunk Road. Anticipating this, Lieutenant-Colonel Frederick "Black Jack" Galleghan launched a decisive counterattack using armored cars, inflicting heavy casualties and forcing retreat in disorder. However, Japanese toxic smoke bombs forced the Australians to withdraw hours later. By January 30th, Galleghan's 26th Battalion reached Singapore safely. Meanwhile, the 15th Brigade garrison at Batu Pahat, including survivors from Slim River and the 5th & 6th Norfolks and 2nd Cambridgeshires, was tasked with holding the defense to facilitate withdrawal. However, they lacked sufficient manpower for multiple choke points. During the Muar operation, the Japanese had inserted a battalion by boat into the area that now reinforced by Nishimura's Imperial Guards, penetrated British defenses on bicycles and established roadblocks similar to those used against Anderson's men. Brigadier Bernard Challen, recently taking over after Moorhead's death, had requested permission to retreat to Senggarang, 10 miles down the coast. Percival insisted on holding the large airfield, only 60 miles from Singapore, awaiting two additional brigades from the 18th East Anglian Division. As time passed, Percival ordered Challen to withdraw, but the message came too late; Challen's approximately 3,000 men were already retreating when they encountered a roadblock just 500 yards beyond a bridge. His force probed the defenses and discovered another block being established behind them. Challen's troops were becoming encircled, and his wireless communications with divisional HQ were down. A relief effort was initiated, sending men with two armored cars to advance 5 miles north of Rengit. They were immediately fired upon from all sides, with another roadblock established behind them. Vehicles and heavy guns were abandoned as they retreated to an outpost at Rengit, soon under siege. A small relief force reached Challen, informing him that Singapore's evacuation was imminent and they needed to hurry. Thus, Challen faced a situation similar to Anderson's at Parit Sulong—forced to leave the wounded behind. One night, as the force tried to cross a river, "a burst of machine gun fire and a salvo of mortar bombs scattered the leading company. The panic spread; many men were drowned in a swamp." Challen attempted to restore order but became hopelessly lost. He encountered Japanese soldiers who shot his Indian orderly. After crawling along the roadside and climbing over barricades (which the Japanese mistook him for one of their own), he stole a bicycle and rode away. At dawn on January 29th, after being separated for over 24 hours, he was captured by an Imperial Guards patrol as he exited a hut. He was the highest-ranking British prisoner captured to that point. Colonel Morrison took command and worked to restore order. Realizing they were cut off, he decided to lead 1,500 men back to the coast and attempt to arrange a naval pickup after dark. Morrison established a defensive perimeter in a coastal village about three miles south of Rengit, less than a mile from the coastal road. The navy responded by dispatching the Yangtze River gunboats Scorpion and Dragonfly, which towed numerous small boats, sampans, and dinghies. As troops navigated through mangroves, the situation drew comparisons to Dunkirk. Men were transported partially submerged in water at night, anxiously wondering about venomous snakes or crocodiles. The force successfully reached Singapore on February 1st after Indian sappers used naval depth charges to create a 70-foot-wide gap in the Causeway. The withdrawal went remarkably smoothly, with the Japanese not pressing hard. Defenders left to the sound of Argyll pipers playing "Blue Bonnets O'er the Border." Despite their good fortune, the cost was significant—several hundred men missing, all artillery abandoned, and about 80% of their Bren guns left behind. The situation on the central front was far worse. Brigadier George Painter's 22nd Indian Brigade, already weakened during fighting in Kuantan and numbering around 2,000 men, was cut off and disappeared while trying to escape into the jungle. The problem occurred because General Arthur Barstow's 9th Indian Division kept Painter's 22nd and Lay's 8th brigades farther inland to prevent outflanking of the Eastern Australians. A railway bridge between the two brigades was blown up prematurely, possibly by accident, severing the telephone line that facilitated communication. Painter had already sent back most wheeled transport, Bren gun carriers, and notably, his headquarters' wireless truck. Without the telephone line, Lay's 8th Brigade could not inform Painter's 22nd of their movement. The Japanese from the 5th Division quickly exploited the gap, inserting themselves between the brigades and effectively cutting off Painter's 22nd. When Barstow realized what happened, he exploded at Lay: "You've sold the show...hel take you, man, get a battalion on that high ground." Barstow made his way to the railway line, intent on warning Painter. Accompanied by two Australian officers and a Sikh, they boarded a push-pull flatbed trolley. They arrived at the blown-up bridge and continued on foot, with Barstow leading the way, distinguished by the red band around his major-general's service cap—a prime target for Japanese snipers, who ultimately shot him dead. After Admiral Phillips, Barstow became the second highest-ranking officer killed in the war to that point. The 22nd was at risk of complete encirclement, prompting their retreat into the jungle. They had not received rations or supplies in some time and had several wounded soldiers whom they refused to abandon. Captain Denis Russell-Roberts noted the stretcher bearers' struggle through jungle swamps at night: "Shortly all four men were floundering in the bog. The man on the off fore position suddenly staggered, his knees were shaking wildly. He sank to one knee with a shout of terror in his hoarse voice and the stretcher lurched over on its side… This was an awful moment and it happened over and over again in one form or another. I think it was the groans and at times the shrieks of the wounded which struck the deepest note of horror… On the other side of the crossing the same difficulties were encountered. There the wounded man would almost inevitably find himself tilted backwards at the same steep angle with his head close to the level of the mud and his body uncomfortably positioned in a semi-vertical position. And through this hell passed twelve stretchers, twelve wounded men who were by now gangrenous, delirious and half-mad, forty-eight gallant men who carried the stretchers… a slow-moving picture of unforgettable misery." Despite their efforts, they ultimately had to leave the wounded behind, entrusting them to Tamil rubber workers at a large estate. The remainder of the brigade continued southward. They encountered approximately 300-400 Japanese soldiers but chose to bypass them; their own men were starving and lacked strength for combat. Just as they prepared a rearguard, they were ambushed. Commander Parkin raised his Thompson submachine gun and urged his men to fire at every visible Japanese soldier, even though most were low on ammunition. Many Indians mistakenly believed Parkin intended to surrender and were stunned when he opted to fight instead. Painter's personal battalion soon encountered more Japanese forces and was forced to surrender. The day after the causeway was destroyed, Brigadier Parkin arrived in Singapore with 24 of his soldiers, having commandeered a Chinese truck, driven to the northern side of the straits, and signaled sampans for rescue. In following days, a few stragglers from Painter's 22nd also reached Singapore, bringing the total to 63 men. Painter's 22nd brigade suffered catastrophic loss, all due to a severed telephone line. Many men did not make it to Singapore, but those who did found only brief respite. Yamashita was now preparing to lay siege to the "Gibraltar of the East," the Fortress of Singapore. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Trapped at Parit Sulong, Anderson's Australians fought through Japanese roadblocks before being forced to abandon 150 wounded—who faced massacre at enemy hands. Meanwhile, Endau fell after a costly RAF raid. Challen's brigade at Batu Pahat retreated through chaos, while Painter's 22nd Indian Brigade vanished in the jungle after a severed telephone line cut them off. Singapore's fortress awaited.

We're in Bulawayo, just over the border from the Limpopo, and very much part of South Africa's story — the Ndebele Chief Lobengula ruled what was known generally as Matabeleland, in a territory that the British colonial office called Zambesia, which we now call, Zimbabwe. Name changing is one of the constants of world history, let alone African or South African. Empires rise and fall, kingdoms change, political leaders come and go, languages are part of empire. The area around the Ndebele settlement in 1888 was in the rough shape of a circle, the radius extending about 120 kilometers around the capital, known by Ndebele speakers as Gubulawayo. The circumference of the circle extended from what became known as Plumtree through Gwai, Gwelo, Selukwe, Shabani down to the Shashi River, then back to Plumtree. With that circle, Mzilikazi and then Lobengula had established some dominance over the nearby Sotho and Tswana majority. The magnitude and frequency of Ndebele warfare reinforced their roots in a militarised Zululand - a monocratic form of government. The Ndebele immigrants into Zimbabwe could maintain their existence only if they remained obedient to their commander-in-chief. They incorporated alien captives in their midst gathered through rapid conquest rather than through the assimilation of an immigrant population. Mzilikazi had died in 1868 and his son Lobengula took power after a short sharp civil war. Among the Ndebele, Mzilikazi represented an epic hero, similar to Moses or Hannibal - the founding father, the umdabuli wa sizwe, symbolising nationhood, loyalty and patriotism. Subjects called themselves abantu be nkosi, people of the king. Lobengula was saluted by the call, Bayete wena Nkosi, hail his majesty, and visitors knelt respectfully before him as the regent. The kings ancestral spirits were the national deities and guardians of the society itself. All property of the state including the land, natural resources, cattle, tributes of whatever sort, and the people themselves were the property of the king. Contrary to the expanding colonial powers, Ndebele rule was through a non-monetary, pre-industrial bureaucratic administration - and this tension grew by the year in the 19th Century. Lobengula was the director and financier general, personally appointing all administrators, military officers, even regiments — as Mzilikazi had done. Ndebele weapons were manufactured in a small workshops scattered around Matabeleland, but only the king's artisans could make shields and the all-important stabbing spears. When a warrior died, his shield and stabbing spear would usually be returned to the king - unlike the Vikings for example. It was into this militaristic and organised kingdom that European concession seekers into Matabeleland travelled, trying to gain the all important slip of paper allowing them to mine gold. The two main rivals, the Exploring Company of Edward Maund and the British South Africa Company - BSAC of Cecil John Rhodes, left Kimberley in August 1888 heading north. The BSAC team was comprised of Charles Rudd, Francis Robert Matabele Thompson and James Maguire sent who arrived in Bulawayo before Maund in late September. They discovered to the chagrin that Lobengula was a highly skilled negotiator who accepted their gift of one hundred gold sovereigns - worth around 100 000 dollars today then sent them back to their wagons. It had been a tiring journey no doubt, said the Ndebele king and they should rest. Three days passed before they met once more, and Lobengula spent most of the meeting firing questions, distracting from the main objective. The three repeatedly tried to steer the conversation back to the right to mine gold, Lobengula deflected their queries, pointing out it was his respected induna's who would negotiate mining rights. He was clearly stalling for time. Lobengula eventually deigned to meet Rudd who begged for a mining commission.

We're in Bulawayo, just over the border from the Limpopo, and very much part of South Africa's story — the Ndebele Chief Lobengula ruled what was known generally as Matabeleland, in a territory that the British colonial office called Zambesia, which we now call, Zimbabwe. Name changing is one of the constants of world history, let alone African or South African. Empires rise and fall, kingdoms change, political leaders come and go, languages are part of empire. The area around the Ndebele settlement in 1888 was in the rough shape of a circle, the radius extending about 120 kilometers around the capital, known by Ndebele speakers as Gubulawayo. The circumference of the circle extended from what became known as Plumtree through Gwai, Gwelo, Selukwe, Shabani down to the Shashi River, then back to Plumtree. With that circle, Mzilikazi and then Lobengula had established some dominance over the nearby Sotho and Tswana majority. The magnitude and frequency of Ndebele warfare reinforced their roots in a militarised Zululand - a monocratic form of government. The Ndebele immigrants into Zimbabwe could maintain their existence only if they remained obedient to their commander-in-chief. They incorporated alien captives in their midst gathered through rapid conquest rather than through the assimilation of an immigrant population. Mzilikazi had died in 1868 and his son Lobengula took power after a short sharp civil war. Among the Ndebele, Mzilikazi represented an epic hero, similar to Moses or Hannibal - the founding father, the umdabuli wa sizwe, symbolising nationhood, loyalty and patriotism. Subjects called themselves abantu be nkosi, people of the king. Lobengula was saluted by the call, Bayete wena Nkosi, hail his majesty, and visitors knelt respectfully before him as the regent. The kings ancestral spirits were the national deities and guardians of the society itself. All property of the state including the land, natural resources, cattle, tributes of whatever sort, and the people themselves were the property of the king. Contrary to the expanding colonial powers, Ndebele rule was through a non-monetary, pre-industrial bureaucratic administration - and this tension grew by the year in the 19th Century. Lobengula was the director and financier general, personally appointing all administrators, military officers, even regiments — as Mzilikazi had done. Ndebele weapons were manufactured in a small workshops scattered around Matabeleland, but only the king's artisans could make shields and the all-important stabbing spears. When a warrior died, his shield and stabbing spear would usually be returned to the king - unlike the Vikings for example. It was into this militaristic and organised kingdom that European concession seekers into Matabeleland travelled, trying to gain the all important slip of paper allowing them to mine gold. The two main rivals, the Exploring Company of Edward Maund and the British South Africa Company - BSAC of Cecil John Rhodes, left Kimberley in August 1888 heading north. The BSAC team was comprised of Charles Rudd, Francis Robert Matabele Thompson and James Maguire sent who arrived in Bulawayo before Maund in late September. They discovered to the chagrin that Lobengula was a highly skilled negotiator who accepted their gift of one hundred gold sovereigns - worth around 100 000 dollars today then sent them back to their wagons. It had been a tiring journey no doubt, said the Ndebele king and they should rest. Three days passed before they met once more, and Lobengula spent most of the meeting firing questions, distracting from the main objective. The three repeatedly tried to steer the conversation back to the right to mine gold, Lobengula deflected their queries, pointing out it was his respected induna's who would negotiate mining rights. He was clearly stalling for time. Lobengula eventually deigned to meet Rudd who begged for a mining commission.

What kind of people would dance in the streets after the 9/11 terrorist attack that killed upwards of 3,000 people? The same ones who have now become elevated martyrs by large swaths of the Global Left: the Palestinians.Katie Couric, like most mainstream journalists back then, had no problem exposing such monstrous behavior by those fed a steady diet of dehumanization of the American people. Would she do it today? No. Would any of them do it today? No.Who would celebrate the live execution of a prominent activist on the Right, so much so that they'd lose their jobs for exposing what sociopaths they really are? Hundreds, if not thousands, on the Left did just that. Radicalized or mainstream, it didn't matter. They have become what the Palestinians were back then: so propagandized and radicalized, they've lost their humanity.You can see it now in those TikTok videos that have turned “When it Happens” into a viral trend. That's what ten years of dehumanizing can do to otherwise decent people. They say they're decent, but TikTok proves otherwise.They have cast themselves as morally superior to the other half of the country and would point to how some on the Right mocked George Floyd after his death in 2020. But the difference is that many prominent Republicans like Ted Cruz instantly condemned it. No Democrat has condemned the mockery and the celebration of Charlie's death. Oh sure, they all said what they had to say: the standard “violence has no place in our politics.” They said it, but did they mean it? How could they if they've never condemned the rising cult-like fantasies of Trump's death and the celebration of Charlie's execution?If anything, the Democrats were more worried Charlie's influence would grow, so they sent out their One True King, Barack Obama, to put Charlie's legacy in context.Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez did the same thing, acting as though what Charlie said - the cherry-picked, out-of-context quotes fed to them- was worse than their own side mocking and celebrating his murder. His words were worse than his death.But that is who they are now. Speech is violence. Speech is hate. Speech must be tightly monitored and controlled. Is assassinating Charlie Kirk or trying to assassinate Donald Trump any different from the Jihadists who mass-murdered journalists at Charlie Hebdo in Paris for blasphemy against Mohammad? Hasan Piker, aka the “Twitch streamer in California,” like Dean Withers, condemned those who made jokes of Charlie's death. At least at first. Once Piker sensed the vacuum left in Charlie's absence, he turned his death into a viral meme just a month or so later. Credit to Axios' Alex Thompson for pressing him to explain it.Piker's song became a TikTok dance meme and a permission structure for many to showcase themselves as dead-eyed zombies dancing to the sound of the bullet hitting his neck a year later for the “Kirkaversary.”Utopias only have two paths forward. They either collapse or they become more authoritarian. The Left still hasn't confronted the radical elements on their side, not just Hasan Piker, but the many shooters who have risen up to become martyrs and heroes.They mock, they meme, but underneath it all, as with Al-Qaeda or other radical Islamic groups, what motivates them is pure hatred. Words are violence. Words are hatred, and “some hate can't be negotiated out.” They can laugh it off all they want, but they've left a paper trail.Turning Point put up a Charlie Kirk statue, and it was immediately vandalized.If they can meme a live execution and feel nothing, then why wouldn't they see America as bad or worse than Al-Qaeda? The oppressor/oppressed indoctrination factory that is public schools and universities has raised them in the good/evil binary. Video games, IP, and superhero movies all adopted that binary, and after Columbine and 9/11, parents like me shut our kids indoors to keep them safe, and this good/evil binary would one day become white people evil, brown people good, and Al-Qaeda, like the Palestinians, can't be seen as the villains. Abdul El-Sayed and Zohran Mamdani have arisen as cult leaders almost because there is nothing the Left will hold them accountable for, lest they be called racists. No one will look at El-Sayed's erased history, the videos or the tweets. What did he think? What does he still think? No one will know because no one would dare ask.The Democrats have never been held accountable for the sharp rise of radicalized violence and death fantasies that have gone mainstream. They're rewarded for it with likes and reposts. They've never confronted it. They've never solved it, and the legacy media has supported them every step of the way, all the while demonizing MAGA as the more extreme side. Piker was their masculine, patriarchal, non-white Joe Rogan. No more Mr. Nice Guy! Let's get those Gen-Z and male voters. That was the plan anyway. Now, maybe it's becoming a mess, a liability. Then again, maybe not. Maybe this is just who they are now. How We Got HereI know how we got here because I grew up on the Left. I was one of these people. I know what it felt like that day the towers were hit. I know why we pivoted so quickly to focus on the greater evil that was George W. Bush and Dick Cheney and those two wars that did what the war on Gaza has now done: flip the script, so America is the bad guy.I know what happened in our schools. I know how women like me grew in power in America and changed our society amid the “Great Feminization.” I know what happened to my daughter's generation, why so many white kids felt such deep shame they were willing to do anything to escape their own skin, even destroying their own bodies at the hands of a fundamentalist cult.I know what it was like when Obama won and how we built our utopia - a better America shaped by more women and what it was like when our first female president was denied the win but just barely, putting in power a guy who would ultimately redeem Bush and Cheney and be sold as the World's Greatest Evil to whole generations for the past ten years.We were just kidding with Bush and Cheney. Trump is the really, really bad guy. And everyone went along with it. Maybe I didn't think it would go so far as young men picking up weapons to murder as part of the “resistance.” Maybe I didn't think, in the wake of Charlie's death, a guy like Hasan Piker would become such an influential voice and do exactly the opposite of what Charlie did by teaching young people to hate America.But that's what happens when a utopia becomes a totalitarian dystopia, closer to fascism than this country has ever gotten and not that far from where Al-Qaeda was on the eve of 9/11 - so full of hate and revenge fantasies that they would take advantage of the same people who welcomed them into their country and treated them with kindness. I certainly would not have thought any of them, let alone most of them, would see the war in Gaza as “genocide” and then apply that to all of America and its history, redeeming the monsters who attacked us on 9/11. We're the bad guys, they insist. We're the terrorists.But here we are, America. We are about to put these people who hate this country, its history, and many of its citizens, in power. We're about to sell out the American dream because of high gas prices.It's not lost on me that Democrats have been saying the same thing to their voters. I was one of them. I see the mirror image of this moment: when gas prices and inflation were too high under Biden, Democrats begged Americans to vote for Kamala to save the country. I know they see it that way too.But I've been on both sides. I know each side's strengths and weaknesses. And that's why I know the side that either celebrated the murder of Charlie Kirk or said nothing about those who did is the side that is dangerous not just for America but for humanity.President SelectMy daughter was just three when the towers were hit. It was three hours early in California. My French boyfriend at the time had a habit of waking up with CNN, and there it was. Smoke billowing out of one of the towers at the World Trade Center. “Turn on the news,” I told my friend that day. It took us all a while to figure out who did it and why, and the first thing that happened was everyone felt fear that Muslims would be attacked. Even George W. Bush felt it necessary to say Islam is peace. And it's true, not all Muslims- like it's true, not all people on the Left but you have to condemn the radicalized, or else they consume the whole.We were still haunted by the Japanese Internment camps after the Pearl Harbor attack, which took us to World War II. We didn't want to be that America, not us progressive liberals. We were the good guys. The 2000 election left us bitter and unable to accept that Bush was legitimately elected. And that mattered more to us than the tragedy on 9/11. It had to, because Bush was the president, so everything had to go not just wrong but catastrophically wrong - the wars, Wall Street, Katrina. We were making our own reality even back then because we could. In 2004, Michael Moore released Fahrenheit 911, which began with the premise that the 2000 election had been stolen. The villain of Fahrenheit 9/11 was the Commander in Chief, and much was made of this moment, when he heard of the attacks and people like me nodded furiously along. We knew who the bad guys were, and they weren't Al-Qaeda.And in 2003, just two years after 9/11, when Michael Moore accepted the Oscar for Bowling for Columbine, he was booed, with a part of the Left with their perspective still intact. Needless to say, that wouldn't happen now. We were beginning a new origin story, one where the worst people in the world were put in power by the Supreme Court and Big Oil. We weren't quite at the place where we would divide and measure goodness by skin color or gender, but we weren't far off. We just needed a leader to believe in.And as our hero rose in the form of a “skinny kid with a funny name,” we began to find marginalized groups as our protected, sacred symbols because of our love and devotion to Barack Obama.Just as our first black President became our savior, our villain was rising too. It was Sarah Palin and her demonization of Radical Islamic Terror. That, we knew, made her a “racist” and a villain.In 2012, she was depicted as a paranoid idiot whose bigotry clouded her judgment in Game Change.The Tea Party had already been cast as a “white power” movement to thwart its growth, even if by 2016 it would elect a president with the help of Charlie Kirk.By 2012, we were a bitterly divided country with the Left deciding its enemies were not the brown people in the Middle East but rather the homegrown racists in our own country. We began to slowly separate ourselves from them. Whatever unity we felt after 9/11 vanished. That same year, Kathryn Bigelow's Zero Dark Thirty was released about the killing of Bin Laden. But the movie had no heroes. The final scene is brutal and haunting, full of children screaming and women crying. The main character, whose life had been devoted to hunting Bin Laden, is left shaken and alone with the thought lingering in the air: what was it all for? Hardly the rousing moment of heroism we would expect when America won. Game Change and Zero Dark Thirty were pure propaganda for the Democrats and the beginning of how we stopped seeing America as the hero after 9/11.Not that America anymoreAfter 9/11, some questioned whether the Oscars would be held at all. Tom Cruise took to the stage and spoke to all of America, not just the blue half. He wanted to bring this country together, and that, he said, is what movies are for. Remember that Hollywood? Remember that America?After Charlie Kirk's live execution, the cowards in Hollywood didn't even have the courage to say his name at the Oscars or the Emmys, and still don't. That shows you how divided we are, how scared they are, how they see their enemies as half the country, and how their deaths do not matter. I think what hurts the most, watching so many of the 9/11 videos as I've been doing, is seeing and remembering when it was like back then, when we were one America, how everyone came through, how we held together, how so many ordinary people became heroes to help those who were trapped, many of them giving their lives for others.Mothers lost sons and daughters. Wives lost husbands. 40% of those who were killed are still unaccounted for. It doesn't seem like we've ever really come to terms with the tragedy of that day because, in its aftermath, the keepers of culture could not make America the hero. But America was, and remains, the hero fighting the good fight. It's the better fight, for a better world, even if I didn't realize it until 25 years later. Now I see it. Now I understand because now I can see what dehumanization and radicalization can do. Here is a clip from Triggernometry and guest Richard Miniter (watch the whole thing, it's great). I finally watched The Great Boatlift - the largest sea rescue in history - where so many New Yorkers volunteered their boats to rescue 500,000 people off the Island of Manhattan. In these videos, I see the America I remember, the one I fled 30 years ago to spend the rest of my life online. I miss that America, the one that believed in our collective goodness, not the one where one side took all of the power and abused that power by seeing the other half of the country as their enemy.And worse, became radicalized to the point of violence, to the point of mocking the assassinated and believing they have no other choice but to wish for the death of their president, in video after video after video. 9/10 and 9/11 will come back to us every year to remind us of what is great about this country and what is trying to destroy this country. Every year, we will be forced to stare evil in the face and fight for the forces of good standing in its way. Godspeed, America. Godspeed.. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.sashastone.com/subscribe

Russia is quietly feeding Iran the intelligence it needs to kill American service members, the munitions stockpile the administration swears is full is demonstrably empty, and the sailors on the USS Lincoln haven't seen their commander in chief set foot on the deck. Meanwhile the president's son is accepting gifts from a foreign "close friend," the attorney general is running interference instead of investigations, and the Iran war is now polling worse than the data centers inside MAGA itself. This is a media blitz episode — Paul Rieckhoff stitching together the sharpest moments from four national cable hits in eight hours into one no-BS conversation about what's actually breaking in America right now. From the Pentagon to the Fed, from Cash Patel to Lane Kiffin, Paul draws the line between war profiteering and college football's booster-collective gold rush — and asks the same question of both: who's protecting the workers, the players, the troops? He lays out why the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs may be the last adult in the room, why 25 years of war have hollowed out recruiting and retention, and why the populist streak in this country is ready to snap over rich men partying in the Bahamas while working-class kids get shipped to the Middle East. Independent, veteran-led, and unafraid to name names on both sides of the rigged two-party system. -WATCH full video of this episode here. -Millions of American veterans are being locked out of primary elections in the country they served. See what we're doing to change that. -Visit Kalshi and trade on anything. Use code INDEPENDENT to get $25 when you trade $25. -Head to cozyearth.com and use the code AMERICANS for an exclusive 20% off. -Join Noble Mobile today and get a $100 bonus when you use code PAUL and stay a member for 2 months! -Join IVA and help us get independent veterans elected to office. -Learn more about Paul's work to elect a new generation of independent leaders with Independent Veterans of America. -Learn more about American Veterans for Ukraine here. -Remember Independent is an Attitude. -Learn more about The Headstrong Project for Veterans, Tragedy Assistance Program for Survivors (TAPS), and Department of Veterans Affairs resources in your area. Seeking support is not a sign of weakness. It's a show of strength. If you or a loved one are in immediate crisis, dial 988 and press 1, or text 838255. Connect with Independent Americans: Subscribe on YouTube, Spotify, Apple Podcasts, and all podcast platforms Read more at Substack Support ad-free episodes at Patreon  Connect: Instagram  • X/Twitter • BlueSky • Facebook  Follow on social: @PaulRieckhoff on X, Instagram, Threads, and Bluesky -Join the movement. Hook into our exclusive Patreon community of Independent Americans. Get extra content, connect with guests, meet other Independent Americans, attend events, get merch discounts, and support this show that speaks truth to power.  -And get cool IA and Righteous hats, t-shirts and other merch now in time for the new year.  Independent Americans is powered by veteran-owned and led Righteous Media.  And now part of the BLEAV network!  Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, remember all the fearmongering over things like DDT, e-oli, gas lawn mowers, and masks during COVID? Remember when climate change was supposed to cause sea levels to rise? There's a new fearmongering op over AI and data centers, driven by the Communist Chinese and their Democrat cheerleaders like Bernie Sanders. All the lies about data centers -- they use too much water, will cause electricity costs to go up, will kill jobs -- have all been proven false. But Barack Obama and others want to either kill this new industry or want the government to take it over. Bernie Sanders even said AI is more dangerous than nukes! Don't be a sucker. Don't give in to fearmongering. We need this new technology, and America must win the AI race. Republicans have abandoned their focus on affordability and instead shifted their attention to opposing or regulating data centers; they're chasing the latest political issue rather than addressing real concerns. Republicans are allowing Democrats and the media to shape their agenda, affordability remains a major problem and should be a priority. Groundbreaking developments should be left free from government interference because bureaucrats and politicians lack the expertise to direct innovation. Calls for greater regulation are driven by a desire for power and control rather than practical solutions. We need deregulation, limited government involvement, and allowing innovation and technological development to proceed with minimal restrictions. Later, Rep Thomas Massie is siding with Democrats and attempting to undermine the Trump administration during a war with Iran by promoting the impeachment of Secretary of War Pete Hegseth. Massie's actions were based on the War Powers Act of 1973, which is unconstitutional. The Constitution gives Congress the power to declare war but not to conduct it. The president, as commander in chief, has the authority to wage war, while Congress's primary check is its power to withhold funding. Finally, Bill O'Reilly calls in to discuss his new book, Confronting America: What Has to Change. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

fWotD Episode 3418: Thomas Hardy (Royal Navy officer, died 1732) Welcome to featured Wiki of the Day, your daily dose of knowledge from Wikipedia's finest articles.The featured article for Sunday, 13 September 2026, is Thomas Hardy (Royal Navy officer, died 1732).Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Hardy (13 September 1666 – 16 August 1732) was a Royal Navy officer and politician. Having joined the navy sometime before 1688, Hardy's career was supported by George Churchill, whom he served as first lieutenant during the Battle of Barfleur in 1692. Promoted to captain in 1693, Hardy served in the Channel Islands and off the coast of England until 1702 when he was given command of HMS Pembroke off the coast of Spain. He fought at the Battle of Cádiz, and subsequently discovered the location of the Franco-Spanish fleet through the intervention of his chaplain, which resulted in the Battle of Vigo Bay. Hardy was knighted for his services.Having commanded several ships in the Mediterranean Fleet, in 1706 Hardy was given command of a small squadron in the west of the English Channel tasked with protecting arriving merchant ships. In 1707 Hardy was sent as escort to a 200-ship convoy sailing for Lisbon. While conveying the ships he met with the squadron of René Duguay-Trouin in late August, chasing him until dusk before returning to shepherd the convoy. Hardy returned to England in September and was court martialled in the following month for not fully engaging Duguay-Trouin. He was acquitted but was further investigated by a panel from the Admiralty and committees of the Houses of Commons and Lords, which again exonerated him.Hardy became first captain to Sir John Leake in the Mediterranean in 1708, assisting in the transport of Elisabeth Christine of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel to Spain for her marriage to the important British ally Archduke Charles, and participating in the capture of Cagliari and assault on Minorca. In 1711 he was promoted to rear-admiral and given command of a squadron to blockade Dunkirk. Pushed off station by a storm, he was unable to stop a force of privateers from escaping and destroying a British convoy. After briefly serving as commander-in-chief, the Nore, Thames and Medway Hardy commanded a squadron off Ushant where he failed to intercept the squadrons of Duguay-Trouin and Jean-Baptiste du Casse in 1712. In 1715 he was second-in-command of the Baltic Fleet sent to serve in the Great Northern War. He was dismissed in 1716 possibly because, as a Tory, he continued to support the deposed House of Stuart after the succession of the House of Hanover.This recording reflects the Wikipedia text as of 00:33 UTC on Sunday, 13 September 2026.For the full current version of the article, see Thomas Hardy (Royal Navy officer, died 1732) on Wikipedia.This podcast uses content from Wikipedia under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.Visit our archives at wikioftheday.com and subscribe to stay updated on new episodes.Follow us on Mastodon at @wikioftheday@masto.ai.Also check out Curmudgeon's Corner, a current events podcast.Until next time, I'm neural Emma.

In this episode of the Explaining History Podcast, we continue our exploration of Eugene Rogan's masterful The Fall of the Ottomans, examining the fall of Baghdad to British forces in March 1917 – a victory that transformed Britain's position in the Middle East and revealed the imperial ambitions that would shape the post-war world.The British capture of Baghdad was far from inevitable. The catastrophic surrender at Kut in April 1916 had left the War Cabinet deeply risk-averse. General Robertson, the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, feared that occupying Baghdad would leave British forces isolated and vulnerable to a resurgent Ottoman army. He warned against being "compelled later to fall back for any reason because of the objectionable political effect that such a retirement might produce."But pressure came from multiple directions. The Commander-in-Chief in India argued that seizing Baghdad would "greatly increase prestige in the Islamic East" – a crucial consideration given British fears of Muslim insurrection in India. And the Russians were proposing a spring offensive that might see them reach Baghdad first, which would "nullify the Sykes-Picot agreement." Oil, too, was already a factor – Mosul was understood to be the most reliable source of oil in the region.General Maud, whose superstition led him to launch his offensive on the 13th of December with the 13th Division in the vanguard, pushed forward despite London's caution. The Ottomans, recognising that Baghdad could not be defended, evacuated the city. As they withdrew, they destroyed military installations – wireless masts, cranes, water tanks, and the pontoon bridge across the Tigris. Looting erupted, and the American consul, Oscar Heiser, rode out to find the British advance guard.Maud's proclamation – drafted by Sir Mark Sykes, co-author of the Sykes-Picot Agreement – declared that the British came "not as conquerors or enemies, but as liberators." But the people of Baghdad were not convinced. As one Iraqi schoolboy recalled, "the people of Baghdad and of Iraq as a whole saw with their own eyes how the English treated the Iraqis as slaves or captives."Topics covered:The British War Cabinet's caution after KutThe Russian threat and the Sykes-Picot AgreementThe strategic importance of oilGeneral Maud's superstitious commandThe Ottoman evacuation of BaghdadThe destruction of Ottoman infrastructureLooting and the restoration of orderMaud's proclamation and Iraqi scepticismBritain's imperial ambitions in the Middle EastEugene Rogan's The Fall of the Ottomans is available from all good bookshops. Please consider buying from an independent retailer.If you enjoy the podcast, please consider supporting us – we are migrating from Patreon to Substack. Details in the show notes.Explaining History helps you understand the 20th Century through critical conversations and expert interviews. We connect the past to the present. If you enjoy the show, please subscribe and share.▸ Support the Show & Get Exclusive ContentBecome a Patron: patreon.com/explaininghistory▸ Join the Community & Continue the ConversationFacebook Group: facebook.com/groups/ExplainingHistoryPodcastSubstack: theexplaininghistorypodcast.substack.com▸ Read Articles & Go DeeperWebsite: explaininghistory.org Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Watch the Devotion Based on Psalm 32 The Most Powerful Words You Can Say   “The one thing you do not want to do as the captain of a Navy ship is to run into another ship.” This struck me as I sat in the captain's chair and listened to the docent on the USS Midway museum here in San Diego. That one mistake will cost you command of that ship. Somone else will take your place. It will make national headlines. In that moment, what words would you need to hear?   King David was commander-in-chief of the armed forces of the nation of Israel. He did the one thing a leader should not do. He had an affair with a married man's wife. He impregnated her. Then he added to the crime. He murdered her husband through a strategic placement in combat operations to cover it up.    And it eventually made national headlines. But before it did, a trusted friend to the king lovingly, but firmly, pointed out his guilt. Ultimately David's sin was against his God. David believed the lie that his desires were of greater importance than God's will for him to practice self-control and be above reproach. His friend wanted David to know this, that he had sinned against God and that David deserved to die. In that moment, what words would David need to hear?   David wrote about his emotional and spiritual rollercoaster ride in Psalm 32. He described how troubled he was by what he had done. It affected him physically and mentally. It grieved his soul. Then he wrote, “Then I acknowledged my sin to you and did not cover up my iniquity. I said, “I will confess my transgressions to the LORD” (Psalm 32:5). And what was the LORD's response? “And you forgave the guilt of my sin.” David knew this through the words of his trusted friend Nathan. The most powerful words a friend could say.   My friends, I know that you have good Christian friends who have made mistakes, some big and some small—at least in the eyes of the world. Have you called them to repent? I would encourage you to do so, because this is what Jesus would have us do. Out of love for their soul, give them that safe, confidential place to confess their sin to you. So that you, with a smile on your face, might say to them the most powerful words you can say to anyone, “My friend, your sin is forgiven. For Jesus has become your guilt. And you have become his righteousness. You will not die but live.”   And then together recite the words of King David, “Blessed is the one whose transgressions are forgiven, whose sins are covered. Blessed is the one whose sin the LORD does not count against him” (Psalm 32:1). Prayer: Dear Lord, you know every sin we try to hide and every guilt that troubles our hearts. Give us honest and repentant hearts that confess our sins to you without excuse or denial. Forgive us for the sake of Jesus, who became our guilt and gave us his righteousness. Give us courage to call our friends to repentance, not in judgment, but out of concern for their souls. Then let us speak the most powerful words we could ever say to our friends: “In Jesus, your sins are forgiven!” So that we might share in the joy of pardon proclaimed. Amen.    Written and recorded by Rev. Paul Horn, WELS National Civilian Chaplain to the Military, San Diego, California. All Scripture quotations, unless otherwise indicated, are taken from the Holy Bible, New International Version®, NIV®. Copyright ©1973, 1978, 1984, 2011 by Biblica, Inc.™ Used by permission of Zondervan. All rights reserved worldwide. Note: Scripture reading footnotes are clickable only in the web version.

Washington wants you to believe the latest Beltway rumors are just routine political drama. The real story goes much deeper: a Pentagon in turmoil, senior military figures pushing back, and a commander-in-chief who purposefully lets the chaos burn. When high-ranking officers bypass traditional protocol to warn the White House about leadership at the Defense Department, it isn't just staff drama—it's a direct window into how power is exercised in Washington today. Instead of getting lost in the daily news cycle, Michael Steele cuts through the media noise to examine who is actually pulling the levers, why traditional rules no longer apply, and whether Pete Hegseth is genuinely on the chopping block or sitting exactly where President Donald Trump wants him.Catch Michael Steele on The Weeknight Mondays - Fridays at 7pm EST on MSNBC: https://www.msnbc.com/weeknightFollow Michael on X: https://x.com/MichaelSteeleFollow Michael on Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/michaelsteele.bsky.socialFollow Michael on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/chairman_steele/Follow Michael on Threads: https://www.threads.net/@chairman_steeleListen to The Michael Steele Podcast: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-michael-steele-podcast/id1412905534Watch The Michael Steele Podcast: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLJNKzTkCZE9uNqPiKYw5eU5YkS_mMsr6oIf you enjoyed this, be sure to share it with a friend!

United States Naval Academy Athletic Director Mike Kelly joins us for a conversation about Navy's 36 varsity sports, one of the most successful years in Navy Athletics history, and what makes competing at a service academy different in today's rapidly changing college sports landscape. Kelly talks about Navy football's 11-win season, winning the Star Series and Patriot League Presidents' Cup, and Navy's strong national finish in the Learfield Directors' Cup. Winning matters. Winning with integrity matters even more here at the Naval Academy. — Mike Kelly, USNA Athletic Director  We also get into NIL and the transfer portal — and why Kelly believes Navy's different approach may actually be an advantage — along with improvements at Navy-Marine Corps Memorial Stadium, the financial realities of operating 36 Division I programs, and some of the Navy sports that fans may be overlooking. And yes, we find out whether the former high school basketball player can still knock down a three-pointer. Looking ahead, Kelly talks about his goals for Navy Athletics, including another Commander-in-Chief's Trophy, an American Athletic Conference championship and, ultimately, getting Navy into the College Football Playoff. Want to see the Midshipmen in action? Tickets for Navy Athletics are available at NavySports.com Have a listen. LINKS: Navy Athletics (Website) Navy Athletics (Tickets) Navy Athletics (Facebook) Navy Athletics (X) Navy Athletics (YouTube) Navy Athletics (Instagram)

While Lexington and Concord claim significance as the sites of the American Revolution's opening battles, New York City's geography, population density, and cultural status made it one of the most important theaters of the war. Between 1776 and 1777, numerous battles were fought for control over the Port of New York, including the Battles of Harlem Heights, Pell's Point, White Plains, Fort Washington, and the largest battle of the entire revolution, the Battle of Long Island/Brooklyn. Recognizing the strategic importance of New York, and forewarned by his experience at the Battle of Bunker Hill in Boston, Lieutenant-General Sir William Howe and royal governor Lord George Germain recruited Hessian mercenaries and soldiers from across the empire to defend the city from an eventual patriot campaign to claim New York. In 1776, George Washington, as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, began preparations for what we know today as the New York and New Jersey Campaign. Though the campaign failed to fortify New York from Sir William Howe, which remained in British control until the end of the war in 1783, the revolution might have ended altogether on Staten Island when William and his brother, Admiral Richard Howe, entered peace negotiations with the Americans. In a September 11, 1776, meeting, the Howes met with John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Edward Rutledge for an unsuccessful three-hour negotiation. Four days later, Howe, as Commander-in-Chief of British Land Forces in America, landed 12,000 troops in lower Manhattan and quickly claimed the city. Though the British took control of New York Harbor and the surrounding agricultural areas, the areas around New York and New Jersey remained active battlegrounds for the rest of the revolution. When the war ended, it saw some of the last British soldiers evacuate the new United States, including thousands of free and formerly enslaved Africans who had served the empire in the war, documented by The Book of Negroes. Battle in the Margins is a special project of the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation, and Historic Preservation in collaboration with Black Gotham Experience, an organization devoted to African Diasporic storytelling, to commemorate the African Diaspora's impact on the American Revolution. Those listening to this episode in real time in the New York City area can reserve a ticket to the September 19, 2026 Battle in the Margins “Main Event,” a series of original ten-minute plays centering the African Diaspora's experience, resistance, and role in shaping early American history, shining a light on stories often left out of the nation's founding narrative. The Battle in the Margins Research Brief is available here. Kamau Ware is a multidisciplinary artist, historian, and walker. Kamau was born and raised in Pittsburgh, where he founded an artist collective called BridgeSpotters in 1996 that took inspiration from the many bridges in the city as analogous to many disciplines making a creative project. Ware moved to New York City in 2006 and applied his work as an artist and curator to develop a unique approach to visual storytelling, coined StoryStyle that softens the threshold between artist and audience. After establishing his visual storytelling lab, Kamau Studios in 2008, he began working on what would become the Studios flagship project – the Black Gotham Experience (BGX). BGX launched the summer of 2010 as a series of walking tours and has expanded to a series of immersive experiences celebrating the impact of the African Diaspora on New York City. Subscribe, like, follow, and rate Additions to the Archive with Sullivan Summer on Instagram, Substack, and wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

While Lexington and Concord claim significance as the sites of the American Revolution's opening battles, New York City's geography, population density, and cultural status made it one of the most important theaters of the war. Between 1776 and 1777, numerous battles were fought for control over the Port of New York, including the Battles of Harlem Heights, Pell's Point, White Plains, Fort Washington, and the largest battle of the entire revolution, the Battle of Long Island/Brooklyn. Recognizing the strategic importance of New York, and forewarned by his experience at the Battle of Bunker Hill in Boston, Lieutenant-General Sir William Howe and royal governor Lord George Germain recruited Hessian mercenaries and soldiers from across the empire to defend the city from an eventual patriot campaign to claim New York. In 1776, George Washington, as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, began preparations for what we know today as the New York and New Jersey Campaign. Though the campaign failed to fortify New York from Sir William Howe, which remained in British control until the end of the war in 1783, the revolution might have ended altogether on Staten Island when William and his brother, Admiral Richard Howe, entered peace negotiations with the Americans. In a September 11, 1776, meeting, the Howes met with John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Edward Rutledge for an unsuccessful three-hour negotiation. Four days later, Howe, as Commander-in-Chief of British Land Forces in America, landed 12,000 troops in lower Manhattan and quickly claimed the city. Though the British took control of New York Harbor and the surrounding agricultural areas, the areas around New York and New Jersey remained active battlegrounds for the rest of the revolution. When the war ended, it saw some of the last British soldiers evacuate the new United States, including thousands of free and formerly enslaved Africans who had served the empire in the war, documented by The Book of Negroes. Battle in the Margins is a special project of the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation, and Historic Preservation in collaboration with Black Gotham Experience, an organization devoted to African Diasporic storytelling, to commemorate the African Diaspora's impact on the American Revolution. Those listening to this episode in real time in the New York City area can reserve a ticket to the September 19, 2026 Battle in the Margins “Main Event,” a series of original ten-minute plays centering the African Diaspora's experience, resistance, and role in shaping early American history, shining a light on stories often left out of the nation's founding narrative. The Battle in the Margins Research Brief is available here. Kamau Ware is a multidisciplinary artist, historian, and walker. Kamau was born and raised in Pittsburgh, where he founded an artist collective called BridgeSpotters in 1996 that took inspiration from the many bridges in the city as analogous to many disciplines making a creative project. Ware moved to New York City in 2006 and applied his work as an artist and curator to develop a unique approach to visual storytelling, coined StoryStyle that softens the threshold between artist and audience. After establishing his visual storytelling lab, Kamau Studios in 2008, he began working on what would become the Studios flagship project – the Black Gotham Experience (BGX). BGX launched the summer of 2010 as a series of walking tours and has expanded to a series of immersive experiences celebrating the impact of the African Diaspora on New York City. Subscribe, like, follow, and rate Additions to the Archive with Sullivan Summer on Instagram, Substack, and wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

While Lexington and Concord claim significance as the sites of the American Revolution's opening battles, New York City's geography, population density, and cultural status made it one of the most important theaters of the war. Between 1776 and 1777, numerous battles were fought for control over the Port of New York, including the Battles of Harlem Heights, Pell's Point, White Plains, Fort Washington, and the largest battle of the entire revolution, the Battle of Long Island/Brooklyn. Recognizing the strategic importance of New York, and forewarned by his experience at the Battle of Bunker Hill in Boston, Lieutenant-General Sir William Howe and royal governor Lord George Germain recruited Hessian mercenaries and soldiers from across the empire to defend the city from an eventual patriot campaign to claim New York. In 1776, George Washington, as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, began preparations for what we know today as the New York and New Jersey Campaign. Though the campaign failed to fortify New York from Sir William Howe, which remained in British control until the end of the war in 1783, the revolution might have ended altogether on Staten Island when William and his brother, Admiral Richard Howe, entered peace negotiations with the Americans. In a September 11, 1776, meeting, the Howes met with John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Edward Rutledge for an unsuccessful three-hour negotiation. Four days later, Howe, as Commander-in-Chief of British Land Forces in America, landed 12,000 troops in lower Manhattan and quickly claimed the city. Though the British took control of New York Harbor and the surrounding agricultural areas, the areas around New York and New Jersey remained active battlegrounds for the rest of the revolution. When the war ended, it saw some of the last British soldiers evacuate the new United States, including thousands of free and formerly enslaved Africans who had served the empire in the war, documented by The Book of Negroes. Battle in the Margins is a special project of the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation, and Historic Preservation in collaboration with Black Gotham Experience, an organization devoted to African Diasporic storytelling, to commemorate the African Diaspora's impact on the American Revolution. Those listening to this episode in real time in the New York City area can reserve a ticket to the September 19, 2026 Battle in the Margins “Main Event,” a series of original ten-minute plays centering the African Diaspora's experience, resistance, and role in shaping early American history, shining a light on stories often left out of the nation's founding narrative. The Battle in the Margins Research Brief is available here. Kamau Ware is a multidisciplinary artist, historian, and walker. Kamau was born and raised in Pittsburgh, where he founded an artist collective called BridgeSpotters in 1996 that took inspiration from the many bridges in the city as analogous to many disciplines making a creative project. Ware moved to New York City in 2006 and applied his work as an artist and curator to develop a unique approach to visual storytelling, coined StoryStyle that softens the threshold between artist and audience. After establishing his visual storytelling lab, Kamau Studios in 2008, he began working on what would become the Studios flagship project – the Black Gotham Experience (BGX). BGX launched the summer of 2010 as a series of walking tours and has expanded to a series of immersive experiences celebrating the impact of the African Diaspora on New York City. Subscribe, like, follow, and rate Additions to the Archive with Sullivan Summer on Instagram, Substack, and wherever you get your podcasts. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

While Lexington and Concord claim significance as the sites of the American Revolution's opening battles, New York City's geography, population density, and cultural status made it one of the most important theaters of the war. Between 1776 and 1777, numerous battles were fought for control over the Port of New York, including the Battles of Harlem Heights, Pell's Point, White Plains, Fort Washington, and the largest battle of the entire revolution, the Battle of Long Island/Brooklyn. Recognizing the strategic importance of New York, and forewarned by his experience at the Battle of Bunker Hill in Boston, Lieutenant-General Sir William Howe and royal governor Lord George Germain recruited Hessian mercenaries and soldiers from across the empire to defend the city from an eventual patriot campaign to claim New York. In 1776, George Washington, as commander-in-chief of the Continental Army, began preparations for what we know today as the New York and New Jersey Campaign. Though the campaign failed to fortify New York from Sir William Howe, which remained in British control until the end of the war in 1783, the revolution might have ended altogether on Staten Island when William and his brother, Admiral Richard Howe, entered peace negotiations with the Americans. In a September 11, 1776, meeting, the Howes met with John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Edward Rutledge for an unsuccessful three-hour negotiation. Four days later, Howe, as Commander-in-Chief of British Land Forces in America, landed 12,000 troops in lower Manhattan and quickly claimed the city. Though the British took control of New York Harbor and the surrounding agricultural areas, the areas around New York and New Jersey remained active battlegrounds for the rest of the revolution. When the war ended, it saw some of the last British soldiers evacuate the new United States, including thousands of free and formerly enslaved Africans who had served the empire in the war, documented by The Book of Negroes. Battle in the Margins is a special project of the New York State Office of Parks, Recreation, and Historic Preservation in collaboration with Black Gotham Experience, an organization devoted to African Diasporic storytelling, to commemorate the African Diaspora's impact on the American Revolution. Those listening to this episode in real time in the New York City area can reserve a ticket to the September 19, 2026 Battle in the Margins “Main Event,” a series of original ten-minute plays centering the African Diaspora's experience, resistance, and role in shaping early American history, shining a light on stories often left out of the nation's founding narrative. The Battle in the Margins Research Brief is available here. Kamau Ware is a multidisciplinary artist, historian, and walker. Kamau was born and raised in Pittsburgh, where he founded an artist collective called BridgeSpotters in 1996 that took inspiration from the many bridges in the city as analogous to many disciplines making a creative project. Ware moved to New York City in 2006 and applied his work as an artist and curator to develop a unique approach to visual storytelling, coined StoryStyle that softens the threshold between artist and audience. After establishing his visual storytelling lab, Kamau Studios in 2008, he began working on what would become the Studios flagship project – the Black Gotham Experience (BGX). BGX launched the summer of 2010 as a series of walking tours and has expanded to a series of immersive experiences celebrating the impact of the African Diaspora on New York City. Subscribe, like, follow, and rate Additions to the Archive with Sullivan Summer on Instagram, Substack, and wherever you get your podcasts. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

In today's episode of The Quiz, we're testing your knowledge on everything from executive White House architecture to viral internet dance trends and everyday adhesive inventions. Can you answer these? Executive Offices: The primary office space of the Commander-in-Chief in the West Wing is named after its distinct geometric layout. Do you know what shape gives this room its iconic name? Dance Craze: Emerging from Atlanta's hip-hop culture in 2015, a signature move where dancers lean into their bent elbow swept across social media and sports celebrations. Can you name this viral trend? Autumn Foliage: As autumn approaches, tree leaves transform into brilliant shades of yellow and orange due to specific natural plant pigments. What are these organic compounds called? Play. Share. Listen, with Fox News Senior Correspondent & ‘Searching For Heroes‘ podcast host, Benjamin Hall. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Ralph speaks with Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, former Chief of Staff for Colin Powell, about the fall of the American Empire and self-proclaimed Secretary of War, Pete Hegseth. Then we welcome the CEO and co-founder of the Canadian-based organization Corporate Knights, Toby Heap, to break down Trump's unprecedented trade war with our closest ally. Plus, Ralph has some choice words for Hakeem Jeffries and his meeting with Jared Kushner and for Hillary Clinton and her take on the war with Iran.Lawrence Wilkerson is a retired U.S. Army colonel. Over his 31 years of service, Colonel Wilkerson served as Secretary of State Colin Powell's Chief of Staff from 2002 to 2005, and Special Assistant to General Powell when he was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff from 1989 to 1993. Colonel Wilkerson also served as Deputy Director and Director of the U.S. Marine Corps War College at Quantico, Virginia, and for fifteen years he was the Distinguished Visiting Professor of Government and Public Policy at the College of William and Mary. He is currently a Senior Fellow at the Eisenhower Media Network, senior advisor to the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, and co-founder of the All-Volunteer Force Forum.Two-thirds of the world now thinks that we are an enemy of their state. Two-thirds of the world. And it happens to be the two-third that has the greatest amount of the GDP in the world.Colonel Lawrence WilkersonI've lived for 81 years, almost 82, and I've watched my country go to hell right in front of my face… And the billionaires who want all of this to happen, they do not want a democracy. A democracy is fallible. A democracy can't beat China. A democracy can't beat Russia. A democracy can't even beat Iran. They want a technocracy that is run by them, armed by them, technical revolution by them. They want all of this, and oh by the way they want to live to 150 while they're doing it too.Colonel Lawrence WilkersonEvery freaking hour they create a series of war crimes in Iran. Every freaking hour they perpetrate war crimes in the Persian Gulf. Every freaking hour they perpetrate war crimes in Lebanon with Israel. “What's new?,” I want to say. We are a criminal state. There is no other way to describe it. We are a criminal state. We pay no attention whatsoever to domestic or international law. Only when it benefits the person who is doing the deed do we pay any attention at all.Colonel Lawrence WilkersonToby Heaps is the CEO and co-founder of Corporate Knights, and Editor-in-Chief of Corporate Knights magazine. He spearheaded the first global ranking of the world's 100 most sustainable corporations in 2005, and in 2007 coined the term “clean capitalism.”What we're seeing is a sort of political physics—for every action is an equal and opposite reaction. Canada has in many ways benefited and rallied around our nationhood. We're often not the most boisterous or loudest type of folks. But this continued disrespect for our statehood and the continued attacks and the unreasonableness and the unfair play, our prime minister said something to the effect of: when the United States signs something, it's in pencil. It's really denigrating the United States' reputation globally and in Canadians' minds.Toby HeapsNews 8/28/26* This week, the left-wing insurgency in the Democratic Party scored several new victories. First, NBC reports that in Oklahoma, N'Kiyla Jasmine Thomas won the Democratic nomination for the U.S. Senate seat vacated by Markwayne Mullin, who Trump selected to lead the Department of Homeland Security following the resignation of Secretary Kristi Noem. Thomas will go up against Republican Congressman Kevin Hern in November. Unfortunately, Thomas stands little chance of winning the state, which has not elected a Democratic Senator since 1990. Thomas is a member of the Chickasaw Nation and identifies as a Democratic Socialist, but is “not yet” a member of DSA.* Next, in California, Democracy Now! reports progressive state lawmaker Aisha Wahab has prevailed in the special election to fill the seat vacated by disgraced former Congressman Eric Swalwell. This piece notes that Wahab “overcame a flood of attack ads from pro-Israel groups,” which sought to bolster her Democratic primary rival, Melissa Hernandez. In an interview, Wahab said that she “appreciates” voters in her district for “seeing through” the “lies that were spread by AIPAC.” Wahab will make history as the first Afghan American in Congress and has called for the United States to engage with the Taliban government and attempt to “[steer] them in the right direction” on human rights.* In Georgia, the Hill reports another progressive – Everton Blair – won the special election to fill the seat of Congressman David Scott, who passed away in April during his 12th term in the seat. Blair, the former chair of the Gwinnett County School Board, defeated Scott's daughter Marcye Scott. However, Blair will only represent this seat until the end of the year. Beginning in January, State Rep. Jasmine Clark, who won the May primary, will fill the seat for the 120th Congress.* Meanwhile, in the Cornhusker State, the Nebraska Examiner reports that the “Legal Marijuana NOW U.S. Senate candidate Mike Marvin announced he can't put more ‘energy' into the Senate race because of health issues and endorsed nonpartisan U.S. Senate candidate Dan Osborn.” Marvin will remain on the ballot, but is “urging all who supported [him] to now support…Osborn.” This piece notes that this announcement comes on heels of reporting by Flatwater Free Press showing that two staffers from Osborn's 2024 independent Senate campaign joined the Legal Marijuana NOW executive board and sought to dissolve the party from the inside. This, combined with the fact that former Democratic Senate nominee Cindy Burbank paid Mike Marvin's $1,740 candidate filing fee and dropped out of the race one day after the secretary of state verified Osborn's signatures to be on the fall ballot has fueled speculation that these were coordinated efforts to clear the field for Osborn. Marvin for his part disputes this and says he never planned to leave the race. Osborn is quoted saying “We hope to earn the support of the LMN voters and hope that we can represent their concerns well in the US Senate.”* In more third party news, Trump has launched new broadsides against the emerging ex-MAGA clique – consisting of Tucker Carlson, Congressman Thomas Massie, and former Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene. According to the Hill, Trump attacked the group, said to be exploring the possibility of founding a new right-wing party, calling Carlson “a loser,” Greene “a highly neurotic woman” and Massie a “real JERK” on Truth Social. The president added, “What a team this would be, THREE LOSERS, and a pocketful of change!...The only chance they have is to join the Radical Left Dumocrats, and try breaking into the Primary System. To all of them I say, PRAISE BE TO ALLAH!” The proximate cause of this latest flare-up between the camps is Trump's decision to allow in 300,000 metric tons of ground beef to be imported in the next 90 days, a move Massie called “worse than socialism.” Greene, who has been perhaps the most vocal defector from the MAGA camp, said “He attacks us with such vitriol because we actually are everything he claimed to be…he has proven as President that he is nothing more than a neocon puppet for Israel, corporations, big donors with special interests, and his dear friends in the Epstein class…We never changed, Trump did.”* Another story from this side of the aisle comes to us from NOTUS, which reports that an “unknown actor” has stolen over $16,000 from the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC). This incident, alternatively characterized as a “theft” from a “foreign country” or simply a “fraud,” occurred in early July, when the NRCC “attempted to pay a bill from Ranger Wi-Fi Consulting, a Texas-based firm that specializes in helping clients ‘optimize their wireless networks while ensuring healthy security measures are in place.'” Seeking to assuage the fears of donors, NRCC spokesman Will Kiley told the press that “Protecting donor funds is a top priority for the NRCC,” and vowed that the committee is “working to recover the funds, and…taken steps to ensure it can't happen again.” Listeners might remember that in July, the DNC admitted that they had fallen prey to a scammer, losing almost $30,000 in the process. It would seem that these committees do not have functional safeguards against such schemes.* Our final stories this week all deal with the Middle East. First up, Axios reports that while AIPAC was gearing up for a major ad blitz in Michigan against Democratic nominee Abdul El-Sayed and on behalf of Republican Senate nominee Mike Rogers, those plans have apparently been iced at the behest of the Rogers campaign. According to this story, Rogers believes that AIPAC spending in the Democratic primary – over $30 million on behalf of El-Syed's rival Haley Stevens – actually helped boost El-Sayed's candidacy, making his opposition to AIPAC a “centerpiece of his…campaign, using the group's spending against him to portray Democratic opponent Haley Stevens as beholden to the pro-Israel lobby.” Rogers fears the same fate, so he has sought to keep his distance from AIPAC while his allies are urging AIPAC to “get involved without putting the group's name front and center.” However, Rogers' attempts to put some daylight between his campaign and AIPAC has resulted in the latter turning cold towards the Republican candidate. Republicans now worry that AIPAC will “sit out the general election entirely.” As for the perception of AIPAC in Michigan, a recent poll found that “55% of Michigan voters oppose continued U.S. aid to Israel.”* On the other end of the Michigan political spectrum, Congresswoman Rashida Tlaib has sent a letter to Secretary of State Marco Rubio demanding that he “ensure the immediateand permanent release of U.S. citizen Sama Safi, a 20-year-old university student with a severe complex chronic health condition, who the Israeli military has arbitrarily and wrongfully detained since June 2nd.” This letter goes on to describe how “armed Israeli soldiers raided her family's home in the occupied West Bank in the middle of the night and tore her from her family,” and that since then, she has “suffered under appalling conditions in Israeli military detention including “frequent physical assault, shackling, and the throwing of gas and stun grenades into already overcrowded and poorly ventilated cells,” among other horrors. 40 more members of Congress signed this letter, including six senators, Bernie Sanders, Elizabeth Warren, Ed Markey and Chris Van Hollen among them. 85 civic groups also signed onto this demand, ranging from faith-based groups to human rights organizations and beyond.* In the region itself, a broad coalition of Muslim states – including Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Jordan, Indonesia, Pakistan, Turkey, Egypt and, perhaps most notably, the United Arab Emirates – have issued a categorical condemnation of Israel's new “E1” settlement plan. This plan relates to new settlement activities east of occupied East Jerusalem and the signatories decry the plan as constituting “a dangerous escalation that further advances settlement expansion and annexation and undermines the geographical contiguity of the Occupied Palestinian Territory…thereby threatening the viability and realization of an independent, contiguous Palestinian State based on the 1967 lines with East Jerusalem as its capital.” The UAE was the most significant state in the region to sign onto the Trump-brokered Abraham Accords in 2020, which sought to normalize relations between Israel and its neighbors at the expense of the Palestinians. Saudi Arabia was said to be on the verge of signing the accords prior to October 7th and Israel's subsequent genocidal military campaign in Gaza. The UAE taking a new stand against Israel on behalf of the Palestinian cause is widely seen as the final death knell of the Abraham Accords and the beginning of a new era of relations in the Middle East.* Finally, the Economist reports that a group of seven top officials within the elite Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) is consolidating power in Iran. The man rumored to be leading this junta is Mohsen Rezaei, the new national-security adviser, former presidential candidate and the longest-serving chief of the IRGC, having led the corps though the Iran-Iraq War of the 1980s. Others include the head of the navy, currently overseeing Iran's blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, as well as the IRGC's commander-in-chief and founder of the Quds Force. Notably absent from this group is Mojtaba Khamenei, the new Supreme Leader of the Islamic Republic. This piece judiciously avoids making any definite predictions about whether this new clique will rule as hardliners or pragmatists, but emphasizes that the late Ali Khamenei expertly “balanced the competing interests of his realm” while these military men favor action.This has been Francesco DeSantis, with In Case You Haven't Heard. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

Many leaders during World War II were shaped by their service in World War I. Fleet Admiral Ernest J. King was no exception. During World War II, King held the unprecedented dual role of Commander in Chief, U.S. Fleet, and Chief of Naval Operations. As the U.S. Navy's senior operational leader, King directed U.S. Navy planning, operations, and administration during that war. But what do we know about his World War I service? And how did those early experiences influence his leadership and strategic vision decades later? To help explore these questions, the World War I Podcast hosted Dr. David Kohnen, author of King's Navy: Fleet Admiral Ernest J. King and the Rise of American Sea Power, 1897–1947. Have a comment about this episode? Send us a text message! (Note: we can read texts, but we cannot respond.) Follow us:Twitter: @MacArthur1880 Amanda Williams on Twitter:  @AEWilliamsClarkFacebook/Instagram: @MacArthurMemorialwww.macarthurmemorial.org 

Last time we spoke about the reaction after the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. After four years of fighting Japan almost alone, China's Chiang Kai-shek learned of Pearl Harbor with profound relief. Japan's attack, meant to neutralize American naval power, instead galvanized the entire Western world against Tokyo. Within hours, Chiang declared war on the Axis powers, transforming China from an isolated nation to a recognized Allied member. The strategic mathematics were clear to Chiang: America's industrial might would ultimately crush Japan. China simply needed to survive long enough. The United States quickly formalized this partnership, pledging military support through Lend-Lease and elevating Chiang to leadership of Allied forces in the China theater. Yet Pearl Harbor brought catastrophe for Western civilians in China. Americans and Britons, previously protected as neutral foreigners, were suddenly rounded up and interned in camps. For many, decades of presence in China ended in hasty evacuation, leaving behind lives built over generations.   #216 The Battle of Hong Kong Part 1: The Approaching Storm Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Japan emerged as a significant threat to British interests during the 1920s following the collapse of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. This concern intensified dramatically after Japan's invasion of China, with the ensuing Sino-Japanese War escalating tensions further. British assets in the region came under direct assault, including attacks on Western military and commercial vessels such as HMS Ladybird. Yet despite these provocations, the British Government maintained an inconsistent stance toward Japan, responding with only feeble diplomatic and military countermeasures. This contradiction characterized London's approach: while diplomatic channels remained conciliatory, military planners viewed Japan with genuine apprehension. During the 1930s, Singapore and Malaya represented Britain's most valuable and prosperous holdings in the Far East and consequently received substantial garrison reinforcements. By contrast, Hong Kong was widely acknowledged to be indefensible—a conclusion reached repeatedly by successive military studies. Despite this consensus, the British Government proceeded with the Hong Kong Defence Scheme in 1936, which aimed to transform Hong Kong Island into a fortified redoubt while establishing delaying positions in Kowloon and the New Territories. The Hong Kong Garrison's mandate was straightforward: repel external attacks and prevent enemy use of the harbour and dry dock. The underlying strategy relied on a simple principle: hold Hong Kong Island as an impregnable fortress and await relief from the Royal Navy. Consequently, protecting the harbour became the paramount objective. Japanese strategists were correctly identified as Hong Kong's primary threat, with military planners anticipating attack from the sea rather than overland. To counter such an offensive, the defence scheme incorporated five successive layers of protection: naval mines fitted with indicator nets and anti-submarine booms formed the first barrier; coastal artillery provided the second; beach installations featuring pillboxes, wire entanglements and mines constituted the third; infantry strongpoints positioned on commanding heights guarded against amphibious landings; and finally, a mobile reserve force stood ready to counterattack and eliminate any successful enemy incursion. The 1936 plan also mandated extensive fortification of Kowloon's bottleneck approaches through bunkers, trenches and blocked passages, with a principal defensive line—resembling a miniature Maginot Line—constructed across the mountains immediately north of Kowloon. The garrison structure comprised three infantry battalions plus the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps (HKVDC), a unit approximately regiment-strength equipped with armoured cars, engineers, artillery, anti-aircraft guns and infantry. These forces organized into three brigades: mainland, island, and garrison reserve. The air component was planned to be formidable: a reconnaissance squadron, a fighter-bomber squadron, two torpedo squadrons and a flight of auxiliary spotting aircraft operated by the HKVDC. Naval forces consisted of a modest destroyer contingent, an MTB flotilla, gunboats and patrol vessels. When Japan occupied Guangzhou, Hong Kong found itself effectively encircled. In response, limited conscription was implemented, though restricted to non-Chinese males for HKVDC service. Chinese personnel were largely confined to non-combat positions such as air-raid precautions and medical duties. The expanding Japanese threat prompted a substantial expansion of the Hong Kong Garrison to four regular infantry regiments—two British units (one specializing in medium machine-gun support) and two Indian regiments. Supporting forces included two coastal artillery regiments, a field artillery regiment-plus, and an anti-aircraft regiment. The Royal Navy expanded to include the 2nd MTB flotilla (eight 60-foot, 29-knot motor torpedo boats armed with twin torpedoes and eight Lewis guns each, plus two smaller 55-foot vessels), four shallow-draught river gunboats (HMS Cicala, Tern, Moth and Robin), four aging World War I S-class destroyers (HMS Thracian, Thanet, Scout and Tenedos—the last transferred to Singapore in 1939), HMS Cornflower sloop, and various auxiliary vessels including tugs, boom defence ships and minelayers. The Fleet Air Arm deployed three Supermarine Walruses—single-engine reconnaissance amphibians—at Kai Tak Airport. The Royal Air Force remained the weakest service, equipped with only four Vickers Wildebeest torpedo-bombers and a handful of HKVDC aircraft: one Avro Tutor, two Hornet Moths and two Cadet biplanes. When World War II erupted in Europe, Britain's focus necessarily shifted to national survival, inevitably leaving distant imperial outposts like Hong Kong neglected. Rather than receive reinforcements, Hong Kong actually lost capable personnel; many veteran troops were repatriated to Europe, leaving behind a less proficient garrison. Peacetime duties had proven a poor preparation for combat—officers and men had passed their time socializing rather than maintaining combat readiness. Governor Sir Geoffrey Northcote persistently urged London to adopt a firmer stance against relentless Japanese provocations: aircraft incursions, sinking of junks and fishing vessels, and infiltration by Taiwanese fifth columnists (Japan had colonized Taiwan in 1895). Recognizing the hopelessness of his position, Northcote recommended withdrawal in October 1940, arguing that defending the colony would inevitably result in mass civilian casualties and widespread destruction—a pragmatic assessment given Hong Kong's indefensible state. London categorically rejected this proposal, reasoning that withdrawal would demoralize China, embolden Japan and undermine American confidence in British resolve. Underlying this decision was an additional consideration: the long-standing dispute over Hong Kong's sovereignty. Since Britain acquired Hong Kong in 1841, the prospect of surrendering it, even temporarily, raised fears about reclaiming it afterward. Preserving the appearance of British determination was deemed crucial to demonstrating to Chiang Kai-shek, Nationalist China's leader, that Britain intended to retain the territory. Despite these political calculations, London consistently refused fresh troop deployments. Major-General A. E. Grasett, the China theatre commander, requested reinforcements only to face rejection—London offered only Indian or other colonial forces. Air Chief Marshal Sir Robert Brooke-Popham, appointed British commander in the Far East in 1941, likewise pressed for garrison strengthening, to no avail. The situation shifted dramatically after Grasett, a retired Canadian who had recently left his China post, travelled to Britain via Canada. Upon arriving in Canada, he independently approached his former classmate Major-General Crerar, Chief of the Canadian General Staff, and advocated for reinforcement. Grasett argued persuasively that deploying two or more additional battalions would enable the Hong Kong garrison to withstand an extended siege. When Grasett reached London in early September 1941, he presented this case directly to the British Chiefs of Staff, simultaneously proposing that Canada could provide the extra units. His arguments proved persuasive; the Chiefs of Staff altered course and convinced a reluctant Churchill to reconsider. In light of accelerating Japanese pressure, Britain substantially enlarged the Malaysia/Singapore garrison from nine to 32 battalions and despatched two capital ships—HMS Prince of Wales and Repulse—to the region, reasoning that this show of force would deter Japanese aggression against British Far Eastern interests, including Hong Kong. The original defence strategy envisaged holding Hong Kong Island exclusively while denying the harbour to attackers. A single battalion (the Punjabis) would execute delaying actions across the New Territories, followed by a three-battalion defensive stand on the Gin Drinkers Line. This brief mainland resistance would allow time for demolishing stores, power installations, docks and wharves, clearing food stocks and removing vital matériel before withdrawing to Hong Kong Island for a protracted resistance awaiting relief from Singapore or American forces from the Philippines. The Gin Drinkers Line—styled after the French Maginot Line in miniature—ran approximately 18 kilometres south of the Sino-Hong Kong border. Beginning near Gin Drinkers Bay west of Kowloon, it extended 17 kilometres across the Kowloon Peninsula hills toward its eastern extremity. The strategic expectation was that this line would delay the Japanese assault for three weeks or longer, permitting battalion withdrawal to Hong Kong Island for sustained resistance while mainland forces completed evacuation procedures. The 1937 war plan stipulated that four battalions would be necessary for an effective delaying action and seven for an adequate Gin Drinkers Line defence—figures which excluded the aircraft and naval support essential to success. With only a single army brigade available and virtually no air capability, planners abandoned the mainland defence concept, leaving defensive works incomplete and deteriorating under tropical conditions. Chinese personnel were conspicuously absent from initial war preparations and strategic planning, only being incorporated late in the process. The largest Chinese component was the volunteer contingent serving with the HKVDC. On the regular army side, approximately 150 Chinese recruits were enlisted in mid-1941 for the 5th Anti-Aircraft Regiment. The Hong Kong Chinese Regiment, hastily constituted on 3 November 1941, comprised officers borrowed from British and Indian units alongside 52 Chinese junior NCOs and other ranks with minimal training. A Royal Engineers troop staffed entirely by Chinese soldiers saw service, and some Chinese personnel served with the Royal Navy and Dockyard Defence Corps. Chinese participation increased substantially in auxiliary services—air-raid precautions, auxiliary police, nursing, St John Ambulance and fire brigades. This reluctance to fully integrate Chinese forces likely reflected prevailing attitudes of the era. Pre-war British propaganda had frequently mocked Japanese military capability, portraying officers and soldiers as myopic and incompetent. Japanese combat prowess was systematically underestimated; their victories in China were attributed to facing inferior opposition rather than evidence of genuine military strength. Japanese weaponry was dismissed as inferior to European standards. Consequently, British confidence remained high that the colony could hold indefinitely if adequately reinforced. In September 1941, Hong Kong received heartening news: two additional Canadian battalions would be deployed to the garrison. Brigadier John Maltby promptly revived the pre-war plan for defending the Gin Drinkers Line, developing a strategy centred on three mainland battalions (2nd Royal Scots, 5/7 Rajputs and 2/14 Punjab) supported by HKVDC elements and four artillery troop detachments, while three island battalions (1st Middlesex, Royal Rifles of Canada and Winnipeg Grenadiers) bolstered by the bulk of the HKVDC would hold Hong Kong Island. Command responsibility was divided between two brigades: the Island Brigade (Hong Kong Infantry Brigade) under Brigadier Lawson, a recently arrived Canadian, and the mainland Kowloon Infantry Brigade under Brigadier Wallis. The Canadian regiments arrived on 16 November 1941. Maltby was commissioned into the Indian Army in 1911, and  saw extensive service across multiple campaigns: World War I, the Persian Gulf (1913–14), and the North-West Frontier (1923–24). His early promise earned him selection for accelerated advancement through prestigious staff colleges at Quetta and RAF Andover. By 1937, he was again serving on the North-West Frontier, and by 1939 commanded both the 3rd Jhelum Brigade (later the Calcutta Brigade) and the 19th Infantry Brigade in Deccan. In 1940, posted to China, Maltby orchestrated the closure of the North China Command by withdrawing two infantry battalions from Shanghai. Promoted to major-general as GOC China in August 1941, he had only three months to prepare the colony's defenses, a race against time he could not win.  The Gin Drinkers Line occupied a naturally dominant position atop mountains spanning northern Kowloon's breadth, yet possessed inherent weaknesses that would prove fatal. The line lacked defensive depth and remained vulnerable to flanking manoeuvres, with two sectors representing particular danger: Customs Pass and the gap between Golden Hill and Laichikok Peninsula near Gin Drinkers Bay. Given the extended front, each battalion arranged its forces in a string of platoon positions with gaps covered by daytime fire and nighttime patrols. One company per battalion could be held in reserve within prepared positions guarding the most dangerous sectors. The reserve company of the centre battalion (2/14 Punjab) initially advanced as forward troops, screening demolition operations and delaying the enemy's initial thrust. The hasty decision to establish mainland defences meant that essential support systems—communication networks, artillery registrations, mortar calibrations—remained incomplete when combat commenced. Ammunition shortages compounded the problem. For instance, the 2/14 Punjab conducted only a single 3-inch mortar practice session before the attack; adequate ammunition arrived only in November and totalled a mere 70 rounds per battalion for both training and combat. These mortars were registered for the first time in their battle positions, with combat beginning just 12 hours later. The 2-inch mortar situation was even more desperate: troops received live ammunition only as fighting started, making their baptism of fire an actual combat situation. Transportation deficiencies—trucks and animals in short supply—forced manual ammunition transport across Hong Kong's challenging terrain, imposing severe physical demands on already stretched personnel.   On 6 November 1941, Imperial Japanese Headquarters ordered its Commander-in-Chief in China to prepare plans for capturing Hong Kong. The 23rd Army, part of the China Southern Expeditionary Army Group and commanded by Lt. Gen. Sakai Takashi with Maj. Gen. Kuribayashi Tadamichi serving as Chief of Staff, would form the invasion's backbone. All preparations were to be completed by the end of November 1941. The operation, designated 'Operation C', sought to 'seize Hong Kong within ten days'. Takahashi was the son of a factory worker, and rose through the ranks to become a veteran of China campaigns. He was tasked with capturing Hong Kong using the 38th Division normally assigned to the Southern Expeditionary Army Group. Despite setbacks and humiliation over requests for additional resources—particularly following intelligence reports of tanks (actually Bren carriers) in Hong Kong—Sakai remained determined to succeed. He served as Governor of Hong Kong from 26 December 1941 to 20 February 1942. Kuribayashi, best remembered as the Japanese commander at Iwo Jima, graduated from the Army Academy in 1914 specializing in cavalry. He served as deputy military attaché to Washington and Canada and studied at Harvard University. In December 1941, he held the position of Chief of Staff to the 23rd Army during the Hong Kong operation. Operation C followed a straightforward strategic framework. A blocking force would prevent Chinese interference from the rear, while the main invasion force would spearhead the assault. The 23rd Army, comprising four divisions plus a mixed brigade and two infantry regiments, received the assignment to attack Hong Kong. Of these four divisions, only the 38th played a substantive role in the invasion itself. The attack employed a combined-arms approach. Naval forces would establish a blockade and deliver bombardment while aircraft targeted key installations. Ground forces from the 38th Division—specifically the 228th, 229th, and 230th Regiments—would execute the land invasion using a three-pronged strategy. The right column would sweep westward in a wide arc, clearing Castle Peak Road and targeting the western flank of the Gin Drinkers Line near Laichikok Peninsula. The centre force would press directly through the line's middle, while the left column would cross Tidal Cove (Tolo Harbour) toward Kai Tak Airport and eastward toward Devil Peak, a crucial defensive position. The objective was to annihilate British forces on the mainland and compel Hong Kong's surrender through sustained bombardment. Should British forces resist, the island phase of the campaign would commence. Securing the rear against the Chinese National Army of the 7th Military District and Communist guerrillas fell to the 66th Regiment, normally part of the 51st Division but attached to the 38th for this operation. The 66th would simultaneously occupy and secure rear areas throughout the New Territories and Kowloon while the three assault regiments engaged the main defensive forces. This rearguard operation was organised into columns named after their commanding officers: Kitazawa, Kobayashi, Sato, and Araki. The Japanese selected the narrowest approach between Kowloon and Hong Kong Island, targeting the eastern coast near Lyemun Passage where only 410 metres of water separated the mainland from the island. Upon landing, forces would rapidly advance inland to seize the critical junction of Wongneichong Gap, then pivot westward and southward to capture Victoria City and the remainder of Hong Kong. The naval contingent divided into two groups: the Bombardment Group and the Attack Group. Approximately 300 personnel from the Special Naval Landing Force (SNLF) were attached to the invasion force. Air support came from the First Air Brigade under Col. Habu Hideharu, which contributed 56 light bombers and fighters. Their mission was to neutralise the Royal Air Force and Royal Navy, thereby securing aerial and maritime superiority for the ground campaign.   On the eve of war, the British garrison numbered 13,981 all ranks, including nursing staff and St John Ambulance personnel. Of these, 8,919 were British and Canadian, with 4,402 Indian and Chinese. The core infantry force comprised 5,422 regular soldiers, complemented by approximately 6,000 additional personnel across artillery, engineering, naval, and Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps (HKVDC) units. By 1941, the Royal Navy had become a shadow of its former self as the once-dominant China Squadron. Of the three World War I destroyers present on 8 December, two had been sent to Singapore—the third undergoing repairs—by 1930. This redeployment stemmed partly from the futility of defending the colony and partly from a commitment by senior US Navy officers: Britain would reinforce Singapore with Hong Kong's fleet in exchange for four American destroyers at Singapore. This American guarantee, however, never materialized. The defensive infrastructure focused primarily on countering a seaborne attack: twenty-nine coastal guns (9.2in., 6in., 4.7in., and 4in. calibres), ten 18- and 2-pounder beach defense guns, and twenty-eight field guns (60-pounder, 6in., 4.5in., and 3.7in. calibres). The Hong Kong Garrison's infantry comprised four regular army battalions—two British and two Indian—bolstered by five HKVDC infantry companies, each averaging 100 men. The 1st Middlesex Regiment, deployed in August 1937, served as a machine-gun battalion equipped with forty-eight Vickers medium machine guns. Having been abroad since 1931, the regiment had deteriorated through protracted garrison service, Hong Kong being among the softest postings available. From September 1939 onward, all regiments—including the 5/7 Rajputs (arrived June 1937) and the 2/14 Punjab—experienced systematic loss of experienced officers and NCOs to other theaters. The Royal Scots proved particularly hard hit, suffering disciplinary problems and an unusually high court-martial rate. Units like the Hong Kong and Singapore Royal Artillery suffered critical leadership gaps that went unaddressed. By December 1941, many formations fielded inexperienced replacement troops, significantly undermining combat readiness. The Punjabis exemplified these deficiencies. Stationed in Hong Kong since November 1940, they received their vehicles and mortars only in August 1941—three months before combat. Compounding this, forty percent of their strength consisted of raw recruits arrived just in October. When war erupted, artillery regiments found themselves relying on junior officers in senior roles, with British commanders unfamiliar with Urdu directing Indian troops, a handicap that severely compromised effectiveness. Deficient equipment compounded leadership shortages. Shells dating from 1918 detonated prematurely upon discharge, while ammunition shortages crippled operations. On 8 December, all field guns deployed with merely 100 rounds apiece, with 200 rounds held in reserve for the entire campaign, and coastal guns received only 25 rounds each. Insufficient cross-training meant many infantrymen failed to understand the artillery "clock face" targeting system, causing them to miss their objectives. Malaria devastated European troops, particularly the Royal Scots. Of approximately 770 personnel, at least 180 suffered recurring malarial episodes from the Shing Mun Redoubt area's notoriously endemic conditions. Staff shortages forced nearly every unit to promote junior officers to positions beyond their rank, exacerbating structural weaknesses. Although the Canadians' arrival bolstered the garrison, significant handicaps undermined their effectiveness. Both battalions carried a C-class designation—deemed unfit for foreign service—having spent years in soft garrison postings without rigorous training. The deficit was stark: each Canadian soldier received only thirty-five rifle practice rounds. The two battalions incorporated 115 men with fewer than sixteen weeks' training, while sixty-two of seventy-five recruits joining the Winnipeg Grenadiers in June came directly from a training depot lacking even basic rifles. Twelve percent of the Canadian force remained untrained. Equipment deficiencies proved even more damaging. A standard 1941 Canadian infantry battalion required 102 motor vehicles—including twenty-two Universal Carriers, thirty-seven ¾-ton trucks, thirteen 1-ton trucks, thirty-one bicycles, and twenty-two Boys anti-tank rifles. When the Canadians landed, logistical failures left them with only six Bren carriers, two water tankers, twelve ¾-ton trucks, and a single Boys anti-tank rifle. Although they carried 3in. mortars, neither ammunition nor radios accompanied them. Canada possessed only 300 3-inch mortar bombs in its entire inventory at that time, making any allocation to Hong Kong impossible. A second vessel, the SS Don Jose, was dispatched with replacement vehicles and equipment but never reached Hong Kong before 8 December. The Japanese seized it en route to Manila. Despite these shortcomings, the force departed on 27 October with 1,975 men and arrived on 16 November. Intelligence estimates regarding Japanese available forces varied widely, ranging from two to four divisions. On 6 December evening, Chinese reports confirmed the previous day's arrival of three Japanese divisions at Buji township, located eight miles from the border in what is now Shenzhen. Earlier, around 1 November, a Japanese deserter provided intelligence of significant troop concentrations north of the frontier, including large-calibre artillery indicative of at least divisional strength.   The Hong Kong invasion force comprised three service branches: the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) deployed the 38th Infantry Division, the Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) committed the Second China Fleet, and the Imperial Japanese Air Force (IJAF) contributed the 1st Air Group. Command of the ground assault rested with Lieutenant-General Sano Tadayoshi of the 38th Division, supported by Major-General Ito Takeo heading the infantry group, while supporting arms including artillery, engineers, armor, and transport fell under Sano's authority. The main assault force consisted of three infantry regiments from the 38th Division, each led by a colonel: the 228th under Doi Teihichi, the 229th under Tanaka Ryosaburo, and the 230th under Shoji Toshishige. The 38th Division itself was a standard 1940s B-class infantry division of approximately 20,000 troops (ranging from 18,000–21,000 depending on operational requirements), organized into three regiments with three battalions each. Reflecting the Japanese army's reliance on animal and human transport, each regiment fielded roughly 3,800 troops supported by some 700 horses. Battalion strength averaged around 1,071 personnel, with companies numbering approximately 180 men. Japanese infantry battalions of this period featured a distinctive organization: rifle platoons consisted of four sections (three equipped with rifles and light machine guns, one with light mortars and rifles), complemented by an additional heavy machine-gun company fielding twelve Type 92 weapons and a troop of light artillery—likely Type 92 70mm infantry guns. The divisional field artillery regiment operated 75mm Type 41 mountain guns organized into three 688-man battalions, each with two troops of two guns. Mountain artillery units, numbering 36 guns total, carried additional personnel (3,400) and animals (1,400) to navigate the terrain complexities of Hong Kong operations. Recognizing the need for overwhelming firepower to compel Hong Kong's surrender, the IJA augmented the invasion force with heavy artillery—15cm and 24cm howitzers commanded by Major-General Kitashima Kineo. News of the Canadian reinforcements arriving in Hong Kong forced a reassessment. Commander-in-Chief Sakai Takashi of the 23rd Army informed his superiors that the original ten-day timeline was unrealistic and requested additional troops. Although most formations were already committed to other operations, Imperial Headquarters eventually authorized two depot regiments from Japan to support the campaign. Intended for second-line duties rather than frontline combat, these units were to be returned promptly after freeing experienced personnel for Hong Kong operations. This arrangement allowed the 19th and 20th mixed brigades—approximately 6,000 men organized in five infantry battalions, a field artillery battalion, and an engineer battalion—to be released for Hong Kong. However, Sakai's request for reinforcements met with disapproval from Imperial Headquarters, and he received an unmistakable message: a swift, decisive campaign was essential. His situation worsened when Japanese agents mistakenly identified British Bren carriers as tanks, forcing Sakai to improvise armor by raiding the 1st Reserve Tank Battalion and tankette units from infantry depot divisions. In attempting to secure additional armor from the 11th Army's 9th Reconnaissance Regiment, Sakai encountered resistance. General Hata Shunroku lodged sustained complaints with senior officials, and Sakai received a sharp rebuke—further requests would not be entertained, and his replacement would follow if necessary. Stung by this loss of face, Sakai abandoned all additional requests and became even more determined to achieve success. Vice-Admiral Niimi Masaichi, commanding the 2nd China Expeditionary Fleet, oversaw the entire naval element, divided into bombardment and attack groups. His flagship, the light cruiser Isuzu, carried Captain Ura Koichi, who simultaneously commanded the bombardment group. This naval force assembled ships from various China Expeditionary Fleet units, particularly from the Canton Special Base Force, 15 Squadron, and 11 Torpedo Boat Division at Guangzhou. Reflecting Niimi's lack of confidence in the army's air support capabilities, the seaplane tender IJN Kamikawa Maru joined the operation on his insistence, providing organic naval aviation against the threat posed by British Wildebeests. Niimi also petitioned for destroyers IJN Wakaba and Yugure to counter the three British destroyers, though this request was denied. The Special Naval Landing Forces (SNLF) were assigned to conduct diversionary attacks south of Hong Kong Island, intended to distract British forces from the main land invasion thrust. The IJAF's 1st Air Brigade, commanded by Colonel Habu Hideharu, centered on the 45th Air Regiment with 34 Kawasaki Ki-32 Type 98 'Mary' light bombers. This composite force drew aircraft and units from airfields across China and Manchuria—Beijing, Shanghai, Taiwan, and Qiqihar—all assembled at Baiyun Aerodrome in Guangzhou on 7 December 1941. Supporting the 1st Air Brigade were the 10th Independent Squadron under Captain Takatsuki Akira with 13 Nakajima Ki-27 Type 97 'Nate' fighters, 3 Mitsubishi Ki-15 Type 97 'Babs' command reconnaissance aircraft from the 18th Independent Reconnaissance Squadron, and the 44th Independent Squadron fielding 6 Tachikawa Ki-36 Type 98 'Ida' observation aircraft. Years before the invasion, the Japanese cultivated an extensive network of agents and sleeper operatives in Hong Kong, methodically gathering intelligence and mapping military installations. This sophisticated network proved remarkably effective: invasion maps carried by IJA officers were actually Hong Kong Government and British military maps, overprinted with Japanese annotations and interpretations. British officers later discovered in captivity that the Peninsula Hotel's regular barber was a Japanese Navy lieutenant-commander who had exploited the intimate setting to extract valuable information about British force dispositions. Intelligence operatives infiltrated every level of Hong Kong society—the garrison tailor and barber both served as spies. This groundwork enabled exceptional accuracy in artillery fire and bombing campaigns. The Japanese further leveraged criminal networks, recruiting gangsters throughout Hong Kong and Guangdong province with money and arms, turning them into irregular auxiliaries supporting the invasion.   On Sunday, 7 December, seven hundred members of the 2nd Royal Scots and Middlesex Regiment marched to St John's Cathedral for the morning service. As Major-General Maltby read a passage from Matthew, his aide-de-camp, Lieutenant I. MacGregor, delivered an urgent message that would change everything. Preparations for conflict had already begun. On 5 December, the HKVDC had mobilized fully, yet Hong Kong's broader population remained unmoved—the Happy Valley racetrack reported record attendance that very day. The contrast was stark: while one institution prepared for war, another celebrated as though nothing threatened. Japanese forces had been positioned advantageously since autumn 1941. The 23rd Army was already stationed west of Guangzhou, with contingents scattered across Foshan Town, Zhuhai, and other locations on the Pearl River delta. Upon orders for war on 1 December, they faced minimal distances to cover. The army regrouped at Humen, Shilong Town, and Guangzhou itself—staging areas for the invasion. The first visible signs arrived on 4–5 December when Japanese forces landed at Mirs Bay; the 228th Regiment moved into its staging area at Buji Town, now part of Shenzhen City. Maltby received these reports and immediately departed the cathedral service to issue urgent stand-to orders. Yet skepticism persisted within military circles. Some dismissed the threat, dismissing such intelligence as "astonishingly erroneous." Meanwhile, the Imperial Japanese Navy massed in the waters beyond Hong Kong's horizon. The Kowloon Infantry Brigade held a stretched defensive line: the 5/7 Rajputs anchored the centre, the 2/14 Punjab the east, and the 2nd Royal Scots the west. Forward positions extended far—C Company, 2/14 Punjab, under Major S. Burns ranged along Castle Peak Road toward Yuen Long. The brigade screen, C Company of the 2/14 Punjab, held Shueng Shui and Taipo Market with four Bren carriers and two armoured cars from the HKVDC, backed by engineers and the 22nd Fortress Company. The Hong Kong Infantry Brigade held Hong Kong Island itself. The Winnipeg Grenadiers occupied Victoria City on the north-west coast, while the Royal Rifles of Canada stretched along the north-east shores from Saukiwan to Lyemun. Brigadier Lawson commanded from his headquarters at Wongneichong Gap in the island's centre. At 0355 hours on 8 December, the code word "Blossom Blossom" was transmitted. Eleven minutes later, Lieutenant-General Sakai ordered the invasion to commence. Fifty minutes after that, at 0445 hours, Major Charles Boxer—a fluent Japanese speaker formerly of the Lincolnshire Regiment—was roused by Radio Tokyo announcing that war was imminent. Governor Young and Major-General Maltby were informed at once. By 0500 hours, the forward demolition points had been blown by Major Gray, OC of C Company 2/14 Punjab, and the HKVDC engineers under Major J. H. Bottomley. At 0645 hours, the garrison received formal notification: Britain and Japan were at war. Seventy-five minutes later, air-raid sirens wailed. Within moments, smoke billowed from Kai Tak Airport as Japanese aircraft destroyed virtually the entire air garrison. The Wildebeests, Walruses, HKVDC biplanes, and several civilian planes were engulfed in flames. Only two Ju-52s of the Eurasia Corporation and one CNAC T-32 Condor escaped destruction—dispersal bays had never been built due to lack of funds. The Japanese then turned to secondary targets, bombing Shamshuipo Camp and the neighbouring police station. The Canadians suffered few large-scale casualties in the initial strikes, though Sergeant Routledge and Signalman Fairley of the signal platoon were wounded—the first Canadian soldiers injured in World War II. Remarkably, Hong Kong Island's theatres, cinemas, and restaurants continued operating as though the island faced no peril. Japanese demolition efforts proved only minor obstacles. Bridges blown were quickly replaced. The invasion proceeded on three fronts: the 230th Regiment advanced westward along the northern route toward Yuen Long and Castle Peak, targeting the northern slope of Tai Mo Mountain. The 228th Regiment drove down the centre, following the Sheung Shui–Taipo–Kowloon road toward Grassy Hill north of the Shing Mun Redoubt. The 229th Regiment, crossing at Sha Tau Kok and by boat at Starling Inlet, proceeded via Taipo toward Tai Shui Hang and Ma On Mountain. Whenever confronted with strongly defended positions, the Japanese bypassed them entirely rather than engage. The first day brought scattered but spirited resistance. Around 1300 hours, the Punjabis inflicted the first serious check, drawing blood from advancing Japanese forces. At 1830 hours, they ambushed and decimated several Japanese platoons south of Taipo market town. The HKVDC's armoured cars and Bren carriers struck similar successes nearby. The 2 Royal Scots' reconnaissance platoon clashed with elements of the 229th Regiment around Yuen Long. Despite these minor victories, Japanese momentum continued. Armed with stolen British maps and guided by fifth columnists, they pushed forward relentlessly. By late afternoon on the 8th, the Punjabis withdrew toward Grassy Hill to avoid being outflanked. The artillerymen of the 12th Battery engaged an IJN destroyer and Japanese forces around Taipo, inflicting heavy casualties. Farther south near Shatin, on the Taipo–Kowloon highway, rapidly advancing Japanese troops surprised the defenders and severed the fuse at an HKVDC demolition point. Their triumph proved momentary; the engineers completed the backup circuit and detonated the bridge, destroying it along with the Japanese soldiers crossing it. By early morning on 9 December, orders came to withdraw all mainland units to the Gin Drinkers Line. The Punjabis, already at Shatin Wai overlooking Tide Cove, held their position under pressure and continuous shelling for the next two days. The HKVDC withdrew to Fotan, a village south of Shatin. Maltby ordered D Company, 5/7 Rajputs, under Captain H. R. Newtons to Smuggler's Ridge to close the gap between the 2 Royal Scots and 2/14 Punjab. HKVDC armoured cars and Bren carriers continued patrols along Castle Peak Road while HMS Cicala, having survived two air attacks, maintained station in Castle Peak Bay. Despite an IJN blockade, the destroyers HMS Thanet and Scout slipped anchor and escaped to Singapore around 2130 hours. The surviving CNAC and Eurasia aircraft took off with high-value evacuees: Dr. Sun Yat-Sen's widow and her two equally renowned sisters—the Soong sisters—along with Chinese Finance Minister H. H. Kung. Also departing was Lieutenant-Colonel H. Owen-Hughes of the HKVDC, who carried orders to coordinate with the Chinese Nationalist Army for a rear-guard attack on Japanese forces to relieve the pressure on Hong Kong. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On 8 December 1941, Japan attacked Hong Kong with the 38th Division, supported by naval and air forces. Despite British defenses manned by undertrained, under-equipped troops, Japanese forces advanced rapidly across three fronts. Within hours, the RAF was destroyed, demolitions proved futile, and British units withdrew toward the Gin Drinkers Line facing overwhelming odds.

This week on the Mark Levin Show, we should encourage independent engagement with ideas like those of Justice Clarence Thomas rather than selling out to the left, communists, socialists, Islamists, the Woke Reich, isolationists, or others who have fallen into traps pushing greater interventionism or abandoning the dollar as the reserve currency. The prevailing hate directed at America, its founders, symbols, belief systems, Judaism, Christianity, and Israel should be condemned. We must maintain constitutional conservatism! President Trump, as Commander-in-Chief, made the decision to go to war with Iran and destroy their nuclear regime. Not Benjamin Netanyahu or anyone else. He did. But the Woke Reich neo-fascist isolationists can't accept that. In the past, Democrats and Republicans would have united behind this decision. Now, Democrats and Democratic Socialists on the left and the Woke Reich on the far right are undermining Trump and our troops. We know what the Iranian regime will do if they get their hands on nukes. We know they already fund terror groups all over the world. We know they push their ideology to the young, including right here in America. Right now, in the USA, weak governors allow fortress mosques to be built in our communities. In their hatred of Jews, the Woke Reich are ok with Iran and Putin. The Woke Reich are the modern-day appeasers of Hitler in the 1930s, but they don't have the integrity to admit it. Later, in the 1970s gas prices jumped due to OPEC's boycott of the U.S. over its Israel policies. Back then people blamed the oil companies instead of OPEC. Today the same manufactured hostility targets AI data centers. Governors ban or endlessly delay them with false pollution claims once used against fracking. The real issue is electricity: decades of blue-state regulations and anti-capitalist obstruction have blocked grid upgrades. Critics now complain data centers will consume too much power, yet refuse the solutions—expand the grid and let the centers build their own generation, including nuclear. Adversaries, especially China, face no such constraints and will dominate future technology, military, space, and health-care advances if America continues this economic self-sabotage. Furthermore, one of the dangers of so-called national conservatism, which has a relatively small following, is that it overlaps with the left by de-emphasizing individualism and stressing that each nation-state should simply be what it wishes. This isolationist approach should be rejected. We need to affirm American sovereignty, strong borders, traditional religion and culture, traditional family structures, and opposition to international institutions like the UN in favor of the Constitution. National conservatism's economic protectionism and interventionism skate too close to the left and serve as excuses for isolationism, centralization that erodes federalism, and more government control; the opposite is needed—deregulation, further tax cuts, and shrinking the central government—lest economic collapse destroy civil society, as the COVID-era attacks on liberties in blue states and cities already demonstrated. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Pags floats a provocative idea: What if U.S. senators were allocated proportionally by population? The conversation somehow detours into the buffet where Joe has actually been kicked out before things turn serious with an Air Force major reportedly placed in pretrial confinement after calling for President Trump's removal. Pags argues that serving in the military comes with a chain of command—and active-duty personnel don't get to ignore lawful authority because they dislike the commander in chief. Then a new study stops Joe in his tracks: Could 40% of the music being released now really be AI-generated? As a lifelong music lover, Pags absolutely HATES where this could be headed. Finally, Rep. Nancy Mace joins the show for a revealing conversation about "TattooGate." Why reveal her tattoos now? Did she know she'd break the internet? What does she say to people judging her because of them, and what's next for her political career? Plus, Mace weighs in on whether Lindsey Graham's sister should be the next senator from South Carolina—and her answer may surprise you. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

On Tuesday's Mark Levin Show, President Trump, as Commander-in-Chief, made the decision to go to war with Iran and destroy their nuclear regime. Not Benjamin Netanyahu or anyone else. He did. But the Woke Reich neo-fascist isolationists can't accept that. In the past, Democrats and Republicans would have united behind this decision. Now, Democrats and Democratic Socialists on the left and the Woke Reich on the far right are undermining Trump and our troops. We know what the Iranian regime will do if they get their hands on nukes. We know they already fund terror groups all over the world. We know they push their ideology to the young, including right here in America. Right now, in the USA, weak governors allow fortress mosques to be built in our communities. In their hatred of Jews, the Woke Reich are ok with Iran and Putin. The Woke Reich are the modern-day appeasers of Hitler in the 1930s, but they don't have the integrity to admit it. Also, to serve in Congress is an immense honor, but then you have pigs like Eric Swalwell and Matt "No Pants" Gaetz who get elected. Then we have Jon Ossoff, running for reelection to the Senate, who was born with a silver spoon in his mouth but trashes capitalism. He went after Trump over Iran and called assistant Natalie Harp and other aides "security blankets." Ossoff called his opponent Mike Collins and his supporters "White nationalists." Where was Jon when Joe Biden was curled up under the desk in the Oval Office? And name one thing he's done in the Senate? It's disgusting how people like Ossoff, Gaetz and Swalwell have conducted themselves while in office. Then, Prince Reza Pahlavi, son of the late Shah, was asked by a German journalist if he's an Israeli agent. He answered no but he's proud of his grandfather, who gave refuge to Jews while they were being burned in ovens in Germany. Pahlavi would be a great choice to lead an Iranian government-in-exile. Meanwhile, hardliners in the current regime have no intention of agreeing to any deal with the U.S. that doesn't give them control over the Strait of Hormuz. Russia, China and North Korean continue to pour weapons into Iran while we play defense. The regime is using this time to recalibrate and reinforce their police state. It's time to just finish them. Finally, a group of people that the Detroit Free Press describes as "anti-Muslim" held a protest ahead of a city council meeting in Dearborn, MI. The report wrote inflammatory statements about the protestors and said counter-protestors shouted antisemitic remarks. Democrats denounced the protest and expressed support for Muslims in Dearborn. Dems condemn hate, but where is the condemnation when there is crime and hate speech in New York directed at....Jews? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

August 17, 2026Trump is flooding social media with his fantasies about his prowess, Trump claimed credit for falling pharmaceutical prices that are largely the result of the Inflation Reduction Act voted in under the Biden administration, He claims victory in Iran, He believes he is leading the country toward a second American Revolution, Today is the day that the Memorandum of Understanding with Iran expires. without a permanent agreement that opens the Strait of Hormuz and stops Iran's nuclear ambitions, He is cozying up to North Korea and reducing traditional military exercises with US ally South Korea, He is caught in a scandal over the condition of the US military, Trump is redesigning a new aircraft carrier, replacing modern launch system with an older version, Trump's Comptroller of the Currency has approved a preliminary chargter for Trump's World Liberty Financial to become a bank in an unprecedented show of self-dealing.Watch today's recording here: https://www.youtube.com/live/g9TUa1Rwd6U?si=T8_KKcHQZElhpnZ-Get full, free access to Letters from an American here: https://heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/subscribeYou can also find me:Bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/hcrichardson.bsky.socialInstagram: https://www.instagram.com/heathercoxrichardson/?hl=enFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/heathercoxrichardson/YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@heathercoxrichardson Get full access to Letters from an American at heathercoxrichardson.substack.com/subscribe

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Pacific War. In late 1941, the Second Battle of Changsha ended with Chinese forces claiming victory despite suffering nearly 100,000 casualties against roughly 1,670 Japanese losses. Chiang Kai-shek's government launched an aggressive propaganda campaign, flooding international press with fabricated triumph narratives to sustain national morale. Behind closed doors, Chiang was furious at his generals' tactical failures, executing commanders and dismantling units. Meanwhile, geopolitical forces threatened China's survival. Japan's 1939 defeat at Nomonhan crushed hopes for a Soviet alliance against Tokyo. Germany's pact with the Soviet Union left China isolated, while Western powers remained reluctant to commit meaningful support. Britain offered little; the US provided only modest loans. By 1941, facing potential collapse, Chiang desperately searched for allies while Wang Jingwei's Japanese-backed rival government beckoned as an alternative. China's exhausted people endured horror—including a 1941 bombing massacre in Chongqing that killed over 400 trapped civilians. Then Japan unleashed a surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.   #215 An Implosion in the East Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War.   In the early morning of December 7, 1941, the US Pacific Fleet was anchored at Pearl Harbor in Hawaii. Two waves of Japanese bomber aircraft, launched from six aircraft carriers, attacked the vessels and their sleeping crews, destroying the battleship Arizona outright and damaging seventeen others, as well as most of the military aircraft parked nearby. Some 2,400 Americans died, and another 1,100 were wounded. Within a day Japanese invasion forces had attacked Siam, Malaya, and the Philippines. Chiang Kai-shek heard the news at one o'clock in the morning and immediately dictated a letter of support to President Roosevelt, pledging commitment to a new "common battle." The news reached Zhou Fohai in Shanghai as well. On December 8 across the international date line from Hawaii he had heard the sounds of firing as the Japanese took over the rest of the city, and then received reports that Japan had declared war on the Western powers. "I heard they'd bombed Honolulu, Manila, Singapore, and Hong Kong. From now on, the Pacific becomes a killing ground."   When Japanese carrier planes descended on Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941, they were executing far more than a tactical strike. They were unleashing the culmination of a strategic vision that had shaped Japanese military planning since the 1920s: the Nanshin-ron, or "Southern Advance" doctrine.    The Nanshin-ron represented a critical strategic choice that emerged from internal Japanese debates during the 1920s and 1930s. Japan faced an inescapable vulnerability: it was an island nation with virtually no natural resources of its own. The nation's population had doubled since the Meiji Restoration, growing to over 70 million by 1941. An industrial economy of tremendous sophistication, capable of producing world-class warships, aircraft, and military equipment, depended entirely on imported raw materials. Oil, rubber, tin, iron ore, bauxite, copper, and manganese all had to be acquired through foreign trade or conquest. This resource dependency was not a luxury problem; it was an existential one. A nation that could not feed itself or fuel its economy was a nation vulnerable to strangulation by enemies who controlled the resources it needed. Japanese strategic thinkers divided into two camps on how to resolve this vulnerability. The Hokushin-ron advocates, primarily within the Army, pushed for expansion northward into Siberia and Mongolia, seeking to conquer Soviet territory and resources. The Soviet Union possessed vast tracts of land, mineral wealth, timber, and agricultural output. From a purely materialist perspective, the Northern Advance made geographic sense—it was contiguous with Manchuria, which Japan had already secured in 1931. Yet by the late 1930s, the Hokushin-ron strategy had suffered a catastrophic blow. In 1938 and 1939, Japanese and Soviet forces clashed at Khalkhin Gol in Mongolia in what the Japanese called the Nomonhan Incident. The battles revealed a terrifying truth: the Soviet Red Army, under General Georgy Zhukov, was far more formidable than Japanese military planners had anticipated. Soviet armor, air power, and coordinated tactics annihilated Japanese forces. Japan suffered over 60,000 casualties while inflicting perhaps 10,000 on the Soviets. The defeat was concealed from the Japanese public, but it was unmistakable to military planners. A direct clash with Soviet power could end catastrophically. The Northern Advance, it became clear, would almost certainly provoke war with a nation capable of destroying the Japanese Army. This strategic defeat tilted the balance decisively toward the Nanshin-ron. If Japan could not safely expand northward, it must expand southward, toward Southeast Asia, the Dutch East Indies, Indochina, and the western Pacific. The appeal of the Nanshin-ron was immediately apparent to the Navy, which had always been more oriented toward maritime commerce and expansion across the ocean. The territories to the south were not militarily formidable. The colonial powers, Britain, the Netherlands, France, were either already defeated in 1940 or distracted by their own desperate struggles leaving Britain fighting alone against Germany. The United States, though potentially a formidable adversary, was not yet at war, and there was a chance, however slender, that a decisive blow against American naval power might convince America to negotiate rather than fight. But beyond strategic opportunity, the Nanshin-ron offered something that the Hokushin-ron did not: it offered resources of staggering abundance. The Dutch East Indies possessed oil reserves that could dwarf Japan's consumption for years. Malaya produced the world's rubber. Thailand offered agricultural bounty and geographic position. Burma's timber and agricultural products could feed Japan's growing empire. The Philippines possessed harbors, airfields, and economic output. These were not marginal additions to Japan's economy—they were transformative. Together, they would convert Japan from a resource-hungry island nation into the master of an imperial domain encompassing hundreds of millions of people and containing most of the strategic materials necessary for sustained industrial warfare. In the last episode I explained the western sanctions and embargoes that drained Japan's military of the resources they required to continue the China War. By 1941, Japan faced a civilization crisis. Japan imported roughly 90 percent of its petroleum, and the bulk of that came from the Dutch East Indies and the United States. Suddenly, the American supply was cut off entirely. Reserves would last perhaps 18 months if Japan's military and industrial consumption continued at existing rates. After that, the military machine would sputter and die. The industrial economy would collapse. Even civilian life would become impossible to sustain. Japan was facing not merely economic inconvenience but literal strangulation by the Western powers.   Yet it would be a mistake to reduce Japanese motivation to just materialism. Japanese military leaders wrapped their conquests in an ideological framework, one that many of them genuinely believed, or wanted to believe, served a higher historical purpose. The concept of the Daitoa Kyoeiken, the "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere," posited a new regional order in which Japan would play the leading role in liberating Asian peoples from Western colonial domination and creating an Asian-centered political and economic system. This ideology drew on genuine anti-colonial sentiment. For a century, Western powers had dominated Asia, treating Asian peoples and nations as subordinate, colonized territories existing to serve Western economic interests. Japan, which had modernized and Westernized enough to avoid colonization, saw itself as the natural leader of an Asian renaissance—a civilizing force that would restore Asian dignity and independence even as it established Japanese hegemony. Of course, this was propagandistic. Japanese conquest represented a substitution of one imperial master for another, and often a harsher and more brutal one at that. But for understanding Japanese decision-making, the ideology mattered profoundly. It provided Japanese leaders with a moral narrative for conquest. It allowed them to understand themselves as liberators rather than mere conquerors. It provided a rationale for extracting resources from occupied territories and for mobilizing subject populations to support the Japanese war effort. And it resonated with anti-Western sentiment throughout Asia, making Japanese occupation seem, in some quarters, preferable to continued Western colonial rule. The slogan Hakko ichiu—"eight corners under one roof", captured this ideological vision: a unified Asia and eventually world under Japanese guidance. Whether Japanese leaders truly believed this vision or cynically deployed it as propaganda, it shaped how they understood their actions and justified them to their subjects. Now I know this is a podcast dedicated to the century of humiliation, ie: China's experience. But I thought it was necessary just to have one episode explain what Dan Carlin titled "a supernova in the east" and I have titled an implosion in the east. I won't go into depth into the campaigns as some of them have a lot of Chinese involvement and we will be covering them in depth, but rather I will explain the rationale for Japan's numerous invasions following the surprise attack on Pearl Harbor.   Japan's assault on Malaya began within hours of the Pearl Harbor attack, indeed, Japanese troops were already landing on the Kota Bharu beachhead on the Malaysian peninsula before dawn on December 8, 1941 local time. Malaya was one of the world's largest rubber producers, and Singapore, at the tip of the peninsula, was the linchpin of British naval power in the Far East.The Japanese interest in Malaya was straightforward but crucial: rubber. The Japanese military consumed vast quantities of rubber for tires, gaskets, hoses, and countless other applications. American and Dutch rubber supplies were now cut off by embargo. Malaya's rubber plantations represented perhaps the world's richest reservoir of this strategic material. Beyond rubber, Malaya and the surrounding region were major tin producers—essential for alloys and manufacturing. For Japan to conduct prolonged warfare, Malaya was not a luxury target; it was a necessity. Singapore represented something different: a symbol of Western power in Asia and a strategic chokepoint. As the major British naval base in the region, Singapore served as the anchor of British imperial authority across the South China Sea. By seizing Singapore, Japan would not only capture crucial resources and port facilities but would also deliver a psychological blow to the entire edifice of Western dominance in Asia. The fortress city that the British considered nearly impregnable fell within seventy days, a stunning demonstration of Japanese military capability and the vulnerability of overextended Western empires. If Malaya was critical for rubber, the Dutch East Indies was essential for oil. The region, comprising present-day Indonesia, was the world's third-largest oil producer and had reserves that could sustain Japanese military operations for years. This was the jewel of the resource-conquest strategy. Japanese planners had long eyed the East Indies, but direct conquest had seemed risky while Britain and America remained neutral or opposed. With both now at war, the window of opportunity had opened. Japan needed the oil so desperately that when the Dutch East Indies Petroleum Company initially agreed to some Japanese oil purchases before the war, Tokyo was already planning its takeover. The conquest of the Dutch East Indies would provide not just oil but also tin, nickel, bauxite, and other materials essential to an industrial war machine. The islands would also provide air and naval bases from which Japan could defend its new empire and potentially threaten Australia. The Japanese invasion of the Dutch East Indies, which began in late December 1941 and accelerated through January and February 1942, was methodical and comprehensive. Various island groups were targeted systematically: Java, Borneo, Celebes, and the Moluccas. Dutch military forces, though brave, were overwhelmed. By March 1942, Japan had secured the entire archipelago,a stunning logistical and military achievement that delivered vast resources into Japanese hands. Thailand presented a fundamentally different case from Japan's other targets. Rather than conquest, Japan pursued alliance with military strongman Plaek Phibunsongkhram, who had seized power in a 1938 coup as a nationalist ideologue determined to reassert Thai sovereignty and recover territory lost to French colonialism in the nineteenth century. Thailand was the last independent state in mainland Southeast Asia, hemmed in by British-controlled Burma and Malaya to the west, and French Indochina to the east. For a century, Thailand had survived by playing European imperial powers against each other. But by the late 1930s, this strategy was becoming obsolete. Europe was distracted by Hitler's Germany. Colonial powers were weakening. Japanese power was visibly ascending. Phibunsongkhram recognized both danger and opportunity. He could resist Japan and invite invasion, or he could ally with Japan and profit from rising Asian power. Japanese diplomats approached Thailand with sophistication: they offered military alliance and support for Thai territorial expansion at French expense. This addressed Thailand's deepest national wound, the humiliation of nineteenth-century territorial losses to France. The Franco-Thai War of 1940-1941 became transformative. With Japan providing military support, advisors, tanks, aircraft, Thai forces defeated the French for the first time in history. By May 1941, Thailand had recovered 54,000 square kilometers of Cambodian territory and portions of Laos. For Phibunsongkhram, this was extraordinary: he had achieved what Thai leaders could not in a century, reclaiming territory from a Western imperial power. Domestically, his position was dramatically strengthened. The parallel to China's century of humiliation—the foundation of your podcast is striking: Thailand too was reversing colonial diminishment through association with rising Asian power. The Thai-Japanese relationship was unique. Unlike the Philippines, Malaya, or the Dutch East Indies, Thailand would retain nominal independence. Phibunsongkhram remained in power. Japanese occupation was light. Thai forces maintained their own command structure. Most importantly, Thailand's territorial gains from the Franco-Thai War were recognized and secured. Japan valued Thai cooperation more than conquest. Burma, controlled by the British, was the next target in Japan's southwestward advance. Japanese planners had multiple motivations for invading Burma. First, it was strategically positioned on India's eastern frontier, and Japan harbored ambitions of eventually striking toward India and linking up with Germany in the Middle East or at least destabilizing the British position in South Asia. Second, Burma was a significant producer of timber and agricultural products. Third, and perhaps most importantly, the invasion of Burma was meant to cut the Burma Road, the crucial supply line that allowed American aid to reach Nationalist China. The invasion of Burma began in late 1941 and accelerated through early 1942.  The invasion of the Philippines, which began on December 10, 1941, just days after Pearl Harbor, served multiple strategic purposes. Like the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, it was meant to neutralize American military power in the region, in this case, the American garrison under General Douglas MacArthur and the American colonial administration. But the Philippines were also valuable in their own right. The islands sat directly in the path of what Japan envisioned as its defensive perimeter. By controlling the Philippines, Japan would make it extraordinarily difficult for American forces to project power westward into Southeast Asia. The territory would provide naval and air bases critical to defending Japan's new empire. Additionally, the Philippines possessed some agricultural and industrial resources valuable to the war effort, and their conquest delivered a psychological victory, defeating American forces and ending American colonial rule in Asia, which appealed to anti-Western sentiment that Japan tried to cultivate. Beyond Southeast Asia and the Philippines, Japan rapidly invaded Guam and Wake island to extend Japan's defensive perimeter further into the Pacific and eliminate American air and naval bases that could threaten Japanese operations. Guam, seized on December 10, 1941, fell within two days, the American garrison was small and the island's strategic value lay primarily in denying the United States a forward staging ground for any counteroffensive. Wake Island, attacked the same day and finally captured on December 23 after a brief but heroic American defense, served similar purposes: cutting off American reconnaissance and interdicting potential supply lines to the Philippines.  Now I believe that's enough of the implosion in the east, let's get back to the situation in China. After Chiang Kai-shek sent his letter of support to President Franklin D. Roosevelt, pledging Chinese commitment to what he termed a new "common battle." he did something most revealing about his mood towards the global war. He played "Ave Maria" on his gramophone, celebrating with an almost spiritual gratitude the implications of what had just transpired in the American Pacific. This moment crystallized the profound difference Pearl Harbor would mean to different members of the emerging Allied coalition. For the United States, the attack was pure shock, a violation of the sanctity of American soil and the complacency of American isolationism. For Britain, it was like the pricking of a large, painful blister—painful but perhaps not entirely unexpected given Japan's regional ambitions. But for China, the relief that surged through the government and the consciousness of the Chinese people surpassed even Britain's response. For four long years, China had fought Japan almost alone, watching as Western nations remained neutral or limited their commitment to rhetorical support and modest material assistance. Now, suddenly, the trajectory of the entire conflict had shifted with breathtaking speed. Chiang's emotional state at this moment could scarcely be contained, and those close to him understood that beneath his carefully maintained Confucian composure burned an intoxicating sensation of vindication. These Western powers who had been so impatient with Chinese strategy, who had mocked the retreats of the Nationalist Army and spoken scornfully of Japanese capabilities, were now themselves in headlong retreat from those very islanders. In Hong Kong, Singapore, and Manila, British and American forces would be fighting desperately for their lives against the Japanese military that China had been contending with for years. Chiang could not have failed to perceive the irony: the Japanese had conquered vast stretches of China through relentless campaigns, yet Westerners had dismissed Chinese resistance as inadequate. Now the Japanese were proving that they posed a formidable challenge to Western military power as well. There was a bitter satisfaction in this vindication, even as Chiang understood that the strategic implications of American entry far outweighed any emotional satisfaction. What was pragmatic and strategically clear to Chiang, however, was far more important than any emotional satisfaction. The United States was now at war, and it was on China's side. This represented the transformation for which Chiang had labored for years, bringing the full weight of American industrial capacity and military might to bear against the Japanese enemy. The diplomatic foundations for this alliance had already been laid in the months preceding Pearl Harbor. Beginning in the spring of 1941, the United States had begun to commit significant resources to supporting China. In April 1941, following the conclusion of the Soviet-Japanese neutrality agreement, which had devastated Chinese morale by suggesting that Japan might attack the Soviet Union rather than move southward, the Roosevelt administration had determined to provide $45 million worth of militarily useful commodities to China as an immediate gesture of support. Then, on May 6, 1941, President Roosevelt had made a more formal commitment by announcing that the munitions provisions of the Lend-Lease Act applied to China, declaring a phrase that captured the strategic logic of American assistance: "defending China is the key to defending America." This declaration represented a significant shift in American policy, elevating China from a regional concern to a central element of American grand strategy in Asia. Subsequently, in July 1941, Roosevelt had sent Owen Lattimore to China to serve as political adviser to the Chinese government, a position that signaled deepening American engagement with Chinese affairs. In August, the administration appointed John Magruder as military attaché and head of the American Military Mission to China (AMMISCA), with the primary responsibility of overseeing the delivery of Lend-Lease material to the Chinese armed forces. On the diplomatic front, Chiang moved with remarkable alacrity. He had already severed relations with Germany on July 2, 1941, the very day after Hitler had formally recognized the Wang Jingwei puppet government in an attempt to appease Japan and encourage it to finally implement the Southern Advance. Now, on December 8, 1941, just one day after the Pearl Harbor attack, Chiang took the decisive step of formally declaring war against the Axis powers, Germany, Italy, and Japan. This declaration transformed China's position from a beleaguered nation fighting a war of survival into a formal member of the Allied coalition. Chiang had seized the opportunity that Pearl Harbor presented to ally China with a genuinely strong power against Japan, a gambit that fundamentally altered the diplomatic weight and international legitimacy of both the Chinese government and the Chinese cause. From a strategic perspective, the Japanese had committed what Chiang and others immediately recognized as a catastrophic blunder. On the operational level, Pearl Harbor was indeed a devastating tactical success, the American Pacific Fleet was crippled, and Japanese forces now enjoyed temporary naval superiority throughout much of the Pacific and Southeast Asia. Yet strategically, Pearl Harbor represented a failure of epic proportions, a miscalculation rooted in a fundamental misunderstanding of the intangibles of warfare: what motivated the Chinese people and what motivated the Americans. The Chinese had understood, through four years of brutal conflict, that warfare was about more than territorial conquest and resource acquisition. It was about will, about endurance, about the capacity to absorb punishment and continue fighting. The Japanese had learned this lesson imperfectly in China, where despite overwhelming military advantages they had been unable to force a decisive conclusion or compel Chinese surrender. The Americans would teach the Japanese this lesson even more emphatically. The attack on American sailors in Hawaii instantly galvanized the American population to prosecute an unlimited war, with Tokyo itself as the ultimate destination of American counterattack. While Americans would remember the "date that will live in infamy" primarily because of the assault on Pearl Harbor itself, the strategic consequence was that Japanese actions in Hawaii had introduced numerous new adversaries into the Pacific conflict: not only the United States, but also Britain, Australia, New Zealand, and the Netherlands. These additions transformed what had been, from the Japanese perspective, a regional conflict with manageable parameters into a global war that Japan could not possibly win through any conceivable means. What made this particularly disastrous for Japan was the context in which the new theater had been opened. Japan was already deeply mired in a quagmire in China—a "malignant quagmire," as one observer would later characterize it, that had consumed vast resources, inflicted enormous casualties, and failed to produce decisive victory. In military strategy, it is sometimes wise to open a new theater in order to attack an enemy from an additional and unexpected direction, thereby dispersing their forces and creating new challenges for them to manage. But opening a new theater that introduces an entirely new, powerful adversary, and doing so when one is already overextended in an existing theater is a prescription for strategic catastrophe. This was precisely what Japan had done at Pearl Harbor. Chiang Kai-shek understood the magnitude of Japan's miscalculation with crystalline clarity. He understood that whatever the military complexities that lay ahead, whatever the challenges of coordinating with Western allies, and whatever the limitations of Western military assistance to China might be, the fundamental equation had changed. The United States would ultimately defeat Japan. The Chinese did not need to defeat Japan by themselves; they merely needed to survive long enough for American industrial and military capacity to grind the Japanese military into defeat. In the immediate aftermath of Pearl Harbor, Chinese and American officials moved swiftly to formalize the alliance and establish the mechanisms of wartime cooperation. Roosevelt asked Chiang Kai-shek to serve as commander in chief of the Allied forces in the China theater, a designation that recognized China's central role in the Pacific War and elevated Chiang's international standing to something he had long sought: a position as an equal partner in the Allied coalition, a seat at the "top table of global decision-making" alongside Roosevelt, Churchill, and Stalin. To support this expanded role and to ensure effective coordination of the military effort, Roosevelt dispatched Lieutenant General Joseph W. Stilwell to China. Stilwell was not chosen randomly; he brought fifteen years of experience in China, a deep familiarity with the country, its military, and its complexities that few American officers possessed. Stilwell was appointed to serve simultaneously as the U.S. government's military representative in China, as chief of staff of the China Theater, and as commander in chief of the American forces in the China-Burma-India (CBI) theater. This appointment established the framework for joint Chinese-American military cooperation and represented an American commitment to the Asian theater that, while never receiving the resources devoted to the European theater, nonetheless signified recognition of China's strategic importance. Trust me, going forward we will be having a lot of time dedicated to the hilarious bromance / bro hatred of Vinegar Joe and Peanut.  Yet the formation of an alliance and the establishment of command structures was easier than the practical implementation of military cooperation. The fundamental challenge that would plague Chinese-American relations throughout the war emerged almost immediately: the problem of delivering military assistance to China. Before Pearl Harbor, the United States and China had reached agreement on three major points regarding military assistance. First, the United States would provide training and technical support to assist China in establishing a modern air force. Second, the United States would provide training and equipment for a ground army consisting of thirty divisions. Third, the United States would assist China in constructing railways and highways from Yunnan to Burma, along with the provision of rolling stock and vehicles to support these new transportation routes. These were ambitious plans, reflecting the extent of Chinese need and American willingness to support the Chinese war effort. However, the outbreak of the Pacific War threw American plans into disarray. The fundamental strategic doctrine guiding American policy was the "Europe first" strategy, which meant that the European theater and the defeat of Nazi Germany received priority over the Pacific theater. Additionally, China's geography made it extraordinarily difficult to supply. China could only be reached through supply lines of extraordinary length and complexity, either through the port of Rangoon in Burma and then overland via the treacherous Yunnan-Burma Road, or through the port of Hong Kong, which immediately fell into Japanese hands after Pearl Harbor. The first Sino-American loan agreement had specified that the United States would deliver commodities worth $45 million to China in 1941. However, shipping shortages meant that only $26 million worth of commodities actually left the United States. These commodities were shipped to the transit port of Rangoon, where a massive traffic jam developed as supplies accumulated faster than they could be distributed onward to China. Along the Yunnan-Burma Road, that "much-contested life line" as it came to be known, conditions were chaotic. The road had always been a source of trouble: it was long, extraordinarily difficult to keep in repair, fantastically dangerous to travel, and too narrow to permit much volume of traffic at any one time. Due to mismanagement and pilfering, the commodities that were shipped out of Burma suffered heavy losses in transit, and only one-third of them eventually arrived in Chongqing. Yet the United States had already established one valuable asset in China that could be deployed relatively quickly: an air force nucleus. Just before Pearl Harbor, a group of American aviators had been formally organized in Chongqing who worked on volunteer status for China under the command of Colonel Claire Chennault, an American aviation officer who served as instructor at the Chinese Air Force Cadet School. Some of these men had been flying in China since the Kuomintang first began purchasing American aircraft, having come to demonstrate the aircraft and remaining to pilot and teach. Others had hurried to China after being released from their volunteer service in Spain, where they had gained combat experience during the Spanish Civil War. It was a familiar joke that pilots from both sides of the Spanish conflict were likely to meet and work side by side in China, but political convictions proved immaterial to these professional aviators, they got on well enough with each other, mercenaries of the twentieth century united by their expertise and their willingness to fight. When American traffic on the Burma Road swelled in volume and became chaotic, with cargo lost to pilfering and trucks breaking down from mishandling, the air freight service into Chongqing became increasingly vital to maintaining Chinese military capabilities. The backbone of this organization was American, and it had been in operation for months before the Japanese attack. Halfway down the Burma Road, over the border in Burma, was a plane factory backed by American and Chinese capital, providing some degree of repair and maintenance capacity for the aircraft operating out of China. Recognizing the strategic value of these experienced aviators and the need to formalize and expand their operations, American and Chinese officials moved quickly to incorporate this volunteer group, formally known as the American Volunteer Group or "Flying Tigers," into the U.S. Army Air Force. This transformation of volunteer aviators into official American military personnel represented a commitment to providing air support to Chinese operations, recognizing that air power could compensate to some degree for Chinese numerical disadvantages in ground combat. In Chongqing, it was clear that among the United Nations fighting Japan, America was the only one taking China seriously, the only one prepared to invest significant resources in Chinese military capabilities and the Chinese war effort. Yet Pearl Harbor brought consequences that extended far beyond the strategic and diplomatic spheres. For Western civilians living in China,missionaries, teachers, doctors, businessmen, and journalists, the attack represented a catastrophic change in their status and their fate. Until December 8, 1941, Westerners residing in China had maintained a curious protected status as foreign neutrals, even in areas nominally controlled by the Japanese. This status had provided them with a measure of distance from, and protection against, the grinding reality of the war that had devastated Chinese populations. For a century, Americans had been part of an imperial presence in China, sometimes benevolent, sometimes violent, but always ultimately under Western control. That world came to an abrupt end on December 8, 1941. All across eastern China, Americans and Britons were rounded up and interned. The International Settlement of Shanghai—that remarkable oasis of neutrality that had persisted in the midst of a war-torn city—was now reunified under Japanese control. Thousands of foreigners with Allied nationality were sent to holding camps scattered throughout occupied China. Some, like the eleven-year-old British boy Jim Ballard, would remain imprisoned for the remainder of the war, enduring hunger, cold, and disease in camps like Longhua, which housed approximately 2,000 detainees. Forty years later, as the novelist J. G. Ballard, he would memorialized this experience in his semi-autobiographical novel Empire of the Sun. For missionaries like Velva Brown, the evacuation process was degrading and final. The missionary staff were permitted to pack no more than three suitcases with their belongings. As they prepared to leave, Japanese and Taiwanese "sightseeing" parties arrived to decide which houses they might want to occupy. The journey home aboard crowded Japanese ships offered no concessions to status or dignity; ambassadors, consuls, merchants, and missionaries alike were given "bed-sized strips of Chinese matting which we spread side by side on the iron floor of the hold," as Brown recorded. The humiliation was compounded by the finality of it all. For many, their decades-long presence in China was ending not in orderly retreat but in hasty evacuation, leaving behind "servants, many of whom had been with us for fifteen or twenty years." Despite these immediate human tragedies, the strategic transformation that Pearl Harbor wrought for China was undeniable. Chiang Kai-shek now embarked on an entirely new sort of life, heavily involved with the leaders and generals of the Western powers. He held diplomatic discussions with the leaders of the United Nations and military planning sessions with Western generals. In these unfamiliar circumstances, he did his best to live up to the Confucian ideal of the gentleman, seldom permitting the mask to slip—though the pressure of these new responsibilities and the intoxicating combination of vindication and anxiety would occasionally prove too much even for his considerable self-control. Within weeks of Pearl Harbor, Chiang demonstrated the value he could bring to the new alliance. He visited India and spoke with the leaders of the Indian independence struggle as an ally and friend, as a fellow non-European speaking to others seeking to escape from colonialism and imperial domination. He joined the Allies in their first joint campaign, not in China but in the jungles of neighboring Burma, committing Chinese forces to operations outside China's borders in support of the broader Allied military strategy. Yet the price that Chiang would pay for China's belated entry into the global alliance against the Axis powers would prove to be a heavy one. Chiang desperately needed his new American and British partners, but accepting this alliance would unleash forces within Chinese society that would threaten the very basis of his political control. The complexities of this bargain would become most visible in the four-year struggle between Chiang and General Joseph Warren Stilwell, the American officer who would become simultaneously his chief of staff and the administrator of American military assistance to China. This relationship, shaped by mutual suspicion, different strategic visions, and incompatible political agendas, would define Chinese-American military cooperation during the Pacific War and would have profound implications extending far beyond the battlefields of Asia. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Pearl Harbor's shock reverberated through Asia. Japan's assault on Hawaii, combined with invasions of Burma, the Philippines, Guam, and Wake Island, inadvertently transformed regional conflict into global war. Chiang Kai-shek, vindicated after four years of isolation fighting Japan, embraced American alliance with profound relief. The U.S. committed military aid, appointed General Stilwell as chief of staff, and recognized China as a co-belligerent. For Chiang, this partnership brought diplomatic status but also internal tensions that would define the Pacific War's final chapter.

Isn't Gettysburg history so interesting, the more you dig into it? We think it is. And this one is something we would have loved to witness.  In 1922, the US Marine Corps was fighting for its life. Many in Washington, including the Commander-in-Chief, wanted to disband the Marines even though they fought valiantly in WWI. So, the Marines campaigned to stay alive by showing the American People who they are and why they're needed.  General John A. Lejeune had two goals for the Marine Corps. He wanted Marines to become better fighters by learning from past wars and testing new ways to fight. But he also wanted the American people to see the value of the Marine Corps at a time when some people were questioning whether the country even needed it. Instead of holding military exercises in places far from the public, Lejeune wanted to bring the Marines to famous historic sites where people could watch them train. As Gunnery Sergeant Thomas E. Williams explained, the Marines could practice working with artillery, armor, and aircraft while also putting themselves in front of the American public. Gettysburg was a perfect place to do it. At the time, Gettysburg and other national battlefields were still controlled by the U.S. War Department. That meant they could be used for military training. General Smedley D. Butler took command of the Marine base at Quantico, Virginia, in June 1920. He is credited with the idea of holding these exercises on famous American battlefields. Butler believed the Marines could study the decisions made by Civil War commanders, practice their own skills, and give the public a chance to see the Marine Corps in action. The idea was simple: train the Marines while also showing Americans why the Marine Corps mattered. LBG Rich Kohr joins us to talk about this lesser-known event in Gettysburg's history. Check out Rich's presentation from the COVID days https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yjR_Z8ZWHm8&t=4401s SUPPORT THE SHOW Join our Patreon at www.patreon.com/addressinggettysburg Grab some merch: https://heritage-depot.myshopify.com/ Get yer Little Ground Top and start your day the Gettysburg way: www.addressinggettysburg.com/cafe Donate to The Digital History Pioneers Foundation: www.dhpioneers.com

//The Wire//2000Z August 14, 2026// //ROUTINE// //BLUF: DRONE SHOT DOWN OVER LATVIA. WASHINGTON CSG STEAMING WEST TO REPLACE LINCOLN CSG IN ARABIAN SEA. IRANIAN STRIKES CONTINUE IN HORMUZ. WHITE HOUSE AUTHORIZES CIVILIAN COMPANIES TO BEGIN OFFENSIVE CYBER OPERATIONS.// -----BEGIN TEARLINE------International Events-Middle East: This morning at least one strike on a merchant vessel was reported in the Strait of Hormuz. The UKMTO published two separate nearly-identical reports under two different reporting numbers, 111-26 and 112-26, both of which took place in the same area.Analyst Comment: Iranian sources claim that these vessels were struck by submarine drones, which (if true) would be the first kind of attack conducted so far during this war. Iran absolutely has this capability, though it is probably more limited to the areas closer to the Iranian coastline. The UKMTO chart provided for the location of both attacks does plot the targeting effort closer to the Iranian coastline than most other attacks, but so far no comment has been made regarding the attack method yet.Red Sea/HOA: This afternoon another series of strikes was reported between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis, with the latter conducting another missile strike on an Aramco refinery/processing facility in Najran City, near the Yemeni border. A large fire was reported at this facility following this strike, and Saudi forces have conducted various strikes around Yemen in retaliation.Latvia: This morning NATO aircraft shot down a suspected drone over the Balvi region, near the village of Rugaji. Latvia stated that the incident was a stray drone that entered their airspace due to Russian electronic warfare measures. Only one drone was detected, which was engaged by fighter aircraft.Analyst Comment: This is a tacit admission that the drone was probably Ukrainian, continuing the now long-standing trend of off-course drones entering the airspace of third-party nations. With both Russia and Ukraine sending drone waves comprising of hundreds of drones during each attack, the high failure rate on both sides has resulted in dozens of runaway drone incidents throughout the continent over the past few years.-HomeFront-Washington D.C. - Late last night, President Trump signed an Executive Memorandum aimed at combatting cybercrime. The very first section of this order is to effectively privatize offensive cyberattacks on foreign actors. The order outlines a 60-day time limit for establishing a deconfliction process to coordinate attacks carried out by private companies versus those conducted by military forces. The memorandum specifically states that operations resulting in Critical Outcomes (i.e. operations which kill people or are classified as Use of Force) are not authorized.Analyst Comment: This EO is a big deal, as it essentially is a Letter of Marque for private companies to conduct military actions against foreign nationstates in the cyber realm. While this seems cutting-edge and forward thinking in terms of the ever-evolving battlespace...this removes a lot of protections for civilian companies when it comes to warfare. When civilian entities are authorized to engage in offensive military action against a foreign nation, they become lawful combatants. The caveat which states that companies can't kill people is not likely to result in much difference to any actor targeted under this program, and as it stands, any company that participates in this order will be a valid military target which will be targeted by foreign adversaries. In short, if companies want to play ball, they can now do so, but major cyberattacks on civilian targets are going to skyrocket over the next few weeks.-----END TEARLINE-----Analyst Comments: In the Middle East, several logistical and leadership shakeups have settled in throughout the region. Within Iran, six new commanders have been officially promoted to new positions throughout the General Staff, most of whom are younger hardliners who are of the mind to continue the war. These promotions include Ahmad Vahidi, who has been promoted to the Commander in Chief of the IRGC. On the American side, the USS ABRAHAM LINCOLN CSG is planned to move off station when she is replaced by the USS GEORGE WASHINGTON CSG within a few days.This relief comes a few days after reports emerged regarding the deteriorating conditions onboard the LINCOLN. Over the past few days, reports of multiple sailors within this strike group attempting to take their own lives have hit the media, which CENTCOM has flatly denied. However, one day after these reports started circulating, the WASHINGTON was observed steaming through the Strait of Malacca. The LINCOLN was officially last reported in port in Guam on December 11th, 2025 and has not conducted a single port call since that time.Analyst: S2A1 Research: https://publish.obsidian.md/s2underground NomadNet: 5fa68c88be727a0e1a250a75e5e79269 Disclaimer: No LLMs were used in the writing of this report. //END REPORT//

Entering the White House under less than ideal circumstances, Chester A. Arthur had a lot on his plate - including who would run the mansion's social calendar. Arthur was a man who enjoyed the DC social scene but as Commander in Chief, he knew he would have little time to dedicate to planning the fine details. Still grieving the loss of his wife, Arthur was at a crossroads: who, exactly, should fill the role? Tune in this week to learn about Arthur's wife, Ellen Arthur and the woman he eventually asked to take over as White House Hostess, his sister Mary "Molly" McElroy. Support the show

A flamboyant adventurer known for exaggerating his military exploits returns to Great Britain with tales of a new land of opportunity on the Mosquito Coast.SponsorsC&R Consulting - https://ohmyfraud.promo/cnr Get NASBA Approved CPE or IRS Approved CELaunch the course on EarmarkCPE to get free CPE/CEDownload the app:Apple: https://apps.apple.com/us/app/earmark-cpe/id1562599728Android: https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.earmarkcpe.appQuestions? Need help? Email support@earmarkcpe.com.CONNECT WITH CALEBTwitter: https://twitter.com/cnewquistLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/calebnewquist/Sources:Did you read? [r/portlandia]Gregor MacGregor [Wikipedia]The Land That Never Was: Sir Gregor MacGregor and the Most Audacious Fraud in History [Sinclair, David (2004)]David Sinclair - The Sun sub who became a prolific author [The Guardian]Amelia Island affair [Wikipedia]Memoirs of Gregor M'Gregor [Rafter, M. (1820)]Proceedings of an Inquiry and Investigation instituted by Major-General Codd, His Majesty's Superintendent and commander-in-chief at Belize, Honduras, Relative to Poyais [Daniel Crouch Rare Books]Gregor McGregor and the Colonization of Poyais, between 1820 and 1824 [The Hispanic American Historical Review, Vol. 7, No. 4 (Nov., 1927), pp. 438-459 via JSTOR]The king of con-men [The Economist via Wayback Machine]List of ships of the Poyais scheme [Wikipedia]Poyais land grant for 60 acres from Gregor MacGregor, April 1834 [University of Edinburgh]Sketch of the Mosquito Shore, Including the Territory of Poyais [Daniel Crouch Rare Books]Poyais Loan No. A551 One Hundred Pounds. [Daniel Crouch Rare Books]Poyaisian Royalty: A George IV silver seal box, John Jago, London, 1823 [Sotheby's]

In this Federalist Society America 250 series, experts analyze modern legal and policy debates through the lens of the Founding generation. The Founders gave us the tools to answer many contemporary questions; join us as we explore those answers.In Federalist 23, Alexander Hamilton identified the common defense and the preservation of peace against external attacks as two of the principal purposes served by union. The Constitution that union adopted divides the power to declare war—vested in Congress—and the power to direct war—vested in the President as Commander in Chief. But what does it say about national security more broadly? The Founders were not without reservation about the risks of concentrating the means of defense, with James Madison warning the Constitutional Convention that a “standing military force, with an overgrown Executive will not long be safe companions to liberty.” It was also clear from the start, however, that functions like intelligence gathering belonged more naturally to the executive, whose institutional character supported the necessary secrecy and dispatch.This webinar will explore how the Founders understood national security power beyond the battlefield, how closely subsequent practice tracked their design, and whether today’s allocation of powers serves both the nation's security and its liberty.Featuring:Dr. Alberto Coll, Director, Global Engagement; Vincent de Paul Professor of Law, DePaul University College of LawProf. Matthew Waxman, Liviu Librescu Professor of Law, Columbia School of LawProf. John Yoo, Emanuel S. Heller Professor of Law, University of California at Berkeley; Senior Research Fellow, School of Civic Leadership, Civitas Institute, University of Texas at Austin; Nonresident Senior Fellow, American Enterprise Institute(Moderator) Molly Nixon, Senior Fellow in Executive Power, Cato Institute

A reported Iranian assassination threat against Donald Trump led to an extraordinary security operation following a NATO summit in Turkey, according to new reporting discussed in this episode. The account describes a complex deception involving multiple aircraft, a decoy Air Force One, and an effort to conceal the president’s actual movements from potential adversaries.The story has sparked debate over presidential security, government secrecy, and the seriousness of threats directed at the commander in chief. The hosts argue that the operation demonstrates the extent of the risks facing the president and highlights the challenges involved in protecting national leaders from foreign threats. In this episode Ben examines reporting from the Washington Post describing how security officials allegedly moved Donald Trump from a publicly observed aircraft to a separate military jet using an airport catering truck as part of a broader deception plan. They discuss the reported Iranian threat, media reaction to the operation, the role of secrecy in presidential protection, and the broader national security implications raised by the incident. Topics Covered: Reported Iranian assassination threat against Donald Trump Security operation following the NATO summit in Turkey Use of a decoy Air Force One aircraft and alternate transport methods Reporting from the Washington Post and coverage by CNN Debate over secrecy, deception, and presidential security protocols Broader concerns about Iran and U.S. national security The Bottom Line: Ben Ferguson argues that the reported operation demonstrates how seriously U.S. security officials viewed the threat environment surrounding Donald Trump and defends the use of secrecy and deception as necessary tools for presidential protectionPlease Hit Subscribe to this podcast Right Now. Also Please Subscribe to the The Ben Ferguson Show Podcast and Verdict with Ted Cruz Wherever You get You're Podcasts. And don't forget to follow the show on Social Media so you never miss a moment! Thanks for Listening X: https://x.com/benfergusonshowYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@VerdictwithTedCruzSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Pete Hegseth is on thin ice, and the reason should worry every American with a family member in uniform. U.S. commanders are reportedly picking and choosing which Iranian missiles to intercept and which to let fall. Our stockpiles of Tomahawks, ATACMS, and Patriots are draining. Ukraine's civilians are dying for lack of munitions. And the response from the White House is to hunt down leakers, blame subordinates, and ask Congress for another $67 billion — roughly $20 billion of it for weapons the administration should have planned for in the first place. This is what happens when leadership refuses to take responsibility and gets way ahead of its skis. At the same time, the Trump family is cashing in on Defense Department contracts while the commander in chief ramps up warfare around the world and pushes a $1.5 trillion defense number. It may not be illegal. It is deeply, deeply wrong — and it is exactly the kind of grift that unites independents, moderate Republicans, and anyone who still cares about basic ethics. Paul breaks down Elizabeth Warren's "gelatinous blobs" broadside at spineless Senate Republicans, the small cracks opening around Cornyn and Tillis, the widening MAGA civil war between Tucker Carlson, Marjorie Taylor Greene, Thomas Massie and the establishment, and where a wandering Tulsi Gabbard might land next. If you want to know where the off-ramps and pressure points are heading into 2026, this is the map. -WATCH full video of this episode here. -Check the IVA overview of Washington State's primary this week.  -Millions of American veterans are being locked out of primary elections in the country they served. See what we're doing to change that. -Visit Kalshi and trade on anything. Use code [INDEPENDENT] to get ten dollars when you trade ten. -Head to cozyearth.com and use the code AMERICANS for an exclusive 20% off. -Join Noble Mobile today and get a $100 bonus when you use code PAUL and stay a member for 2 months! -Join IVA and help us get independent veterans elected to office. -Learn more about Paul's work to elect a new generation of independent leaders with Independent Veterans of America. -Learn more about American Veterans for Ukraine here. -Remember Independent is an Attitude. -Learn more about The Headstrong Project for Veterans, Tragedy Assistance Program for Survivors (TAPS), and Department of Veterans Affairs resources in your area. Seeking support is not a sign of weakness. It's a show of strength. If you or a loved one are in immediate crisis, dial 988 and press 1, or text 838255. Connect with Independent Americans: Subscribe on YouTube, Spotify, Apple Podcasts, and all podcast platforms Read more at Substack Support ad-free episodes at Patreon  Connect: Instagram  • X/Twitter • BlueSky • Facebook  Follow on social: @PaulRieckhoff on X, Instagram, Threads, and Bluesky -Join the movement. Hook into our exclusive Patreon community of Independent Americans. Get extra content, connect with guests, meet other Independent Americans, attend events, get merch discounts, and support this show that speaks truth to power.  -And get cool IA and Righteous hats, t-shirts and other merch now in time for the new year.  Independent Americans is powered by veteran-owned and led Righteous Media.  And now part of the BLEAV network!  Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

A striking new Washington Post report reveals that Donald Trump privately raged at Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, demanding to know why he'd been caught off guard by depleted munitions stockpiles. Yet these leaks actually reveal his own serious screw-ups: Trump wrongly concluded that the munitions situation had been fixed, showing that the commander in chief utterly failed to keep track of the impact his decision to go to war was having on the U.S. military. Meanwhile, other leaks suggest that Trump is feeling privately humiliated by his failure to defeat Iran, which freshly exposes just how deep his miscalculations have been all along. We talked to Salon's Amanda Marcotte, a skillful interpreter of MAGA pathologies. She explains why authoritarian regimes rely on slavish loyalists like Hegseth, discusses why voters' rejection of Trump is so important to salvaging the American experiment, and deciphers a conundrum known as “the MAGA paradox.”  Looking for More from the DSR Network? Click Here: https://linktr.ee/deepstateradio Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What if one of the most important events in early Mormon history never actually accomplished what it set out to do? In 1834, Joseph Smith organized nearly 200 armed men and led them almost 900 miles across the American frontier with one stated objective: redeem Zion and restore the Saints to their lands in Jackson County, Missouri. They marched. They trained. They carried muskets and swords. They expected confrontation. But they never fought a battle. Instead, they encountered political resistance, internal dissent, a violent storm many viewed as miraculous, a devastating cholera outbreak that claimed fifteen lives, and a revelation that abruptly ended the expedition. So what happened? More importantly… how did what appeared to be a failed mission become one of the greatest success stories in Mormon history? In this episode of Mormonism Live, Bill Reel and Radio Free Mormon take a deep dive into the complete story of Zion’s Camp—from the revelations that launched it to the theological reinterpretation that followed its collapse. Along the way we examine:• The promise to redeem Zion in D&C 103• Why hundreds of Saints believed they were going to reclaim Jackson County• Joseph Smith as “Commander in Chief of the Armies of Israel”• Governor Daniel Dunklin and the political realities of Missouri• The famous Fishing River storm—miracle or coincidence?• The deadly cholera outbreak that followed D&C 105• Why the mission was suddenly called off• The psychological and theological shift from “the prophecy failed” to “the people weren’t ready”• How Zion’s Camp became the proving ground for the future Twelve Apostles and Seventy This episode also explores a broader question that reaches far beyond Mormonism: How do religious movements reinterpret unmet expectations while preserving confidence in prophetic leadership? Whether you’re a believing Latter-day Saint, a former member, a student of history, or simply interested in the psychology of belief, Zion’s Camp offers one of the most fascinating case studies in early American religious history. Primary sources used include: Joseph Smith Papers Project Doctrine & Covenants 101, 103, and 105 John Whitmer’s History John Corrill’s A Brief History of the Church of Christ of Latter Day Saints Contemporary journals, letters, meeting minutes, and financial records from 1833–1835 #Mormonism #LDSHistory #JosephSmith #ZionsCamp #MormonismLive #ChurchHistory #ReligiousHistory #FaithCrisis #MormonStudies #DoctrineAndCovenants #ExMormon #Religion

John Hardie and Bill Roggio cover the significant leadership change in Ukraine as General Drapatyi replaces General Syrskyi as commander-in-chief. Drapatyi is seen as a representative of a new, western-style generation of officers who embrace technological innovation and listen to subordinates. The transition aims to "desovietize" the military and maintain the momentum of successful drone offensives against Russian infrastructure. (4)

C Constable reports from France on the high heat and smoke impact near Bordeaux. The discussion shifts to surging energy prices, with Brent crude rising 26% and European gas up 36%. Despite high energy costs, rising copper prices suggest potential industrial growth. (1)Simon Constable and Jim McTague continue with a quiz highlighting that typical data centers use 300,000 gallons of water daily, while larger ones can reach 5 million gallons. Currently, most centers are urban, but 67% of planned facilities are rural. In Lancaster County, a "tale of two data centers" emerges as one town embraces the revenue stream while another resists it due to misinformation and fear. (2)Cliff May argues for maximum pressure and coercive diplomacy to prevent the Islamic Republic of Iran from obtaining nuclear weapons. He advocates for a naval blockade, specifically targeting oil exports from Kharg Island to strangle the regime's revenue. May emphasizes that the Iranian leadership's ideology makes them likely to use nuclear weapons, necessitating a strategy to cripple the regime's power. (3)John Hardie and Bill Roggio cover the significant leadership change in Ukraine as General Drapatyi replaces General Syrskyi as commander-in-chief. Drapatyi is seen as a representative of a new, western-style generation of officers who embrace technological innovation and listen to subordinates. The transition aims to "desovietize" the military and maintain the momentum of successful drone offensives against Russian infrastructure. (4)Anatol Lieven examines how the Ukraine and Iran conflicts are merging into one global struggle following a Ukrainiandrone strike on an Iranian vessel. This escalation threatens global energy supplies of refined oil products, as Russianrefineries struggle with capacity. While Ukraine targets the Russian middle class to undermine support for the war, Lieven warns of a widening proxy war involving China, North Korea, and Iran. (5)Anatol Lieven turns to Britain's new political era under Prime Minister Andy Burnham, who is described as the Labour Party's "last chance" to address a discredited government. Burnham faces immense financial pressure, particularly regarding the costs of healthcare for the elderly and dementia. To succeed, he may need to pivot from "Net Zero" policies to prioritize energy needs and seek a new mandate through an election. (6)Salvatore Vitale and Kalin Plunkett of MIT explain hierarchical merging, a process where black holes merge repeatedly to create larger "monsters." By analyzing gravitational waves from 155 binary pairs, they discovered that 14% are second-generation black holes, born from previous mergers rather than stellar collapse. These second-generation black holes are characterized by rapid spin and mass asymmetry, providing clues to how supermassive black holes form in galaxies. (7)Salvatore Vitale and Kalin Plunkett continue: to uncover the origins of the Milky Way's supermassive black hole, scientists propose building larger gravitational wave detectors scaled up by a factor of ten. These advanced observatories would allow researchers to peer further back into cosmic history, potentially detecting black holes from the very early universe. Expanding the global network to four or five detectors would help pinpoint host galaxies and detect the formation of heavy elements. (8)Arthur Herman recounts the historic 1896 meeting where Henry Ford pitched his internal combustion engine to a skeptical Thomas Edison. Edison's encouragement served as the catalyst for Ford's revolution in American transportation. This industrial transformation was further enabled by John D. Rockefeller, whose ability to lower oil prices made gasoline an economically feasible fuel for mass production. The segment also highlights George Washington's vision for a professional Continental Army. (9)Arthur Herman explains the American founders were heavily influenced by the Scottish Enlightenment, particularly the ideas of David Hume and Adam Smith regarding the pursuit of happiness. This subjective right was prioritized over property to potentially allow for the future abolition of slavery. The founding spirit extended to the Northwest Ordinance, creating communities like Marietta, Ohio, that were dedicated to education, religion, and freedom. (10)Arthur Herman characterizes Abraham Lincoln as a founder for his vision of an America without slavery and his willingness to risk the Union to fulfill the Declaration of Independence. His administration's legacy includes the Homestead Act and the Transcontinental Railroad, which expanded the "empire of liberty." Additionally, the Civil War era facilitated the rise of Andrew Carnegie, who later revolutionized the global steel industry using the Bessemerprocess. (11)Arthur Herman reframes the Gilded Age not as an era of greed, but as a period of unprecedented opportunity and connectivity driven by the railroad. James J. Hill's Great Northern Railway fostered regional prosperity and negotiated fairly with Native American tribes. Meanwhile, Thomas Edison's relentless competitiveness and "restless mind" led to the electrification of the nation and the invention of the phonograph, inspiring future generations of founders like Elon Musk. (12)Arthur Herman contrasts Woodrow Wilson's attempt to centrally manage industry during World War I, which resulted in logistical chaos and failure, with FDR's embrace of the private sector for World War II, appointing GM's Bill Knudsento lead mobilization. By relying on the incentives of the marketplace, Knudsen successfully converted American manufacturing into a massive war machine, producing more war material than the world imagined in just 18 months. (13)Arthur Herman presents Martin Luther King Jr. as a founder who refounded the American experiment by taking risks to fulfill the promise of equality. The segment explores the eternal conflict between the bold "founder mindset" and the cautious "manager instinct" that emerged in the 1950s. While managers seek stability and predictability, founders drive innovation and national greatness, preventing the American dream from becoming stagnant and stale. (14)Arthur Herman credits Vannevar Bush's "The Endless Frontier" manifesto with persuading FDR to fund basic scientific research through universities, laying the groundwork for Silicon Valley. This federal support enabled discoveries in information theory and microchip development, transforming the American economy. The evolution from massive mainframes like the IBM 360 to modern microchips illustrates the imaginative leap of founders who see opportunities where others see only current technology. (15)Arthur Herman concludes that today's founders, including Elon Musk and Donald Trump, continue the tradition of taking massive risks to fulfill bold visions. Musk's goals for SpaceX and Mars are described as a step-by-step process of industrial manufacturing and innovation. Central to this enduring success is the Patent Act of 1790, a unique constitutional protection that ensures individuals own the products of their minds, fueling 250 years of American discovery. (16)Corrections applied per the log: John Hardie (transcribed as "Hardy," segment 4) and Labour Party (UK spelling, segment 6). I also dropped the phonetic "(Chopati)" after General Drapatyi in segment 4 — that's Mykhailo Drapatyi, so the first spelling stands. One to confirm for the log: Kalin Plunkett (segments 7–8) — I couldn't verify this MIT researcher's spelling; if it's from audio, it may need checking against the MIT LIGO group roster.

Not only has our lousy commander-in-chief allowed the country's missile inventory to be dramatically depleted, Hegseth's politicized hiring and firing of officers has come home to roost and is doing real damage to the military as an institution. Meanwhile, Zelensky says he'll show Trump proof that Russia is helping Iran in the war, and Laura Loomer has done an about-face and now says she's on Ukraine's side. Plus, the wet, hot DSA summer hits its peak in the Michigan Senate race, Bibi is going to try to save his hide, and Republicans in swing districts have been given the all-clear to distance themselves from Trump.Bill Kristol joins guest host John Heilemann.Show notes: The NYT on the diminished stockpile of Patriot antimissile interceptors  John's "Impolitic" podcast Jon Cohn on Whitmer's endorsement of Haley Stevens Lauren on the troubles at the DNC Bill's "Bulwark on Sunday" with Epstein survivor, Dani Bensky Andrew on Trump bombing at the White House Correspondents Dinner Get 10% Off your entire order & take advantage of Ridge's Annual Sweepstakes by going to https://www.Ridge.com/THEBULWARK #Ridgepod

The Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has fired his army commander-in-chief, Oleksandr Syrskyi, in one of the biggest shake-ups of the country's military leadership since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion. General Syrskyi had clashed with the popular defence minister, Mykhailo Fedorov, whose own removal from office last week triggered rare mass protests in Ukraine. Also: France becomes the first country in the EU to ban children under the age of 15 from using social media. A special report from the school in Iran where 156 people, mostly children, were killed at the start of the US-Israeli war. As Venezuela's ousted leader Nicolás Maduro is due back in court in New York, Venezuelans tell the BBC they are too focused on trying to rebuild their lives after the earthquakes to give much thought to the criminal proceedings. The maker of Wegovy and Ozempic, Novo Nordisk, has launched legal action against its rival Eli Lilly, accusing it of false advertising in suggesting its weight-loss drugs perform better. Animal welfare experts in Britain are looking after a marmoset monkey that was found abandoned in a laundry bag on a London bus. And we look at the new developments in sleep health technology focusing on disease prediction.The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight. Get the news that matters, delivered twice a day on weekdays and daily at weekends, plus special bonus episodes reacting to urgent breaking stories. Follow or subscribe now and never miss a moment. Get in touch: globalpodcast@bbc.co.ukPhoto: Ukraine's President Zelensky and now former Commander in Chief of the Ukrainian Armed Forces, Colonel General Oleksandr Syrskyi, visit an exhibition of new Ukrainian made drone-missiles Peklo in Kyiv. Credit: REUTERS/Valentyn Ogirenko

Ukraine's president Volodymyr Zelensky has fired the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Oleksandr Syrsky. That follows days of protests at his sacking of the defence minister. Our correspondent analyses the fallout. America's murder rate is falling, so why are cops killing more people? And a shift in the Japanese taboo on living in homes where people have died.Guests and host:Shashank Joshi, defence editorDaniel Knowles, US Midwest correspondentMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Fedorov, Syrsky, Zelensky, UkrainePolice killings, gun crime, murderJapan, haunted houses, jiko bukkenListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ukraine's president Volodymyr Zelensky has fired the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, Oleksandr Syrsky. That follows days of protests at his sacking of the defence minister. Our correspondent analyses the fallout. America's murder rate is falling, so why are cops killing more people? And a shift in the Japanese taboo on living in homes where people have died.Guests and host:Shashank Joshi, defence editorDaniel Knowles, US Midwest correspondentMoeka Iida, East Asia reporterRosie Blau, co-host of “The Intelligence”Topics covered: Fedorov, Syrsky, Zelensky, UkrainePolice killings, gun crime, murderJapan, haunted houses, jiko bukkenListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—subscribe to The Economist. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Michael Wolff and Joanna Coles confront one of the most unsettling questions of Donald Trump's presidency yet, arguing that his relentless fixation on the 2020 election may be more than political theater as they explore what it could mean for a commander in chief they believe has lost his grip on reality. They break down Trump's increasingly erratic speech, the networks that refused to air it, the growing influence of Natalie Harp, the mystery surrounding Melania Trump's disappearance from public view, and the latest controversies engulfing Truth Social. They also trace the subtle but unmistakable ways JD Vance is positioning himself for a post-Trump Republican Party through his comments on Iran, Jeffrey Epstein, and Joe Rogan's podcast, while examining the power struggles and shifting loyalties that could define the months ahead. Download SAILY's app and use code beast at checkout to get an exclusive 15% off your first purchase! For further details go to https://saily.com/beast #ad Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices