System of community justice used in Rwanda after the 1994 genocide
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We're doing something different in this special episode—bringing you a feature from our friends at the God on the Move podcast. God on the Move Podcast shares inspiring stories of faithful believers from the global church and will encourage you in your own faithful obedience to God's global mission. We will soon be switching to a new rhythm of releasing a Lausanne Movement Podcast episode every second week, with God on the Move publishing in the weeks between. We hope that this new rhythm allows you to enjoy both Podcasts. Follow this link to God on the Move, where you can find links to your favourite podcasting platform and subscribe so you won't miss it when their episodes drop - https://lausanne.org/podcast-series/god-on-the-move GOD ON THE MOVE Josephine Munyeli, Director of Administration and Finances at the PEACE Plan Rwanda, shares her harrowing and inspiring personal story as a survivor of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. She recounts her experiences, the challenges of raising her children as a widow, and her instrumental role in Rwanda's healing and reconciliation process. The episode delves into how collective efforts involving the community, the church, and international NGOs have facilitated Rwanda's recovery from such a devastating event. Munyeli's insights into forgiveness, reconciliation, and the ongoing work of PEACE Plan Rwanda highlight a journey from unimaginable trauma to a symbol of resilience and hope.
Josephine Munyeli, Director of Administration and Finances at the PEACE Plan Rwanda, shares her harrowing and inspiring personal story as a survivor of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. She recounts her experiences, the challenges of raising her children as a widow, and her instrumental role in Rwanda's healing and reconciliation process. The episode delves into how collective efforts involving the community, the church, and international NGOs have facilitated Rwanda's recovery from such a devastating event. Munyeli's insights into forgiveness, reconciliation, and the ongoing work of PEACE Plan Rwanda highlight a journey from unimaginable trauma to a symbol of resilience and hope.
Dans cet épisode, Olivier Klein poursuit l'entretien avec Assumpta Mugiraneza (voir premier épisode) avec un intérêt particulier pour deux questions: Après 1994, Comment juger les génocidaires et parvenir à une réconciliation ou à tout le moins un vivre ensemble? On s'intéresse en particulier aux “Gacaca”, ces tribunaux inspirés des pratiques judiciaires pré-coloniales, qui, dans chaque communauté, ont permis de juger un grand nombre de personnes en un temps record. Ensuite, comment se souvenir du génocide ? Nous évoquons également la politique de commémoration du génocide. Infos, lexique, références ici: https://milgram.ulb.be/genocide-tutsis
Rwanda: 30 ans après le génocide, panser les blessures invisiblesAu Rwanda, ce dimanche 7 avril 2024 marque le début de cent jours de commémorations du génocide contre les Tutsis. Aujourd'hui, la population rwandaise est majoritairement née après 1994. Mais toutes les générations sont marquées. Rescapés, anciens bourreaux, enfants des uns et des autres… Chacun porte en lui une part du traumatisme. Un Grand reportage de de Lucie Mouillaud et Amélie Tulet. Entretient avec Patrick Adam.Rwanda : 30 ans après le génocide, un besoin de justice et de réponsesAu Rwanda, ce lundi 8 avril 2024 marque le début de cent jours de commémorations officielles du génocide de 1994 perpétré contre les Tutsi. Il y a trente ans, selon les Nations unies, plus d'un million de personnes - en majorité des Tutsi, mais également des Hutu, et d'autres opposants au génocide - ont été systématiquement tuées en moins de trois mois. 61 personnes ont été condamnées par le TPIR (Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda). Plus d'un million de jugements ont été rendus par les Gacaca, ces tribunaux inspirés de la pratique coutumière. Mais il reste encore des fugitifs recherchés, des personnalités en exil qui ne sont pas inquiétées et des silences qui torturent toujours les rescapés. Un Grand reportage de de Lucie Mouillaud et Amélie Tulet. Entretient avec Patrick Adam.
Au Rwanda, ce lundi 8 avril 2024 marque le début de cent jours de commémorations officielles du génocide de 1994 perpétré contre les Tutsi. Il y a trente ans, selon les Nations unies, plus d'un million de personnes - en majorité des Tutsi, mais également des Hutu, et d'autres opposants au génocide - ont été systématiquement tuées en moins de trois mois. 61 personnes ont été condamnées par le TPIR (Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda). Plus d'un million de jugements ont été rendus par les Gacaca, ces tribunaux inspirés de la pratique coutumière. Mais il reste encore des fugitifs recherchés, des personnalités en exil qui ne sont pas inquiétées et des silences qui torturent toujours les rescapés. « Rwanda : 30 ans après le génocide, un besoin de justice et de réponses », un Grand reportage de Lucie Mouillaud et Amélie Tulet.
Il y a 30 ans, le Rwanda s'est retrouvé au centre d'une des tragédies les plus effroyables du XXe siècle : 800 000 morts en 100 jours, soit une moyenne de 5 personnes tuées chaque seconde. Un génocide aussi rapide qu'impitoyable qui a principalement ciblé la minorité Tutsi, mais aussi des Hutus modérés qui se sont opposés à cette folie meurtrière. Les voisins se sont retournés contre les voisins, les amis contre les amis, transformant des communautés autrefois unies en champs de bataille. Mais comment en est-on arrivé là ? Quels ont été les facteurs et les événements qui ont conduit à un tel déchaînement de violence ? Et face à l'ampleur de ces massacres, quelle a été la réponse de la communauté internationale ? #3ème #terminale #HGGSP***T'as qui en Histoire ? * : le podcast qui te fait aimer l'Histoire Pour rafraîchir ses connaissances, réviser le brevet, le bac, ses leçons, apprendre et découvrir des sujets d'Histoire (collège, lycée, université)***✉️ Contact: tasquienhistoire@gmail.com***Suivez le podcast sur les réseaux sociaux***Instagram : @tasquienhistoireThreads : @tasquienhistoireTwitter : @AsHistoire Facebook : https://www.facebook.com/TasQuiEnHistoire*** Credits Son ***Petit Pays - Bande-annonce officielle HD@Pathehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qlSF3tZ0s3A Track: The StorytellerMusic by https://www.fiftysounds.comTPE extrait - Propagande à la radio des milles collinesExtrait du film « Hôtel Rwanda » (réalisé par Terry George et produit par Lionsgate, 2005)@Forever Alonehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DkzEHAPLVOU Déclaration de Bernard KOUCHNER à son retour du RwandaINA/ Inter actualités de 08H00 - 18.05.1994 https://www.ina.fr/ina-eclaire-actu/audio/00656725005/declaration-de-bernard-kouchner-a-son-retour-du-rwanda Interview d'un rescapé TutsiINA / Inter actualités de 08H00 - 26.06.1994 https://www.ina.fr/ina-eclaire-actu/audio/00664378004/interview-d-un-rescape-tutsi Hébergé par Ausha. Visitez ausha.co/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.
Un país que ha superado, a través de la reconciliación y la esperanza, un conflicto durísimo es el protagonista de este capítulo de nuestra serie de Historias de Paz. Les contamos la historia de un hecho que nos avergüenza cómo especie: el genocidio de Ruanda. Y a partir de allí la apuesta de una sociedad por “perdonar lo imperdonable”, la reparación de la memoria de las víctimas y la unión sobre un nuevo proyecto de país Notas del episodio: Ruanda, un país bendecido por la maravilla ¿Por qué y cómo sucedió el genocidio de Ruanda? La explicación de un hecho que “nos avergüenza cómo especie” La influencia que tuvieron los medios y los mensajes de odio en el genocidio El centro de la Memoria de Kigali Las cortes Gacaca, la forma de justicia transicional que posibilitó el perdón y la reparación en Ruanda La increíble historia de Immaculée Ilibagiza, uno de los más grandes ejemplos del ejercicio del perdón y la resiliencia ¡Síguenos en nuestras Redes Sociales! Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/DianaUribe.fm/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dianauribef... Twitter: https://twitter.com/dianauribefm?lang=es Pagina web: https://www.dianauribe.fm
Bonjour à tout.e.s, bienvenue dans ce nouvel épisode de GéogrAfrica !
https://www.patreon.com/user?u=31723331 What was the impact of the Rule of Law after the Rwanda Genocide? Phil Clark is a professor of International Politics at SOAS University. He specialises in conflict and post-conflict issues in Africa, particularly questions of peace, truth, justice and reconciliation. In this episode of The Know Show, Phil discusses with us the impact of the Rule of Law after the Rwanda Genocide. For example he gives insight on how crime rates dropped drastically after the implementation of Gacaca courts. PLEASE SUBSCRIBE TO THE CHANNEL to get the latest and most fascinating research!!! Get the latest episodes and videos on www.theknowshow.net The Know Show Podcast makes the most important research accessible to everyone. Join us today and be part of the research revolution. Follow Us On Social Media: Instagram https://www.instagram.com/theknowshowpod/ Twitter https://www.instagram.com/theknowshowpod/
In Episode 7 we talk about the perpetrators of slavery with Austin Choi - Fitzpatrick, author of What Slave Holders Think - How Contemporary perpetrators rationalise what they do. 00.00 - 06.06 Discussion of what drew Austin to research the perpetrators of slavery: not enough known about them and their relationship with the people they hold in slavery. Also important to consider the role perpetrators play both in the enslaving and freeing of people Explanation of bonded labour in India, a practice where perpetrators are violating human rights but not local norms and where they don't see themselves as criminals, so the practice is in plain view Todd refers to the well known Star Trek Prime Imperative (Directive) to suggest a possible metaphor for how how Austin approached interviewing the perpetrators of slavery Austin says going in and labelling people immediately would have conversations to an abrupt end and explains how he took account of people's own experiences and lives in his approach. Using open ended questions about local issues: the climate, government, local law enforcement and relationships with local labour and advocacy groups in the community, helped him develop a picture of the nature of modern slavery He avoided the use of abolitionist language and tried to learn more about how perpetrators see themselves 06.06 - 10.30 Todd asks how Austin came to be accepted by the local community and built trust and rapport Austin explains how he discounted snowball sampling as a method and instead used a Leapfrog method - when he found people he believed to be perpetrators he got them to refer him on to others who were also involved with bonded labour It was a challenge to work out if perpetrators were telling the truth Austin did by triangulating what he was told ‘on the fly' to see which bits added up and which bits didn't. Austin describes how he grew his beard because that seemed to confer additional spiritual status within the community and shared his own family experiences as a grandson of a farmer to establish his credibility Todd summarises this as a rapport and empathy approach 10.30 – 17.20 Austin explains he interviewed 40 perpetrators and 20 victims/survivors for his research and describes the main insights he gained were around A sense of lost relationships with their workers who they felt earlier had been members of their family A sense of lost respect of their workers that they had earned from relationships. Austin says it may have been a façade but found the choice of language was really interesting and what he was least prepared for Todd then asks Austin to say more about the relationship between perpetrator and slave He says that commonly the exploiter would be on the edge of the community or circle not separate from it (as for example a trafficker) and that then raises the issue of how people live together post emancipation Todd makes a comparison with community courts called Gacaca in Rwanda which leads on to a discussion about issues surrounding reconciliation within communities, and what restorative justice looks like Todd then asks if, once uncovered, perpetrators stop the practice Austin says in some cases that depends on access to capital and cash either, to go into legitimate business or to use their status and connections with the police as a credible threat to the labour force and to carry on as before 17.20 - 19.60 Discussion around what motivated the perpetrators and how they rationalised what they were doing Austin explains in many cases perpetrators had inherited the situation of control but were asking themselves why they would continue given the negative political impacts and whether they wanted to be seen as perpetrators of slavery - there is also a suggestion that for many there are few alternatives to the status quo Austin then makes the point that there is not enough known about what it takes to come out of abusive relationships not least of all for the perpetrators – he adds it needs both victims and perpetrators to work together to reach some form of attributive justice Todd references the work of Bill Simmons discussed in Series 1 of The Rights Track and his upcoming book Joyful Human Rights which raises the idea that human rights abuse victims also have a normal side to the lives they lead and comments that this is also the case for perpetrators or abusers 19.60 - 24.52 Todd wonders if Austin's research in India is applicable elsewhere Austin suggests that it applies where labour exploitation is embedded in cultural practices e.g. India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh In broader terms he says he is dealing with violation of human rights but not social norms and in stepping outside of the slavery context he recognises that social change means that current behaviours can become unacceptable - one question he raises is how we deal with behaviour that was once acceptable, and no longer is He makes a final point about the way we all find ways to excuse exploitive Todd highlights how our view of Human Rights principles is evolving, and how human rights terminology isn't necessarily recognised by local communities He closes by focussing on Gramsci's notion of false consciousness in which people didn't know they were being exploited or accepted they were perpetrators Further links and resources Watch a You Tube video of Austin talking about his research
Julia Viebach investigates the everyday of witnessing at Rwanda’s Gacaca courts and contrasts its findings with the process of witnessing at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR). Please note, this episode ends abruptly.
In my time doing this podcast, I've covered a number of books about transitional justice. All have been insightful and interesting. But few of them focused carefully on the trials themselves. Anuradha Chakravarty seeks to remedy this. Her book Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda's Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes (Cambridge University Press, 2016) looks carefully at the processes and people involved in Rwanda's Gacaca courts. She looks at the recruitment and training of judges. She looks at the incentives offered for denouncing others as genocidaires. And she examines the ways in which the incentives and context led many defendants to confess. In doing so, Chakravarty significantly advances our understanding of the workings of transitional justice in Rwanda. But she also uses Rwanda as a lens to try and understand the challenges faced by authoritarian leaders. She argues that the RPF engaged in a kind of clientalistic bargaining with Hutus. By offering targeted grants of clemency and patronage to defendants and to those who denounced others, the RPF secured its political control over Rwanda as a whole. Chakravarty argues that other autocratic leaders have often used a similar strategy of “authoritarian clientelism” to secure their power. It's a persuasive argument. Kelly McFall is Associate Professor of History at Newman University in Wichita, Kansas, where he directs the Honors Program. He is particularly interested in the question of how to teach about the history of genocides and mass atrocities and has written a module in the Reacting to the Past series about the UN debate over whether to intervene in Rwanda in 1994.
In my time doing this podcast, I’ve covered a number of books about transitional justice. All have been insightful and interesting. But few of them focused carefully on the trials themselves. Anuradha Chakravarty seeks to remedy this. Her book Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes (Cambridge University Press, 2016) looks carefully at the processes and people involved in Rwanda’s Gacaca courts. She looks at the recruitment and training of judges. She looks at the incentives offered for denouncing others as genocidaires. And she examines the ways in which the incentives and context led many defendants to confess. In doing so, Chakravarty significantly advances our understanding of the workings of transitional justice in Rwanda. But she also uses Rwanda as a lens to try and understand the challenges faced by authoritarian leaders. She argues that the RPF engaged in a kind of clientalistic bargaining with Hutus. By offering targeted grants of clemency and patronage to defendants and to those who denounced others, the RPF secured its political control over Rwanda as a whole. Chakravarty argues that other autocratic leaders have often used a similar strategy of “authoritarian clientelism” to secure their power. It’s a persuasive argument. Kelly McFall is Associate Professor of History at Newman University in Wichita, Kansas, where he directs the Honors Program. He is particularly interested in the question of how to teach about the history of genocides and mass atrocities and has written a module in the Reacting to the Past series about the UN debate over whether to intervene in Rwanda in 1994. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In my time doing this podcast, I’ve covered a number of books about transitional justice. All have been insightful and interesting. But few of them focused carefully on the trials themselves. Anuradha Chakravarty seeks to remedy this. Her book Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes (Cambridge University Press, 2016) looks carefully at the processes and people involved in Rwanda’s Gacaca courts. She looks at the recruitment and training of judges. She looks at the incentives offered for denouncing others as genocidaires. And she examines the ways in which the incentives and context led many defendants to confess. In doing so, Chakravarty significantly advances our understanding of the workings of transitional justice in Rwanda. But she also uses Rwanda as a lens to try and understand the challenges faced by authoritarian leaders. She argues that the RPF engaged in a kind of clientalistic bargaining with Hutus. By offering targeted grants of clemency and patronage to defendants and to those who denounced others, the RPF secured its political control over Rwanda as a whole. Chakravarty argues that other autocratic leaders have often used a similar strategy of “authoritarian clientelism” to secure their power. It’s a persuasive argument. Kelly McFall is Associate Professor of History at Newman University in Wichita, Kansas, where he directs the Honors Program. He is particularly interested in the question of how to teach about the history of genocides and mass atrocities and has written a module in the Reacting to the Past series about the UN debate over whether to intervene in Rwanda in 1994. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In my time doing this podcast, I’ve covered a number of books about transitional justice. All have been insightful and interesting. But few of them focused carefully on the trials themselves. Anuradha Chakravarty seeks to remedy this. Her book Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes (Cambridge University Press, 2016) looks carefully at the processes and people involved in Rwanda’s Gacaca courts. She looks at the recruitment and training of judges. She looks at the incentives offered for denouncing others as genocidaires. And she examines the ways in which the incentives and context led many defendants to confess. In doing so, Chakravarty significantly advances our understanding of the workings of transitional justice in Rwanda. But she also uses Rwanda as a lens to try and understand the challenges faced by authoritarian leaders. She argues that the RPF engaged in a kind of clientalistic bargaining with Hutus. By offering targeted grants of clemency and patronage to defendants and to those who denounced others, the RPF secured its political control over Rwanda as a whole. Chakravarty argues that other autocratic leaders have often used a similar strategy of “authoritarian clientelism” to secure their power. It’s a persuasive argument. Kelly McFall is Associate Professor of History at Newman University in Wichita, Kansas, where he directs the Honors Program. He is particularly interested in the question of how to teach about the history of genocides and mass atrocities and has written a module in the Reacting to the Past series about the UN debate over whether to intervene in Rwanda in 1994. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In my time doing this podcast, I’ve covered a number of books about transitional justice. All have been insightful and interesting. But few of them focused carefully on the trials themselves. Anuradha Chakravarty seeks to remedy this. Her book Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes (Cambridge University Press, 2016) looks carefully at the processes and people involved in Rwanda’s Gacaca courts. She looks at the recruitment and training of judges. She looks at the incentives offered for denouncing others as genocidaires. And she examines the ways in which the incentives and context led many defendants to confess. In doing so, Chakravarty significantly advances our understanding of the workings of transitional justice in Rwanda. But she also uses Rwanda as a lens to try and understand the challenges faced by authoritarian leaders. She argues that the RPF engaged in a kind of clientalistic bargaining with Hutus. By offering targeted grants of clemency and patronage to defendants and to those who denounced others, the RPF secured its political control over Rwanda as a whole. Chakravarty argues that other autocratic leaders have often used a similar strategy of “authoritarian clientelism” to secure their power. It’s a persuasive argument. Kelly McFall is Associate Professor of History at Newman University in Wichita, Kansas, where he directs the Honors Program. He is particularly interested in the question of how to teach about the history of genocides and mass atrocities and has written a module in the Reacting to the Past series about the UN debate over whether to intervene in Rwanda in 1994. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In my time doing this podcast, I’ve covered a number of books about transitional justice. All have been insightful and interesting. But few of them focused carefully on the trials themselves. Anuradha Chakravarty seeks to remedy this. Her book Investing in Authoritarian Rule: Punishment and Patronage in Rwanda’s Gacaca Courts for Genocide Crimes (Cambridge University Press, 2016) looks carefully at the processes and people involved in Rwanda’s Gacaca courts. She looks at the recruitment and training of judges. She looks at the incentives offered for denouncing others as genocidaires. And she examines the ways in which the incentives and context led many defendants to confess. In doing so, Chakravarty significantly advances our understanding of the workings of transitional justice in Rwanda. But she also uses Rwanda as a lens to try and understand the challenges faced by authoritarian leaders. She argues that the RPF engaged in a kind of clientalistic bargaining with Hutus. By offering targeted grants of clemency and patronage to defendants and to those who denounced others, the RPF secured its political control over Rwanda as a whole. Chakravarty argues that other autocratic leaders have often used a similar strategy of “authoritarian clientelism” to secure their power. It’s a persuasive argument. Kelly McFall is Associate Professor of History at Newman University in Wichita, Kansas, where he directs the Honors Program. He is particularly interested in the question of how to teach about the history of genocides and mass atrocities and has written a module in the Reacting to the Past series about the UN debate over whether to intervene in Rwanda in 1994. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The unprecedented crime of the 1994 Rwandan genocide demanded an unconventional legal response. After failed attempts by the international legal system to efficiently handle legal cases stemming from the genocide, Rwandans decided to take matters into their own hands and reinstate Gacaca law, which had been the sole legal system in Rwanda prior to colonization. Gacaca, a Kinyarwanda word referring to a type of grass or traditional lawn, is also a metonym for place and mediation. Gacaca law allows perpetrators and victims to resolve their differences before the community, and a panel of eminent persons, inyangamugayo. Gacaca seeks not simply to punish crime but to repair the social fabric rent by crime. In his book Practical Challenges in Customary Law Translation: The Case Of Rwanda’s Gacaca Law (Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, 2015), Telesphore Ngarambe uses a fusion of cultural and translational studies, with emphasis placed on cultural contextualization, to make a unique contribution to the study of Gacaca law. Ngarambe argues that as law is embedded in culture and society, of which language is an integral part, legal language of necessity reflects the culture and society in which it is embedded. Rwanda’s three official languages mean that Gacaca law, articulated in Kinyarwanda, must now also find expression in the colonial languages with which it coexists, namely English and French. Though modern Gacaca law has come in for criticism, it has also been hailed as a model for indigenous responses to crimes of mass violence in Africa and other parts of the world. Mireille Djenno is the African Studies Librarian at Indiana University. She can be reached at mdjenno@indiana.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The unprecedented crime of the 1994 Rwandan genocide demanded an unconventional legal response. After failed attempts by the international legal system to efficiently handle legal cases stemming from the genocide, Rwandans decided to take matters into their own hands and reinstate Gacaca law, which had been the sole legal system in Rwanda prior to colonization. Gacaca, a Kinyarwanda word referring to a type of grass or traditional lawn, is also a metonym for place and mediation. Gacaca law allows perpetrators and victims to resolve their differences before the community, and a panel of eminent persons, inyangamugayo. Gacaca seeks not simply to punish crime but to repair the social fabric rent by crime. In his book Practical Challenges in Customary Law Translation: The Case Of Rwanda’s Gacaca Law (Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, 2015), Telesphore Ngarambe uses a fusion of cultural and translational studies, with emphasis placed on cultural contextualization, to make a unique contribution to the study of Gacaca law. Ngarambe argues that as law is embedded in culture and society, of which language is an integral part, legal language of necessity reflects the culture and society in which it is embedded. Rwanda’s three official languages mean that Gacaca law, articulated in Kinyarwanda, must now also find expression in the colonial languages with which it coexists, namely English and French. Though modern Gacaca law has come in for criticism, it has also been hailed as a model for indigenous responses to crimes of mass violence in Africa and other parts of the world. Mireille Djenno is the African Studies Librarian at Indiana University. She can be reached at mdjenno@indiana.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The unprecedented crime of the 1994 Rwandan genocide demanded an unconventional legal response. After failed attempts by the international legal system to efficiently handle legal cases stemming from the genocide, Rwandans decided to take matters into their own hands and reinstate Gacaca law, which had been the sole legal system in Rwanda prior to colonization. Gacaca, a Kinyarwanda word referring to a type of grass or traditional lawn, is also a metonym for place and mediation. Gacaca law allows perpetrators and victims to resolve their differences before the community, and a panel of eminent persons, inyangamugayo. Gacaca seeks not simply to punish crime but to repair the social fabric rent by crime. In his book Practical Challenges in Customary Law Translation: The Case Of Rwanda’s Gacaca Law (Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, 2015), Telesphore Ngarambe uses a fusion of cultural and translational studies, with emphasis placed on cultural contextualization, to make a unique contribution to the study of Gacaca law. Ngarambe argues that as law is embedded in culture and society, of which language is an integral part, legal language of necessity reflects the culture and society in which it is embedded. Rwanda’s three official languages mean that Gacaca law, articulated in Kinyarwanda, must now also find expression in the colonial languages with which it coexists, namely English and French. Though modern Gacaca law has come in for criticism, it has also been hailed as a model for indigenous responses to crimes of mass violence in Africa and other parts of the world. Mireille Djenno is the African Studies Librarian at Indiana University. She can be reached at mdjenno@indiana.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The unprecedented crime of the 1994 Rwandan genocide demanded an unconventional legal response. After failed attempts by the international legal system to efficiently handle legal cases stemming from the genocide, Rwandans decided to take matters into their own hands and reinstate Gacaca law, which had been the sole legal system in Rwanda prior to colonization. Gacaca, a Kinyarwanda word referring to a type of grass or traditional lawn, is also a metonym for place and mediation. Gacaca law allows perpetrators and victims to resolve their differences before the community, and a panel of eminent persons, inyangamugayo. Gacaca seeks not simply to punish crime but to repair the social fabric rent by crime. In his book Practical Challenges in Customary Law Translation: The Case Of Rwanda’s Gacaca Law (Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, 2015), Telesphore Ngarambe uses a fusion of cultural and translational studies, with emphasis placed on cultural contextualization, to make a unique contribution to the study of Gacaca law. Ngarambe argues that as law is embedded in culture and society, of which language is an integral part, legal language of necessity reflects the culture and society in which it is embedded. Rwanda’s three official languages mean that Gacaca law, articulated in Kinyarwanda, must now also find expression in the colonial languages with which it coexists, namely English and French. Though modern Gacaca law has come in for criticism, it has also been hailed as a model for indigenous responses to crimes of mass violence in Africa and other parts of the world. Mireille Djenno is the African Studies Librarian at Indiana University. She can be reached at mdjenno@indiana.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The unprecedented crime of the 1994 Rwandan genocide demanded an unconventional legal response. After failed attempts by the international legal system to efficiently handle legal cases stemming from the genocide, Rwandans decided to take matters into their own hands and reinstate Gacaca law, which had been the sole legal system in Rwanda prior to colonization. Gacaca, a Kinyarwanda word referring to a type of grass or traditional lawn, is also a metonym for place and mediation. Gacaca law allows perpetrators and victims to resolve their differences before the community, and a panel of eminent persons, inyangamugayo. Gacaca seeks not simply to punish crime but to repair the social fabric rent by crime. In his book Practical Challenges in Customary Law Translation: The Case Of Rwanda’s Gacaca Law (Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, 2015), Telesphore Ngarambe uses a fusion of cultural and translational studies, with emphasis placed on cultural contextualization, to make a unique contribution to the study of Gacaca law. Ngarambe argues that as law is embedded in culture and society, of which language is an integral part, legal language of necessity reflects the culture and society in which it is embedded. Rwanda’s three official languages mean that Gacaca law, articulated in Kinyarwanda, must now also find expression in the colonial languages with which it coexists, namely English and French. Though modern Gacaca law has come in for criticism, it has also been hailed as a model for indigenous responses to crimes of mass violence in Africa and other parts of the world. Mireille Djenno is the African Studies Librarian at Indiana University. She can be reached at mdjenno@indiana.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The unprecedented crime of the 1994 Rwandan genocide demanded an unconventional legal response. After failed attempts by the international legal system to efficiently handle legal cases stemming from the genocide, Rwandans decided to take matters into their own hands and reinstate Gacaca law, which had been the sole legal system in Rwanda prior to colonization. Gacaca, a Kinyarwanda word referring to a type of grass or traditional lawn, is also a metonym for place and mediation. Gacaca law allows perpetrators and victims to resolve their differences before the community, and a panel of eminent persons, inyangamugayo. Gacaca seeks not simply to punish crime but to repair the social fabric rent by crime. In his book Practical Challenges in Customary Law Translation: The Case Of Rwanda’s Gacaca Law (Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and Southern Africa, 2015), Telesphore Ngarambe uses a fusion of cultural and translational studies, with emphasis placed on cultural contextualization, to make a unique contribution to the study of Gacaca law. Ngarambe argues that as law is embedded in culture and society, of which language is an integral part, legal language of necessity reflects the culture and society in which it is embedded. Rwanda’s three official languages mean that Gacaca law, articulated in Kinyarwanda, must now also find expression in the colonial languages with which it coexists, namely English and French. Though modern Gacaca law has come in for criticism, it has also been hailed as a model for indigenous responses to crimes of mass violence in Africa and other parts of the world. Mireille Djenno is the African Studies Librarian at Indiana University. She can be reached at mdjenno@indiana.edu. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Première heure : Élections Québec 2014: Table ronde avec nos analystes politiques: Carole Beaulieu, rédactrice en chef de l'Actualité, Philip Authier, journaliste politique à The Gazette et Michel Venne, directeur général de l'Institut du Nouveau Monde. Retour sur la campagne avec nos journalistes sur le terrain: Davide Gentile, Hugo Lavallée, Marie-Hèlene Tremblay et Bruno Maltais. Deuxième heure : Le Rwanda, 20 ans après le génocide: Reportage d'Anyck Béraud et entrevue téléphonique avec Hélène Dumas, historienne, spécialiste des Gacaca et auteure de l'ouvrage Le Génocide au village. Lendemain d'élections en Afghanistan avec Joel Bronner à Kaboul et entretien avec Guy Saint-Jacques, ambassadeur du Canada en Chine.
Panel Discussion Dr. Phil Clark recently published 'The Gacaca Courts, Post-Genocide Justice and Reconciliation in Rwanda: Justice without Lawyers'. Drawing on 7 years of ethnographic fieldwork and more than 500 interviews, this is the first book-length analysis of the entirety of the gacaca process.