Podcasts about Tutsi

durée : 00:07:00 - L'Instant poésie - Gaël Faye voit dans "Vivre à présent" une affirmation à vivre, pour soi, pour les siens et pour l'avenir. Survivante du génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda, Beata Umubyeyi Mairesse revendique le droit à la légèreté, à l'inconséquence de l'existence, malgré la mémoire vive d'un passé douloureux. - réalisation : Volodia Serre - invités : Gaël Faye Chanteur, poète et romancier français

durée : 00:07:02 - L'Instant poésie - "Préface en prose", texte poignant de Benjamin Fondane, explore la condition d'un individu pris dans la folie des grandes tragédies historiques. Ce poème résonne avec l'histoire personnelle de Gaël Faye, dont une partie de la famille a été emportée par le génocide des Tutsi. - invités : Gaël Faye Chanteur, poète et romancier français

WHISK(E)Y WEDNESDAY Gone Wild (sort of) with Arik Torren! Mi Casa tequila, Maiz Nation WhiskeyWHISK(E)Y WEDNESDAY Gone Wild (sort of) with Arik Torren!Arik has 35 years of industry experience, with the last 14 years as an importer and brand developer. He was one of the pioneers of mezcal in the US and a visionary of Mexican spirits beyond mezcal. He was the first to introduce the categories of Raicilla, Tutsi, Cucharilla, Palmilla, and Lechuguilla. Brands being tasted: Mi Casa tequila, Maiz Nation Whiskey.

Vu sur Focus Africa : Histoire d'Afrique (12) L'Afrique à Nantes Réalisation Anissa Hersallah Rencontre avec Amélie et Carole Mutarabayire Schafer de l'association Subiruseke-Retrouve le sourire, à l'occasion de la journée de commémoration du génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda organisée à Cosmopolis le 7 avril. Basée à Nantes, l'association a principalement pour objectif de soutenir les rescapés du génocide. Amélie est la fondatrice […] Cet article provient de Radio AlterNantes FM

Rwandans have been remembering victims of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in which more than a million people, mainly Tutsi, were massacred by Hutu militias. This year's anniversary comes as Rwanda faces accusations of backing M23 rebels in eastern DRC. DW talks to Freddy Mutanguha CEO of the Aegis Trust, an international organization working to prevent genocide and Alex Ngarambe in Kigali.

As we begin the national commemoration period today, remembering the innocent men, women and children we lost during the 1994 Genocide against the Tutsi, I want to highlight some of the conversations we had during the 30th commemoration last year. LISTEN THE ENTIRE EPISODES BELOW1. Meet The American Who Stayed When the World Left w/ Carl Wilkens: Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/2qDulMSNdax0yLD2TpX4oa?si=cBpyDkq3QmeZdpTaChRhAw Apple: https://podcasts.apple.com/rw/podcast/meet-the-american-who-stayed-when-the-world-left-w/id1669879621?i=1000656095669 2. The Truth about the 'Akazu' & France's Role in Genocide w/ Andrew Wallis Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/1hRO3Bebnvmb1waph8RXBk?si=90d36303aa4b4262  Apple: https://podcasts.apple.com/rw/podcast/unveiling-the-truth-about-the-akazu-frances-role/id1669879621?i=1000653863947 3. Dele Olojede, Pulitzer Prize Winner, on Reporting the 1994 Tutsi Genocide  Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/6MVluWznTJH5yNXsbt5Stc?si=8c3a4330387a4b47 Apple: https://podcasts.apple.com/rw/podcast/kwibuka30-dele-olojede-pulitzer-prize-winner-on-reporting/id1669879621?i=1000653180158 4. Ex-ICTR Prosecutor Dr. Charles Adeogun-Phillips on trying genocide crimes Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/76yyW1dkME3WWwVapufpNm?si=90700f9b45544173 Apple: https://podcasts.apple.com/rw/podcast/kwibuka30-ex-ictr-prosecutor-dr-charles-adeogun-phillips/id1669879621?i=1000652449326 5. Christian Intwari, Founder of Our Past Initiative, Shares his StorySpotify: https://open.spotify.com/episode/15bHIF3MEVWb9bm9b5PrgR?si=62018cd1c5cb4922 Listen to the Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya podcast on Apple Podcasts https://podcasts.apple.com/rw/podcast/the-long-form-with-sanny-ntayombya/id1669879621Listen to the Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya podcast on Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/7HkkUi4bUyIeYktQhWOljcFollow Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya on Twitter: https://x.com/TheLongFormRwFollow Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thelongformrw/Follow Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@longformrwFollow Sanny Ntayombya on Twitter: https://x.com/SannyNtayombya About Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya:The Long Form with Sanny Ntayombya is a weekly podcast intent on keeping you up to date with current affairs in Rwanda. The topics discussed range from politics, business, sports to entertainment. If you want to share your thoughts on the topics I discuss use the hashtag #LongFormRw on Twitter and follow us on Twitter and Instagram on our handle @TheLongFormRwBe a part of the conversation.

Chaque jour, Laure Dautriche revient sur les grands moments et événements qui ont marqué notre radio. En 2025, Europe 1 célèbre ses 70 ans. 70 ans d'histoire, de rires, de partages et d'émotions.Pour marquer cet anniversaire, découvrez une collection inédite de podcasts : "70 ans d'Europe 1".Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Plus de 30 ans après le génocide des Tutsi, nous vous proposons de découvrir l'itinéraire d'une rescapée, Émilienne Mukansoro, l'une des initiatrices des premiers groupes de parole dédiés aux femmes victimes de viols et de mutilations pendant les trois mois des massacres, en avril, mai et juin 1994. Formée auprès du professeur Naason Minyandamutsa, psychothérapeute pionnier du Rwanda, elle poursuit son œuvre en créant les premiers groupes de parole dédiés aux bourreaux. À écouter aussiDocumenter le génocide des tutsi du Rwanda À écouter aussiRwanda: face au génocide, dans les archives d'Ibuka À écouter aussiAu tribunal, face au génocide des tutsi

The country of Rwanda is still recovering from the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi. The country is going through a period of healing and recovery while rebuilding the social and political systems that collapsed during that period.

Le génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda en 1994 est le dernier massacre de masse du 20e siècle. Fin 2019, se tenait à Bruxelles le premier procès pour crime de génocide ; un procès historique. Fabien Neretse, le prévenu, est inculpé pour sa participation à l'extermination des Tutsi. Jean-Philippe Schreiber est directeur de recherches au Fonds national de la Recherche scientifique et professeur ordinaire à l'Université libre de Bruxelles. Il est l'auteur ou l'éditeur de nombreux ouvrages, parmi lesquels « Le Choc. Rwanda 1994 : le génocide des Tutsi », paru aux Éditions Gallimard en 2024 ». Il assiste aux audiences, raconte, explique... Il tire une réflexion sur le génocide, sa nature, son exécution et ses exécutants, sa falsification, sa mémoire Il réinsère l'évènement dans l'histoire d'un des quatre crimes de masse au XXe siècle : les Arméniens par les Turcs, les Herero et Nama de l'actuelle Namibie par les Allemands , la Shoah, la destruction des Juifs par les nazis et enfin les Tutsi au Rwanda. Son livre est préfacé par Colette Braeckman. Elle a été longtemps grand reporter au service international du Soir, pour lequel elle a couvert les grands conflits et drames du monde et plus particulièrement l'actualité en Afrique centrale, au Rwanda, au Burundi et aussi en République démocratique du Congo. Merci pour votre écoute Le fin Mot c'est également en direct tous les jours de la semaine de 18h30 à 19h sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez tous les épisodes de Le fin Mot sur notre plateforme Auvio.be : https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/23283 Retrouvez tous les contenus de la RTBF sur notre plateforme Auvio.beRetrouvez également notre offre info ci-dessous :Le Monde en Direct : https://audmns.com/TkxEWMELes Clés : https://audmns.com/DvbCVrHLe Tournant : https://audmns.com/moqIRoC5 Minutes pour Comprendre : https://audmns.com/dHiHssrMatin Première : https://audmns.com/aldzXlmEt ses séquences-phares : L'Invité Politique : https://audmns.com/LNCogwP L'édito politique « Les Coulisses du Pouvoir » : https://audmns.com/vXWPcqx L'humour de Matin Première : https://audmns.com/tbdbwoQTransversales : notre collection de reportages infos longue forme : https://audmns.com/WgqwiUpN'oubliez pas de vous y abonner pour ne rien manquer.Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement.Distribué par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

C'est un succès critique et public : « Jacaranda » (Grasset), le deuxième roman de Gaël Faye. Il a remporté le prix Renaudot 2024. Dans cette fiction, l'écrivain de 42 ans retrace l'histoire du pays où il vit désormais en famille. Il décrit le présent du Rwanda 30 ans après le génocide des Tutsi. L'auteur de « Petit pays » nous accorde un grand entretien. Dans « A quoi tu penses ? », le journaliste et professeur de philosophie Simon Brunfaut questionne l'expression « Profite ! ». Dans « En toutes lettres ! », l'écrivaine et musicienne Blandine Rinkel écrit au militant écologiste Paul Watson. Ce numéro vous avait déjà été proposé en septembre 2024. Choix culturels : - « Un désir démesuré d'amitié » d'Hélène Giannechini au Seuil : livre conseillé par Blandine Rinkel - « Le Comte de Monte-Cristo » réalisé par Matthieu Delaporte et Alexandre De La Patellière : film conseillé par Simon Brunfaut - « Un bref instant de splendeur » d'Ocean Vuong, folio : livre conseillé par Gaël Faye - « Alors c'est bien » de Clémentine Mélois, l'Arbalète/Gallimard : livre conseillé par Pascal Claude Merci pour votre écoute Dans quel Monde on vit, c'est également en direct tous les samedi de 10h à 11h sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez tous les épisodes de Dans quel Monde on vit sur notre plateforme Auvio.be : https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/8524 Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement.

Krieg in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo – Im Osten des afrikanischen Staats rücken Rebellen mit Hilfe Ruandas immer weiter vor, Tausende Menschen sind bereits gestorben. Die internationale Gemeinschaft hält sich bisher aus dem Konflikt heraus.

C'est une caricature publiée sur le site d'information congolais Actualité CD : on y voit un journaliste brandissant un micro devant un parterre d'hommes politiques et de représentants de la société civile à Kinshasa. Le journaliste les interpelle : « leaders d'opinion ! Un petit commentaire sur la révision ou changement de la Constitution ? » Tous les officiels veulent répondre en s'arrachant le micro : « moi, moi, moi », crient-ils. Et puis question suivante : « un commentaire sur la guerre qui a atteint Goma ? ». Et là, plus personne… Les officiels sont partis en courant…Et en effet, c'est la retenue qui domine à Kinshasa face à l'avancée des rebelles du M23 dans le Kivu. Les termes sont choisis. Les médias congolais, à l'instar du site 7 sur 7, parlent d' « incursion rwandaise à Goma », ou encore de « guerre d'agression ».Il faut dire que la situation est délicate. Le risque d'une extension du conflit est bien présent. C'est ce que souligne notamment Le Pays à Ouagadougou : « après le secrétaire général des Nations unies ce week-end qui disait craindre un embrasement régional du conflit en cours dans le Kivu avec l'ouverture possible de nouveaux théâtres de confrontation, c'est au tour du président du Burundi d'affirmer que la propension à l'extension transfrontalière de cette guerre est particulièrement grande, du fait de la situation volatile et explosive enregistrée, la semaine dernière, dans les deux extrémités du Kivu ».En effet, résume Jeune Afrique, « le président burundais, Évariste Ndayishimiye, a dit redouter que le conflit en RDC déclenche une guerre régionale. “Si ça continue comme ça, a-t-il déclaré, la guerre risque de se généraliser dans la région“. »Que veulent Makenga et Nanga ?La guerre dans quel but ? Quels sont les objectifs du M23 ?Le Monde Afrique brosse un long portrait du chef militaire de la rébellion, Sultani Makenga. C'est un « Tutsi dont une partie de la famille est originaire de la province du Masisi. (…) Ce “général“ discret a fait ses armes à l'ombre du président rwandais Paul Kagame et pris part à toutes les insurrections qui secouent l'est de la RDC depuis trente ans ».Dans une de ses rares interviews il y a deux ans, il déclarait, relève Le Monde Afrique : « nous avons choisi ce chemin parce que tout le reste a échoué. Nous avons au sommet de l'État des irresponsables, des bandits, des gens qui croient que le pays leur appartient ».Et Le Monde Afrique de s'interroger : « est-il un va-t-en-guerre piloté par Kigali et Kampala ? Un stratège militaire qui a su jouer un rôle dans toutes les rébellions congolaises ? Un opposant politique animé par la protection de sa communauté ? Peut-être un peu de tout cela à la fois ».Le quotidien Aujourd'hui au Burkina s'intéresse, lui, à Corneille Nanga, le président de l'AFC, l'Alliance fleuve Congo, alliée au M23. « Personne n'aurait parié en 2015, lorsque Corneille Nanga, président de la CENI congolaise proclamait les résultats des élections générales qu'une dizaine d'années plus tard, il se transformerait en rebelle, pour fonder l'Alliance fleuve Congo ? On ne sait pas ce qui s'est passé entre lui et Félix Tshisekedi mais à l'évidence, une brouille devenue rancune tenace est née entre les deux hommes. En tout cas, allié au M23, Corneille Nanga ne fait pas mystère de vouloir faire tomber Félix Tshisekedi ».Kagame dans le sillage de Poutine ?Pour le chercheur Thierry Vircoulon, interrogé par Afrikarabia, site spécialisé sur la RDC, « Paul Kagamé semble dans un moment poutinien… (…) Le but immédiat du M23 (piloté par Kigali) est de forcer le gouvernement congolais à négocier. Mais une négociation pour quoi ? Certainement pas pour que le M23 puisse réintégrer l'armée congolaise comme cela avait été le cas après la crise de 2008, affirme Thierry Vircoulon. Une négociation entre le gouvernement congolais et le M23 viserait à conférer à ce mouvement armé le contrôle territorial d'une partie du Nord-Kivu a minima. Cela permettrait, précise le chercheur, l'officialisation des gains territoriaux du M23 depuis 2022 et équivaudrait à une annexion officieuse par le Rwanda. Le Nord-Kivu (ou en tout cas une partie de cette province) deviendrait ainsi un Donbass rwandais ».Et, souligne encore Thierry Vircoulon, « le renversement de Félix Tshisekedi n'est pas exclu dans cette stratégie si celui-ci continue à s'opposer à cette volonté d'annexion. Pour ce faire, Kigali semble avoir ressorti des poubelles de l'histoire la vieille stratégie du paravent politique congolais : l'Alliance du Fleuve Congo est le nouvel avatar du Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (le RCD qui avait pris les armes contre le président congolais Laurent-Désiré Kabila à la fin des années 90).

//The Wire//2300Z January 29, 2025////ROUTINE////BLUF: CONFLICT CONTINUES TO ESCALATE IN THE DRC. PRESIDENT TRUMP ANNOUNCES PLAN TO SEND ILLEGALS TO GITMO. F-35 CRASHES IN ALASKA, PILOT UNHARMED.// -----BEGIN TEARLINE------International Events-Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC): Rioting continues throughout Kinshasa as the rebel advance in the east becomes more solidified. Overnight, M23 rebels consolidated control of Goma on the eastern border of the DRC, with some reports indicating further advances being planned. South of Kivu Lake, another axis of advance has possibly opened up, as locals report M23 forces in the vicinity of Bukavu. In the west, factional violence has broken out in force.-HomeFront-Alaska: One F-35 aircraft assigned to the 354th Fighter Wing crashed at Eielson Air Force Base near Fairbanks yesterday afternoon. Video footage of the incident indicates that the pilot was able to eject before impact. No official statement has been released indicating the cause for the aviation mishap.Washington D.C. - President Trump announced plans to house captured illegal immigrants at the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay, while deportation operations continue. AC: While not exactly a new plan (this idea was floated during Trump's campaign) this facility will reportedly house the most violent offenders, which are unable to be housed in the standard minimum-security detention facilities that most other illegal immigrants are housed in. This is probably an attempt to separate out the baddest-of-the-bad from the general population.-----END TEARLINE-----Analyst Comments: In the DRC, various groups who oppose Rwanda (and the M23 rebels) have taken to the streets to attack any ally of their arch enemy. Since the capital of Kinshasa is located 1,000 miles from M23's advance (and thus nowhere near the warzone), those who oppose M23 have taken out their anger locally, in the form of attacking anyone who is aligned with Rwanda or the Tutsi ethnic group, such as international diplomatic missions in the DRC. Various government offices were also ransacked overnight as well. Other than the general call to evacuate, most diplomatic missions in Kinshasa have not really addressed the growing violence, or provided much information on the status of foreign nationals (or international humanitarian efforts) in the DRC.Of note, this afternoon the Rwandan Defense Forces social media account posted a statement regarding the capture of 280 Romanians who were allegedly acting as mercenaries for the DRC's armed forces. This somewhat innocent post is largely a de facto admission that the M23 "rebels" are really just mercenaries acting on behalf off Rwanda to invade the DRC. This has been known for some time, however the increasingly casual descriptions of this relationship must be noted as this has the potential to drag other nations into this fight at some point, if the "soft" invasion becomes more methodical or deliberate.Analyst: S2A1Research: https://publish.obsidian.md/s2underground//END REPORT//

Few Westerners are paying attention to the fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Intense fighting has raged for days between the Hutu tribe and Tutsi tribe. Today, Rioters attacked several foreign embassies – including those of the US, France, and Belgium, demanding that Western governments aid the DR Congo to fight against the advance of M23 rebels. Over 400,000 people have fled their homes to escape the fighting in the streets.Rick Wiles, Doc Burkhart. Airdate 01/28/2025Join the leading community for Conservative Christians! https://www.FaithandValues.comYou can partner with us by visiting TruNews.com, calling 1-800-576-2116, or by mail at PO Box 399 Vero Beach, FL 32961.Get high-quality emergency preparedness food today from American Reserves!https://www.AmericanReserves.com             It's the Final Day! The day Jesus Christ bursts into our dimension of time, space, and matter. Now available in eBook and audio formats! Order Final Day from Amazon today!https://www.amazon.com/Final-Day-Characteristics-Second-Coming/dp/0578260816/Apple users, you can download the audio version on Apple Books!https://books.apple.com/us/audiobook/final-day-10-characteristics-of-the-second-coming/id1687129858Purchase the 4-part DVD set or start streaming Sacrificing Liberty today.https://www.sacrificingliberty.com/watchThe Fauci Elf is a hilarious gift guaranteed to make your friends laugh! Order yours today!https://tru.news/faucielf

This week, Erin and Jake talked about the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has escalated with the rebel group M23 capturing the city of Goma. The roots of the conflict are complex, stemming from arbitrarily drawn African national borders by European colonizers. This has led to disputes between tribal and religious groups within the same country and is also a factor in the Rwandan genocide. The M23 group, formed to protect Tutsi people, has reignited violence in the resource-rich eastern DRC, leading to mass casualties and a humanitarian crisis, and prompting international calls for action. There are also reports that the fighting has caused water and electricity supplies to the city to be cut off.Then they moved to the US, where newly inaugurated President Trump signed a series of executive orders on immigration, including one that seeks to revoke birthright citizenship for children of undocumented parents and halting all refugee admissions. Trump has framed immigration as a national security issue, granting the president more unilateral power. The immigration policies led to a recent diplomatic breakdown between the US and Colombia over deported Colombians sent on military planes. The issue was resolved through diplomatic channels. Then, some financial news. A Chinese startup, DeepSeek, launched an AI chatbot at a fraction of the cost of its US competitors, sparking concern in the US tech and stock markets. DeepSeek says that it only needed $6 million to train their chatbot, compared to the $100 million needed to train ChatGPT. The AI model is comparable to the industry leaders in the US, on par with Google and OpenAI, and it has raised questions about the US's ability to keep up in this market, with Nvidia, a major processor manufacturer, seeing the largest single-day drop in market history. But while China has global ambitions for AI, their censorship standards may end up being the challenge that slows them down.Other global headlines from the week include Denmark bumping up military spending for the defense of Greenland after Trump's comments about taking it by force, the Serbian PM resigning after months of protests, and Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko claiming victory in an election which was called a sham by Western governments. Former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg said he will cover the US contribution to the UN's climate body after Trump withdrew the US from the Paris agreement in his first day in office. Displaced Palestinians have begun returning to Northern Gaza, many of them to destroyed homes, and the 80th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz was marked on Holocaust Remembrance Day. Finally, Thailand has become the first country in SE Asia to recognize marriage equality for same-sex couples, with hundreds of couples getting married to celebrate.Stay With Me Here is an independent project, and all views and opinions expressed in this show, and in this writeup, represent our personal views and not that of any organization we're affiliated with. Erin Flanagan is a former U.S. Coast Guard intelligence officer and Agence France-Presse digital investigations journalist.Jacob Shropshire is an editorial intern at Worldcrunch and the managing editor of Peacock Media at the American University of Paris. He spent two years working for Democratic political campaigns in the US.

Utilizing Strategic Theory as a framework for warfare and incorporating the testimonies and experiences of eight genocide survivors as well as military personnel, Jonathan R. Beloff's The Strategy to End the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda: Understanding the War in Kigali (Lexington Books, 2025) examines the various tactics and operations used by the Rwandan Patriotic Army to provide critical insights into decision-making during the Rwandan Civil War and genocide. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Utilizing Strategic Theory as a framework for warfare and incorporating the testimonies and experiences of eight genocide survivors as well as military personnel, Jonathan R. Beloff's The Strategy to End the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda: Understanding the War in Kigali (Lexington Books, 2025) examines the various tactics and operations used by the Rwandan Patriotic Army to provide critical insights into decision-making during the Rwandan Civil War and genocide. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

Utilizing Strategic Theory as a framework for warfare and incorporating the testimonies and experiences of eight genocide survivors as well as military personnel, Jonathan R. Beloff's The Strategy to End the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda: Understanding the War in Kigali (Lexington Books, 2025) examines the various tactics and operations used by the Rwandan Patriotic Army to provide critical insights into decision-making during the Rwandan Civil War and genocide. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Utilizing Strategic Theory as a framework for warfare and incorporating the testimonies and experiences of eight genocide survivors as well as military personnel, Jonathan R. Beloff's The Strategy to End the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda: Understanding the War in Kigali (Lexington Books, 2025) examines the various tactics and operations used by the Rwandan Patriotic Army to provide critical insights into decision-making during the Rwandan Civil War and genocide. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies

Utilizing Strategic Theory as a framework for warfare and incorporating the testimonies and experiences of eight genocide survivors as well as military personnel, Jonathan R. Beloff's The Strategy to End the Genocide Against the Tutsi in Rwanda: Understanding the War in Kigali (Lexington Books, 2025) examines the various tactics and operations used by the Rwandan Patriotic Army to provide critical insights into decision-making during the Rwandan Civil War and genocide. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/genocide-studies

If you like learning about the current news and improving your English for your next English conversation, this English lesson is for you. While watching a news clip about how a rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo called M23 is taking the city of Goma, you will learn English phrasal verbs, English idioms,, and other advanced English vocabulary that can really stump English learners.

Surviving a genocide and then living on while your parents, husband and 5 of your 8 children have been killed. It seems impossible but this is the story of Mama Lambert. An exceptionally wise, courageous and compassionate woman who survived the genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda in 1994 and dedicated the rest of her life serving thousands of other victims and genocide survivors through counselling. In this podcast we share her story with her daughter Denise, who also miraculously survived the genocide and with Anne-Marie de Brouwer one of the founders of Mukomeze, a foundation that empowers survivors of sexual violence during the genocide in Rwanda and who worked with Mama Lambert for over 20 years. It is a remarkable and moving story about a woman who showed the strength and power to live on despite the terrible fate she, her family and loved ones suffered. Mama Lambert was a finalist to the USIP Women Building Peace Award 2020 and a recipient to the 'Voice Achievers Award African Community Service 2019'. She wrote a book about her own life called “For Those Who Do Not Believe in Miracles”. She also features in other books, including “And I Live On”, as well as on coffee bags with specialty coffee produced by Rwandan women she counselled. 

durée : 00:11:16 - Les Enjeux internationaux - par : Guillaume Erner - Le 9 décembre, la justice française rendra sa décision sur le procès de Charles Onana. Jugé pour contestation de crime contre l'humanité, des associations l'accusent de propos négationnistes tenus dans l'un de ses ouvrages sur le génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda. Quels sont les enjeux de ce procès ? - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Hélène Dumas Historienne, chargée de recherches au CNRS au Centre d'études sociologiques et politiques Raymond Aron

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre.

Doublé historique, en cette année 2024, pour les auteurs du continent africain qui ont remporté les plus célèbres récompenses du milieu littéraire français : le prix Goncourt qui récompense «Houris», le troisième roman de Kamel Daoud et le prix Renaudot décerné à Gaël Faye pour «Jacaranda». Deux livres qui mettent en lumière les périodes sombres de l'Algérie et du Rwanda dans les années 90. Reportage à Paris au restaurant Drouant avec les lauréats, le jour de leur consécration. Kamel Daoud, né en1970 à Mesra, en Algérie, est un écrivain et journaliste algérien d'expression française. En 1994, Kamel Daoud commence sa carrière journalistique au Quotidien d'Oran, un journal francophone algérien. Parallèlement à sa carrière de journaliste, Kamel Daoud se lance dans l'écriture littéraire. Son premier roman, Meursault, contre-enquête (2013), est une réécriture du célèbre L'Étranger d'Albert Camus, vue du point de vue de l'Arabe anonyme tué par Meursault. Ce roman lui vaut le Prix Goncourt du premier roman en 2015, ainsi que le Prix François Mauriac et le Prix des Cinq continents de la Francophonie.En 2024, Kamel Daoud publie Houris, une œuvre qui explore les thèmes de la religion, de la liberté et de l'identité. Ce roman est salué par la critique pour sa profondeur et son originalité. Daoud continue de s'interroger sur les questions existentielles et sociétales, offrant à ses lecteurs une réflexion profonde sur le monde contemporain. Son roman remporte le prix Goncourt 2024, et est sélectionné en 2024 pour le Prix Goncourt des Lycéens.« Je suis la véritable trace, le plus solide des indices attestant de tout ce que nous avons vécu en dix ans en Algérie. Je cache l'histoire d'une guerre entière, inscrite sur ma peau depuis que je suis enfant. » Aube est une jeune Algérienne qui doit se souvenir de la guerre d'indépendance, qu'elle n'a pas vécue, et oublier la guerre civile des années 1990, qu'elle a elle-même traversée. Sa tragédie est marquée sur son corps : une cicatrice au cou et des cordes vocales détruites. Muette, elle rêve de retrouver sa voix.Son histoire, elle ne peut la raconter qu'à la fille qu'elle porte dans son ventre. Mais a-t-elle le droit de garder cette enfant ? Peut-on donner la vie quand on vous l'a presque arrachée ? Dans un pays qui a voté des lois pour punir quiconque évoque la guerre civile, Aube décide de se rendre dans son village natal, où tout a débuté, et où les morts lui répondront peut-être. (Présentation des éditions Gallimard)Auteur compositeur interprète, Gaël Faye est l'auteur du premier roman phénomène Petit pays (Grasset 2016, prix Goncourt des lycéens) ainsi que de plusieurs albums, de Pili pili sur un croissant au beurre (2013), à Mauve Jacaranda (2022). Il était la Révélation scène de l'année des Victoires de la musique 2018.Quels secrets cache l'ombre du jacaranda, l'arbre fétiche de Stella ? Il faudra à son ami Milan des années pour le découvrir. Des années pour percer les silences du Rwanda, dévasté après le génocide des Tutsi. En rendant leur parole aux disparus, les jeunes gens échapperont à la solitude. Et trouveront la paix près des rivages magnifiques du lac Kivu.Sur quatre générations, avec sa douceur unique, Gaël Faye nous raconte l'histoire terrible d'un pays qui s'essaie malgré tout au dialogue et au pardon. Comme un arbre se dresse entre ténèbres et lumière, Jacaranda célèbre l'humanité, paradoxale, aimante, vivante. (Présentation des éditions Grasset)

L'ex-médecin rwandais Eugène Rwamucyo a été condamné par la cour d'assises de Paris à 27 ans de réclusion criminelle. Il était jugé pour génocide, complicité de génocide et complicité de crimes contre l'humanité pour son implication dans génocide des Tutsi au Rwanda en 1994.

This episode explores the Rwandan Civil War (1990-1994), focusing on its historical roots in colonialism, ethnic tensions between the Hutu majority and Tutsi minority, and the conflict's escalation into genocide. It examines the impacts of political shifts, key events like the Arusha Accords, and the international community's response, leading to Rwanda's eventual recovery and reconciliation efforts post-conflict. The narrative underscores the complexities of rebuilding a nation scarred by violence and the lessons learned for future peace and unity.

P. Juan Carlos (Ecuador)La atención al prójimo es la mejor manifestación del amor a Dios. El Señor nos enseña que debemos pasar por encima de las reglas por la caridad.[Ver Meditación Escrita] https://www.hablarconjesus.com/meditacion_escrita/caridad-para-todos/  

Martin Luther King Jr, said "love is the only power able to transform an enemy into a friend", but how does love do this? How do we embody Jesus' teaching of love thy enemy when other's behaviour is often so hurtful? Listen to my conversation with Christophe Mbonyingabo, Executive Director of CARSA Ministries. CARSA brings together Tutsi and Hutus who have been impacted by Genocide, in order to practice forgiveness and reconciliation. Listen to Christophe's wisdom around how people are conditioned to hate and the innovative approach his organization is using to bring people together in love. Do not miss this episode!

Martin Luther King Jr, said "love is the only power able to transform an enemy into a friend", but how does love do this? How do we embody Jesus' teaching of love thy enemy when other's behaviour is often so hurtful? Listen to my conversation with Christophe Mbonyingabo, Executive Director of CARSA Ministries. CARSA brings together Tutsi and Hutus who have been impacted by Genocide, in order to practice forgiveness and reconciliation. Listen to Christophe's wisdom around how people are conditioned to hate and the innovative approach his organization is using to bring people together in love. Do not miss this episode!

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

 Today's episode offers a powerful example of courage, peace, and forgiveness. Our story looks back thirty years, to one of the most violent periods in modern history — the genocide against the Tutsi — and to the resilience and wisdom of the Rwandan spirit and heart. On April 6, 1994, beautiful Rwanda, known as the Land of a Thousand Hills, became a hell on Earth. Between April and July 1994, hundreds of thousands of Rwandans were slaughtered in a horrifying frenzy of state-sponsored terror. Freddy Mutanguha, an ethnic Tutsi, was just eighteen years old when the genocide began. Today, Freddy shares the story of his unimaginable losses, the miracle of his survival, and his life's work nurturing peace, forgiveness, and reconciliation in his country and across the world.  Read the transcript of this episode Learn more about the Kigali Genocide Memorial and the Aegis Trust Subscribe to Stories of Impact wherever you listen to podcasts Find us on Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and YouTube Share your comments, questions and suggestions at info@storiesofimpact.org Supported by Templeton World Charity Foundation

The Rwandan Genocide, occurring between April-July 1994, was a devastating episode of mass violence in which nearly 1 million people were killed over a period of 100 days. Fueled by longstanding ethnic tensions, political power struggles, and a deep seated history of discrimination, the genocide saw members of the Tutsi ethnic group slaughtered indiscriminately by extremists of the Hutu ethnic group. Growing up amid this chaos, Christian Ntizimira, MD witnessed some of humanity's most horrific atrocities. Instead of turning away, however, he chose to enter medicine, a profession that would allow him to address the immense suffering he saw. Today, Dr. Ntizimira is a palliative care physician and the founder and executive director of the African Center for Research on End of Life Care. In this episode, Dr. Ntizimira joins us to share his personal experiences with the Rwandan Genocide, his journey to palliative medicine after initially exploring a career in surgery, what palliative care means to him, what it looks like to honor the dignity of a patient, how he advocates better access to palliative care and chronic illness care, and his unique approach to medicine rooted in “ubuntu,” a philosophy emphasizing the universal bond that connects all humanity that is best summarized by the phrase “I am because you are.”In this episode, you'll hear about: 2:45 - How Dr. Ntizimira's experience as a young person during the Rwandan Genocide inspired him to become a physician, and how he eventually found himself drawn to palliative care  14:25 - Dr. Ntizimira's distinction between “treating the disease” and “treating the person”20:22 - How Dr. Ntizimira teaches doctors to fully conceptualize patients as people instead of focusing only on their medical ailments 25:50 - The heart of palliative care that transcends cultures30:54 - The importance of presence in palliative care38:27 - What “reconciliation” means in Dr. Ntizimira's approach to palliative care 47:17 - “Ubuntu,” an African philosophy emphasizing a shared connection among humans, and how it can revolutionize how we care for patients    Dr. Christian Ntizimira is the author of The Safari Concept: An African Framework for End of Life Care.Dr. Christian Ntizimira can be found on Twitter/X at @ntizimira.Visit our website www.TheDoctorsArt.com where you can find transcripts of all episodes.If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe, rate, and review our show, available for free on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. If you know of a doctor, patient, or anyone working in health care who would love to explore meaning in medicine with us on the show, feel free to leave a suggestion in the comments or send an email to info@thedoctorsart.com.Copyright The Doctor's Art Podcast 2024

Na początek trzeciego sezonu nieogórkowego porozmawiamy o traumie, wychodząc od doświadczenia Rwandy i ludobójstwa w tym kraju, do którego doszło w 1994 roku. Między kwietniem a lipcem śmierć, zwykle w okrutnych okolicznościach poniosło około 800 tysięcy ludzi,  głównie z plemienia Tutsi, choć nie tylko. Dziś nie o samym ludobójstwie, ale o sposobach radzenia sobie z nim. O tym, jak Rwandyjczycy próbują wyzwolić się ze schematów traumy, które służą polityce, ale niszczą kolejne pokolenia ludzi. Porozmawiamy o tym, czym jest trauma, dlaczego nie każde cierpienie powinniśmy określać tym mianem. I o inflacji takich słów jak: trauma czy ludobójstwo. Gość: Małgorzata Wosińska

In the space of a hundred days, a million Tutsi in Rwanda were slaughtered by their Hutu neighbors. Denise Uwimana author of "From Red Earth" was fortunate enough to escape by the grace of God and her journey to forgiveness for what was done to her family is astonishing. Denise joins the show to explain how she replaced the thoughts of revenge with a forgiveness mindset, and details how the events all those years ago have opened doors never imaginable. Faith Radio podcasts are made possible by your support. Give now: Click here

Refugee Week takes place every year across the world in the week around World Refugee Day on the 20 June. Today, we are honored to welcome Drocella Mugorewera, a corporate trainer, best selling author, and former refugee with an awe-inspiring story. Drocella takes us on an emotional journey through her tumultuous experiences during the Rwandan genocide, detailing the tragic loss of her sister's husband and the harrowing escape to the Democratic Republic of Congo with her infant son. Join us as Drocella shares invaluable insights on freedom, leadership, and the importance of empathy in healing and reconciliation. She reflects on her roles in Rwanda's government, advocating for gender and environmental sensitivity and championing impactful initiatives, including banning plastic bags and granting women land inheritance rights. In this episode, Drocella also speaks about the challenges and joys of adapting to new environments—the journey from Rwanda to Ukraine and then to the United States as a refugee in 2009. She emphasizes the critical role of kindness and community support in rebuilding lives, recounts her rise to director of the refugee agency that welcomed her, and delivers an inspiring message on the significance of diversity, inclusion, and empathy in leadership. Get ready for a heart-wrenching yet hopeful narrative that underscores the resilience of the human spirit and the unwavering importance of compassion and understanding in our global community. Be sure to subscribe, share, and join us in celebrating the unbreakable strength of individuals like Drocella Mugorewera. Drocella is an advocate for the sanctity of life and a poignant voice on the global stage, shaped profoundly by her experiences in Rwanda, a country that endured the catastrophic genocide against the Tutsi, with a devastating toll of at least 1 million lives lost. Deeply reflective, Drocella critiques those who claim to be pro-life yet fail to embrace diverse perspectives, fostering an environment where true pro-life principles are questioned. Her journey and thoughts are encapsulated in her co-authored book, "Leaders with Heart." Here, Drocella challenges leaders to genuinely uphold the value of life by being open to ideas, promoting shared growth, and understanding life not just as an abstract concept but as a lived experience full of contributions from all voices. For Drocella, life is an invaluable gift that must be cherished and protected in every corner of the world. Her advocacy is not only about preserving life but ensuring the quality and inclusivity of this precious existence, inspired by the resilience and learnings from Rwanda's tragic history.   00:00 Life is valuable, open to diverse ideas. 04:02 Respect for every human life is essential. 09:48 Returned to serve after upheaval, found support. 11:50 Rose served in various high-level government positions. 16:00 Embrace diverse ideas, trust, reassure, and respect. 17:34 Leaders need empathy, protect people, promote peace. 22:10 Learned, graduated, married, now promoting language diversity. 26:29 Value refugee's ideas, treat others with respect. 27:22 Hold accountable, remind using media, value-driven elections. 31:59 Invest in training, engage employees, celebrate results. 35:45 Grateful for refugee program support and hope. 38:23 Exciting interview process, discussed vision and benefits. 42:03 Fleeing parent secures children's future in Canada. 46:45 Volunteer work helped build lasting relationships. 48:48 Love surpasses your own, welcoming children home. 51:00 Generous support allowed us to buy car. 57:15 We value life and family, want legacy. 58:43 Generosity and caring promote peace and unity.   Connect with Drocella  https://www.linkedin.com/in/drocellamugoreweradia/   Connect with Reena bettercalldaddy.com https://www.linkedin.com/in/reenafriedmanwatts/ https://www.instagram.com/reenafriedmanwatts/ https://www.instagram.com/bettercalldaddypodcast/ twitter.com/reenareena

Content warning for discussion of genocide, torture, mutilation, rape, and slavery Hey, Hi, Hello, this is the History Wizard and welcome back for Day 14 of Have a Day w/ The History Wizard. Thank you to everyone who tuned in for Day 13 last week, and especially thank you to everyone who rated and/or reviewed the podcast. I hope you all learned something last week and I hope the same for this week. This week marks the 5th part of our mini series of currently ongoing genocides and humanitarian crises. Episode 2 was on Palestine, Episode 11 was on Congo, episode 12 was on Sudan, episode 13 was on Xinjiang, and today's episode will talk about the genocide of the Rohingya people of Myanmar. It's officially the end of week 2! We made it. Congratulations one and all on surviving 2 weeks worth of weeks. As a gift for you all we're going to visit the Alchemist's Table. Today;s libation is called Prohibition Sweet Tooth. It's 1.5 ounces each of Redemption Bourbon and Creme de Cacao, followed by .75 oz of Frangelico. Shake well and pour over ice. Officially the Rohingya genocide began around 2016 and continues to this day, but as we know from every other episode we've had so far, genocide's don't just pop up out of nowhere all of the sudden. There is context, there is a roadmap of hindsight that we can follow back to, if not a starting point at least a starting line. So, first, let's talk about Myanmar. There have been homonid species living on Myanmar for about 750,000 years, first in the form of Homo erectus and then Homo sapiens starting around 25,000 years ago. Then a whole lot of history happened that, while fascinating and important, isn't strictly relevant to what we're going to discuss today. Starting on January 1, 1886 Myanmar (then called Burma) was officially annexed by the British Empire under the control of the British East India Company. Burma would remain under British rule until 1948. Burma was officially declared an independent state by an act of Parliament, specifically the Burma Independence Act 1947. Burma then remained under a civilian government until 1962, at which point it was overthrown in a coup detat and Burma (which became Myanmar officially in 1989) has been under military rule since then. Between 1962 and 1974, Myanmar was ruled by a revolutionary council headed by the general. Almost all aspects of society (business, media, production) were nationalised or brought under government control under the Burmese Way to Socialism, which combined Soviet-style nationalisation and central planning. A long series of anti-government protests resulted in a popular uprising in 1988, sometimes called the 8888 Uprising. This would lead directly to the renaming of the country from Burma to Myanmar and the country's first free, multiparty elections in 30 years. So, as you can see Myanmar has had an interesting and contentious history born of a desire for a strong sense of national unity, stability, and growth. It was the instability of the civilian government, the lack of growth, the skyrocketing crime rates, and the fear of the disintegration of Burma into several smaller nations that would lead to the 1962 coup after all. When your country has such a strong, almost rabid desire for unity and strength and national identity it always goes hand in hand with a desire for a homogenous society. The Germans in World War 2 felt it. The Ottomans in World War 1 felt it. It's what nations who fear their own collapse DO. They look for the divisive elements, the ones who don't fit the majority mold and they say “Hey, these people won't fall in line. They're dividing out country, threatening it with their different religion, culture, values, etc. We can solve all of our problems, save our country if we just… get rid of them”. Myanmar is a Buddhist majority country, by an overwhelming margin. According to the 2014 Myanmar census 90% of the country's population (of about 56 million) is Buddhist. 6.3% is Christian and just over 2% is Muslim. The Rohingya people, the subjects of our episode for today and Mulsim, so let's dive back and take a look at the history of Muslim persecution in Myanmar. The first Muslim documented in Burmese history (recorded in the Glass Palace Chronicle) was Byat Wi during the reign of Mon, a Thaton king, circa 1050 AD. The two sons of Byat Wi's brother Byat Ta, known as Shwe Byin brothers, were executed as children either because of their Islamic faith, or because they refused forced labor. Throughout the premodern era various restrictions were placed on Muslim communities in Burma. The Burmese king Bayinnaung banned Islamic ritual slaughter, thereby prohibiting Muslims from consuming halal meals of goats and chicken. He also banned Eid al-Adha and Qurbani, regarding killing animals in the name of religion as a cruel custom. Burma having largely adopted Buddhism by the 12th century CE. Although, in a strange, cruel, and somewhat ironic twist King Bodawpaya from 1782–1819 arrested four prominent Burmese Muslim Imams from Myedu and killed them in Ava, the capital, after they refused to eat pork. According to the Myedu Muslim and Burma Muslim version, Bodawpaya later apologized for the killings and recognised the Imams as saints. During the "Burma for Burmese" campaign in the late 1930s, a violent demonstration took place in Surti Bazaar, a Muslim area. When the police, who were ethnically Indian (there was a lot of anti-Indian sentiment in Burma in the 1930s, and because most Indian people living in Burma were Muslim, this also affected Muslim Burmese people), tried to break up the demonstration, three monks were injured. Images of monks being injured by ethnically Indian policemen were circulated by Burmese newspapers, provoking riots. Muslim properties, including shops and houses were looted. According to official sources, 204 Muslims were killed and over 1,000 were injured. 113 mosques were damaged. Panglong, a Chinese Muslim town in British Burma, was entirely destroyed by the Japanese invaders in the Japanese invasion of Burma in World War 2. And, after the 1962 coup all Muslim troops were expelled from the Army.  And, of course, we need to talk about the 1997 Mandalay Riots. Mandalay is the second largest city in Myanmar. a mob of 1,000–1,500 Buddhist monks and others shouted anti-Muslim slogans as they targeted mosques, shop-houses, and vehicles that were in the vicinity of mosques for destruction. Looting, the burning of religious books, acts of sacrilege, and vandalizing Muslim-owned establishments were also common. At least three people were killed and around 100 monks arrested. The unrest in Mandalay allegedly began after reports of an attempted rape of a girl by Muslim men, though there's no way to know if that story is true or not. In 2001, anti-Muslim pamphlets, most notably The Fear of Losing One's Race, were widely distributed by monks. Many Muslims feel that this exacerbated the anti-Muslim feelings that had been provoked by the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan in Afghanistan. (The Buddhas are two giant statues in the Bamiyan Valley of Afghanistan that daye from about the 6th century CE, they have long been considered a holy site by Buddhists and they were destroyed by the Talbian in 2001). And that's why on 15 May 2001, anti-Muslim riots broke out in Taungoo, Pegu division, resulting in the deaths of about 200 Muslims, in the destruction of 11 mosques and the setting ablaze of over 400 houses. On 15 May, the first day of the anti-Muslim uprisings, about 20 Muslims who were praying in the Han Tha mosque were killed and some were beaten to death by the pro-junta forces. Now, something that we need to discuss before I forget to is that since 1982 the Rohingya have been denied voting rights and citizenship within Myanmar thanks to the 1982 Citizenship Law. The law created three categories of citizenship: the first category applied to ethnic Burmans and members of the Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Mon, Arakan Buddhists, Shan, and any other ethnic group present in Myanmar prior to 1823 (though they did not include Rohingya Muslims, rendering them stateless), granted them full citizenship. The second category granted partial “associate” citizenship to the children of mixed marriages where one parents fell into the first category, as well as to individuals who had lived in Myanmar for five consecutive years, or to individuals who lived in Myanmar for eight out of the ten years prior to independence. Associate citizens could earn an income, but could not serve in political office. The third category applied to the offspring of immigrants who arrived in Myanmar during the period of British colonial rule. When we look at the state of Myanmar during the 20th century we can very clearly see Levels 3 and 4 of the Pyramid of Hate. The Pyramid of Hate was created in the mid aughts and was based on the Alport Scale of Prejudice created by psychologist Gordon Alport in the 1950s. Simply put the five levels, going from bottom to top are thoughts, words, discriminatory policy, violence towards individuals because of their membership to the group and violence against the cultural markers of the group, and finally genocide. Myanmar, very obviously has and had discriminatory policy and violence towards individuals and their cultural markers. Massacres, riots, burning Qurans and mosques all fit under level 4. But, of course, things can and did get worse. There was the 2012 Rakhine State riots. Sectarian violence erupted between the Rakhine ethnic group and the Rohingya and ended with most of the Rohingya population of Sittwe, the capital of the Rakhine State being expelled. Over the course of the riots that lasted most of June and erupted again in October a little over 160 people were killed and over 100,000 Rohingya were displaced. We are now in our time of rapid escalation of violence as the next major anti Rohingya event would occur in March of 2013. But before we talk about the 2013 riots we need to talk about the 969 Movement. The 969 is a violently Islamophobic Buddhist Nationalist organization founded and run by Ashin Wirathu. Time for a slight diversion for a fun fact: The three digits of 969 "symbolize the virtues of the Buddha, Buddhist practices and the Buddhist community". The first 9 stands for the nine special attributes of the Buddha and the 6 for the six special attributes of his Dharma, or Buddhist Teachings, and the last 9 represents the nine special attributes of Buddhist Sangha (monastic community). Those special attributes are the Three Jewels of the Buddha. Wirathu claims that he does not advocate for violence against Muslims and that all he wants is peace, and yet in a Time magazine article he had this to say: "You can be full of kindness and love, but you cannot sleep next to a mad dog", Wirathu said, referring to Muslims. "If we are weak", he said, "our land will become Muslim". The 2013 riots were particularly brutal. One incident involved several Muslim teenagers dragging a Buddhist man off of his bike and setting him on fire. As well as the deadliest incident of the riot which occurred when a Buddhist mob attacked and torched the Mingalar Zayone Islamic Boarding School. While outnumbered security forces stood by, rioters armed with machetes, metal pipes, chains, and stones killed 32 teenage students and four teachers. Now, while 2016 would be the “official” start of the genocide we would be remiss if we skipped over the 2015 refugee crisis. In 2015, hundreds of thousands of Rohingyas in Myanmar and Bangladesh fled from religious persecution and continued denial of basic rights in their home countries by means of boat travel, often through previously existing smuggling routes among the Southeast Asian waters. Many Rohingyas fled to Indonesia and Malaysia, which both adopted a stance open to acceptance of the Rohingya refugees still at sea in mid-May. And now we're at the genocide itself, though before we do that, let's take a look at that the US State Department had to say about Myanmar and Rakhine shortly before the shit hit the fan. The situation in Rakhine State is grim, in part due to a mix of long-term historical tensions between the Rakhine and Rohingya communities, socio-political conflict, socio-economic underdevelopment, and a long-standing marginalisation of both Rakhine and Rohingya by the Government of Burma. The World Bank estimates Rakhine State has the highest poverty rate in Burma (78 per cent) and is the poorest state in the country. The lack of investment by the central government has resulted in poor infrastructure and inferior social services, while lack of rule of law has led to inadequate security conditions. Members of the Rohingya community in particular reportedly face abuses by the Government of Burma, including those involving torture, unlawful arrest and detention, restricted movement, restrictions on religious practice, and discrimination in employment and access to social services. In 2012, the intercommunal conflict led to the death of nearly 200 Rohingya and the displacement of 140,000 people. Throughout 2013–2015 isolated incidents of violence against Rohingya individuals continued to take place. In 2016 a Rohingya resistance group known as Harakah al-Yaqin formed and attacked several border police posts leaving 9 officers dead and looting as many munitions as they could. In response to this the government of Myanmar immediately began cracking down on all Rohingya people as quickly and viscously as they could. In the initial operation, dozens of people were killed, and many were arrested. Casualties increased as the crackdown continued. Arbitrary arrest, extrajudicial killings, gang rapes, brutalities against civilians, and looting were carried out. Media reports stated hundreds of Rohingya people had been killed by December 2016, and many had fled Myanmar as refugees to take shelter in the nearby areas of Bangladesh. Those who fled Myanmar to escape persecution reported that women had been gang raped, men were killed, houses were torched, and young children were thrown into burning houses. Boats carrying Rohingya refugees on the Naf River were often gunned down by the Burmese military. In a report published in March 2024, the IIMM stated the military had in a "systematic and coordinated" manner "spread material designed to instil fear and hatred of the Rohingya minority". The report found military was used dozens of seemingly unrelated Facebook pages to spread hate speech against the Rohingya prior before the 2017 Rohingya genocide. This is similar in intent to the use of radio stations to spread constant anti Tutsi propaganda during the Rwandan genocide, though obviously as information technology advances methods get more sophisticated. Though I hesitate to call Facebook sophisticated.. In August 2018, a study estimated that more than 24,000 Rohingya people were killed by the Burmese military and local Buddhists since the "clearance operations" which had started on 25 August 2017. The study also estimated that over 18,000 Rohingya Muslim women and girls were raped, 116,000 Rohingyans were beaten, and 36,000 Rohingyans were thrown into fires. It was also reported that at least 6,700 to 7,000 Rohingya people including 730 children were killed in the first month alone since the crackdown started. In September 2018, the U.N. Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar released a report stating that at least 392 Rohingya villages in Rakhine State had been razed to the ground since 25 August 2017. Earlier, Human Rights Watch in December 2017 said it had found that 354 Rohingya villages in Rakhine state were burnt down and destroyed by the Myanmar military. In November 2017, both the UN officials and the Human Rights Watch reported that the Armed Forces of Myanmar had committed widespread gang rapes and other forms of sexual violence against the Rohingya Muslim women and girls for the prior three months. HRW stated that the gang rapes and sexual violence were committed as part of the military's ethnic cleansing campaign while Pramila Patten, the United Nations Special Representative of the Secretary General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, said that the Rohingya women and girls were made the "systematic" target of rapes and sexual violence because of their ethnic identity and religion. In February 2018, it was reported that the Burmese military bulldozed and flattened the burnt Rohingya villages and mass graves in order to destroy the evidence of atrocities committed. These villages were inhabited by the Rohingya people before they were burnt down by the Burmese military during the 2017 crackdown. Since the 25 August incident, Myanmar blocked media access and the visits of international bodies to Rakhine State. Rakhine State has been called an information black hole. According to the Mission report of OHCHR (released on 11 October 2017 by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights), the Burmenese military began a "systematic" process of driving hundreds of thousands of Rohingya from Myanmar in early August 2017. The report noted that "prior to the incidents and crackdown of 25 August, a strategy was pursued to": Arrest and arbitrarily detain male Rohingyas between the ages of 15–40 years; Arrest and arbitrarily detain Rohingya opinion-makers, leaders and cultural and religious personalities; Initiate acts to deprive Rohingya villagers of access to food, livelihoods and other means of conducting daily activities and life; Commit repeated acts of humiliation and violence prior to, during and after 25 August, to drive out Rohingya villagers en masse through incitement to hatred, violence, and killings, including by declaring the Rohingyas as Bengalis and illegal settlers in Myanmar; Instill deep and widespread fear and trauma – physical, emotional and psychological, in the Rohingya victims via acts of brutality, namely killings, disappearances, torture, and rape and other forms of sexual violence. In addition to the massive and horrific amounts of violence that are occuring, even now, inside Myanmar there is also the refugee crisis we mentioned earlier. There are over 700,000 Rohingya people who have been displaced from their homes and are living in refugee camps in surrounding countries. Most fled to Bangladesh while others escaped to India, Thailand, Malaysia, and other parts of South and Southeast Asia. On 12 September 2018, the OHCHR Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar published its report to the United Nations Human Rights Council. Following 875 interviews with victims and eyewitnesses since 2011, it concluded that "the [Burmese] military has consistently failed to respect international human rights law and the international humanitarian law principles of distinction, proportionality and precaution." Even before the most recent incident of mass Rohingya displacement began in 2011, the report found that the restrictions on travel, birth registration, and education resulting from Rohingya statelessness violated the Rohingya people's human rights. During the mass displacement of almost 725,000 Rohingya by August 2018 to neighbouring Bangladesh, as a result of persecution by the Tatmadaw, the report recorded "gross human rights violations and abuses" such as mass rape, murder, torture, and imprisonment. It also accused the Tatmadaw of crimes against humanity, genocide, and ethnic cleansing. The mission report recommended that six Burmese generals in the Tatmadaw stand trial in an international tribune for atrocities committed against the Rohingya. Despite all this the UN refuses to do anything substantive. Instead they are still trying to cooperate with the Tatmadaw and convince them to stop committing genocide. The UN has always been a useless tool of appeasement, Western imperialism, and white supremacy that refuses to hold anyone accountable. Of course, if the UN held genocidal regimes accountable they'd have to arrest the entire permanent Security Council so, the lack of accountability isn't surprising. It's why cops don't arrest other cops. You may have noticed that the dates in this episode stop after 2018, you also might remember that Myanmar has been called an information black hole. The genocide is still ongoing, nothing has gotten better and it's probably gotten worse, but getting verifiable information out of Myanmar is all but impossible at this point. Keep Myanmar in your sight. That's it for this week folks. No new reviews, so let's get right into the outro. Have a Day! w/ The History Wizard is brought to you by me, The History Wizard. If you want to see/hear more of me you can find me on Tiktok @thehistorywizard or on Instagram @the_history_wizard. Please remember to rate, review, and subscribe to Have a Day! On your pod catcher of choice. The more you do, the more people will be able to listen and learn along with you. Thank you  for sticking around until the end and, as always, Have a Day, and Free Rakhine.    

In 1994, Drocella Mugorewera was a young mother when Ethnic tensions between Hutu's and Tutsi's rooted in colonial divisions boiled over and led to a horrific genocide in Rwanda that cost up to one million lives. Drocella fled to the comparative safety of the war-torn Democratic Republic of Congo before returning home determined to mold a better society in Rwanda.  She quickly became a government minister focused on forging an inclusive and peaceful society from the ashes of horrific events. But, her hopes for the future were largely unfulfilled as the increasingly authoritarian regime of Paul Kagame meant political dissent could no longer be tolerated. Fearing for her life, Drocella fled her homeland once again before finding refuge in the USA. There, she established herself as a campaigner for the rights of women, refugees, and an advocate for diversity. Ironically, as a young woman she earned a scholarship to study in the Ukraine -- another country now devastated by war.  Having seen the horrors of divisive politics. She is an inspirational figure full of hope and the desire for peace. In this episode I discuss her work as a diversity consultant. Her feelings about Rwanda, Ukraine, and war and conflict in general. A truly faith filled woman who somehow remains positive about he future despite seeing the worst of humanity. Official Website: Drocella Music: Pixabay This episode is sponsored by World History Encyclopedia, one of the top history websites on the internet. I love the fact that they're not a Wiki: Every article they publish is reviewed by their editorial team, not only for being accurate but also for being interesting to read. The website is run as a non-profit organization, so you won't be bombarded by annoying ads and it's completely free. It's a great site, and don't just take my word for it they've been recommended by many academic institutions including Oxford University. Go check them out at WorldHistory.org or follow this link: World History Encyclopedia.

Content warning for discussion of genocide, torture, mutilation, rape, and slavery Hey, Hi, Hello, this is the History Wizard and welcome back for Day 11 of Have a Day w/ The History Wizard. Thank you to everyone who tuned in for Day 10 last week, and especially thank you to everyone who rated and/or reviewed the podcast. I hope you all learned something last week and I hope the same for this week. This week we're going to be talking about the currently ongoing humanitarian crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the long history of capitalist exploitation, western imperialism, and systemic racism that led to it. But first, as is tradition, let's take a trip over to the Alchemists Table to see what potion we've got for today. Today's libation has a lot going on in it, it's called Underworld Vacation. It starts by adding some strawberries and blueberries to the bottom of your shaker with .75 of an ounce of rose simple syrup before muddling the fruit. Then add one ounce each of pomegranate and elderflower liquor followed by 2 oz of Hendricks Lunar gin, add ice to your shaker and then stir for about 30 seconds before straining into a highball glass and topping with about 4 oz of prosecco. With that out of the way it's time to talk, once again, about the most important part of history. The proverbial devil in the literal details, context. Because to understand what is happening in the DRC today you need to understand the Kivu Conflict, and to understand that you need to understand the Second Congo War, and to understand that you need to understand the First Congo War, and to understand that you need to understand the end of the Rwandan Genocide and the Congo Crisis of the 1960s, and to understand that you need to understand the Scramble for Africa, The Berlin Conference and King Leopold !! of Belgium. So, we've got a lot to cover, and we're going to be doing it in fairly broad strokes, but it might still take us a while, so let's get started with the Berlin Conference. Near the end of the 19th century there was very little European colonial and mercantile presence in Africa. There were some port towns, to be sure, and there was trade, but very little of the African continent was under the control of European powers at this time. But, European greed for gold and, especially, ivory wouldn't allow them to ignore African riches for much longer. The Berlin Conference was organized in 1885 at the request of King Leopold II of Belgium and was organized by Otto von Bismarck of Germany.   Leopold had been using the explorations of Henry Morgan Stanley, and his own organization, the International African Association to quietly try and create his own private colony in central Africa that would be called the Congo Free State, but France found out and started making moves, and then Britain and Portugal found out and began trying to grab land which led Germany to do the same. War was brewing quickly as these various European powerhouses all sought as much land, wealth, and power as they could grab. This, ultimately, would be why the Berlin Conference was called and why it was so successful. These European powers decided, instead of going to war and killing each other over Africa they'd just all meet and carve it up like a pecan pie and settle it all peaceful like. There were 14 nations/empires in attendance at the Berlin Conference, Germany, Austria Hungary, the International Congo Society (this really means King Leopold II of Belgium), Spain, Denmark, the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden-Norway, and the Ottoman Empire. And while all 14 of those countries were in attendance at the Berlin Conference and had a say in the final decisions that were made, only 7 countries were actually going to colonize Africa once it was over. Those countries were Belgium (really just King Leopold II, this would be his own private colony), Germany, Spain, France, Great Britain, Portugal, and Italy. At the time of the Berlin Conference less than 10% of the African continent was under European control, but by the time World War 1 broke out only Liberia and Ethiopia were still independent. Although, Liberia certainly only existed because of US colonial power, and so doesn't REALLY count as independent.  This period of New Imperialism is what we tend to call The Scramble for Africa. Sof ar we've been talking about this all in fairly clinical terms, as if these European countries simply sat around a table and calmly decided who would get what land in the second largest continent on the planet and then it just happened, with no additional muss or fuss. Anyone who has studied even the barest amount of human history knows that nothing happens without muss or fuss. There were wars, and battles, and massacres that led to Europe gaining control of African territory, but that's not the topic of today's podcast. We now need to talk a bit about the Congo Free State, and how King Leopold of Belgium, a frail weakling (compared to the other European powers) managed to worm his way into the conference and into one of the most lucrative colonies in Africa. The Congo Free State was a truly massive colony that was owned personally by Leopold. It was NOT, at least between the years 1885 and 1908, part of the Belgian Empire, it was not owned by the Belgian government and was ruled entirely separately, it just happened to be ruled by the King of Belgium. Leopold was able to gain this massive colony by convincing the monarchs of Europe that he was engaged in humanitarian and philanthropic work, and that the Congo Free State would be an area of free trade in Africa.  Leopold maintained a guise that he was not trying to use the Congo Basin to increase his own wealth and economic and political power. He maintained that his presence in the region was, as was a huge part of the ethos of New Imperialism, to civilize the savages of the Congo Basin and to bring them closer to God and good European cultural supremacy.  Of course, all of that was a lie, and that lie would reveal itself over the intervening years. The Congo was home to something that would become one of the most important natural resources in the entire world, rubber. There are only two sources of natural rubber in the world. The sap of the Hevea brasiliensis, or rubber tree that grows in the Amazon River Basin, and the sap of Landolphia owariensis, a species of woody vines that grow in the Congo. I mean, technically there are 2500 species of plants that produce natural latex and rubber, but those two are the big ones. Today 99% of natural latex and rubber comes from the Amazon, but Leopold was able to make massive profit off of his colony. The economic system in the Congo Free State was known as the red rubber system. It was a slave economy that Leopold enforced through the use of his armed forces known as the Force Publique. Each slave in the Congo Free State was required to harvest a regular quota of rubber sap. What that quota was was often arbitrarily decided based purely on profit based concerns. Workers who refused to supply their labour were coerced with "constraint and repression". Dissenters were beaten or whipped with the chicotte, hostages were taken to ensure prompt collection and punitive expeditions were sent to destroy villages which refused. The policy led to a collapse of Congolese economic and cultural life, as well as farming in some areas. Failure to meet the rubber collection quotas was punishable by death. Meanwhile, the Force Publique were required to provide the hand of their victims as proof when they had shot and killed someone, as it was believed that they would otherwise use the munitions (imported from Europe at considerable cost) for hunting or to stockpile them for mutiny. As a consequence, the rubber quotas were in part paid off in cut-off hands. A Catholic priest quotes a man, Tswambe, speaking of the hated state official Léon Fiévez, who ran a district along the river 300 mi north of Stanley Pool: “All blacks saw this man as the devil of the Equator ... From all the bodies killed in the field, you had to cut off the hands. He wanted to see the number of hands cut off by each soldier, who had to bring them in baskets ... A village which refused to provide rubber would be completely swept clean. As a young man, I saw [Fiévez's] soldier Molili, then guarding the village of Boyeka, take a net, put ten arrested natives in it, attach big stones to the net, and make it tumble into the river ... Rubber causes these torments; that's why we no longer want to hear its name spoken. Soldiers made young men kill or rape their own mothers and sisters.” One junior officer in the Force Publique had this to say about the quota system: The baskets of severed hands, set down at the feet of the European post commanders, became the symbol of the Congo Free State. ... The collection of hands became an end in itself. Force Publique soldiers brought them to the stations in place of rubber; they even went out to harvest them instead of rubber ... They became a sort of currency. They came to be used to make up for shortfalls in rubber quotas, to replace ... the people who were demanded for the forced labour gangs; and the Force Publique soldiers were paid their bonuses on the basis of how many hands they collected. Within the Congo Free State there was also rampant famine and disease that killed hundreds of thousands of people, a type of residential school where children were sent to learn to be either workers or soldiers. About 50% of the children who entered these schools died. There were also several reputable reports of Congolese people turning to cannibalism in the face of their lack of food resources. With everyone being forced to harvest rubber there was no one to farm or gather or hunt for food. It is generally accepted that over the course of Leopold's rule in the Congo Free State, between 1885 and 1908 that at least 10 million Congolese people were killed. Eventually word got out of what was happening in the Congo Free State and a conclave of the European powers of the Berlin Conference was called as, even they, decided that Leopold was going too far. Leopold offered to reform his government and economic system in the Congo, but no one would give him the chance, but also, no one wanted to take on the responsibility of rebuilding the Congo. Eventually, after two years of debate, the Belgian Parliament took over control of the Congo. Leopold would die about a year later in 1909. The Congo would remain under under Belgian control for another 50+ years, and while the abuses and overwhelming violence of King Leopold's rule were curbed. They even added a clause to the new Colonial Charter to outlaw slavery. Article 3 of the new Colonial Charter of 18 October 1908 stated that: "Nobody can be forced to work on behalf of and for the profit of companies or privates", but this was not enforced, and the Belgian government continued to impose forced labour on the indigenous people of the area, albeit by less obvious methods. So, even without King Leopold, the Belgian Congo was still a European colony, which means it was still exploited for profit. African independence movements existed throughout the entirety of European colonialism and imperialism in Africa, excepting Liberia the first country in Africa to gain independence from direct European control would be South Africa which would nominally gain its independence in 1910 after the creation of the Union of South Africa and would formally gain official independence when the last vestiges of British parliamentary control would leave the country in 1931 with the Statute of Westminster, and while there would be other successful independence movements after World War 1, such as Egypt, most African decolonization would come after World War 2, including the Congo's.  Nationalist movements popping up in various African nations and agitating for Independence is, generally speaking, what would eventually cause all of African independence, and this would be no different for the Congo. Though, something that is often also common in the case of independence movements that emerged between the end of World War 2 and the early 1990s is that they would become proxy wars for the US and the USSR during the Cold War. To make a long, complex story very short, the US came out on top in this war. The nationalist movements within the Congo largely emerged amongst a class of people called the évolués, which is a term that was used in French and Belgian colonies for “evolved ones”, people of African descent who had become somewhat Europanized through education.  One of the deciding moments in Congolese independence came in the form of the Leopoldville Riots of 1959. Joseph Kasa-Vubu, who would become the first President of an independent Democratic Republic of the Congo, was the leader of the ABAKO political party, the Alliance of Bakongo. The riots began because many young folks and members or sympathizers of the ABAKO party felt that the government was forbidding them from organizing and protesting. The riots broke out on the 4th of January, 1959. The crowd began throwing rocks at police and attacking white motorists. The initial group of protesters were soon joined by 20,000 Congolese leaving a nearby soccer stadium. At the time press accounts estimated that 35,000 Africans were involved in the violence, which quickly spread as the rioters attempted to enter the European section of the capital. Rioters allegedly smashed and looted storefronts, burned Catholic missions and beat Catholic priests. Many demonstrators chanted "indépendance immédiate" The Belgian Parliament established a commission of inquiry to investigate the cause of the riots. The commission found the disturbances to be the culmination of discontent with racial discrimination, overcrowding, and unemployment. It also concluded that external political events, such as France's decision to grant self-governance to the neighboring French Congo, to be a contributing factor, and criticized the colonial administration's response to the riot. On 13 January the administration went forward with its scheduled announcement of reforms, including new local elections in December, the institution of a new civil service statue that made no racial distinctions, and the appointment of more Africans to advisory bodies. The Belgian King, Baudouin, also declared for the first time that independence would be granted to the Congo in the future. January 4th is still celebrated as an auspicious day in the DRC, it's the Day of the Martyrs and denotes a turning point in the independence movement. Congolese independence was officially declared, as planned, on the 30th of June, 1960, with Kasa-Vubu of the ABAKO elected as president and Patrice Lumumba of the Congolese National Movement appointed as the Prime Minister. Now, despite the DRC formally being declared as independent at this day, they still relied heavily on Belgian colonial institutions that had been in place previously, like the Force Publique and various white technical experts who couldn't be replaced in the face of a lack of ready replacements available amongst the Congolese people. The fact that this lack of available peoples being a result of European colonialism forbidding Congolese people from higher education wound up being somewhat irrelevant, but absolutely caused greater levels of resentment among the newly independent Congolese. In the face of this lack of change and in the face of an address given by Lieutenant General of the Force Publique Émile Janssens, many of the Congolese troops mutinied. The address went as follows: "Independence brings changes to politicians and to civilians. But for you, nothing will be changed ... none of your new masters can change the structure of an army which, throughout its history, has been the most organized, the most victorious in Africa. The politicians have lied to you." Instead of sending in Belgian troops to put down the mutiny, as Janssens wanted, Lumumba fired him and began to institute some reforms, including immediately remaining the Force Publique to the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) and promoting all black soldier by at least one rank. While this had success in Leopoldville and Thysville, it failed in the rest of the country and the mutiny intensified. The government attempted to stop the revolt—Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu intervened personally at Léopoldville and Thysville and persuaded the mutineers to lay down their arms—but in most of the country the mutiny intensified. White officers and civilians were attacked, white-owned properties were looted and white women were raped. The Belgian government became deeply concerned by the situation, particularly when white civilians began entering neighbouring countries as refugees. The international press expressed shock at the apparent sudden collapse of order in the Congo, as the world view of the Congolese situation prior to independence—due largely to Belgian propaganda—was one of peace, stability, and strong control by the authorities. The Congo Crisis would run for 5 years and would end with the torture and assassination of Patrice Lumumba, with Joesph Kasa-Vubu dying while under house arrest, and with the military dictator Mobuto Sese Seko “elected” as the president of the Republic of Congo-Leopoldville. This would note just one in the long string of times that the US helped to install a military dictator in order to overthrow a democratically elected left wing government, just because they had support from the USSR and the US feared (and fears) any threat to their capitalist hegemony. Between 1965 and 1971 Mobutu consolidated his hold on power as much as he could, removing all provincial control over anything and bringing every scrap of infrastructure he could under the control of himself and his central government. In 1971, with his hold on power relatively secure and as part of his policy of Africanization of the Congo's culture and government Mobutu renamed the Republic of Congo Leopoldville to Zaire, a name that was derived from the Kikongo wore nzere, meaning “river that swallows all rivers”. Mobutu would remain as “president” of Zaire all the way until 1997, but his hold on power would begin to crumble with the First Congo War that began in 1993. Now comes the time for more context. What started the First Congo War? Honestly, to a certain extent we can view the First Congo War as an extension of the Rwandan Genocide. The Rwandan Genocide began in 1994 as a final culmination of ethnic tensions that were exacerbated by, first, German and the Belgian colonialism. See, Rwanda used to be a German colony, Rwanda was one of the nations that Germany got as part of the Scramble for Africa, but after World War 1, with the signing of the treaty of Versailles Germany was forced to give up all of its overseas colonies. Belgium gained control of Rwanda. Belgium maintained many of the systems of power and oppression that Germany had put into place, most notably the fact that they put the Tutsi ethnic group in positions of authority and disenfranchised the Hutu and Twa ethnic group. The Twa are the indigenous ethnic group of Rwanda, but by the time the Rwandan genocide occurred they were only about 1% of the population, about 85% were Hutu and the remaining 14% were Tutsi. Still, based on the indicators of European scientific racism and phrenology the Tutsi had more “European features” and so were considered superior to the Hutu ethnic group and placed, exclusively, in positions of authority. The sudden shift in power dynamics after Rwandan independence is what would lead to the Rwandan Genocide as Hutu supremacists decided to vent their fury on the Tutsi people. We won't go into any more detail than that for the Rwandan genocide. Suffice it to say that when it ended hundreds of thousands of ethnic Tutsi people had fled the nation of Rwanda to neighboring African countries, such as Zaire. Roughly 1.5 million ethnic Tutsi people wound up settling in Zaire. There were also about 1 million Hutu extremists in eastern Zaire who had fled the retaliation of the Rwandan Patriotic Front at the end of the Rwandan Civil War and the Rwandan Genocide. As mentioned previously, the First Congo War, also known as Africa's First World War can most simply be seen as an extension of the Rwandan Genocide. Zaire had been in decline since Mobutu gained power in 1965. He was a terrible leader and the average GDP of Zaire dropped by about 65% during his reign. Eastern Zaire was a region of massive instability that was only made worse by the number of Hutu extremists who fled to the region following the Rwandan Genocide. Rwanda, just fully, invaded Zaire in 1996 in order to put down various Hutu rebel groups that were extant in the region. These rebel groups were actively funded and supported by Mobutu's government leading to this war that lasted for some 6 months. It involved several African nations including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Burundi, Zambia, ZImbabwe, South Sudan, Tanzania, South Africa, Ethiopia, Chad, China, Israel, and Kuwait. Following the war Mobutu went into exile in the nation of Togo where he eventually died of prostate cancer in 1997. Zaire came under the rule of the communist aligned Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Kabila had heavy support from Rwandan, Burundian, and Ugandan forces during his rise to power in the form of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire. Kabila also came to be seen as an instrument of the foreign regimes that put him in power. To counter this image and increase domestic support, he began to turn against his allies abroad. This culminated in the expulsion of all foreign forces from the DRC on 26 July 1998. The states with armed forces still in the DRC begrudgingly complied although some of them saw this as undermining their interests, particularly Rwanda, which had hoped to install a proxy-regime in Kinshasa. Several factors that led to the First Congo War remained in place after Kabila's accession to power. Prominent among these were ethnic tensions in eastern DRC, where the government still had little control. There the historical animosities remained and the opinion that Banyamulenge, as well as all Tutsi, were foreigners was reinforced by the foreign occupation in their defence. Furthermore, Rwanda had not been able to satisfactorily address its security concerns. By forcibly repatriating refugees, Rwanda had imported the conflict. This manifested itself in the form of a predominantly Hutu insurgency in Rwanda's western provinces that was supported by extremist elements in eastern DRC. Without troops in the DRC, Rwanda was unable to successfully combat the insurgents. In the first days of August 1998, two brigades of the new Congolese army rebelled against the government and formed rebel groups that worked closely with Kigali and Kampala. This marked the beginning of the Second Congo War. The Second Congo War is generally considered to be the deadliest war since World War 2. Over the course of this war some 5.4 million excess deaths took place.  Now comes the time where I need to define what an excess death is. In epidemiology, the excess deaths or excess mortality is a measure of the increase in the number deaths during a time period and/or in a certain group, as compared to the expected value or statistical trend during a reference period (typically of five years) or in a reference population. It may typically be measured in percentage points, or in number of deaths per time unit. To put it more simply, disease, depravation, and starvation were so rampant during the Second Congo War that the overwhelming majority of deaths weren't caused directly by the fighting, but were caused by the residual damage of the fighting. The Second Congo War involved many of the same issues of the First Congo War. It would end with Laurent-Désiré Kabila assassinated in 2001 in his office by an 18 year old former child soldier. Laurent would be replaced as president by his son Joseph Kabila, who was elected unanimously by the Congolese parliament. To further highlight the complexity of the Congolese Wars, In April 2001, a UN panel of experts investigated the illegal exploitation of diamonds, cobalt, coltan, gold and other lucrative resources in the Congo. The report accused Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe of systematically exploiting Congolese resources and recommended the Security Council impose sanctions. All conflicts within Congolese territory will ultimately go back to economic exploitation and capitalist overreach. The Congo Basin is full of some of the most valuable natural resources that exist on the planet, and people will always be fighting over them. This leads us into the Kivu conflict. The Kivu conflict is an umbrella term for a series of protracted armed conflicts in the North Kivu and South Kivu provinces in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo which have occurred since the end of the Second Congo War. This includes, but is not limited to Effacer le tableau, which was a genocidal extermination campaign against the Mbuti Pygmy ethnic group. The Bambuti were targeted specifically as the rebels considered them "subhuman", and it was believed by the rebels that the flesh of the Bambuti held "magical powers". There were also reports of cannibalism being widespread. It is estimated 60,000 to 70,000 Pygmy were killed in the campaign, and over 100,000 more were displaced. There are more than 120 distinct rebel groups involved in the Kivu Conflict, including the March 23 Movement, which a UN report indicates was created by the Rwandan government in order to potentially take over the Congolese government. Conflict began in 2004 in the eastern Congo as an armed conflict between the military of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC) and the Hutu Power group Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) has played a large role in the conflict. With 21,000 soldiers in the force, the Kivu conflict constitutes the largest peacekeeping mission currently in operation. In total, 93 peacekeepers have died in the region, with 15 dying in a large-scale attack by the Allied Democratic Forces, in North Kivu in December 2017. The peacekeeping force seeks to prevent escalation of force in the conflict, and minimise human rights abuses like sexual assault and the use of child soldiers in the conflict. In 2007 and 2008, in several news and TV reports, the BBC published own evidence about Pakistani MONUC peacekeepers in Mongbwalu had entered in a gold-for-guns trading relationship with Nationalist and Integrationist Front (FNI) militia leaders, eventually drawing Congolese army officers and Indian traders from Kenya into the deal. Following its own investigations, the UN concluded that there was no involvement of Pakistani peacekeeper in any such trade relationship. Namely Human Rights Watch harshly criticized the UN for the way it handled the investigation, providing detailed information from several UN documents, arguing that serious allegations of wrongdoing by Pakistani peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo were ignored, minimized or shelved by the UN's Organization of Internal Oversight Services. MONUC officials say nothing of substance about mining in Congo, which proceeds in parallel with the bloodletting, arms trading and extortion. For example, Anvil Mining has been involved in massacres in DRC. Anvil directors include former U.S. Ambassador Kenneth Brown, who served at U.S. embassies in Brussels, Kinshasa, Congo-Brazzaville and South Africa. Brown was Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Africa (1987–1989) under George Shultz and George H.W. Bush and Director of Central African Affairs (1980–1981). Interestingly, Brown succeeded William Lacy Swing—head of MONUC in DRC—as Ambassador to the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville). Meanwhile, the former top internal intelligence and security chief of the United Nations Observer's Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) has been worked for Anvil mining in Katanga since 2006. There have been numerous cases of sexual misconduct by UN peacekeeping forces in the Congo. This has been acknowledged by the UN itself (such as the letter of 24 March 2005 from the Secretary-General to the President of the General Assembly). So, basically foreign powers both within Africa and outside of it are actively fighting within the Congo Basin in order to secure control of the vast amount of natural resources that exist within the nation. The DRC currently produces about 70% of the world's cobalt, and 80% of the cobalt mines in the DRC are owned by China. The leading use of cobalt in modern technology is in rechargeable batteries. So your cell phone battery, your laptop batteries, any kind of rechargeable battery you have is likely created using Congolese cobalt, which is a direct cause of the millions of deaths and displacements that are occuring in the DRC.  The DRC is, effectively, the site of a capitalist proxy war as the region is fought over by foreign governments and local rebel groups for control over Congolese natural resources. No one in Europe or the US would even begin to care about an African country if it wasn't for the battery technology resources that are so abundant in the region. Between 1885 and today it is, very easy, to say that roughly 20 million people have been killed by capitalist excess and exploitation.  We can, absolutely call what is happening in the DRC a genocide, though it can be difficult to always pinpoint who, exactly are the victims. Broadly speaking the victims are the Congolese people, all of them, who are being killed over a desire to control the cobalt mines. This has gone far beyond simple ethnic conflict between Hutu and Tutsi, though that conflict, which is still ongoing, definitely added to the fire. This is a genocide of the people of the DRC by capitalism itself. Capitalism has always been, and will always be an inherently genocidal institution. It craves the acquisition of individual wealth at the expense of the working class. You cannot have a system predicated on infinite growth within a closed system. Capitalism will always require that resources and wealth be stolen from people who need them. And when so much of our wealth is tied up in food, water, and housing, the theft of those resources from the working class will lead to our deaths. For the past century and a half the Congo Basin has been subjected to genocide after genocide in the name of capitalism. What is happening right now is only an extension of that, though made far more complicated by the literal hundreds of competing groups and the lack of any international will to see peace achieved. That's it for this week folks. No new reviews, so let's get right into the outro. Have a Day! w/ The History Wizard is brought to you by me, The History Wizard. If you want to see/hear more of me you can find me on Tiktok @thehistorywizard or on Instagram @the_history_wizard. Please remember to rate, review, and subscribe to Have a Day! On your pod catcher of choice. The more you do, the more people will be able to listen and learn along with you. Thank you  for sticking around until the end and, as always, Have a Day, and Free Congo.    

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

Warning: This episode contains some upsetting descriptions of human suffering.The Rwandan Genocide is a dark and pivotal moment in modern history; the catastrophic consequence of ethnic division and global inaction. Over 100 days in 1994, it's estimated around 800,000 predominantly Tutsi people were killed by the Hutu government and civilian militiamen. The groundwork for the atrocities had been laid decades earlier by the colonial Belgian powers that controlled Rwanda and sowed the seeds of division into the fabric of the country.Dan is joined by Dr Scott Straus, a professor of Political Science at UC Berkeley who unpacks the events and years that led up to the genocide as well as the inaction from the international community during it. Dan also hears from survivor Beatha Uwazaninka who was just a teenager when her entire family were killed and describes how neighbours turned on neighbours as she struggled to evade capture herself. Together they explain how and why the genocide happened and what lessons we should learn from it.Produced by Mariana Des Forges and edited by Dougal Patmore.Enjoy unlimited access to award-winning original documentaries that are released weekly and AD-FREE podcasts. Get a subscription for £1 per month for 3 months with code DANSNOW sign up at https://historyhit/subscription/We'd love to hear from you- what do you want to hear an episode on? You can email the podcast at ds.hh@historyhit.com.You can take part in our listener survey here.

Kate Adie introduces stories from Rwanda, Estonia, St Helena and Puerto Rico.This weekend marks the start of the genocide in Rwanda that led to the death of more than 800,000 people – most from the country's Tutsi minority. Three decades on, Emma Ailes met those who, against the odds, survived the violence – but continue to live with the trauma to this day.Among those who survived the genocide is the BBC's Victoria Uwonkunda, who was just 12 years old at the time. She recently returned for the first time in three decades, where she retraced her journey to sanctuary, and spoke to genocide survivors - and perpetrators - about the difficult path towards reconciliation and forgiveness.As a result of the conflict in Ukraine, NATO countries close to Russia, such as Norway, Latvia and Lithuania, are expanding their military conscription programmes. In Estonia - where military service is already mandatory – our correspondent Nick Beake met some of the country's new recruits.Coffee from Jamaica to Ethiopia to Guatemala is a common sight in high-street cafes, but a more rarified blend comes from the Atlantic Island of St Helena. It's high-quality and short-supply means it fetches a high price – but as Mark Stratton discovered, that doesn't mean locals are reaping the benefits.It's hard to escape the Puerto Rican sound of reggaeton. Now a global phenomenon, it's created superstars in artists like Bad Bunny, Daddy Yankee and Vico C. Jane Chambers went to find out how this multi-faceted music reflects both the island's culture – and politics.Series Producer: Serena Tarling Production Coordinator: Katie Morrison Editor: Richard Fenton-Smith

Almost one million people murdered in just one hundred days. It seems unfathomable, but that was the reality in Rwanda back in 1994 when militias and civilians from the country's majority ethnic group, the Hutus, killed their Tutsi neighbors. Thirty years on, we take a look back at one of Christiane's reports from 2008, when she returned to Rwanda to speak with some of those who have managed to find forgiveness since the genocide.  Also on today's show: Rwandan Human Rights Activist Paul Rusesabagina; author Sarah McCammon (“The Exvangelicals")  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

April 1994 was the start of the Rwandan genocide, 100 days of slaughter, rape and atrocities.As part of the Tutsi ethnic group, Antoinette Mutabazi's family were a target for the killings.So her father told her to run, leaving her family behind. She was just 11 years old.As a survivor of the genocide, she speaks publicly about reconciliation and forgiveness. She tells Rosie Blunt her story.(Photo: Antoinette as an adult. Credit: HMDT)

This week we talk about the Rwandan genocide, the First and Second Congo Wars, and M23.We also discuss civil wars, proxy conflicts, and resource curses.Recommended Book: Everyday Utopia by Kristen R. GhodseeTranscriptThe Democratic Republic of the Congo, or DRC, was previously known as Zaïre, a name derived from a Portuguese mistranscription of the regional word for "river."It wore that monicker from 1971 until 1997, and this region had a rich history of redesignations before that, having been owned by various local kingdoms, then having been colonized by Europeans, sold to the King of Belgium in 1885, who owned it personally, not as a part of Belgium, which was unusual, until 1908, renaming it for that period the Congo Free State, which was kind of a branding exercise to convince all the Europeans who held territory thereabouts that he was doing philanthropic work, though while he did go to war with local and Arab slavers in the region, he also caused an estimated millions of deaths due to all that conflict, due to starvation and disease and punishments levied against people who failed to produce sufficient volumes of rubber from plantations he built in the region.So all that effort and rebranding also almost bankrupted him, the King of Belgium, because of the difficulties operating in this area, even when you step into it with vast wealth, overwhelming technological and military advantages, and the full backing of a powerful, if distant, nation.After the King's deadly little adventure, the region he held was ceded to the nation of Belgium as a colony, which renamed it the Belgium Congo, and it eventually gained independence from Belgium, alongside many other European colonies around the world, post-WWII, in mid-1960.Almost immediately there was conflict, a bunch of secessionist movements turning into civil wars, and those civil wars were amplified by the meddling of the United States and the Soviet Union, which supported different sides, funding and arming them as they tended to do in proxy conflicts around the world during this portion of the Cold War.This period, which lasted for about 5 years after independence, became known as the Congo Crisis, because government leaders kept being assassinated, different groups kept rising up, being armed, killing off other groups, and then settling in to keep the government from unifying or operating with any sense of security or normalcy.Eventually a man named Mobutu Sese Seko, usually just called Mobutu, launched a real deal coup that succeeded, and he imposed a hardcore military dictatorship on the country—his second coup, actually, but the previous one didn't grant him power, so he tried again a few years later, in 1965, and that one worked—and though he claimed, as many coup-launching military dictators do, that he would stabilize things over the next five years, restoring democracy to the country in the process, that never happened, though claiming he would did earn him the support of the US and other Western governments for the duration, even as he wiped out any government structure that could oppose him, including the position of Prime Minister in 1966, and the institution of Parliament in 1967.In 1971, as I mentioned, he renamed the country Zaïre, nationalized all remaining foreign owned assets in the country, and it took another war, which is now called the First Congo War, to finally unseat him. And this conflict, which began in late-1996, spilled over into neighboring countries, including Sudan and Uganda, and a slew of other nations were involved, including but not limited to Chad, the Central African Republic, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, Eritrea, South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Tanzania, alongside foreign assistance granted to various sides by France, China, Israel, and covertly, the United States.The conflict kicked off when Rwanda invaded Zaïre, more neighboring states joined in, all of them intending to take out a bunch of rebel groups that the Mobutu government was no longer keeping in line: Mobutu himself having long since fallen ill, and thus lacking the control he once had, but still profiting mightily from outside influences that kept him as a friendly toehold in the region.So these other nations sent military forces into Zaïre to handle these groups, which were causing untold troubles throughout the region, and the long and short of this conflict is that it only lasted a few months, from October 1996 to May 1997, but the destruction and carnage was vast, everyone on both sides partnering up to take out rebels, or in the case of those rebels, to join up against these government militaries, and all of them using the opportunity to also engage in violence against ethnic enemies with whom they had long-simmering beefs.This led to the collapse of Mobutu's government, the country was renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo when a new government was installed, but very little changed in terms of the reality of how that government functioned, so all the same variables were still in place a year later, in 1998, when what's now called the Second Congo War kicked off, informed by basically the same problems but bringing even more African governments into the fighting, many of them pulled into things by alliances they had with involved neighbors.And just as before, a variety of groups who felt aggrieved by other groups throughout the region used this conflict as an excuse to slaughter and destroy people and towns they didn't like, including what's been called a genocide of a group of Pygmy people who lived in the area, around 70,000 of them killed in the waning days of the war.In mid-2003, a peace agreement was signed, most of the warring factions that had fought in Congolese territory were convinced to leave, and it was estimated that up to 5.4 million people had died during the conflict.What I'd like to talk about today is what's happening in the DRC, now, at a moment of heightening tensions throughout the region, and in the DRC in particular, amidst warnings from experts that another regional conflict might be brewing.—A transition government was set up in the DRC in 2003, following the official end of that Second Congo war, and this government, though somewhat weak and absolutely imperfect in many ways, did manage to get the country to the point, three years later, in 2006, that it could hold an actual multi-party election; the country's first ever, which is no small thing.Unfortunately, a dispute related to the election results led to violence between supporters of the two primary candidates, so a second election was held—and that one ended relatively peacefully and a new president, Joseph Kabila, was sworn in.Kabila was reelected in 2011, then in 2018 he said he wouldn't be running again, which helped bring about the country's first peaceful transition of power when the next president, from the opposing party, stepped into office.During his tenure in office, though, Kabila's DRC was at near-constant war with rebel groups that semi-regularly managed to capture territory, and which were often supported by neighboring countries, alongside smaller groups, so-called Mai-Mai militias, that were established in mostly rural areas to protect residents from roaming gangs and other militias, and which sometimes decided to take other people's stuff or territory, even facing off with government forces from time to time.Violence between ethnic groups has also continued to be a problem, including the use of sexual violence and wholesale attempted genocide, which has been difficult to stop because of the depth of some of the issues these groups have with each other, and in some cases the difficulty the government has just getting to the places where these conflicts are occurring, infrastructure in some parts of the country being not great, where it exists at all.That 2018 election, where power was given away by one president to another, peacefully, for the first time, was notable in that regard, but it was also a milestone in it marked the beginning of widespread anti-election conspiracy theories, in that case the Catholic Church saying that the official results were bunk, and other irregularities, like a delay of the vote in areas experiencing Ebola outbreaks, those areas in many cases filled with opposition voters, added to suspicions.The most recent election, at the tail-end of 2023, was even more awash with such concerns, the 2018 winner, President Tshisekedi, winning reelection with 73% of the vote, and a cadre of nine opposition candidates signing a declaration saying that the election was rigged and that they want another vote to be held.All of which establishes the context for what's happening in the DRC, today, which is in some ways a continuation of what's been happening in this country pretty much since it became a country, but in other ways is an escalation and evolution of the same.One of the big focal points here, though, is the role that neighboring Rwanda has played in a lot of what's gone down in the DRC, including the issues we're seeing in 2024.Back in 1994, during what became known as the Rwandan genocide, militias from the ruling majority Hutu ethnic group decided to basically wipe out anyone from the minority Tutsi ethnic group.Somewhere between a 500,000 and a million people are estimated to have been killed between April and July of that year, alone, and that conflict pushed a lot of Hutu refugees across the border into the eastern DRC, which at the time was still Zaïre.About 2 million of these refugees settled in camps in the North and South Kivu provinces of the DRC, and some of them were the same extremists who committed that genocide in Rwanda in 1994, and they started doing what they do in the DRC, as well, setting up militias, in this case mostly in order to defend themselves against the new Tutsi-run government that had taken over in Rwanda, following the genocide.This is what sparked that First Congo War, as the Tutsi-run Rwandan government, seeking justice and revenge against those who committed all those atrocities went on the hunt for any Hutu extremists they could find, and that meant invading a neighboring country in order to hit those refugee groups, and the militias within them, that had set up shop there.The Second Congo War was sparked when relations between the Congolese and Rwandan governments deteriorated, the DRC government pushing Rwandan troops out of the eastern part of their country, and Kabila, the leader of the DRC at the time, asking everyone else to leave, all foreign troops that were helping with those Hutu militias.Kabila then allowed the Hutus to reinforce their positions on the border with Rwanda, seemingly as a consequence of a burgeoning international consensus that the Rwandan government's actions following the genocide against the Tutsis had resulted in an overcompensatory counter-move against Hutus, many of whom were not involved in that genocide, and the Tutsis actions in this regard amounted to war crimes.One of the outcomes of this conflict, that second war, was the emergence of a mostly Tutsi rebel group called the March 23 Movement, or M23, which eventually became a huge force in the region in the early 20-teens, amidst accusations that the Congolese government was backing them.M23 became such an issue for the region that the UN Security Council actually sent troops into the area to work with the Congolese army to fend them off, after they made moves to start taking over chunks of the country, and evidence subsequently emerged that Rwanda was supporting the group and their effort to screw over the Congolese government, which certainly didn't help the two countries' relationship.Alongside M23, ADF, and CODECO, a slew of more than 100 other armed, rebel groups still plague portions of the DRC, and part of the issue here is that Rwanda and other neighboring countries that don't like the DRC want to hurt them to whatever degree they're able, but another aspect of this seemingly perpetual tumult is the DRC's staggering natural resource wealth.Based on some estimates, the DRC has something like $24 trillion worth of natural resource deposits, including the world's largest cobalt and coltan reserves, two metals that are fundamental to the creation of things like batteries and other aspects of the modern economy, and perhaps especially the modern electrified economy.So in some ways this is similar to having the world's largest oil deposits back in the early 20th century: it's great in a way, but it's also a resource curse in the sense that everyone wants to steal your land, and in the sense that setting up a functioning government that isn't a total kleptocracy, corrupt top to bottom, is difficult, because there's so much wealth just sitting there, and there's no real need to invest in a fully fleshed out, functioning economy—you can just take the money other countries offer you to exploit your people and resources, and pocket that.And while that's not 100% what's happened in the DRC, it's not far off.During the early 2000s and into the 20-teens, the DRC government sold essentially all its mining rights to China, which has put China in control of the lion's share of some of the world's most vital elements for modern technology.The scramble to strike these deals, and subsequent efforts to defend and stabilize on one hand, or to attack and destabilize these mining operations, on the other, have also contributed to instability in the region, because local groups have been paid and armed to defend or attack, soldiers and mercenaries from all over the world have been moved into the area to do the same, and the logic of Cold War-era proxy conflicts has enveloped this part of Africa to such a degree that rival nations like Uganda are buying drones and artillery from China to strike targets within the DRC, even as China arms DRC-based rebel groups to back up official military forces that are protecting their mining operations.It's a mess. And it's a mess because of all those historical conditions and beefs, because of conflicts in other, nearby countries and the machinations of internal and external leaders, and because of the amplification of all these things resulting from international players with interests in the DRC—including China, but also China's rivals, all of whom want what they have, and in some cases, don't want China to have what they have.In 2022, M23 resurfaced after laying low for years, and they took a huge chunk of North Kivu in 2023.For moment that same year, it looked like Rwanda and the DRC might go to war with each other over mining interests they control in the DRC, but a pact negotiated by the US led to a reduction in the military buildup in the area, and a reduction in their messing with each other's political systems.In December of 2023, though, the President of the DRC compared the President of Rwanda to Hitler and threatened to declare war against him, and UN troops, who have become incredibly unpopular in the region, in part because of various scandals and corruption within their ranks, began to withdraw—something that the US and UN have said could lead to a power vacuum in the area, sparking new conflicts in an already conflict-prone part of the country.As of March 2024, soldiers from South Africa, Burundi, and Tanzania are fighting soldiers from Rwanda who are supporting M23 militants in the eastern portion of the DRC, these militants already having taken several towns.Seven million Congolese citizens are internally displaced as a result of these conflicts, having had to flee their homes due to all the violence, most of them now living in camps or wandering from place to place, unable to settle down anywhere due to other violence, and a lack of sufficient resources to support them.Rwanda, for its part, denies supporting M23, and it says the Congolese government is trying to expel Tutsis who live in the DRC.Burundi, located just south of Rwanda, has closed its border with its neighbor, and has also accused Rwanda of supporting rebels within their borders with the intent of overthrowing the government.Most western governments have voiced criticisms of Rwanda for deploying troops within its neighbors' borders, and for reportedly supporting these militant groups, but they continue to send the Rwandan government money—Rwanda gets about a third of its total budget from other governments, and the US is at the top of that list of donors, but the EU also sends millions to Rwanda each year, mostly to fund military actions aimed at taking out militants that make it hard to do business in the region.So changes in political stances are contributing to this cycle of violence and instability, as are regular injections of outside resources like money and weapons and soldiers.And as this swirl of forces continues to make the DRC borderline ungovernable, everyday people continue to be butchered and displaced, experiencing all sorts of violence, food shortages, and a lack of basic necessities like water, and this ongoing and burgeoning humanitarian nightmare could go on to inform and spark future conflicts in the region.Show Noteshttps://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Kabilahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rwandan_genocidehttps://gsphub.eu/country-info/Democratic%20Republic%20of%20Congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congohttps://www.reuters.com/world/africa/why-fighting-is-flaring-eastern-congo-threatening-regional-stability-2024-02-19/https://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/21/a-guide-to-the-decades-long-conflict-in-dr-congohttps://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/violence-democratic-republic-congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_23_Movementhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kivu_conflicthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Free_Statehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mobutu_Sese_Sekohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Crisishttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1965_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo_coup_d%27%C3%A9tathttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Congo_Warhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Congo_War This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit letsknowthings.substack.com/subscribe

How large is your capacity for forgiveness? Author and motivational speaker Immaculée Ilibagiza grew up in a small village in Rwanda, Africa. With her loving parents and three brothers, Immaculée excelled in school and eventually went on to study electrical and mechanical engineering at the National University of Rwanda. However, her life took a dramatic turn in 1994.  On April 6 of that year, the assassination of the Rwandan President ignited months of massacres targeting Tutsi tribe members across the country. To protect his daughter from rape and murder, Immaculée's father instructed her to seek refuge at a local pastor's house. There, she hid with seven other women in a cramped 3 x 4-foot bathroom for the next 91 days. Amidst the genocide raging outside, Immaculée battled anger and resentment, which threatened to consume her mind, body, and spirit. It was in this desperate state that she turned to prayer, clutching a set of rosary beads her father had given her. Through prayer and faith, she found the strength to resist hate, even using this dark time to teach herself English using only a Bible and a dictionary.  Emerging from her hiding place after 91 days, Immaculée faced a harrowing reality—her entire family, except for one brother studying abroad, had been brutally murdered. She also discovered the massacre of nearly one million extended family members, friends, neighbors, and fellow Rwandans. Despite unimaginable suffering, Immaculée shocked the world by forgiving the man who had killed her mother and brother.  Immaculée Ilibagiza's story offers profound insights and actionable steps to strengthen emotional resilience, release burdens through forgiveness, and contribute to a greater shift in collective consciousness. To share Immaculée's message of healing and forgiveness, Sage and Tony Robbins are honored to present this powerful moment from a private event with their Platinum Partners in Mexico. Please enjoy!  Watch this episode on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=yBOu2rE8Ljg&t=986s SHOW NOTES: [00:38] Tony's Intro [03:05] Disclaimer [04:27] Lessons learned from the Genocide [05:28] How the Genocide started [07:18] Propaganda used to spread hatred [09:00] Our Lady of Fatima's warning [10:00] Moment the killings started [11:20] Last memory of her father [13:45] Final message her father shared [15:25] How life changed in just 3 days [16:00] Hiding in a 3x4 space with 7 other women [19:50] Learning to listen to the voice within [21:45] The moment Immaculée met God [24:50] Embrace hope/receive a sign [26:05] A miracle happens [28:22] Turning to the Bible for answers [31:31] Not being ready to forgive [31:55] The worst thing about anger [35:50] A prayer from the heart can change you [37:30] Learning to forgive through God [42:24] Moment the anger went away [44:11] Discovering that her family was among those killed [45:55] Life's a gift and there are no guarantees [46:56] Incredible examples of Immaculée's prayers being answered [50:27] Story behind her book being published [53:52] Meeting the man who killed her family and forgiving him [55:42] Immaculée's message of hope Tony Robbins is a #1 New York Times best-selling author, entrepreneur, and philanthropist. For more than four and a half decades, millions of people have enjoyed the warmth, humor, and dynamic presentation of Mr. Robbins' corporate and personal development events. As the nation's #1 life and business strategist, he's called upon to consult and coach some of the world's finest athletes, entertainers, Fortune 500 CEOs, and even presidents of nations.