Podcasts about Hutu

In 1994, the nation of Rwanda endured a brutal 100-day spasm of violence that tore families apart and claimed the lives of over one million people. Members of the ethnic minority Tutsi group were hunted down and murdered by members of the larger Hutu group. While this was the worst episode of violence between the two groups, it was not the first. What added to the tragedy was that while the horrific events unfolded, the rest of the world stood by and did nothing.  Learn about the 1994 Rwandan Genocide, why it happened, and how it unfolded on this episode of Everything Everywhere Daily. Sponsors Quince Go to quince.com/daily for 365-day returns, plus free shipping on your order! Mint Mobile Get your 3-month Unlimited wireless plan for just 15 bucks a month at mintmobile.com/eed Chubbies Get 20% off your purchase at Chubbies with the promo code DAILY at checkout! Aura Frames Exclusive $35 off Carver Mat at https://on.auraframes.com/DAILY. Promo Code DAILY DripDrop Go to dripdrop.com and use promo code EVERYTHING for 20% off your first order. Uncommon Goods Go to uncommongoods.com/DAILY for 15% off! Subscribe to the podcast!  https://everything-everywhere.com/everything-everywhere-daily-podcast/ -------------------------------- Executive Producer: Charles Daniel Associate Producers: Austin Oetken & Cameron Kieffer   Become a supporter on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/everythingeverywhere Discord Server: https://discord.gg/UkRUJFh Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/everythingeverywhere/ Facebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/everythingeverywheredaily Twitter: https://twitter.com/everywheretrip Website: https://everything-everywhere.com/  Disce aliquid novi cotidie Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This episode was recorded for my UK Column show.Jeremy Kuzmarov—author, historian and managing editor of CovertAction Magazine—argues that the Rwandan genocide is a myth, suggesting instead that it was a civil war influenced by foreign interests, including the CIA, MI6, and Mossad, as well as various governments.He points out that the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) was backed by the US and UK to gain control over the Congo's mineral wealth.Plus, Jeremy challenges the mainstream portrayal of the conflict (such as Hotel Rwanda), asserting that both Hutu and Tutsi committed atrocities, and criticises the Western media for perpetuating a simplified narrative that ignores the truth.CovertAction website: https://covertactionmagazine.com➡️ Jerm Warfare website: https://www.jermwarfare.com

This powerful true story from Burundi will change the way you think about courage, faith, and hope. John Ortberg shares the moving account of “Little Bird,” a Hutu teacher whose final act was to pray for his executioners and sing a hymn of surrender to Jesus.Discover what real Christian hope looks like — not in comfort, but in costly, radiant trust.If you need strength today, this story will meet you.

Welcome to this explosive, investigative, fact-finding edition of Light ‘Em Up!We are incredibly pleased you decided to join us for one of our most comprehensive episodes to date!Tonight, we shine the antiseptic light of the truth at the intersection of hate speech and the violence that stems from it.While a great many people on the right strongly disagree with the truth, and struggle to accept it, the fact that the radical right is far more violent than the left is unwavering. Far-right attacks continue to outpace all other types of terrorism and domestic violent extremism.As a kid do you remember expressing the children's rhyme that says, “Sticks and stones can break your bones, but names can never hurt you?” While this is a nice thought — it isn‘t true. Words matter; words can hurt — words can lead to murder.In the Holy Bible, the Book of Ephesians (4:29) advises: “Do not let any unwholesome talk come out of your mouths, but only what is helpful for building others up according to their needs, which may benefit those who listen.” We need only look to the country of Rwanda in 1994 and the genocide that took place there. Collectively and pejoratively, the Tutsis were referred to as “cockroaches”.  Who acts neighborly or welcomes a cockroach into their home? Some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in 100 days. (The Tutsi and Hutu are ethnic groups established primarily in Rwanda and Burundi.)Evidence shows that the use of radio impacted and effected mobilization for violence in the Rwandan genocide.For more than a decade we've been exposed to the hate filled vitriol of Donald Trump. The words he willingly and intentionally chooses are often filled with hate.It is evident from his outward behavior; Donald Trump is not happy.  Barack Obama haunts him in thought, word, and past deed.Trump regularly refers to anyone who isn't in his “in-group” as “the enemy of the people” … “animals” and “scum”, you name it.His targets have been the press as a whole and individual journalists, immigrants, Blacks, LGBTQ+ people, Democrats, and whomever he chooses in the moment.His third-grade vocabulary has no filter. His political party does nothing to hold him to account for his vile, hate-filled rhetoric, even opting to echo and use it often.Rarely does he open his mouth without denigrating, dehumanizing, blaming, or accusing another person of doing something with no evidence.In this explosive episode we will highlight:—    As a case study we'll examine how hate speech can and does facilitate violence. From the genocide that took place in 1994 in Rwanda we offer a special feature in hearing from Henriette Mutegwaraba, survivor of the genocide and founder of the Million Lives Genocide relief fund.—    Multiple examples of the vile, hateful, and demagogic language that Donald Trump spews with regularity and comparing and contrasting his words with that of the Rwandan genocide.And much, much more!“The enemy of the people” are words Adolph Hitler used to describe the Jews before his “final solution” was put into effect which killed some 6 million people.This is the language of insecure, fascist, racist, dictatorial demagogues, and it is extremely dangerous.In his book entitled Behemoth, first published in 1942, Franz Neumann wrote that violence served to establish totalitarian control over German society.Violence throughout the Third Reich was used as a rational instrument of political power.Donald Trump's administration does the same.Democracy is dying right in front of us.Don't move a muscle!Tune out the world and tune-in to Light ‘Em Up — Right here and right now!Tune in and follow our sponsors Newsly and We want to hear from you!

從侍酒師的語言，重新理解「茶」。 在這一集裡，洋洋帶我們以全新的感官體驗走進茶的世界。從香氣、丹寧到口感，她形容茶就像酒一樣，能與餐食產生深刻的對話，也能在每一次品味中折射出人的心境。 對她而言，茶席不只是品茗的場域，更是人與自己對話的媒介。透過沖泡的節奏，我們學會慢下來、感知味覺的細微變化。茶與身體的互動，甚至會因為天氣與心境而改變茶的風味，而這正是茶之為物，最迷人的地方。 她也分享了「薢菟HuTu茶館」的誕生契機，對洋洋來說，現代的茶文化有一種療癒的力量，它提醒我們回到當下，放過自己。在節目的最後，她也悄悄透露了自己最喜歡的一款茶，以及每天與茶相伴的習慣。 【在這集聽她說】如何用侍酒師的語言，重新詮釋茶的香氣與層次茶，如何在現代生活中成為安定與力量的來源那個讓她創立「蔛菟茶館」的契機與心境轉折茶帶給女性的啟發和新趨勢 加入會員，支持節目： https://open.firstory.me/user/cky6u8bgpwpn00858w0xrike6 留言告訴我你對這一集的想法： https://open.firstory.me/user/cky6u8bgpwpn00858w0xrike6/comments Powered by Firstory Hosting

Ruandas Staatschef Paul Kagame nutzt seit Jahrzehnten Kriege mit der DR Kongo, um deren natürliche Ressourcen zu plündern – mit Hilfe der EU. Denn diese unterhält ein Rohstoffabkommen mit Ruanda, obwohl ein Großteil der exportierten Mineralien Raubgut ist. Artikel vom 19. Oktober 2025: https://jacobin.de/artikel/afrika-kongo-rpf-kolonialismus-kagame-clinton-blair-tutsi-hutu-ruanda Seit 2011 veröffentlicht JACOBIN täglich Kommentare und Analysen zu Politik und Gesellschaft, seit 2020 auch in deutscher Sprache. Die besten Beiträge gibt es als Audioformat zum Nachhören. Nur dank der Unterstützung von Magazin-Abonnentinnen und Abonnenten können wir unsere Arbeit machen, mehr Menschen erreichen und kostenlose Audio-Inhalte wie diesen produzieren. Und wenn Du schon ein Abo hast und mehr tun möchtest, kannst Du gerne auch etwas regelmäßig an uns spenden via www.jacobin.de/podcast. Zu unseren anderen Kanälen: Instagram: www.instagram.com/jacobinmag_de X: www.twitter.com/jacobinmag_de YouTube: www.youtube.com/c/JacobinMagazin Webseite: www.jacobin.de

Wie kann man weiterleben nach der Erfahrung schrecklichster Gewalt? Wie kann eine juristische Aufarbeitung erfolgen, wie eine Erinnerungskultur? Fragen, die die Gesellschaft in Ruanda beschäftigen, 30 Jahre nach dem Genozid der Hutu an den Tutsi. Der Schriftsteller und Musiker Gaël Faye geht ihnen in seinem Roman "Jacaranda" nach. Niels Beintker hat ihn am Rande seiner Lesung in München getroffen. / "Karla", ein Film über ein Mädchen, das seinen Vater wegen sexuellen Missbrauchs anklagt, feierte Premiere beim Filmfest München 2025. Dort räumte er den Förderpreis Neues Deutsches Kino für die Beste Regie und für das Beste Drehbuch ab. Bettina Dunkel hat das Drama gesehen. / Wrestling auf der Wiesn? In seinem neuen Roman "Die beste Idee der Welt" erzählt der Münchner Autor Bernhard Heckler von einem privat und beruflich gescheiterten jungen Mann, der auf dem Oktoberfest eine Wrestling-Show aufziehen will. Den Roman gibt es bald als Lesung zu hören, auf Bayern 2 und online als BR-Podcast.

Shirin ilimi Hasken rayuwa na wannan rana ya mayar da hankali ne kan tsarin koyarwa da Nijar ke yi na baiwa dalibai karin horaswa akan darussa masu wahala a lokutan hutu. Ku danna alamar saurare domin jin cikakken shirin tare da Nura Ado Sulaiman.

Ruanda ist ein junges Land. Fast drei Viertel der Bevölkerung wurde nach dem Völkermord der Hutu an den Tutsi, nach 1994, geboren. Wie die Gesellschaft mit den Schatten der Gesellschaft lebt, erzählt der französisch-ruandische Autor und Musiker Gaël Faye in seinem zweiten Roman „Jacaranda“ mit viel Empathie und analytischer Tiefe.

Hi Stef, I've been wondering: If love is an "involuntary response to virtue," how can a parent love an infant? Can't animals display virtues, at least in a rudimentary fashion, as much as babies? ThanksI believe that individualism vs collectivism is the issue beneath all issues and that adopting a “content of character” mindset rather that a “judge by immutable characteristics” mindset, is the only peaceful and prosperous path forward for humanity. Most people are decent, and if we separated the world by decent people vs assholes there would be a lot less incentive to be assholes. Thoughts?Does philosophy come more naturally to honest people who are naturally attuned to the truth?Is it moral for a man to give his son a leg-up?- a good home with a loving mother- a virtuous example- a free college education- help with a home or business?Or is that unfair to another child from a poor and broken home?Can UPB define truth?i.e. it's the interpretation that could be useful to everyone.Do we have a moral duty to fight evil and pursue virtue?Are humans LLMs, with an extra mechanism on top ?Where does philosophy end and religion begin?What is more destructive: greed or jealousy

Shirin a wannan makon zayyi duba ne kan yanda wasanni ke ɗaukan hankalin matasa a irin wannan lokaci na hutun ƴan makaranta a Nijar. A duk lokacin da aka yi dogon hutun ƴan makaranta a Jamhuriyar Nijar, wanda ke farawa daga watan Yuli zuwa Satumba. Irin wannan lokaci na zama wata babbar dama ga masu kula da ɓangaren wasanni iri daban daban, don suna samun ɗinbin matasa da ke nuna sha'awarsu a ɓangaren wasanni.

Serikali ya Burundi inataka mauaji yaliyofanyika nchini mwake kati ya mwaka 1972 hadi 1973 yatambulike kimattaifa kama ni mauaji ya kimbari dhidi ya Wahutu, je kwa nini wito huo umekuja sasa? Flora Nducha anatujuza zaidi

YIN HUTU TARE DA MUTANEN ALLAH

YIN HUTU TARE DA MUTANEN ALLAH

YAYA YANAYIN GAJIYAN ALLAH BAYAN HALITA?

YAYA YANAYIN GAJIYAN ALLAH BAYAN HALITA?

BABBAB MAKIYIN MU

BABBAB MAKIYIN MU

Rwandans have been remembering victims of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in which more than a million people, mainly Tutsi, were massacred by Hutu militias. This year's anniversary comes as Rwanda faces accusations of backing M23 rebels in eastern DRC. DW talks to Freddy Mutanguha CEO of the Aegis Trust, an international organization working to prevent genocide and Alex Ngarambe in Kigali.

A week after the meltdown of markets everywhere and Trump's sudden pause on most new tariffs for 90 days - with the exception of China, economists say the trade war is still on, the damage has already been done and the likelihood of a recession remains. Long time allies now view America with suspicion and trust has been badly damaged. To contextualize what this moment means for America, Christiane spoke to renowned global historian Peter Frankopan. Then to find out how Beijing is viewing the Trump administration's actions, Christiane talked to Li Yuan who covers China and its foreign relations for the New York Times. Also, CNN's Jeremy Diamond reports on one IDF soldier who is blowing the whistle on a policy to purposely destroy everything in a massive buffer zone inside Gaza and even make it a kill zone. Afterwards, award-winning author Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie speaks to Christiane about her new novel "Dream Count" - a tale of love, loss and female solidarity. Then, as Rwanda commemorates 31 years since the genocide there, Christiane revisits her 1994 report on the biblical retribution that befell the Hutu killers who were struck by a plague-like outbreak of cholera after fleeing Rwanda for neighboring countries. And finally, as "The Great Gatsby" turns 100, why it retains its relevance all these years later.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Threads and YouTube

Krieg in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo – Im Osten des afrikanischen Staats rücken Rebellen mit Hilfe Ruandas immer weiter vor, Tausende Menschen sind bereits gestorben. Die internationale Gemeinschaft hält sich bisher aus dem Konflikt heraus.

Few Westerners are paying attention to the fighting in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Intense fighting has raged for days between the Hutu tribe and Tutsi tribe. Today, Rioters attacked several foreign embassies – including those of the US, France, and Belgium, demanding that Western governments aid the DR Congo to fight against the advance of M23 rebels. Over 400,000 people have fled their homes to escape the fighting in the streets.Rick Wiles, Doc Burkhart. Airdate 01/28/2025Join the leading community for Conservative Christians! https://www.FaithandValues.comYou can partner with us by visiting TruNews.com, calling 1-800-576-2116, or by mail at PO Box 399 Vero Beach, FL 32961.Get high-quality emergency preparedness food today from American Reserves!https://www.AmericanReserves.com             It's the Final Day! The day Jesus Christ bursts into our dimension of time, space, and matter. Now available in eBook and audio formats! Order Final Day from Amazon today!https://www.amazon.com/Final-Day-Characteristics-Second-Coming/dp/0578260816/Apple users, you can download the audio version on Apple Books!https://books.apple.com/us/audiobook/final-day-10-characteristics-of-the-second-coming/id1687129858Purchase the 4-part DVD set or start streaming Sacrificing Liberty today.https://www.sacrificingliberty.com/watchThe Fauci Elf is a hilarious gift guaranteed to make your friends laugh! Order yours today!https://tru.news/faucielf

If you like learning about the current news and improving your English for your next English conversation, this English lesson is for you. While watching a news clip about how a rebel group in the Democratic Republic of Congo called M23 is taking the city of Goma, you will learn English phrasal verbs, English idioms,, and other advanced English vocabulary that can really stump English learners.

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre.

Bacbeat is a diverse house DJ who although in the early stages of his journey has already captivated crowds in London, Ibiza and Africa. After recently playing in Studio 338 for Forward Motion and supporting Groove Armada at Ministry of Sound for their 33rd birthday weekender, Bacbeat is commanding dance floors with growing popularity. Celebrating his birthday just a week before this show, Bacbeat has taken the reigns for 2 hours playing only tracks that have been released in 2024. You can expect a variety of House music that Bacbeat has been playing throughout the year in all of his sets as we reminisce on a great year of music. With plenty in the pipeline for both Bacbeat and Preheat, this show will offer the sounds that both will continue to produce, provide and deliver in 2025. ⚡️Like the Show? Click the [Repost] ↻ button so more people can hear it!

This episode explores the Rwandan Civil War (1990-1994), focusing on its historical roots in colonialism, ethnic tensions between the Hutu majority and Tutsi minority, and the conflict's escalation into genocide. It examines the impacts of political shifts, key events like the Arusha Accords, and the international community's response, leading to Rwanda's eventual recovery and reconciliation efforts post-conflict. The narrative underscores the complexities of rebuilding a nation scarred by violence and the lessons learned for future peace and unity.

LINKS Vatican bio of Cardinal Kambanda https://press.vatican.va/content/salastampa/en/documentation/cardinali_biografie/cardinali_bio_kambanda_a.html     Aontoine Kambanda on FIU's Cardinals Database (by Salvadore Miranda): https://cardinals.fiu.edu/bios2020.htm#Kambanda  Cardinal Kambanda on Gcatholic.org: http://www.gcatholic.org/p/52193    Cardinal Kambanda on Catholic-Hierarchy.org: https://www.catholic-hierarchy.org/bishop/bkamb.html     Archdiocese of Kigali on Gcatholic.org: http://www.gcatholic.org/dioceses/diocese/kiga0.htm?tab=info     Archdiocese of Kigali on Catholic-Hierarchy.org: https://www.catholic-hierarchy.org/diocese/dkiga.html Official Vatican summary of JPII's 1990 visit to Rwanda (and other African nations): https://www.vatican.va/content/john-paul-ii/en/travels/1990/travels/documents/trav_est-africa.html  2004 BBC timeline of the Rwandan Genocide: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3580247.stm  Caritas Internationalis official website: https://www.caritas.org/  Athanase Seromba, genocidal priest: https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna16189347  Seromba upsate: https://alchetron.com/Athanase-Seromba  2001 Washington Post reporting on Rwandan nuns jailed for role in genocide: https://www.washingtonpost.com/archive/politics/2001/06/09/rwandan-nuns-jailed-in-genocide/fce3308b-3e6e-4784-8490-0887f69c7a39/  VOA News coverage of 2016 Rwandan Bishops' Conference statement acknowledging and apologizing for complicity in the genocide: https://www.voanews.com/a/rwanda-genocide-catholic-bishops/3605319.html  Reaction to 2019 Rwandan Bishops' Conference statement: https://cisanewsafrica.com/rwanda-bishops-apologize-for-calling-for-release-of-convicts-of-genocide/  2022 English-language video interview with Cardinal Kambanda (via The New Times/Pacis TV): https://youtu.be/yadR0vD1EW4?si=J5nJHxHCLjFMd0z7    Thank you for listening, and thank my family and friends for putting up with the time investment and for helping me out as needed. As always, feel free to email the show at Popeularhistory@gmail.com  If you would like to financially support Popeular history, go to www.patreon.com/Popeular. If you don't have any money to spare but still want to give back, pray and tell others– prayers and listeners are worth more than gold! IMAGE CRED: By David Neuvere - Own work, CC BY-SA 4.0, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=126027927  TRANSCRIPT Welcome to Popeular History, a library of Catholic knowledge and insights.   Check out the show notes for sources, further reading, and a transcript.   Today we're discussing another current Cardinal of the Catholic Church, one of the 120 or so people who will choose the next Pope when the time comes.   Antoine KAMBANDA was born on November 10, 1958 in Nyamata, Rwanda, which is today part of the country's Eastern Province. Rwanda has somewhat famously had ethnic tensions between two out of three of their main tribes, the Hutu and the Tutsi. Antoine and his family were Tutsi, and, well, content warning, because today's episode includes a genocide.   Antoine studied internationally right from the start, doing primary schooling in neighboring Burundi and Uganda, followed by secondary school in somewhat more distant Kenya. His seminary training took place back in Rwanda, and in 1990 he was ordained a priest for the Archdiocese of Kigali, Kigali being Rwanda's Capital. He was actually personally ordained by Pope Saint John Paul II during his 1990 visit to Rwanda.   Fortunately for him Father Kambanda decided to pursue further studies and so left for the Alphonsian Academy in Rome in 1993, I say fortunately because while he was studying abroad his parents and five of his six siblings were killed during the 1994 Rwandan Genocide during which half a million people were butchered and hundreds of thousands more were raped, predominately Tutsi but also a fair number of Hutu and Twa who were less than enthusiastic about joining the murderous Hutu militias. And those are the more conservative estimates, the 2003 Constitution of Rwanda lists the death toll at over a million.   Let's just take a moment to pray, you can do reverent silence if that's your thing but my wife and I are going to say a quick Hail Mary.   In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, amen.   ***Hail Mary, full of grace, the Lord is with thee. Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus.   Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now and at the hour of our death. Amen.***   In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, amen.   For what it's worth I didn't plan for this to be a rough stretch, as a reminder I'm doing these cardinals in age order. Tomorrow's episode doesn't have a death toll.   As weird as it feels to get back to a normal narrative after that, get back we should, and Father Kambanda got back to things as well, obtaining a doctorate in moral theology in 1999 and taking on teaching at a minor seminary while also serving as the director of Caritas for the diocese. Caritas, a Latin term most often translated as “charity” but more strongly conveying the sense of selfless love, is an international confederation of organizations that effectively serves as the Catholic Church's in-house clearinghouse for charity initiatives, if I'm allowed to put it that way. Catholic Relief Services, for example, is one of the founding members of Caritas Internationalis, with 0 points going to anyone who can correctly guess what internationalis means.   In 2005, Father Kambanda began the first of two seminary rectorships, and we'll jump ahead to 2013, that's when he was elected bishop of Kibunga.   As a bishop, he joined his brothers in a difficult admission: The Catholic Church had been part of the genocide. Sure, the one Catholic Bishop who was formally charged with war crimes had been cleared, but he had also refused to shelter those who had sought refuge, and indeed many of the massacre sites were the churches themselves, including in the case of Father Athanase Seromba–and I mean seriously, fast forward 15 seconds if you need to–the hutu priest who ordered his church bulldozed when it was housing thousands of refugees, personally showing the driver the weakest points of the church, and by some accounts helping massacre remaining survivors found in the rubble.   In case you're speed listening or tuned out for a minute, just as a reminder I am not currently talking about our cardinal of the day, a Tutsi who was studying in Rome at the time of the genocide and whose family was by and large slaughtered. But I don't want to gloss over the Church's involvement in the genocide–an involvement which our Cardinal acknowledges as we will see. So we're looking at the tough cases, because I hope to God none of them are ever made Cardinals or we'd talk about them then.   Father Seromba was found guilty of genocide and originally sentenced to 15 years. He appealed to the tribunal, which found that oh yes, they had indeed failed to carry out justice in his case, upgrading his sentence to life imprisonment upon further review.   There's more to say about the Seromba case, especially how he was hidden by church authorities after fleeing, and I'll say more about it if Cardinal Kambanda makes it to the next round, but for today I want to get back to Kambanda, because he isn't even a Cardinal yet in our narrative.   In 2016, Bishop Kambanda cosigned a major statement from the Rwandan Bishop's Conference apologizing for the complicity of the Rwandan Catholic Church as an institution in the genocide, stating, quote:   “Forgive us for the crime of hate in the country to the extent of also hating our colleagues because of their ethnicity. We didn't show that we are one family but instead killed each other.” End quote   The statement, which was read in parishes across the country, was generally well received, though of course there are wounds that words cannot heal and there were understandable questions about why it took 22 years for such a statement to be made. A later statement asking for some clemency for elderly and infirm convicted perpetrators was less well received, though honestly pretty on-brand for the Catholic Church in terms of mercy. By that time, Bishop Kambanda was Archbishop Kambanda, having been transferred to Rwanda's principle see of Kigali.   In 2020, Pope Francis made Archbishop Kambanda Rwanda's first Cardinal, also naming him a member of the Congregation for the Evangelization of Peoples later that year. The next year, Pope Francis also added him to the Congregation for Catholic Education, and the year after that, 2022, he became head of the Rwandan Bishops' Conference for a three-year term. More recently, in February of 2023, he was added to the Dicastery for Culture and Education. So, he's definitely not sitting around.   Antoine Kambanda is eligible to participate in future conclaves until he turns 80 in 2038.   Today's episode is part of Cardinal Numbers,  and there will be more Cardinal Numbers next week. Thank you for listening; God bless you all!

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

The Rwandan Genocide, occurring between April-July 1994, was a devastating episode of mass violence in which nearly 1 million people were killed over a period of 100 days. Fueled by longstanding ethnic tensions, political power struggles, and a deep seated history of discrimination, the genocide saw members of the Tutsi ethnic group slaughtered indiscriminately by extremists of the Hutu ethnic group. Growing up amid this chaos, Christian Ntizimira, MD witnessed some of humanity's most horrific atrocities. Instead of turning away, however, he chose to enter medicine, a profession that would allow him to address the immense suffering he saw. Today, Dr. Ntizimira is a palliative care physician and the founder and executive director of the African Center for Research on End of Life Care. In this episode, Dr. Ntizimira joins us to share his personal experiences with the Rwandan Genocide, his journey to palliative medicine after initially exploring a career in surgery, what palliative care means to him, what it looks like to honor the dignity of a patient, how he advocates better access to palliative care and chronic illness care, and his unique approach to medicine rooted in “ubuntu,” a philosophy emphasizing the universal bond that connects all humanity that is best summarized by the phrase “I am because you are.”In this episode, you'll hear about: 2:45 - How Dr. Ntizimira's experience as a young person during the Rwandan Genocide inspired him to become a physician, and how he eventually found himself drawn to palliative care  14:25 - Dr. Ntizimira's distinction between “treating the disease” and “treating the person”20:22 - How Dr. Ntizimira teaches doctors to fully conceptualize patients as people instead of focusing only on their medical ailments 25:50 - The heart of palliative care that transcends cultures30:54 - The importance of presence in palliative care38:27 - What “reconciliation” means in Dr. Ntizimira's approach to palliative care 47:17 - “Ubuntu,” an African philosophy emphasizing a shared connection among humans, and how it can revolutionize how we care for patients    Dr. Christian Ntizimira is the author of The Safari Concept: An African Framework for End of Life Care.Dr. Christian Ntizimira can be found on Twitter/X at @ntizimira.Visit our website www.TheDoctorsArt.com where you can find transcripts of all episodes.If you enjoyed this episode, please subscribe, rate, and review our show, available for free on Spotify, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. If you know of a doctor, patient, or anyone working in health care who would love to explore meaning in medicine with us on the show, feel free to leave a suggestion in the comments or send an email to info@thedoctorsart.com.Copyright The Doctor's Art Podcast 2024

In conversation with Dr Richard Quinlan This podcast episode aimed to bring attention to the often neglected genocide that took place in Burundi, which is similar to the genocides in Rwanda and the Tigray region of Ethiopia. The genocide in Burundi, which mainly occurred in 1972 and 1993, was based on ethnic tensions between the Hutu and Tutsi communities, leading to widespread violence and large-scale killings. This historical background emphasises the significance of global awareness and systems of accountability, such as those observed in Rwanda but less emphasised in the case of Burundi.   Comparing with Rwanda, Dr Quinlan noted that Burundi's approach to transitional justice differs notably, influenced by varying political dynamics and international support. He acknowledged that justice shouldn't be a political debate but one that incite empathy at a global level. He iterated that addressing impunity in Burundi requires robust legal and institutional frameworks, ensuring justice through prosecutions and human rights protections.  Also, the discussion highlighted the role of international justice systems in ensuring accountability and supporting victims, although challenges such as jurisdictional complexities and political resistance persist. At the end,  he highlighted the importance of education, and that educators and researchers play a crucial role in advocacy and raising awareness to prevent future atrocities, addressing human rights abuses across the continent.   Dr. Richard Quinlan is a Professor and Director at the Center for Holocaust and Genocide Education at St Elizabeth University, New Jersey. Dr. Quinlan is an academic and researcher in the field of international relations and conflict studies. His area of expertise lies in transitional justice, genocide, and human rights, with a specific focus on Africa. His contributions have greatly advanced the understanding of post-conflict societies and the significance of international law in promoting accountability and reconciliation. Additionally, he is a human rights advocate and has been actively involved in various educational and advocacy initiatives, although his involvement in Rwanda is more pronounced than in Burundi. His doctoral thesis is titled: Transitional Justice and Post-Conflict Reconstruction: International Law Perspectives.   This conversation was recorded on 23 June 2024.   Youtube: https://youtu.be/MpQFogU6lns Music and news extracts: Inner Peace by Mike Chino https://soundcloud.com/mike-chinoCreative Commons — Attribution-ShareAlike 3.0 Unported — CC BY-SA 3.0 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/b...Music promoted by Audio Library https://youtu.be/0nI6qJeqFcc imitless https://stock.adobe.com/za/search/audio?k=452592386

In the space of a hundred days, a million Tutsi in Rwanda were slaughtered by their Hutu neighbors. Denise Uwimana author of "From Red Earth" was fortunate enough to escape by the grace of God and her journey to forgiveness for what was done to her family is astonishing. Denise joins the show to explain how she replaced the thoughts of revenge with a forgiveness mindset, and details how the events all those years ago have opened doors never imaginable. Faith Radio podcasts are made possible by your support. Give now: Click here

In 1994, Drocella Mugorewera was a young mother when Ethnic tensions between Hutu's and Tutsi's rooted in colonial divisions boiled over and led to a horrific genocide in Rwanda that cost up to one million lives. Drocella fled to the comparative safety of the war-torn Democratic Republic of Congo before returning home determined to mold a better society in Rwanda.  She quickly became a government minister focused on forging an inclusive and peaceful society from the ashes of horrific events. But, her hopes for the future were largely unfulfilled as the increasingly authoritarian regime of Paul Kagame meant political dissent could no longer be tolerated. Fearing for her life, Drocella fled her homeland once again before finding refuge in the USA. There, she established herself as a campaigner for the rights of women, refugees, and an advocate for diversity. Ironically, as a young woman she earned a scholarship to study in the Ukraine -- another country now devastated by war.  Having seen the horrors of divisive politics. She is an inspirational figure full of hope and the desire for peace. In this episode I discuss her work as a diversity consultant. Her feelings about Rwanda, Ukraine, and war and conflict in general. A truly faith filled woman who somehow remains positive about he future despite seeing the worst of humanity. Official Website: Drocella Music: Pixabay This episode is sponsored by World History Encyclopedia, one of the top history websites on the internet. I love the fact that they're not a Wiki: Every article they publish is reviewed by their editorial team, not only for being accurate but also for being interesting to read. The website is run as a non-profit organization, so you won't be bombarded by annoying ads and it's completely free. It's a great site, and don't just take my word for it they've been recommended by many academic institutions including Oxford University. Go check them out at WorldHistory.org or follow this link: World History Encyclopedia.

Content warning for discussion of genocide, torture, mutilation, rape, and slavery Hey, Hi, Hello, this is the History Wizard and welcome back for Day 11 of Have a Day w/ The History Wizard. Thank you to everyone who tuned in for Day 10 last week, and especially thank you to everyone who rated and/or reviewed the podcast. I hope you all learned something last week and I hope the same for this week. This week we're going to be talking about the currently ongoing humanitarian crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the long history of capitalist exploitation, western imperialism, and systemic racism that led to it. But first, as is tradition, let's take a trip over to the Alchemists Table to see what potion we've got for today. Today's libation has a lot going on in it, it's called Underworld Vacation. It starts by adding some strawberries and blueberries to the bottom of your shaker with .75 of an ounce of rose simple syrup before muddling the fruit. Then add one ounce each of pomegranate and elderflower liquor followed by 2 oz of Hendricks Lunar gin, add ice to your shaker and then stir for about 30 seconds before straining into a highball glass and topping with about 4 oz of prosecco. With that out of the way it's time to talk, once again, about the most important part of history. The proverbial devil in the literal details, context. Because to understand what is happening in the DRC today you need to understand the Kivu Conflict, and to understand that you need to understand the Second Congo War, and to understand that you need to understand the First Congo War, and to understand that you need to understand the end of the Rwandan Genocide and the Congo Crisis of the 1960s, and to understand that you need to understand the Scramble for Africa, The Berlin Conference and King Leopold !! of Belgium. So, we've got a lot to cover, and we're going to be doing it in fairly broad strokes, but it might still take us a while, so let's get started with the Berlin Conference. Near the end of the 19th century there was very little European colonial and mercantile presence in Africa. There were some port towns, to be sure, and there was trade, but very little of the African continent was under the control of European powers at this time. But, European greed for gold and, especially, ivory wouldn't allow them to ignore African riches for much longer. The Berlin Conference was organized in 1885 at the request of King Leopold II of Belgium and was organized by Otto von Bismarck of Germany.   Leopold had been using the explorations of Henry Morgan Stanley, and his own organization, the International African Association to quietly try and create his own private colony in central Africa that would be called the Congo Free State, but France found out and started making moves, and then Britain and Portugal found out and began trying to grab land which led Germany to do the same. War was brewing quickly as these various European powerhouses all sought as much land, wealth, and power as they could grab. This, ultimately, would be why the Berlin Conference was called and why it was so successful. These European powers decided, instead of going to war and killing each other over Africa they'd just all meet and carve it up like a pecan pie and settle it all peaceful like. There were 14 nations/empires in attendance at the Berlin Conference, Germany, Austria Hungary, the International Congo Society (this really means King Leopold II of Belgium), Spain, Denmark, the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Sweden-Norway, and the Ottoman Empire. And while all 14 of those countries were in attendance at the Berlin Conference and had a say in the final decisions that were made, only 7 countries were actually going to colonize Africa once it was over. Those countries were Belgium (really just King Leopold II, this would be his own private colony), Germany, Spain, France, Great Britain, Portugal, and Italy. At the time of the Berlin Conference less than 10% of the African continent was under European control, but by the time World War 1 broke out only Liberia and Ethiopia were still independent. Although, Liberia certainly only existed because of US colonial power, and so doesn't REALLY count as independent.  This period of New Imperialism is what we tend to call The Scramble for Africa. Sof ar we've been talking about this all in fairly clinical terms, as if these European countries simply sat around a table and calmly decided who would get what land in the second largest continent on the planet and then it just happened, with no additional muss or fuss. Anyone who has studied even the barest amount of human history knows that nothing happens without muss or fuss. There were wars, and battles, and massacres that led to Europe gaining control of African territory, but that's not the topic of today's podcast. We now need to talk a bit about the Congo Free State, and how King Leopold of Belgium, a frail weakling (compared to the other European powers) managed to worm his way into the conference and into one of the most lucrative colonies in Africa. The Congo Free State was a truly massive colony that was owned personally by Leopold. It was NOT, at least between the years 1885 and 1908, part of the Belgian Empire, it was not owned by the Belgian government and was ruled entirely separately, it just happened to be ruled by the King of Belgium. Leopold was able to gain this massive colony by convincing the monarchs of Europe that he was engaged in humanitarian and philanthropic work, and that the Congo Free State would be an area of free trade in Africa.  Leopold maintained a guise that he was not trying to use the Congo Basin to increase his own wealth and economic and political power. He maintained that his presence in the region was, as was a huge part of the ethos of New Imperialism, to civilize the savages of the Congo Basin and to bring them closer to God and good European cultural supremacy.  Of course, all of that was a lie, and that lie would reveal itself over the intervening years. The Congo was home to something that would become one of the most important natural resources in the entire world, rubber. There are only two sources of natural rubber in the world. The sap of the Hevea brasiliensis, or rubber tree that grows in the Amazon River Basin, and the sap of Landolphia owariensis, a species of woody vines that grow in the Congo. I mean, technically there are 2500 species of plants that produce natural latex and rubber, but those two are the big ones. Today 99% of natural latex and rubber comes from the Amazon, but Leopold was able to make massive profit off of his colony. The economic system in the Congo Free State was known as the red rubber system. It was a slave economy that Leopold enforced through the use of his armed forces known as the Force Publique. Each slave in the Congo Free State was required to harvest a regular quota of rubber sap. What that quota was was often arbitrarily decided based purely on profit based concerns. Workers who refused to supply their labour were coerced with "constraint and repression". Dissenters were beaten or whipped with the chicotte, hostages were taken to ensure prompt collection and punitive expeditions were sent to destroy villages which refused. The policy led to a collapse of Congolese economic and cultural life, as well as farming in some areas. Failure to meet the rubber collection quotas was punishable by death. Meanwhile, the Force Publique were required to provide the hand of their victims as proof when they had shot and killed someone, as it was believed that they would otherwise use the munitions (imported from Europe at considerable cost) for hunting or to stockpile them for mutiny. As a consequence, the rubber quotas were in part paid off in cut-off hands. A Catholic priest quotes a man, Tswambe, speaking of the hated state official Léon Fiévez, who ran a district along the river 300 mi north of Stanley Pool: “All blacks saw this man as the devil of the Equator ... From all the bodies killed in the field, you had to cut off the hands. He wanted to see the number of hands cut off by each soldier, who had to bring them in baskets ... A village which refused to provide rubber would be completely swept clean. As a young man, I saw [Fiévez's] soldier Molili, then guarding the village of Boyeka, take a net, put ten arrested natives in it, attach big stones to the net, and make it tumble into the river ... Rubber causes these torments; that's why we no longer want to hear its name spoken. Soldiers made young men kill or rape their own mothers and sisters.” One junior officer in the Force Publique had this to say about the quota system: The baskets of severed hands, set down at the feet of the European post commanders, became the symbol of the Congo Free State. ... The collection of hands became an end in itself. Force Publique soldiers brought them to the stations in place of rubber; they even went out to harvest them instead of rubber ... They became a sort of currency. They came to be used to make up for shortfalls in rubber quotas, to replace ... the people who were demanded for the forced labour gangs; and the Force Publique soldiers were paid their bonuses on the basis of how many hands they collected. Within the Congo Free State there was also rampant famine and disease that killed hundreds of thousands of people, a type of residential school where children were sent to learn to be either workers or soldiers. About 50% of the children who entered these schools died. There were also several reputable reports of Congolese people turning to cannibalism in the face of their lack of food resources. With everyone being forced to harvest rubber there was no one to farm or gather or hunt for food. It is generally accepted that over the course of Leopold's rule in the Congo Free State, between 1885 and 1908 that at least 10 million Congolese people were killed. Eventually word got out of what was happening in the Congo Free State and a conclave of the European powers of the Berlin Conference was called as, even they, decided that Leopold was going too far. Leopold offered to reform his government and economic system in the Congo, but no one would give him the chance, but also, no one wanted to take on the responsibility of rebuilding the Congo. Eventually, after two years of debate, the Belgian Parliament took over control of the Congo. Leopold would die about a year later in 1909. The Congo would remain under under Belgian control for another 50+ years, and while the abuses and overwhelming violence of King Leopold's rule were curbed. They even added a clause to the new Colonial Charter to outlaw slavery. Article 3 of the new Colonial Charter of 18 October 1908 stated that: "Nobody can be forced to work on behalf of and for the profit of companies or privates", but this was not enforced, and the Belgian government continued to impose forced labour on the indigenous people of the area, albeit by less obvious methods. So, even without King Leopold, the Belgian Congo was still a European colony, which means it was still exploited for profit. African independence movements existed throughout the entirety of European colonialism and imperialism in Africa, excepting Liberia the first country in Africa to gain independence from direct European control would be South Africa which would nominally gain its independence in 1910 after the creation of the Union of South Africa and would formally gain official independence when the last vestiges of British parliamentary control would leave the country in 1931 with the Statute of Westminster, and while there would be other successful independence movements after World War 1, such as Egypt, most African decolonization would come after World War 2, including the Congo's.  Nationalist movements popping up in various African nations and agitating for Independence is, generally speaking, what would eventually cause all of African independence, and this would be no different for the Congo. Though, something that is often also common in the case of independence movements that emerged between the end of World War 2 and the early 1990s is that they would become proxy wars for the US and the USSR during the Cold War. To make a long, complex story very short, the US came out on top in this war. The nationalist movements within the Congo largely emerged amongst a class of people called the évolués, which is a term that was used in French and Belgian colonies for “evolved ones”, people of African descent who had become somewhat Europanized through education.  One of the deciding moments in Congolese independence came in the form of the Leopoldville Riots of 1959. Joseph Kasa-Vubu, who would become the first President of an independent Democratic Republic of the Congo, was the leader of the ABAKO political party, the Alliance of Bakongo. The riots began because many young folks and members or sympathizers of the ABAKO party felt that the government was forbidding them from organizing and protesting. The riots broke out on the 4th of January, 1959. The crowd began throwing rocks at police and attacking white motorists. The initial group of protesters were soon joined by 20,000 Congolese leaving a nearby soccer stadium. At the time press accounts estimated that 35,000 Africans were involved in the violence, which quickly spread as the rioters attempted to enter the European section of the capital. Rioters allegedly smashed and looted storefronts, burned Catholic missions and beat Catholic priests. Many demonstrators chanted "indépendance immédiate" The Belgian Parliament established a commission of inquiry to investigate the cause of the riots. The commission found the disturbances to be the culmination of discontent with racial discrimination, overcrowding, and unemployment. It also concluded that external political events, such as France's decision to grant self-governance to the neighboring French Congo, to be a contributing factor, and criticized the colonial administration's response to the riot. On 13 January the administration went forward with its scheduled announcement of reforms, including new local elections in December, the institution of a new civil service statue that made no racial distinctions, and the appointment of more Africans to advisory bodies. The Belgian King, Baudouin, also declared for the first time that independence would be granted to the Congo in the future. January 4th is still celebrated as an auspicious day in the DRC, it's the Day of the Martyrs and denotes a turning point in the independence movement. Congolese independence was officially declared, as planned, on the 30th of June, 1960, with Kasa-Vubu of the ABAKO elected as president and Patrice Lumumba of the Congolese National Movement appointed as the Prime Minister. Now, despite the DRC formally being declared as independent at this day, they still relied heavily on Belgian colonial institutions that had been in place previously, like the Force Publique and various white technical experts who couldn't be replaced in the face of a lack of ready replacements available amongst the Congolese people. The fact that this lack of available peoples being a result of European colonialism forbidding Congolese people from higher education wound up being somewhat irrelevant, but absolutely caused greater levels of resentment among the newly independent Congolese. In the face of this lack of change and in the face of an address given by Lieutenant General of the Force Publique Émile Janssens, many of the Congolese troops mutinied. The address went as follows: "Independence brings changes to politicians and to civilians. But for you, nothing will be changed ... none of your new masters can change the structure of an army which, throughout its history, has been the most organized, the most victorious in Africa. The politicians have lied to you." Instead of sending in Belgian troops to put down the mutiny, as Janssens wanted, Lumumba fired him and began to institute some reforms, including immediately remaining the Force Publique to the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC) and promoting all black soldier by at least one rank. While this had success in Leopoldville and Thysville, it failed in the rest of the country and the mutiny intensified. The government attempted to stop the revolt—Lumumba and Kasa-Vubu intervened personally at Léopoldville and Thysville and persuaded the mutineers to lay down their arms—but in most of the country the mutiny intensified. White officers and civilians were attacked, white-owned properties were looted and white women were raped. The Belgian government became deeply concerned by the situation, particularly when white civilians began entering neighbouring countries as refugees. The international press expressed shock at the apparent sudden collapse of order in the Congo, as the world view of the Congolese situation prior to independence—due largely to Belgian propaganda—was one of peace, stability, and strong control by the authorities. The Congo Crisis would run for 5 years and would end with the torture and assassination of Patrice Lumumba, with Joesph Kasa-Vubu dying while under house arrest, and with the military dictator Mobuto Sese Seko “elected” as the president of the Republic of Congo-Leopoldville. This would note just one in the long string of times that the US helped to install a military dictator in order to overthrow a democratically elected left wing government, just because they had support from the USSR and the US feared (and fears) any threat to their capitalist hegemony. Between 1965 and 1971 Mobutu consolidated his hold on power as much as he could, removing all provincial control over anything and bringing every scrap of infrastructure he could under the control of himself and his central government. In 1971, with his hold on power relatively secure and as part of his policy of Africanization of the Congo's culture and government Mobutu renamed the Republic of Congo Leopoldville to Zaire, a name that was derived from the Kikongo wore nzere, meaning “river that swallows all rivers”. Mobutu would remain as “president” of Zaire all the way until 1997, but his hold on power would begin to crumble with the First Congo War that began in 1993. Now comes the time for more context. What started the First Congo War? Honestly, to a certain extent we can view the First Congo War as an extension of the Rwandan Genocide. The Rwandan Genocide began in 1994 as a final culmination of ethnic tensions that were exacerbated by, first, German and the Belgian colonialism. See, Rwanda used to be a German colony, Rwanda was one of the nations that Germany got as part of the Scramble for Africa, but after World War 1, with the signing of the treaty of Versailles Germany was forced to give up all of its overseas colonies. Belgium gained control of Rwanda. Belgium maintained many of the systems of power and oppression that Germany had put into place, most notably the fact that they put the Tutsi ethnic group in positions of authority and disenfranchised the Hutu and Twa ethnic group. The Twa are the indigenous ethnic group of Rwanda, but by the time the Rwandan genocide occurred they were only about 1% of the population, about 85% were Hutu and the remaining 14% were Tutsi. Still, based on the indicators of European scientific racism and phrenology the Tutsi had more “European features” and so were considered superior to the Hutu ethnic group and placed, exclusively, in positions of authority. The sudden shift in power dynamics after Rwandan independence is what would lead to the Rwandan Genocide as Hutu supremacists decided to vent their fury on the Tutsi people. We won't go into any more detail than that for the Rwandan genocide. Suffice it to say that when it ended hundreds of thousands of ethnic Tutsi people had fled the nation of Rwanda to neighboring African countries, such as Zaire. Roughly 1.5 million ethnic Tutsi people wound up settling in Zaire. There were also about 1 million Hutu extremists in eastern Zaire who had fled the retaliation of the Rwandan Patriotic Front at the end of the Rwandan Civil War and the Rwandan Genocide. As mentioned previously, the First Congo War, also known as Africa's First World War can most simply be seen as an extension of the Rwandan Genocide. Zaire had been in decline since Mobutu gained power in 1965. He was a terrible leader and the average GDP of Zaire dropped by about 65% during his reign. Eastern Zaire was a region of massive instability that was only made worse by the number of Hutu extremists who fled to the region following the Rwandan Genocide. Rwanda, just fully, invaded Zaire in 1996 in order to put down various Hutu rebel groups that were extant in the region. These rebel groups were actively funded and supported by Mobutu's government leading to this war that lasted for some 6 months. It involved several African nations including Rwanda, Uganda, Angola, Burundi, Zambia, ZImbabwe, South Sudan, Tanzania, South Africa, Ethiopia, Chad, China, Israel, and Kuwait. Following the war Mobutu went into exile in the nation of Togo where he eventually died of prostate cancer in 1997. Zaire came under the rule of the communist aligned Laurent-Désiré Kabila. Kabila had heavy support from Rwandan, Burundian, and Ugandan forces during his rise to power in the form of the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire. Kabila also came to be seen as an instrument of the foreign regimes that put him in power. To counter this image and increase domestic support, he began to turn against his allies abroad. This culminated in the expulsion of all foreign forces from the DRC on 26 July 1998. The states with armed forces still in the DRC begrudgingly complied although some of them saw this as undermining their interests, particularly Rwanda, which had hoped to install a proxy-regime in Kinshasa. Several factors that led to the First Congo War remained in place after Kabila's accession to power. Prominent among these were ethnic tensions in eastern DRC, where the government still had little control. There the historical animosities remained and the opinion that Banyamulenge, as well as all Tutsi, were foreigners was reinforced by the foreign occupation in their defence. Furthermore, Rwanda had not been able to satisfactorily address its security concerns. By forcibly repatriating refugees, Rwanda had imported the conflict. This manifested itself in the form of a predominantly Hutu insurgency in Rwanda's western provinces that was supported by extremist elements in eastern DRC. Without troops in the DRC, Rwanda was unable to successfully combat the insurgents. In the first days of August 1998, two brigades of the new Congolese army rebelled against the government and formed rebel groups that worked closely with Kigali and Kampala. This marked the beginning of the Second Congo War. The Second Congo War is generally considered to be the deadliest war since World War 2. Over the course of this war some 5.4 million excess deaths took place.  Now comes the time where I need to define what an excess death is. In epidemiology, the excess deaths or excess mortality is a measure of the increase in the number deaths during a time period and/or in a certain group, as compared to the expected value or statistical trend during a reference period (typically of five years) or in a reference population. It may typically be measured in percentage points, or in number of deaths per time unit. To put it more simply, disease, depravation, and starvation were so rampant during the Second Congo War that the overwhelming majority of deaths weren't caused directly by the fighting, but were caused by the residual damage of the fighting. The Second Congo War involved many of the same issues of the First Congo War. It would end with Laurent-Désiré Kabila assassinated in 2001 in his office by an 18 year old former child soldier. Laurent would be replaced as president by his son Joseph Kabila, who was elected unanimously by the Congolese parliament. To further highlight the complexity of the Congolese Wars, In April 2001, a UN panel of experts investigated the illegal exploitation of diamonds, cobalt, coltan, gold and other lucrative resources in the Congo. The report accused Rwanda, Uganda and Zimbabwe of systematically exploiting Congolese resources and recommended the Security Council impose sanctions. All conflicts within Congolese territory will ultimately go back to economic exploitation and capitalist overreach. The Congo Basin is full of some of the most valuable natural resources that exist on the planet, and people will always be fighting over them. This leads us into the Kivu conflict. The Kivu conflict is an umbrella term for a series of protracted armed conflicts in the North Kivu and South Kivu provinces in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo which have occurred since the end of the Second Congo War. This includes, but is not limited to Effacer le tableau, which was a genocidal extermination campaign against the Mbuti Pygmy ethnic group. The Bambuti were targeted specifically as the rebels considered them "subhuman", and it was believed by the rebels that the flesh of the Bambuti held "magical powers". There were also reports of cannibalism being widespread. It is estimated 60,000 to 70,000 Pygmy were killed in the campaign, and over 100,000 more were displaced. There are more than 120 distinct rebel groups involved in the Kivu Conflict, including the March 23 Movement, which a UN report indicates was created by the Rwandan government in order to potentially take over the Congolese government. Conflict began in 2004 in the eastern Congo as an armed conflict between the military of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC) and the Hutu Power group Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The United Nations Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) has played a large role in the conflict. With 21,000 soldiers in the force, the Kivu conflict constitutes the largest peacekeeping mission currently in operation. In total, 93 peacekeepers have died in the region, with 15 dying in a large-scale attack by the Allied Democratic Forces, in North Kivu in December 2017. The peacekeeping force seeks to prevent escalation of force in the conflict, and minimise human rights abuses like sexual assault and the use of child soldiers in the conflict. In 2007 and 2008, in several news and TV reports, the BBC published own evidence about Pakistani MONUC peacekeepers in Mongbwalu had entered in a gold-for-guns trading relationship with Nationalist and Integrationist Front (FNI) militia leaders, eventually drawing Congolese army officers and Indian traders from Kenya into the deal. Following its own investigations, the UN concluded that there was no involvement of Pakistani peacekeeper in any such trade relationship. Namely Human Rights Watch harshly criticized the UN for the way it handled the investigation, providing detailed information from several UN documents, arguing that serious allegations of wrongdoing by Pakistani peacekeepers in the Democratic Republic of Congo were ignored, minimized or shelved by the UN's Organization of Internal Oversight Services. MONUC officials say nothing of substance about mining in Congo, which proceeds in parallel with the bloodletting, arms trading and extortion. For example, Anvil Mining has been involved in massacres in DRC. Anvil directors include former U.S. Ambassador Kenneth Brown, who served at U.S. embassies in Brussels, Kinshasa, Congo-Brazzaville and South Africa. Brown was Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Africa (1987–1989) under George Shultz and George H.W. Bush and Director of Central African Affairs (1980–1981). Interestingly, Brown succeeded William Lacy Swing—head of MONUC in DRC—as Ambassador to the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville). Meanwhile, the former top internal intelligence and security chief of the United Nations Observer's Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUC) has been worked for Anvil mining in Katanga since 2006. There have been numerous cases of sexual misconduct by UN peacekeeping forces in the Congo. This has been acknowledged by the UN itself (such as the letter of 24 March 2005 from the Secretary-General to the President of the General Assembly). So, basically foreign powers both within Africa and outside of it are actively fighting within the Congo Basin in order to secure control of the vast amount of natural resources that exist within the nation. The DRC currently produces about 70% of the world's cobalt, and 80% of the cobalt mines in the DRC are owned by China. The leading use of cobalt in modern technology is in rechargeable batteries. So your cell phone battery, your laptop batteries, any kind of rechargeable battery you have is likely created using Congolese cobalt, which is a direct cause of the millions of deaths and displacements that are occuring in the DRC.  The DRC is, effectively, the site of a capitalist proxy war as the region is fought over by foreign governments and local rebel groups for control over Congolese natural resources. No one in Europe or the US would even begin to care about an African country if it wasn't for the battery technology resources that are so abundant in the region. Between 1885 and today it is, very easy, to say that roughly 20 million people have been killed by capitalist excess and exploitation.  We can, absolutely call what is happening in the DRC a genocide, though it can be difficult to always pinpoint who, exactly are the victims. Broadly speaking the victims are the Congolese people, all of them, who are being killed over a desire to control the cobalt mines. This has gone far beyond simple ethnic conflict between Hutu and Tutsi, though that conflict, which is still ongoing, definitely added to the fire. This is a genocide of the people of the DRC by capitalism itself. Capitalism has always been, and will always be an inherently genocidal institution. It craves the acquisition of individual wealth at the expense of the working class. You cannot have a system predicated on infinite growth within a closed system. Capitalism will always require that resources and wealth be stolen from people who need them. And when so much of our wealth is tied up in food, water, and housing, the theft of those resources from the working class will lead to our deaths. For the past century and a half the Congo Basin has been subjected to genocide after genocide in the name of capitalism. What is happening right now is only an extension of that, though made far more complicated by the literal hundreds of competing groups and the lack of any international will to see peace achieved. That's it for this week folks. No new reviews, so let's get right into the outro. Have a Day! w/ The History Wizard is brought to you by me, The History Wizard. If you want to see/hear more of me you can find me on Tiktok @thehistorywizard or on Instagram @the_history_wizard. Please remember to rate, review, and subscribe to Have a Day! On your pod catcher of choice. The more you do, the more people will be able to listen and learn along with you. Thank you  for sticking around until the end and, as always, Have a Day, and Free Congo.    

It's thirty years since the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis in Rwanda, perpetrated by the Hutu-led government. British journalist Michela Wrong's book Do Not Disturb, The Story of a Political Murder and an African Regime Gone Bad explores the legacy of the genocide, exposing a murderous in-coming regime that operates on a "grand scale deceit", exercising a destabilising influence on the wider region. Michela has reported from and written about Africa for almost three decades, working for Reuters and the Financial Times. Michela is visiting NZ this week, giving a series of talks at the invitation of the New Zealand Institute of International Affairs.

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

Né en Allemagne, où ses parents faisaient leurs études, Corneille passe son enfance au Rwanda. Sa mère est Hutu et son père Tutsi. Il a 17 ans lors du génocide rwandais. Un groupe armé entre dans la maison familiale le 15 avril 1994 et tue ses parents ainsi que ses deux frères et sa petite sœur. Corneille assiste au massacre…

Warning: This episode contains some upsetting descriptions of human suffering.The Rwandan Genocide is a dark and pivotal moment in modern history; the catastrophic consequence of ethnic division and global inaction. Over 100 days in 1994, it's estimated around 800,000 predominantly Tutsi people were killed by the Hutu government and civilian militiamen. The groundwork for the atrocities had been laid decades earlier by the colonial Belgian powers that controlled Rwanda and sowed the seeds of division into the fabric of the country.Dan is joined by Dr Scott Straus, a professor of Political Science at UC Berkeley who unpacks the events and years that led up to the genocide as well as the inaction from the international community during it. Dan also hears from survivor Beatha Uwazaninka who was just a teenager when her entire family were killed and describes how neighbours turned on neighbours as she struggled to evade capture herself. Together they explain how and why the genocide happened and what lessons we should learn from it.Produced by Mariana Des Forges and edited by Dougal Patmore.Enjoy unlimited access to award-winning original documentaries that are released weekly and AD-FREE podcasts. Get a subscription for £1 per month for 3 months with code DANSNOW sign up at https://historyhit/subscription/We'd love to hear from you- what do you want to hear an episode on? You can email the podcast at ds.hh@historyhit.com.You can take part in our listener survey here.

April is Genocide Awareness month. Two of the worst genocides in history, the Hutu killing of Tutsis in Rwanda and the Ottoman genocide against Armenians, began in April. We explore genocide with two specific questions: Who internationally makes a determination that violence and atrocities are in fact genocide? And what if anything changes when there … Continue reading Scholars' Circle – Determining genocide and other human rights violations of the law ; Dark side of democracy – April 21, 2024 →

Rwanda: 30 ans après le génocide, panser les blessures invisiblesAu Rwanda, ce dimanche 7 avril 2024 marque le début de cent jours de commémorations du génocide contre les Tutsis. Aujourd'hui, la population rwandaise est majoritairement née après 1994. Mais toutes les générations sont marquées. Rescapés, anciens bourreaux, enfants des uns et des autres… Chacun porte en lui une part du traumatisme. Un Grand reportage de de Lucie Mouillaud et Amélie Tulet. Entretient avec Patrick Adam.Rwanda : 30 ans après le génocide, un besoin de justice et de réponsesAu Rwanda, ce lundi 8 avril 2024 marque le début de cent jours de commémorations officielles du génocide de 1994 perpétré contre les Tutsi. Il y a trente ans, selon les Nations unies, plus d'un million de personnes - en majorité des Tutsi, mais également des Hutu, et d'autres opposants au génocide - ont été systématiquement tuées en moins de trois mois. 61 personnes ont été condamnées par le TPIR (Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda). Plus d'un million de jugements ont été rendus par les Gacaca, ces tribunaux inspirés de la pratique coutumière. Mais il reste encore des fugitifs recherchés, des personnalités en exil qui ne sont pas inquiétées et des silences qui torturent toujours les rescapés. Un Grand reportage de de Lucie Mouillaud et Amélie Tulet. Entretient avec Patrick Adam.

Au Rwanda, ce lundi 8 avril 2024 marque le début de cent jours de commémorations officielles du génocide de 1994 perpétré contre les Tutsi. Il y a trente ans, selon les Nations unies, plus d'un million de personnes - en majorité des Tutsi, mais également des Hutu, et d'autres opposants au génocide - ont été systématiquement tuées en moins de trois mois. 61 personnes ont été condamnées par le TPIR (Tribunal Pénal International pour le Rwanda). Plus d'un million de jugements ont été rendus par les Gacaca, ces tribunaux inspirés de la pratique coutumière. Mais il reste encore des fugitifs recherchés, des personnalités en exil qui ne sont pas inquiétées et des silences qui torturent toujours les rescapés.  « Rwanda : 30 ans après le génocide, un besoin de justice et de réponses », un Grand reportage de Lucie Mouillaud et Amélie Tulet.

Im April 1994 ermordeten in Ruanda extremistische Hutu mehr als 800.000 Menschen, meist Tutsi. Die deutsche Rolle vor dem Genozid wurde bisher nicht aufgearbeitet. Erstmals freigegebene Akten und Zeitzeugen belegen jetzt: es gab Warnungen und Krisenpläne. Doch offizielle deutsche und französische Stellen schwiegen. War es bewusstes Wegschauen oder eine völlig falsche Einschätzung der Lage? Und warum leben viele der Täter bis heute unbehelligt in Frankreich?/ Von Sabine Wachs Von Sabine Wachs.

School of International Service professor Claudine Kuradusenge-McLeod joins Big World in this episode marking the 30th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide. In 1994, a roughly 100-day massacre by Hutu militias targeting the Tutsi minority ethnic group resulted in the death of about 800,000 people, including Tutsis, moderate Hutus, and Twa. Kuradusenge-McLeod, who is a scholar-activist specializing in genocide studies, begins our discussion by describing, in broad strokes, the events that led up to the genocide in 1994 and what occurred during the 100 days (1:23). She also discusses the international response to the events of the genocide (5:26) and explains where relations between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda stand today (8:49). What is life like for survivors of the genocide today, both within Rwanda and in the diaspora? (10:57) What has been President Paul Kagame's impact on Rwanda since the genocide, and do people consider him a dictator? (15:59) Kuradusenge-McLeod answers these questions and analyzes whether or not justice has been served in the punishment of genocide perpetrators (26:43). To close out the discussion, Kuradusenge-McLeod discusses the state of human rights in Rwanda today (31:29) and explains the lasting impact of the genocide on the nation (33:37). In the “Take 5” segment (22:59) of this episode, Kuradusenge-McLeod answers this question: What are five things Rwanda needs to do to become fully democratic?

This week we talk about the Rwandan genocide, the First and Second Congo Wars, and M23.We also discuss civil wars, proxy conflicts, and resource curses.Recommended Book: Everyday Utopia by Kristen R. GhodseeTranscriptThe Democratic Republic of the Congo, or DRC, was previously known as Zaïre, a name derived from a Portuguese mistranscription of the regional word for "river."It wore that monicker from 1971 until 1997, and this region had a rich history of redesignations before that, having been owned by various local kingdoms, then having been colonized by Europeans, sold to the King of Belgium in 1885, who owned it personally, not as a part of Belgium, which was unusual, until 1908, renaming it for that period the Congo Free State, which was kind of a branding exercise to convince all the Europeans who held territory thereabouts that he was doing philanthropic work, though while he did go to war with local and Arab slavers in the region, he also caused an estimated millions of deaths due to all that conflict, due to starvation and disease and punishments levied against people who failed to produce sufficient volumes of rubber from plantations he built in the region.So all that effort and rebranding also almost bankrupted him, the King of Belgium, because of the difficulties operating in this area, even when you step into it with vast wealth, overwhelming technological and military advantages, and the full backing of a powerful, if distant, nation.After the King's deadly little adventure, the region he held was ceded to the nation of Belgium as a colony, which renamed it the Belgium Congo, and it eventually gained independence from Belgium, alongside many other European colonies around the world, post-WWII, in mid-1960.Almost immediately there was conflict, a bunch of secessionist movements turning into civil wars, and those civil wars were amplified by the meddling of the United States and the Soviet Union, which supported different sides, funding and arming them as they tended to do in proxy conflicts around the world during this portion of the Cold War.This period, which lasted for about 5 years after independence, became known as the Congo Crisis, because government leaders kept being assassinated, different groups kept rising up, being armed, killing off other groups, and then settling in to keep the government from unifying or operating with any sense of security or normalcy.Eventually a man named Mobutu Sese Seko, usually just called Mobutu, launched a real deal coup that succeeded, and he imposed a hardcore military dictatorship on the country—his second coup, actually, but the previous one didn't grant him power, so he tried again a few years later, in 1965, and that one worked—and though he claimed, as many coup-launching military dictators do, that he would stabilize things over the next five years, restoring democracy to the country in the process, that never happened, though claiming he would did earn him the support of the US and other Western governments for the duration, even as he wiped out any government structure that could oppose him, including the position of Prime Minister in 1966, and the institution of Parliament in 1967.In 1971, as I mentioned, he renamed the country Zaïre, nationalized all remaining foreign owned assets in the country, and it took another war, which is now called the First Congo War, to finally unseat him. And this conflict, which began in late-1996, spilled over into neighboring countries, including Sudan and Uganda, and a slew of other nations were involved, including but not limited to Chad, the Central African Republic, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, Eritrea, South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Tanzania, alongside foreign assistance granted to various sides by France, China, Israel, and covertly, the United States.The conflict kicked off when Rwanda invaded Zaïre, more neighboring states joined in, all of them intending to take out a bunch of rebel groups that the Mobutu government was no longer keeping in line: Mobutu himself having long since fallen ill, and thus lacking the control he once had, but still profiting mightily from outside influences that kept him as a friendly toehold in the region.So these other nations sent military forces into Zaïre to handle these groups, which were causing untold troubles throughout the region, and the long and short of this conflict is that it only lasted a few months, from October 1996 to May 1997, but the destruction and carnage was vast, everyone on both sides partnering up to take out rebels, or in the case of those rebels, to join up against these government militaries, and all of them using the opportunity to also engage in violence against ethnic enemies with whom they had long-simmering beefs.This led to the collapse of Mobutu's government, the country was renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo when a new government was installed, but very little changed in terms of the reality of how that government functioned, so all the same variables were still in place a year later, in 1998, when what's now called the Second Congo War kicked off, informed by basically the same problems but bringing even more African governments into the fighting, many of them pulled into things by alliances they had with involved neighbors.And just as before, a variety of groups who felt aggrieved by other groups throughout the region used this conflict as an excuse to slaughter and destroy people and towns they didn't like, including what's been called a genocide of a group of Pygmy people who lived in the area, around 70,000 of them killed in the waning days of the war.In mid-2003, a peace agreement was signed, most of the warring factions that had fought in Congolese territory were convinced to leave, and it was estimated that up to 5.4 million people had died during the conflict.What I'd like to talk about today is what's happening in the DRC, now, at a moment of heightening tensions throughout the region, and in the DRC in particular, amidst warnings from experts that another regional conflict might be brewing.—A transition government was set up in the DRC in 2003, following the official end of that Second Congo war, and this government, though somewhat weak and absolutely imperfect in many ways, did manage to get the country to the point, three years later, in 2006, that it could hold an actual multi-party election; the country's first ever, which is no small thing.Unfortunately, a dispute related to the election results led to violence between supporters of the two primary candidates, so a second election was held—and that one ended relatively peacefully and a new president, Joseph Kabila, was sworn in.Kabila was reelected in 2011, then in 2018 he said he wouldn't be running again, which helped bring about the country's first peaceful transition of power when the next president, from the opposing party, stepped into office.During his tenure in office, though, Kabila's DRC was at near-constant war with rebel groups that semi-regularly managed to capture territory, and which were often supported by neighboring countries, alongside smaller groups, so-called Mai-Mai militias, that were established in mostly rural areas to protect residents from roaming gangs and other militias, and which sometimes decided to take other people's stuff or territory, even facing off with government forces from time to time.Violence between ethnic groups has also continued to be a problem, including the use of sexual violence and wholesale attempted genocide, which has been difficult to stop because of the depth of some of the issues these groups have with each other, and in some cases the difficulty the government has just getting to the places where these conflicts are occurring, infrastructure in some parts of the country being not great, where it exists at all.That 2018 election, where power was given away by one president to another, peacefully, for the first time, was notable in that regard, but it was also a milestone in it marked the beginning of widespread anti-election conspiracy theories, in that case the Catholic Church saying that the official results were bunk, and other irregularities, like a delay of the vote in areas experiencing Ebola outbreaks, those areas in many cases filled with opposition voters, added to suspicions.The most recent election, at the tail-end of 2023, was even more awash with such concerns, the 2018 winner, President Tshisekedi, winning reelection with 73% of the vote, and a cadre of nine opposition candidates signing a declaration saying that the election was rigged and that they want another vote to be held.All of which establishes the context for what's happening in the DRC, today, which is in some ways a continuation of what's been happening in this country pretty much since it became a country, but in other ways is an escalation and evolution of the same.One of the big focal points here, though, is the role that neighboring Rwanda has played in a lot of what's gone down in the DRC, including the issues we're seeing in 2024.Back in 1994, during what became known as the Rwandan genocide, militias from the ruling majority Hutu ethnic group decided to basically wipe out anyone from the minority Tutsi ethnic group.Somewhere between a 500,000 and a million people are estimated to have been killed between April and July of that year, alone, and that conflict pushed a lot of Hutu refugees across the border into the eastern DRC, which at the time was still Zaïre.About 2 million of these refugees settled in camps in the North and South Kivu provinces of the DRC, and some of them were the same extremists who committed that genocide in Rwanda in 1994, and they started doing what they do in the DRC, as well, setting up militias, in this case mostly in order to defend themselves against the new Tutsi-run government that had taken over in Rwanda, following the genocide.This is what sparked that First Congo War, as the Tutsi-run Rwandan government, seeking justice and revenge against those who committed all those atrocities went on the hunt for any Hutu extremists they could find, and that meant invading a neighboring country in order to hit those refugee groups, and the militias within them, that had set up shop there.The Second Congo War was sparked when relations between the Congolese and Rwandan governments deteriorated, the DRC government pushing Rwandan troops out of the eastern part of their country, and Kabila, the leader of the DRC at the time, asking everyone else to leave, all foreign troops that were helping with those Hutu militias.Kabila then allowed the Hutus to reinforce their positions on the border with Rwanda, seemingly as a consequence of a burgeoning international consensus that the Rwandan government's actions following the genocide against the Tutsis had resulted in an overcompensatory counter-move against Hutus, many of whom were not involved in that genocide, and the Tutsis actions in this regard amounted to war crimes.One of the outcomes of this conflict, that second war, was the emergence of a mostly Tutsi rebel group called the March 23 Movement, or M23, which eventually became a huge force in the region in the early 20-teens, amidst accusations that the Congolese government was backing them.M23 became such an issue for the region that the UN Security Council actually sent troops into the area to work with the Congolese army to fend them off, after they made moves to start taking over chunks of the country, and evidence subsequently emerged that Rwanda was supporting the group and their effort to screw over the Congolese government, which certainly didn't help the two countries' relationship.Alongside M23, ADF, and CODECO, a slew of more than 100 other armed, rebel groups still plague portions of the DRC, and part of the issue here is that Rwanda and other neighboring countries that don't like the DRC want to hurt them to whatever degree they're able, but another aspect of this seemingly perpetual tumult is the DRC's staggering natural resource wealth.Based on some estimates, the DRC has something like $24 trillion worth of natural resource deposits, including the world's largest cobalt and coltan reserves, two metals that are fundamental to the creation of things like batteries and other aspects of the modern economy, and perhaps especially the modern electrified economy.So in some ways this is similar to having the world's largest oil deposits back in the early 20th century: it's great in a way, but it's also a resource curse in the sense that everyone wants to steal your land, and in the sense that setting up a functioning government that isn't a total kleptocracy, corrupt top to bottom, is difficult, because there's so much wealth just sitting there, and there's no real need to invest in a fully fleshed out, functioning economy—you can just take the money other countries offer you to exploit your people and resources, and pocket that.And while that's not 100% what's happened in the DRC, it's not far off.During the early 2000s and into the 20-teens, the DRC government sold essentially all its mining rights to China, which has put China in control of the lion's share of some of the world's most vital elements for modern technology.The scramble to strike these deals, and subsequent efforts to defend and stabilize on one hand, or to attack and destabilize these mining operations, on the other, have also contributed to instability in the region, because local groups have been paid and armed to defend or attack, soldiers and mercenaries from all over the world have been moved into the area to do the same, and the logic of Cold War-era proxy conflicts has enveloped this part of Africa to such a degree that rival nations like Uganda are buying drones and artillery from China to strike targets within the DRC, even as China arms DRC-based rebel groups to back up official military forces that are protecting their mining operations.It's a mess. And it's a mess because of all those historical conditions and beefs, because of conflicts in other, nearby countries and the machinations of internal and external leaders, and because of the amplification of all these things resulting from international players with interests in the DRC—including China, but also China's rivals, all of whom want what they have, and in some cases, don't want China to have what they have.In 2022, M23 resurfaced after laying low for years, and they took a huge chunk of North Kivu in 2023.For moment that same year, it looked like Rwanda and the DRC might go to war with each other over mining interests they control in the DRC, but a pact negotiated by the US led to a reduction in the military buildup in the area, and a reduction in their messing with each other's political systems.In December of 2023, though, the President of the DRC compared the President of Rwanda to Hitler and threatened to declare war against him, and UN troops, who have become incredibly unpopular in the region, in part because of various scandals and corruption within their ranks, began to withdraw—something that the US and UN have said could lead to a power vacuum in the area, sparking new conflicts in an already conflict-prone part of the country.As of March 2024, soldiers from South Africa, Burundi, and Tanzania are fighting soldiers from Rwanda who are supporting M23 militants in the eastern portion of the DRC, these militants already having taken several towns.Seven million Congolese citizens are internally displaced as a result of these conflicts, having had to flee their homes due to all the violence, most of them now living in camps or wandering from place to place, unable to settle down anywhere due to other violence, and a lack of sufficient resources to support them.Rwanda, for its part, denies supporting M23, and it says the Congolese government is trying to expel Tutsis who live in the DRC.Burundi, located just south of Rwanda, has closed its border with its neighbor, and has also accused Rwanda of supporting rebels within their borders with the intent of overthrowing the government.Most western governments have voiced criticisms of Rwanda for deploying troops within its neighbors' borders, and for reportedly supporting these militant groups, but they continue to send the Rwandan government money—Rwanda gets about a third of its total budget from other governments, and the US is at the top of that list of donors, but the EU also sends millions to Rwanda each year, mostly to fund military actions aimed at taking out militants that make it hard to do business in the region.So changes in political stances are contributing to this cycle of violence and instability, as are regular injections of outside resources like money and weapons and soldiers.And as this swirl of forces continues to make the DRC borderline ungovernable, everyday people continue to be butchered and displaced, experiencing all sorts of violence, food shortages, and a lack of basic necessities like water, and this ongoing and burgeoning humanitarian nightmare could go on to inform and spark future conflicts in the region.Show Noteshttps://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Kabilahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rwandan_genocidehttps://gsphub.eu/country-info/Democratic%20Republic%20of%20Congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congohttps://www.reuters.com/world/africa/why-fighting-is-flaring-eastern-congo-threatening-regional-stability-2024-02-19/https://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/21/a-guide-to-the-decades-long-conflict-in-dr-congohttps://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/violence-democratic-republic-congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_23_Movementhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kivu_conflicthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Free_Statehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mobutu_Sese_Sekohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Crisishttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1965_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo_coup_d%27%C3%A9tathttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Congo_Warhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Congo_War This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit letsknowthings.substack.com/subscribe

In 1994 Rwanda was scarred by an organized campaign of mass carnage perpetrated by the Hutu majority against the Tutsi minority and moderate Hutus. It was the final genocide of the twentieth century, with the killers murdering about one million people in about 100 days. The United Nations and U.S. looked on but failed to act, a tragic misstep that has influenced decision-makers since to look differently at the task of intervening in foreign conflicts to protect the innocent. In this episode, Omar McDoom of the London School of Economics and Political Science, a scholar of genocide and expert on central Africa, reflects on the enduring lessons of Rwanda's darkest hour.

Episode 261: The Best of 2023Welcome to the Love Your Story podcast!As 2023 comes to a close it's time for the annual “Best Of” episode - This is where we look back at which episodes of the Love Your Story podcast were the favorites of the listeners. Which ones did you guys like best?Tune in for the Top 5 Episodes, a clip from each, and if you've missed one of these favs - go back and listen to get all the goods. Coming right up…. the years top 5 favorites…Welcome to the top 5 Love Your Story Podcast episodes of 2023. Let's start with #5.#5 falls to one of our latest episodes. It's called “Voices of Healing” it's episode #252. It's a compilation episode where I pulled in clips from lots of past interviews so we heard from Todd Sylvester, Amanda Grow, Dianne Butterfield, Trevor Lay….and others about their healing journeys. I think this episode was so powerful because we learn from one another, and when we pull in real life healing stories from so many different people, with different experiences, as well as professionals, well…there's a lot to learn and something for everyone. We all have things to heal from, so we all want to understand this path better. Here's a clip….Tune in to hear the clip...If you want to hear all the stories from this favorite, go back to episode 252, this one launched on Aug. 23 of this year, and take a listen to the whole show.Ok. Here we are at #4 - the number 4 favorite episode of 2023 was episode 239: my interview with Chris Hawker. This episode was titled: Tools to Magnify our Worthiness. I loved my chat with Chris because he is a man that has been in the leadership of Next Level Trainings - which was where I did a great deal of my work in moving my life forward - learning to reframe my stories. Chris came on the podcast and was honest and vulnerable about his own struggle with feelings of unworthiness. We talked about how these stories of unworthiness happen, how he navigated his, and then we get to hear some of his wonderful suggestion for reframing those erroneous and destructive feelings. I think this one is a favorite because working through any feelings of unworthiness is an important part of really becoming YOU. Here's a clip:Tune in to hear the clip...to hear the rest of his story about his road to truly embracing his real self worth… - again, it's episode 239 and it aired on February 22 of this year.Now on to #3 top fav for 2023. It's none other than What Kindness Can Do with Peter Mutabazi in episode 242.Peter Mutabazi grew up in Uganda. In this episode we hear his whole story - the brave escape from an abusive father at 10 years old, his subsequent life as a child living on the streets struggling daily to stay alive, and the fortuitous meeting of a man who would change Peter's life, and in so doing change the lives his siblings, their children, and all the children Peter now helps as a foster parent. This was part 1 of a two part series that was just incredible. One of my favorite interviews because he story is shocking, incredible, and how often do you get to speak with someone who was there to see the Tutsi and Hutu massacre in Rwanda - he talks about that in the second episode in this series, What Hate Can Do. The whole thing was incredible. Here is the beginning of his story.Tune in to hear the clip...Again, to listen to the whole episode and the next episode -it's a 2 part series, for his whole incredible story. He's amazing.Now for the #2 favorite of the year….. Episode 244 - Tips on Connecting with Your Man. My interview with Laura Doyle. I found it super...