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Deux ans après le génocide au Rwanda, une offensive est lancée depuis ce petit pays collé sur l'est du grand Congo. Elle vise dans un premier temps le Nord-Kivu, une des provinces congolaises où des milliers de réfugiés Hutus ont fui. Soutenue par de nombreux pays africains et par certains pays occidentaux, elle ne s'arrête pas là. Les troupes de l'Alliance des forces démocratiques pour la libération du Congo descendent jusqu'à Kinshasa…. A l'époque Colette Braeckman est grand reporter au Rwanda et au Congo pour le quotidien belge Le Soir. Elle est présente lors de cette offensive qui marque le début de la " guerre mondiale africaine ". Avec : Colette Braeckman, journaliste pendant des années pour le quotidien belge Le Soir, a passé l'essentiel de sa carrière en RDC. Filipe Calvão est anthropologue et historien, spécialiste de l'Afrique post-coloniale et des économies extractives à l'Institut supérieur d'études internationales et de développement à Genève.
Welcome to this explosive, investigative, fact-finding edition of Light ‘Em Up!We are incredibly pleased you decided to join us for one of our most comprehensive episodes to date!Tonight, we shine the antiseptic light of the truth at the intersection of hate speech and the violence that stems from it.While a great many people on the right strongly disagree with the truth, and struggle to accept it, the fact that the radical right is far more violent than the left is unwavering. Far-right attacks continue to outpace all other types of terrorism and domestic violent extremism.As a kid do you remember expressing the children's rhyme that says, “Sticks and stones can break your bones, but names can never hurt you?” While this is a nice thought — it isn‘t true. Words matter; words can hurt — words can lead to murder.In the Holy Bible, the Book of Ephesians (4:29) advises: “Do not let any unwholesome talk come out of your mouths, but only what is helpful for building others up according to their needs, which may benefit those who listen.” We need only look to the country of Rwanda in 1994 and the genocide that took place there. Collectively and pejoratively, the Tutsis were referred to as “cockroaches”. Who acts neighborly or welcomes a cockroach into their home? Some 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in 100 days. (The Tutsi and Hutu are ethnic groups established primarily in Rwanda and Burundi.)Evidence shows that the use of radio impacted and effected mobilization for violence in the Rwandan genocide.For more than a decade we've been exposed to the hate filled vitriol of Donald Trump. The words he willingly and intentionally chooses are often filled with hate.It is evident from his outward behavior; Donald Trump is not happy. Barack Obama haunts him in thought, word, and past deed.Trump regularly refers to anyone who isn't in his “in-group” as “the enemy of the people” … “animals” and “scum”, you name it.His targets have been the press as a whole and individual journalists, immigrants, Blacks, LGBTQ+ people, Democrats, and whomever he chooses in the moment.His third-grade vocabulary has no filter. His political party does nothing to hold him to account for his vile, hate-filled rhetoric, even opting to echo and use it often.Rarely does he open his mouth without denigrating, dehumanizing, blaming, or accusing another person of doing something with no evidence.In this explosive episode we will highlight:— As a case study we'll examine how hate speech can and does facilitate violence. From the genocide that took place in 1994 in Rwanda we offer a special feature in hearing from Henriette Mutegwaraba, survivor of the genocide and founder of the Million Lives Genocide relief fund.— Multiple examples of the vile, hateful, and demagogic language that Donald Trump spews with regularity and comparing and contrasting his words with that of the Rwandan genocide.And much, much more!“The enemy of the people” are words Adolph Hitler used to describe the Jews before his “final solution” was put into effect which killed some 6 million people.This is the language of insecure, fascist, racist, dictatorial demagogues, and it is extremely dangerous.In his book entitled Behemoth, first published in 1942, Franz Neumann wrote that violence served to establish totalitarian control over German society.Violence throughout the Third Reich was used as a rational instrument of political power.Donald Trump's administration does the same.Democracy is dying right in front of us.Don't move a muscle!Tune out the world and tune-in to Light ‘Em Up — Right here and right now!Tune in and follow our sponsors Newsly and We want to hear from you!
SEND US A MESSAGE! We'd Love to Chat With you and Hear your thoughts! We'll read them on the next episode. The history of racism in our country has evolved into narratives that have been created out of thin air in order to justify hatred that inherently dwells in our hearts. What does the response to racism, hatred, evil look like in the children of God outside of the US? This is the story of Rose Mapendo, a survivor of the Rwandan/DRC genocide and a sister in Christ. Her story is gut-wrenching yet her faith is encouraging and convicting. Trapped in prison camp awaiting execution, the Lord did for her what He does for all of His children - he strengthened her with a peace that will surpass your very understanding of peace. It will also confound your understanding of forgiveness in a way that could truly bring healing, peace and revival to our country amidst the cold war of race-rhetoric and "injustice" claims. Listen closely to the raw, uncut story of a woman who depended on the Lord and was granted a strength that only He could provide. The Tutsi/Rwandan GenocideHutus/Tutsi RacismSUPPORT THE ROSE MAPENDO FOUNDATIONSupport the showHosts: Brandon and Daren Smith Learn of Brandon's Church Planting CallPatreon: www.patreon.com/blackandblurredPaypal: https://paypal.me/blackandblurredYouTube: Black and Blurred PodcastIG: @BlackandBlurredPodcastX: @Blurred_Podcast
Um conflito que se arrasta há décadas já matou mais de 5 milhões de pessoas no coração do continente africano. No leste da República Democrática do Congo, milícias armadas se enfrentam numa guerra que é a mais mortal desde a 2ª Guerra Mundial. O gatilho para que conflitos étnicos escalassem para uma guerra brutal foi genocídio em Ruanda, em 1994. O governo ruandês é acusado de apoiar o grupo rebelde M23 para invadir e controlar territórios na República Democrática do Congo. Sobre a RDC, pesa a acusação de proteger milícias Hutus, herdeiras dos algozes do genocídio. Para além das batalhas entre etnias, há também uma disputa por riquezas minerais. Nos territórios conflagrados estão alguns dos materiais mais valiosos do mundo: caso do ouro, do cobre, do cobalto e do coltan, importante para a produção de computadores e smartphones – minérios e metais que têm como compradores as maiores empresas de tecnologia do mundo. Neste episódio, Natuza Nery recebe o jornalista Pedro Borges, da agência de notícias Alma Preta. Ele, que está há 40 dias na RDC testemunhando de perto a situação da região em guerra, conta o que viu em seus deslocamentos pelo país e como é um dos campos de refugiados que visitou. Pedro detalha ainda o que prevê a nova tentativa de acordo assinada entre a RDC e Ruanda na última sexta-feira (27), em Washington, sob a mediação do governo americano.
The M23 has captured major towns in eastern Congo. Kinshasa accuses Rwanda of supporting the rebels, while Kigali accuses DRC of sheltering the armed FDLR, created by ethnic Hutus who massacred Tutsis during the 1994 Rwanda genocide. Josey Mahachi talks to Gonza Muganwa, a political and social commentator on the Great Lakes region, and DW correspondent Alex Ngarambe in Rwanda.
Capsules audio, à retrouver dans l'exposition pédagogique de Géopolis sur le Rwanda. Photo : CC BY-NC-SA 2.0, Colette Braekman par Internaz
Rencontre avec Thierry Piel.
Capsules audio, à retrouver dans l'exposition pédagogique de Géopolis sur le Rwanda. Photo : CC BY-NC-SA 2.0, Colette Braekman par Internaz
**** VIDEO EN NUESTRO CANAL DE YOUTUBE **** https://youtu.be/rKUSP9_KylQ +++++ Hazte con nuestras camisetas en https://www.bhmshop.app +++++ #actualidad #noticias #geopolitica La captura de Goma por el grupo rebelde M23 ha desatado una nueva ola de violencia y desplazamientos en el este de la República Democrática del Congo. ¿Quiénes son el M23? ¿Cuál es el papel de Ruanda en este conflicto? ¿Y qué impacto tiene esta crisis en la región de los Grandes Lagos? En este video exploramos las causas, actores y consecuencias de uno de los conflictos más complejos y devastadores de África. #africa #congo #ruanda #goma ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- COMPRA EN AMAZON CON EL ENLACE DE BHM Y AYUDANOS ************** https://amzn.to/3ZXUGQl ************* Si queréis apoyar a Bellumartis Historia Militar e invitarnos a un café o u una cerveza virtual por nuestro trabajo, podéis visitar nuestro PATREON https://www.patreon.com/bellumartis o en PAYPALhttps://www.paypal.me/bellumartis o en BIZUM 656/778/825 No olvidéis suscribiros al canal, si aún no lo habéis hecho. Si queréis ayudarnos, dadle a “me gusta” y también dejadnos comentarios. De esta forma ayudaréis a que los programas sean conocidos por más gente. Y compartidnos con vuestros amigos y conocidos. SIGUENOS EN TODAS LAS REDES SOCIALES ¿Queréis contactar con nosotros? Puedes escribirnos a bellumartispublicidad@hotmail.com como por WHATSAP o en BIZUM 656778825 Nuestra página principal es https://bellumartishistoriamilitar.blogspot.com y en la pagína web de Francisco García Campa https://franciscogarciacampa.com Política de Privacidad https://franciscogarciacampa.com/politica-de-privacidad/
John Marks says yes - and he and the organization he founded, Search for Common Ground, have made it happen. He tells us surprising stories about how they get people to listen to each other, across hard lines of hatred and suspicion: Russian and American intelligence officers, Iranians and Americans, Israelis and Arabs, Hutus and Tutsis in Africa - and more. John's memoir, From Vision to Action: Remaking the World Through Social Entrepreneurship, is like a how-to guide - filled with candid accounts of his successes and failures.
P. Juan Carlos (Ecuador)La atención al prójimo es la mejor manifestación del amor a Dios. El Señor nos enseña que debemos pasar por encima de las reglas por la caridad.[Ver Meditación Escrita] https://www.hablarconjesus.com/meditacion_escrita/caridad-para-todos/
Martin Luther King Jr, said "love is the only power able to transform an enemy into a friend", but how does love do this? How do we embody Jesus' teaching of love thy enemy when other's behaviour is often so hurtful? Listen to my conversation with Christophe Mbonyingabo, Executive Director of CARSA Ministries. CARSA brings together Tutsi and Hutus who have been impacted by Genocide, in order to practice forgiveness and reconciliation. Listen to Christophe's wisdom around how people are conditioned to hate and the innovative approach his organization is using to bring people together in love. Do not miss this episode!
Martin Luther King Jr, said "love is the only power able to transform an enemy into a friend", but how does love do this? How do we embody Jesus' teaching of love thy enemy when other's behaviour is often so hurtful? Listen to my conversation with Christophe Mbonyingabo, Executive Director of CARSA Ministries. CARSA brings together Tutsi and Hutus who have been impacted by Genocide, in order to practice forgiveness and reconciliation. Listen to Christophe's wisdom around how people are conditioned to hate and the innovative approach his organization is using to bring people together in love. Do not miss this episode!
In AJC's signature AJC Global Forum session, the Great Debate, Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, and Morgan Ortagus, former Spokeswoman for the Department of State under the Trump administration, engaged in a debate on the 2024 presidential election and its impact on the global Jewish community, Israel, and the future of democracy. Listen to this session, moderated by AJC's Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson, recorded live on the AJC Global Forum 2024 stage in Washington, D.C. *The views and opinions expressed by guests do not necessarily reflect the views or position of AJC. AJC is a 501(c)3 not for profit organization and does not endorse political candidates for elective office. Episode Lineup: (0:40) Jason Isaacson, Morgan Ortagus, Halie Soifer Show Notes: Listen – People of the Pod: Seven Months In: What Israelis Think About the War Against Hamas, Campus Antisemitism in America, and More What Does it Mean to be a Jewish American Hero? A Jewish American Heritage Month Conversation with AJC CEO Ted Deutch Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts. Transcript of Debate with Morgan Ortagus and Halie Soifer: Manya Brachear Pashman: In AJC's signature AJC Global Forum session, the Great Debate, Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, and Morgan Ortagus, former Spokeswoman for the Department of State under the Trump administration, engaged in a debate on the 2024 presidential election and its impact on the global Jewish community, Israel, and the future of democracy. Moderating the debate was AJC's Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson. Here's Jason now to explain the format. Jason Isaacson: We had a coin toss, and Morgan won the coin toss, and will go first. Each of them will have two minutes to provide opening statements. There will be the opportunity for a minute of rebuttal afterwards, then we'll plunge into a series of questions that I'll be posing to each of them. Morgan, you're up. Morgan Ortagus: Thank you so much for having me. I want to start this discussion today really telling a few stories from my time in the Trump administration, but also talking about this from a policy perspective. For those of you who don't know me, I've actually served in multiple administrations, including in the Obama administration, as well. And I say that to provide the context that I think the State of Israel cannot have a relationship with just one political party in the United States, just as we pray for the success of Israel. I pray for the success of our leaders, whomever wins in November. And I think no matter what happens today, in this debate in November, we must stand with our ally, we must stand with the State of Israel. You know, what's amazing is, I think about four years ago, I was standing in the Oval Office after many, many months of having worked with Secretary Pompeo, Jared Kushner, and the entire team on something that you all came to learn about called the Abraham Accords. And in that moment, I was pregnant with my daughter Adina Ann, this beautiful Jewish baby. And I thought to myself, the Middle East has entirely changed for her. This is going to be so radically different. Fast forward three and a half years later, to see October 7th and what happened that day, the worst killing of the Jewish people in any single day since the Holocaust. It felt like everything I had worked on in Abraham Accords had been shattered. But I am here to say that there is hope, with the right president, with the right policies. And that's what I really want to talk about today. With the right policies, we can get back to an era, not only have a strong America, a strong Israel, and a much stronger Middle East, happy to debate the policies. I'm not a campaign person. But I do believe that under the Trump administration, under Mike Pompeo, we had the right policies that were best for Israel, and best for the Middle East. So I guess as the famous song goes, all I'm here to say is give Trump a chance. Jason Isaacson: Morgan, thank you. Halie Soifer. Halie Soifer: Jason, Morgan, AJC, thank you for having me. And thank you for your efforts advocating for the Jewish people for Israel and defending democratic values. I'm grateful for your work, which has made a difference, and particularly grateful for the leadership of your CEO, my friend, Ted Deutch. This is the third time I've joined AJC's Great Debate in advance of an election with Joe Biden and Donald Trump on the ballot. The first was in 2019. The second was 2020. But 2024 is different for three reasons. First, the stakes of this election are higher. Second, the positions of the two candidates have never been more clear or divergent. And third, both candidates have been president before and can and should be judged on their records. Unlike the last debate, this is no longer a hypothetical in terms of what kind of President Joe Biden or Donald Trump would be. We know the answer. Joe Biden has sought to restore the soul of America by taking unprecedented steps to combat antisemitism and bigotry, while Donald Trump has emboldened, echoed and aligned with dangerous extremists and antisemites. Joe Biden is a self declared Zionist who has stood with Israel for more than five decades, including after October 7, when he pledged his staunch support of Israel and the Jewish people. While Donald Trump is a self declared dictator on day one, who marched Israel's leaders and praised Hezbollah after October 7. Best summarized by his former national security adviser John Bolton, who told the New York Times, Trump's support of Israel is not guaranteed in a second term. Joe Biden is an ardent defender of democracy, while Donald Trump incited a deadly insurrection in order to stop the peaceful transfer of power in the last election, and is preparing to weaponize the US government as an act of political retribution. If he wins the next one. And let's not forget, he's also a twice impeached 34 Time convicted felon. So three times is clearly a charm. There's plenty to debate and I'm happy to be here. Thanks. Jason Isaacson: Very good. Thank you, Halie. You can each rebut the others statements. Morgan, would you like to say a word? Morgan Ortagus: I think the only response I would have to that is do you feel safer as a Jew in America today than you did four years ago? That's it. Jason Isaacson: Halie, would you like to say anything in response? Halie Soifer: Sure. Four years ago, I mentioned I joined this debate. We did so via zoom, where we were in our home stuck for more than a year. It was an unprecedented pandemic that really epitomized Donald Trump's leadership. He was ignorant, chaotic or erratic, and demonstrated a reckless disregard for a fundamental Jewish value pickoff nephesh. The sanctity of life. Since Joe Biden has become president, we emerged from this dark period, the economy has grown. Unemployment is at a 50 year low. And yes, anti semitism has risen, including after the horrific attacks perpetrated by Hamas on October 7, and our unequivocal condemnation of this violence and of rising anti semitism is something on which I'm sure we agree, Morgan, and you know, who else agrees with us, Joe Biden. On May 2, he said in response to the campus protests, there should be no place on any campus or any place in America for antisemitism. It's simply wrong. Jason Isaacson: Thank you. Okay. Let's get into the questions if I could begin with you, Morgan. As you know, in election after election over the last century, a substantial majority of Jews have voted for Democratic presidential candidates over Republican candidates, the sharpest differences were under FDR in the 1940s and the Johnson Goldwater election of 1964, when Democrats were reported to have scored 90% of the Jewish vote, but Harry Truman, Bill Clinton, Al Gore and Barack Obama weren't far behind, and Joe Biden was reported to have led Donald Trump four years ago, according to Pew by 70%, to 27%. AJC's latest polling shows a somewhat narrower gap, but still has President Biden beating former President Trump by more than two to one among American Jews. If these numbers are predictive and accurate, how does the Republican Party break through that traditional Democratic predisposition among Jewish voters and why does it matter? Morgan Ortagus: I think there's a couple ways to unpack that first, I think there's a big difference between saying the right thing and doing the right thing. There's no doubt that the Biden administration, the Biden-Harris administration is great on the rhetoric. But I would say that the policy is lacking. First of all, I think most Jewish voters care about Israel care about antisemitism in this country. But let me just also say that I think Jewish voters, Jewish moms and grandmas in this audience, Jewish parents, you care about things that I care about in Nashville, Tennessee, which is the price of groceries, which is filling up your car with gasoline, which is all of the things that matter to all of us as consumers. And it is not a good time in America for the American family. People are making real decisions, whether to fill up their gas tank or whether to fill up their cart full of groceries. That happens in real America in Nashville, Tennessee, where I live. I would also say that, you know, Lindsey Graham said this to me once and it really made me laugh. He said about Trump, I've never seen somebody so willing to cut off their own arm just to spite him. And he certainly incites a lot of heated emotion and passion. But again, I would get back to the question that I asked you, do you feel more safe as a Jew in America today than you did four years ago? Do you think our policies are stronger at protecting Israel, with standing with our ally than they were four years ago, I would argue that we have turned the Middle East on its head in the past four years by beginning at the beginning of this administration to spend the past three and a half years, chasing the Islamic Republic around the world, begging and cajoling and pleading with them to get back into a nuclear deal, giving them billions of dollars in sanctions relief by not enforcing those sanctions. That was three and a half years of policies that led to events like October 7. We also saw multiple times at the UN, including yesterday, ways in which that I think the Biden administration has sold Israel down the river. has not stood up for them at the United Nations or on the world stage. And so I'm quite simply argue that the Middle East is chaotic today, specifically from the policies of the past three years that were put in place by the Biden Administration. Jason Isaacson: Thank you, Morgan. Halie, you can respond if you wish. You have a minute. Halie Soifer: Well, as a Jewish mom, I can say I absolutely feel safer knowing that Joe Biden is in the White House because he shares our values, our fundamental values, our Jewish values, defending democracy, and of course, support of Israel. A lot of Republicans mentioned Donald Trump's move of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem in 2017. Something we agree with–Jerusalem is the capital of Israel. What we don't mention enough is that in August of 2020, Donald Trump said he did that for the evangelicals, which demonstrates two things. One, Donald Trump's Israel policy has always been based on his self interests. His own former national security adviser has revealed that in an article in The New York Times in early April, and also it's clear that Donald Trump has great animus toward the vast majority of Jewish Americans, those who vote for Democrats because of it.. He has called us disloyal. He has called us uninformed. He has said we hate Israel, we hate our religion, we should be ashamed of ourselves. We're loyal to our values, which is why the overwhelming majority of us support Democrats. Jason Isaacson: Halie, I want to ask you a different version, or the pretty much the same version of the question that I asked Morgan at the beginning, why it matters where the Jewish vote is. Remembering that the Israeli newspaper Haaretz had a piece after the 2020 election, that maintained it was Jewish voters in Pennsylvania, Georgia and Arizona who actually made the crucial difference in that tight race moving those swing states and their deciding Electoral College votes into the Biden column. Although polling and voting history is obviously on your side, there are signs of slippage for President Biden in our own polling and in other samples. Some of that may have to do with the President's being seen as inappropriately pushing the Israeli government in ways that didn't want to go in the conduct of the war against Hamas. And in a post conflict path to Palestinian statehood. Some of it may be factors that have nothing to do with Israel or with the Jewish community, but reflect attitudes in the general population. Why the slippage and how are you addressing it? Halie Soifer: Well, Jason, you're right. The Jewish vote absolutely matters. The states you mentioned, Pennsylvania, Georgia, and Arizona determined the outcome of the 2020 election and may do so again in 2024. Joe Biden won those three states in total by just over 100,000 voters. And in those states the Jewish vote, and even more said the Jewish vote that supported Joe Biden was exponentially higher than the margin by which he won. So where are Jewish voters in 2024? Well, 74% of Jewish voters supported Democrats in our last election in the 2022 midterms. It's the same amount approximately three quarters who have supported Democrats historically, and it's the amount I predict will support Joe Biden in this election for two reasons. One, Joe Biden represents the vast majority of Jewish voters on every key issue, domestic policy, democracy, abortion, access, guns, climate change the economy, antisemitism, and foreign policy, Israel, Ukraine and defending democracy abroad. And too, Jewish voters overwhelmingly disapprove of and oppose Donald Trump in 2016, in 2020, and they're going to do it again in 2024. Because there's even more reasons to oppose him now, going into a potential second term. AJC's new poll only confirms this. The poll indicates that both Joe Biden and Donald Trump have essentially the same amount of support–61%/23%--among Jewish voters as they did among that same group of voters in 2020, when it was 64%/21%. Donald Trump has not broken 25%. It also shows that Jewish voters trust Biden more than Trump on Israel by a two to one margin and on antisemitism by three to one margin. So AJC is consistent in its polling, and it's consistent with what we've seen in other polling as well that Jewish voters will continue to overwhelmingly support Democrats and Joe Biden, especially with Donald Trump on the ballot. Jason Isaacson: Morgan, you may respond. Morgan Ortagus: Again, you know, I'd say there's a big difference between rhetoric and policy action. The truth is, the reality is, there has never been a more unsafe time in America, for Jews, especially young Jews on college campuses. Today, the antisemitism unveiled and unchecked during the Biden administration should scare all of us. The fact that Jewish students have to make decisions if they want to wear a yarmulke, if they want to wear a Star of David, if they want to openly embrace Judaism in the United States of America is a stain on the Biden administration. And something that I think that there has been no real action. In 2019, again, I'm going to keep going back to policy because when you have bad policy, you have to run on rhetoric. When you have good policy, you can talk about things that we did like the executive order to combat antisemitism in 2019. That executive order focused on criminalizing antisemitism, basically bringing it up to the level of any other persecution against, you know, sex, gender. We could go through everything in Title Six. That's incredibly important because we have real world ramifications for antisemitism that this administration has ignored. Jason Isaacson: Thank you, Morgan. Let me ask you another question. And I'm going to turn to a foreign policy issue again. Since President Trump in May 2018 pulled the United States out of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, calling it a horrible one-sided deal that should never ever have been made. Iran has marched closer and closer to becoming a nuclear threshold state with a stockpile of enriched uranium calculated to be more than 6000 kilograms as of last month, more than 20 times the limit that was set in the nuclear deal. But enough of that uranium enriched to a near weapons grade level to fuel at least three atomic weapons. It's been said that the maximum pressure campaign waged in the last year and a half of the Trump administration had little effect on Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons capability. How would you answer the charge that pulling the US out of an unsatisfactory nuclear deal actually made the problem worse? How would a second Trump administration approach this threat from Iran? Morgan Ortagus: Thanks, now we're getting to my favorite subject. So you don't even have to listen to President Trump on this. You can look at Senator Schumer, Majority Leader at the time in his speech and his debate why he did not support the JCPOA. We know of course, that the JCPOA was never brought before the Senate because it was a bad deal that would never get passed, including by Democrats. Let's also remember that under the JCPOA, we left the deal in 2018 in the Trump administration, at the time and during the entire Trump administration. Iran never exceeded the 5% enrichment. In fact, it didn't happen until the Biden administration and under Biden, they've gone up to an 84% enrichment strategy with zero ramifications. That's enough material to get a bomb within eight months if we wanted to. More importantly, Americans and Israelis are dying at the hands of Iran. And why is that? Because once again, you have a Democratic administration who have not enforced sanctions, they got billions of dollars in sanctions relief. About three weeks before October 7, this administration negotiated a deal that I didn't think that could be worse than the JCPOA. But they actually managed to top themselves by promising to give Iran $6 billion for returning five American hostages home. Now, I love getting American hostages home. In fact, in the Trump administration, we got two American hostages home from Iran, guess how much we paid for those hostages, zero. And so there is a way to negotiate to be tough with Iran and to protect Americans. But Americans are dying in places like Jordan, from Iranian made drones. We know that American ships are being taxed on a daily basis, again, from material that is supplied to the Hussein's by Iran. And so whenever you reward enemies, like the Islamic Republic of Iran and punish friends like Israel, the Arab states, then you end up with a chaotic Middle East. So the Middle East is on fire today principally because of the appeasement of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran will likely get a nuclear weapon in the next administration, if it isn't stopped. President Trump will stop it. President Biden will just beg and plead them to stop. Jason Isaacson: Thank you, Morgan. Halie, you may respond. Halie Soifer: We talked a lot about, of course, the horrific acts of what happened on October 7. What I don't think we talked enough about is what happened on April 13, when Iran launched over 300 projectiles at Israel and an unprecedented direct attack. In the end, Israel survived that attack relatively unscathed. Miraculously, because Joe Biden had deployed two aircraft carriers to the eastern Mediterranean preparing for such attacks, and had encouraged a coalition, Arab partners, to stand with Israel and directly intercepted over 100 ballistic missiles. It was the first time the US military had been deployed to prevent a direct attack on Israel. Following the attack, Biden took steps to hold Iran accountable, including imposing new sanctions and exports control on Iran. The sanctions targeted leaders and entities connected to the IRGC, the Iran Revolutionary Guard Corps. During the Biden administration, the US has sanctioned over 600 individuals and entities including Iran and its proxies. And the President has directed the administration to continue to impose sanctions that further degrade Iran's military. This is on top of the Trump era sanctions against Iran that Biden kept in place. So Joe Biden has demonstrated great strength in defending against the threat of Iran, especially as it relates to the threat posed by Israel. Jason Isaacson: There are increasingly loud and influential voices in the Democratic Party, expressing harsh criticism of Israel's conduct of the war against Hamas in Gaza and among constituencies on which democratic election victories have often depended. There's opposition to Israel more generally, not just to the current war, but to the legitimacy of the Jewish state. Over the last two years, according to Gallup sympathy for Israelis over Palestinians has slipped among Democrats from a majority to a minority position, although there is still a plurality with more favorable views of Israel versus Palestinian Authority. For comparison among Republicans sympathy for Israelis earlier this year was recorded by Gallup is more than 10 times that for Palestinians. How can President Biden and the party counter the critics and assure that US support for the Middle East's sole democracy remains bipartisan. And how do you respond to the charge that Trump criticism of Israel in progressive circles contributes to attacks on supporters of Israel and incidents of antisemitism? Halie Soifer: Antisemitic and anti-Israel views have been expressed by elected officials on both sides of the aisle. Neither party is homogenous in their view on either issue. When antisemitism and or anti-Israel views have emerged among Democrats in Congress, JDCA, our organization has condemned it, and in some cases endorsed a primary opponent to anti Israel, Democratic incumbents. There are two such primaries that we're engaged in right now as we speak in New York and in Missouri, to elect Democrats who share our values. There are some Democrats who have opposed or proposed conditioning aid to Israel, something which JDCA opposes. But House Republicans, including their entire leadership, recklessly delayed essential military aid for Israel that Joe Biden pledged in October for six months, at a time when it could not have been needed more. When it comes to antisemitism, there is a sharp difference between how it is handled by the two parties. The Democratic Party marginalizes those who have used antisemitic rhetoric, while the Republican Party has elevated extremists and antisemites, one of whom is at the top of the ticket in the past three election cycles, including this one. Leadership matters, and the words and actions of our leaders matter. When the American people were faced with the same choice for president in 2020, on the debate stage, President Biden implored Donald Trump to condemn white supremacy, we all remember it. Trump blatantly refused, he could not, would not condemn this insidious ideology that motivated the perpetrator of the worst massacre of Jewish Americans in our history two years earlier at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh. What did he do instead, he incited dangerous right wing extremists, the Proud Boys to stand back and stand by from the debate stage. And less than four months later, they heated his call on January 6. This election is a binary choice. There are two names on this ballot, two men vying to be leader of the free world. One has been a staunch friend and ally of the Jewish people in Israel, since he was first elected to the Senate in 1972. And the other who has always done and will continue to only do what is good for himself. Jason Isaacson: Morgan, I think you may want to respond. Morgan Ortagus: You know, I will concede, I don't watch MSNBC. And maybe they're just not covering what I see going on in America on a daily basis, which is a Charlottesville every single day in this country, which is the calling for not only supporting Hamas and other terrorist organizations, but calling for the genocide and the extermination of the Jewish people blatantly and openly every single day in this country. You also see yesterday in New York City, while there was a memorial to what happened on October 7, people there openly demonstrating support for more October 7, support for more terrorism. And while that was happening, the United States was shamefully at the United Nations calling for a ceasefire resolution that made us look like we were Hamas' personal lawyer. If you're a party that doesn't have the moral clarity, to stand by the Jewish faith to just stay defending itself against terrorism, how can you claim to have the moral clarity on anything. I was in Israel three weeks ago Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu told me that in fact, the Biden administration is slow walking military aid that he needs. Just last week in the Congress, the Biden administration was whipping votes against bipartisan ICC sanctions, which are undermining again the leadership of a democratic elected Jewish state. We'll remember famously that after the attack that he talked about a few minutes ago from Iran, Biden famously told Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu for Israel just to take the win essentially. At every turn, then not only tie one hand behind Israel's back, they tie both hands behind the back as they tried to defeat the terrorists that invaded them and by the way, killed Americans on October 7, and the last time I checked, we still have five Americans that are held captive eight months later by a terrorist organization behind enemy lines. Bring them home. Jason Isaacson: Morgan, you're up. Your last question and President Trump and other leaders of your party had been harshly critical of a range of diversity and equity programs, affirmative action and college admissions and educational curricula that cast a negative light on aspects of American history. And these stances have earned the support and loyalty of among others, individuals and groups with extremist views on race and ethnicity. How do you answer critics, including President Biden, who charge that this so-called anti-woke agenda lends legitimacy and support to forces of intolerance? As you know, there are also accusations that divisive rhetoric can fuel antisemitism. And the example of Charlottesville, which we've been talking about is often cited. How do you counter that, in a minute, if you may. Morgan Ortagus: I'll be very quick and say that I agree with Halie that there is antisemitic problems that happen on both the left and the right, and we must be countering them. And every time it happens, again, I'm a foreign policy professional. I look at the policies. I don't necessarily get involved in domestic politics. But I will say that what we have seen, especially on college campuses, is that DEI and intersectionality are the parents of antisemitism and fostering intolerance. Can anybody look at our college campuses and say this isn't true. I don't think President Biden and vice president Harris are doing enough to rein in anti-Jewish Jewish violence in this country. Let's look at Biden's so-called efforts, is there more or less antisemitism in our universities? Are there fewer encampments? How about what's happening to the American flag? The last I've seen, the Iranian people have more respect for the American flag and the Israeli flag than liberals on university campuses today. Many students who had to start college online and COVID have gone back to going online because it's unsafe to be Jewish in America in an American university today. Jason Isaacson: Thank you, Morgan. And Halie, we're not going to have rebuttals to these questions. Halie, your last question: the Iranian threats, foreign policy question. The Iranian threat isn't confined to its accelerated nuclear program. Iranian proxies in Lebanon, Syria and Iraq firing missiles and drones at Israel sometimes with deadly effect. The Iranian supported Hutus in Yemen regularly attack ships in the Red Sea, the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean. In recent years, Saudi Arabia and the UAE have come under attack from Iran or its proxies and vessels of many nations, including the US Navy, have been targeted or damaged or seized. Iranian agents abroad from the IRGC, Hezbollah, Hamas and other groups have been implicated in assassination plots, including in our own country. Critics charge the Biden administration, which yearned from day one to return to the 2015 nuclear deal has failed to confront Iran forcefully over these multiple threats. What's your response? In a minute, if you could? Halie Soifer: Ok, in order to answer this, you have to go back to May of 2018 when President Trump against the advice of many in the US intelligence community and Israeli security establishment, withdrew from the Iran nuclear agreement. While the JCPOA was not a perfect agreement, Iran was in compliance with it. According to international observers and American intelligence officials. It was effectively verifying restrictions on Iran's nuclear development, as AJC itself said at the time in its own press release, despite our many reservations, we had hoped to see the deal fixed, not next. It was with the same objective. And given the fact that Iran was at that time weeks away from acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. The Biden administration explored whether it was possible to reenter the JCPOA and reach a better deal if Iran came back into compliance. In the end, it wasn't possible because Joe Biden refuse to capitulate to Iranian demands, including lifting the terrorists designation on the IRGC, Joe Biden should be praised, not criticized, for working with our allies to explore whether the resumption of a multilateral deal that would contain Israel's nuclear aspirations was possible, and for standing up to Iran, not just by refusing to give in to their demands, but by continuing to implement sanctions against Iran. And as I mentioned, in an unprecedented act, defending Israel against an unprecedented direct attack by the Iranians on April 13. Jason Isaacson: Halie, thank you. We're gonna go directly to closing statements and Morgan, having won the coin toss, you go first. Morgan Ortagus: Okay. You know, Halie just talked about working with allies. How about last week at the IAEA, whenever the E three, the UK, France, Germany, had to actually go and beg and plead us to stand up against Iran at the IAEA which we didn't do. We just talked about the ICC in which bipartisan sanctions are before the Congress that the Biden administration is not only not supporting, they're whipping against and the multiple votes at the UN either abstaining or actually working on ceasefire, right. solutions that undermine the State of Israel. Listen, I would say there's a far big difference between bad rhetoric and bad policy. If you want pretty tweets, vote for Biden, if you don't want dead Israelis and dead Americans vote for Trump. When you look at the people that Biden has empowered in his administration look no further than his Iran envoy, Rob Malley, who was fired, who was under FBI investigation, and also the State Department inspector general investigation because of his leaking of classified information and potential ties to Hamas. These are not the people that we will promote and support in the Trump administration. President Trump will defend Israel, he will stand by Israel and things like October 7 won't happen under President Trump. You will have peace like under the Abraham Accords and you will have an Iran that is curtailed because we will actually stand up to them and we will stop them from getting a nuclear weapon. Jason Isaacson: Morgan, thank you. Halie Soifer, your closing comment? Halie Soifer: Well, you will soon hear from Joe Biden's National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan, there is no stronger champion of the US Israel relationship. You will see that Maya Angelou famously said when someone shows you who they are, believe them the first time. Whether it's acquainting Neo Nazis with peaceful protesters declaring very fine people on both sides as Donald Trump did after Charlottesville, dining with white supremacists, Nick Fuentes and Kanye West in Mar-a-Lago, quoting Hitler, and reportedly saying he did some good things. Donald Trump has shown us exactly who he is, time and time again. Don't believe me listen to his own words. As has President Biden. And the contrast could not be more stark. This past weekend, President Biden welcomed the heroic rescue of four Israeli hostages and pledged to not stop working until all the hostages are home. Donald Trump also mentioned those who he refers to as hostages. Are they the more than 100 Israelis and Americans and others being held by Hamas? No. He's referring to incarcerated January 6 insurrectionists. That's who he is. And the American people, the Jewish people, and Israel, deserve far better from a US president and we have far better. He's currently in the White House. President Biden recently said that democracy begins with each of us. He's right. It could also end with each of us. And we each have a responsibility to defend it at the ballot box in November. Jason Isaacson: Halie, Morgan, thank you. That closes our great debate. Our community, our country have a big decision to make this November. AJC will continue to provide information on the issues that are at stake. And we thank you guys very much and we thank all of you for your attention to this important debate.
Im April 1994 sieht Maggy Corrêa im Fernsehen wie sich in Ruanda ein unvorstellbar brutales Massaker abspielt. Die Voksgruppe der Hutus verfolgt systematisch Menschen, die der Volksgruppe der Tutsi angehörten oder diese unterstützten. Tutsis werden zu Hundertausenden abgeschlachtet. Mit Stöcken, Macheten und Messer. Und Maggy Corrêa kann nur verzweifelt aus der Ferne zuschauen, was in ihrer Heimat gerade passiert.Bis ein Schweizer Geheimagent sie um ein Treffen bittet. Der junge Nachrichtendienstler Jaques Pitteloud will ihr helfen, ihre Familie vor dem Genozid zu retten. Es ist der Start einer unglaublichen Rettungsaktion und ihres gemeinsamen Kampfes gegen die Gleichgültigkeit der Schweizer Behörden.Barbara Achermann hat diese Geschichte für «Das Magazin» aufgeschrieben. Ob die Rettungskation erfolgreich war, welche Rolle die Schweiz im Genozid von Ruanda hatte und wie das ostafrikanische Land bis heute von diesem Völkermord gezeichnet ist, erzählt Achermann einer neuen Folge des täglichen Podcasts «Apropos». Es ist Teil 2 einer Doppelfolge zum Thema.Hier geht's zum Teil 1 - "Die zweifelhafte Rolle der Schweiz in Ruanda"https://www.tagesanzeiger.ch/die-zweifelhafte-rolle-der-schweiz-in-ruanda-918502412812 Als Podcast-Hörer:in den Tagi 3 Monate zum Preis von einem Monat lesen und hören: tagiabo.chHabt ihr Feedback, Ideen oder Kritik zu «Apropos»? Schreibt uns an podcasts@tamedia.ch
30 Jahre ist es her, als sich in Ruanda ein unvorstellbar brutales und blutiges Massaker abgespielt hat. Menschen, die der Volksgruppe der Tutsi angehörten oder diese unterstützten, wurden systematisch verfolgt und umgebracht. Angehörige der Volksgruppe der Hutus brachten mehr als 800'000 Tutsi um – es war der grösste Völkermord seit dem Holocaust.Zu diesem dunkeln Kapitel Ruandas Geschichte hat die Schweiz einen besonderen Bezug. Denn Ruanda war das Schwerpunktland der Schweizer Entwicklungshilfe.Welche Rolle spielte die Schweiz vor und während dem Genozid? Und welche Auswirkungen hatte ihre Beziehung zu Ruanda danach?Barbara Achermann, die stellvertretende Chefin von «Das Magazin», hat schon einige Male über Ruanda geschrieben und war kürzlich vor Ort. In einer Doppelfolge des täglichen Podcasts «Apropos» spricht sie über Ruandas Vergangenheit und erzählt von einer Geschichte, die sich wie ein echter Krimi liest.Host: Philipp LoserProduktion: Sara Spreiter Als Podcast-Hörer:in den Tagi 3 Monate zum Preis von einem Monat lesen und hören: tagiabo.chHabt ihr Feedback, Ideen oder Kritik zu «Apropos»? Schreibt uns an podcasts@tamedia.ch
Tensions between ethnic Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda began long before the 1994 genocide—a vestige of Belgian colonial rule in the country. On this episode, we trace the events leading up to the mass killing—and how they affected Paul and his wife. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Tensions between ethnic Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda began long before the 1994 genocide—a vestige of Belgian colonial rule in the country. On this episode, we trace the events leading up to the mass killing—and how they affected Paul and his wife.After Hotel Rwanda tells the story of Paul Rusesabagina, a human rights activist who in 2020 was lured from his home in San Antonio, Texas, to his former country of Rwanda, where he was tried on terrorism charges and sentenced to 25 years in prison. Rusesabagina had been a national hero in Rwanda for saving the lives of more than twelve hundred people during the 1994 genocide there. A decade later, his story was told in the Oscar-nominated movie Hotel Rwanda. Our four-part series describes how Rusesabagina went from hero to dissident in Rwanda—and how a team of supporters in Washington and elsewhere managed eventually to bring him home. The story is reported by Foreign Policy staff writer Robbie Gramer.Join Slate Plus to unlock all seasons of Slate Presents, including After Hotel Rwanda—plus ad-free listening across all your favorite Slate podcasts. Subscribe from our show page on Apple Podcasts or Spotify, or visit slate.com/podcastplus for access wherever you listen.Need to set up your Slate Plus feed? If you subscribed through Slate.com, check out our FAQ at slate.com/podcastfaqs for easy instructions. Members subscribed via Apple Podcasts get automatic access—no setup required. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Beata Umubyeyi Mairesse a 15 ans quand elle réussit à fuir le Rwanda avec sa mère en plein génocide opéré par les Hutus contre les Tutsis. 15 ans c'est aussi le temps qu'il lui aura fallu pour raconter son histoire dans un témoignage poignant, Le convoi. Et puis 15 ans, c'est l'âge d'un de ses enfants aujourd'hui à qui elle n'a pas voulu transmettre son traumatisme, celui de l'odeur de la mort soudaine et violente, celui d'un arrachement à son pays parce qu'elle est née tutsi. Agathe Le Taillandier la retrouve dans les bureaux de son éditeur Flammarion. Beata Umubyeyi Mairesse partage sa passion pour la lecture, jeune enfant, qui lui fait vivre le début du génocide dans une sorte d'“hallucination romanesque”, sa quête pour les images du convoi humanitaire qui la sauve ainsi que des dizaines d'enfants en 1994, le silence imposé comme deuxième violence, et le réconfort trouvé dans les mots de bell hooks et d'Audre Lorde.Pépites est un podcast d'interviews culturelles de Louie Media présenté par Agathe Le Taillandier et Sébastien Thème. Cet épisode a été tourné et monté par Agathe Le Taillandier. Il a été réalisé et mixé par le studio La Fugitive. La musique est de Michaël Liot. L'illustration est de Marie Guu. Photo : Céline Nieszawer © Flammarion. Charlotte Pudlowski est à la direction éditoriale. Elsa Berthault est en charge de la production. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.
This month marks 30 years since the genocide in Rwanda led to the deaths of more than 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus in one of the worst massacres of the 20th century. But even though Rwanda has largely recovered, retired Canadian Lieutenant-General Roméo Dallaire says the world hasn't learned the lessons from that time to prevent future wars and mass atrocities. The former commander of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda tells Chattopadhyay about his own mental health journey over the last three decades and why he's so disappointed in the international community – including Canada – for letting conflicts around the world spiral out of control.
Vistos CPLP vão manter-se em Portugal, mas persistem dúvidas. Aldeias de reconciliação no Ruanda juntam tutsis e hutus. Conferência de Paris angaria dois mil milhões de euros de ajuda para o Sudão.
30 ans après, la mémoire cherche encore un chemin. Rwanda, 1994. En trois mois, un million de Tutsis sont assassinés, hommes, femmes, enfants, dans un déchaînement de violence minutieusement préparé par les génocidaires Hutus à l'aide de médias et de discours de haine largement diffusés et entendus. Un génocide planifié de longue date, et exécuté dans le silence assourdissant de la communauté internationale. Mis face à la catastrophe, les médias français ont d'abord tâto ...
No recapitulativo desta semana em África, dá-se destaque ao naufrágio que custou a vida de 98 pessoas em Moçambique, evoca-se igualmente a actualidade social de São Tomé e Príncipe e da Guiné-Bissau, mas recorda-se também a situação do Ruanda que assinalou no passado domingo os 30 anos do início do genocídio durante o qual em apenas 3 meses, em 1994, foram massacrados mais de 800 mil Tutsis mas também Hutus moderados. Ao recordar este passado ainda fresco na sua memória, Innocent Niyosenga, Hutu moderado que fugiu do seu país e vive há mais de uma década em Portugal considera que para além das comemorações do genocídio, é preciso haver um balanço do que se fez ao longo dessas três décadas. "Tem que haver acções, avaliar a unidade e a reconciliação entre os homens, a criação de uma economia sustentável, a segurança, a liderança democrática, a luta contra a corrupção, o bem-estar social, tudo isso tem que se avaliar", considera este cidadão ruandês. Entretanto, no Sudão, numa altura em que está prestes a fazer um ano, na segunda-feira, que o país é palco de uma nova guerra civil, a ONU alertou nesta sexta-feira que os riscos de fome são bem reais nesse país e que a crise humanitária, já por si grave, corre o risco de se alastrar para os seus vizinhos. Sobre 48 milhões de habitantes, as Nações Unidas estimam que 18 milhões estão em insegurança alimentar aguda.No Mali, a junta militar anunciou nesta sexta-feira que só serão organizadas eleições com vista ao regresso dos civis ao poder, quando o país estiver definitivamente estabilizado. Estas declarações surgem depois de a junta já ter suspenso esta semana as actividades dos partidos políticos e de ter proibido os órgãos de comunicação social de cobrir a sua actualidade.Em Moçambique, no passado domingo, o naufrágio de um barco de pesca com 130 pessoas a bordo ao largo da ilha de Moçambique, no norte do país, resultou em 98 mortos. Esta tragédia levou as autoridades a mandatar um inquérito sobre o sucedido, o dono e o responsável da embarcação tendo sido detidos, e a instituir um luto nacional de 3 dias que terminou esta sexta-feira. Na sequência deste acontecimento dramático, o Presidente da República visitou na quarta-feira o Posto Administrativo de Lunga, no distrito de Mossuril, em Nampula, para prestar solidariedade às famílias enlutadas e aos sobreviventes do naufrágio. Durante esta deslocação, Filipe Nyusi apelou a população a prestar mais atenção quando efectua viagens pelo mar. Noutro aspecto, na quinta-feira assinalou-se o dia do jornalista moçambicano. Os profissionais da classe apontam actos de intimidação, um difícil acesso às fontes de informação com sendo alguns dos entraves ao exercício da sua missão. Em Cabo Verde, decorreu no início da semana uma Conferência Internacional na Ilha do Sal sobre Liberdade, Democracia e Boa Governação. Uma conferência durante a qual, através de um vídeo, o Presidente ucraniano endereçou uma mensagem aos seus parceiros africanos, considerando que a "guerra colonial russa" no seu país, só pode ser vencida com a solidariedade de todos.À margem deste evento no qual também esteve presente o chefe do governo de São Tomé e Príncipe, este último avistou-se com o seu homólogo cabo-verdiano. Neste encontro, evocaram-se as relações bilaterais e a organização em breve, em Cabo Verde, de uma reunião da comissão mista e de um fórum de negócios, conforme disse à imprensa o primeiro ministro são-tomense Patrice Trovoada. "Temos a ambição, na esteira das boas relações políticas da nossa fraternidade, conseguir desenvolver uma agenda económica. Por isso eu creio que na próxima comissão mista que terá lugar em Cabo Verde, vamos realmente fazer com que isso aconteça. Provavelmente um fórum económico ou um fórum de investimento. Mas para materializar essa vontade que temos há muito tempo de ver empresários cabo-verdianos a investir em São Tomé e Príncipe e vice-versa, desenvolver os sectores da agricultura, da pecuária, da pesca e ver também como é que finalmente respondemos a uma preocupação das nossas comunidades, que são as ligações aéreas, sobretudo entre São Tomé e Príncipe e Cabo Verde", disse o governante.Noutra actualidade, São Tomé e Príncipe assumiu na terça-feira a presidência do Conselho de ministros da justiça da CPLP, Comunidade dos países de língua portuguesa. Os ministros estão apostados em reforçar a segurança dos documentos para facilitar a mobilidade, os negócios e o combate à criminalidade. Ilza Amado Vaz, ministra são-tomense da justiça, fez um rescaldo dos desafios com que a comunidade se debate. "São Tomé e Príncipe, ao assumir a Presidência da Comunidade dos Países da Língua Portuguesa CPLP, em 2023, adoptou o lema 'Juventude e Sustentabilidade'. Nesse mesmo ano, a implementação do Acordo de Mobilidade na CPLP se concretizou, resultando no maior fluxo de circulação dos cidadãos dentro da nossa comunidade, foi marcado pela deslocação de jovens em busca de melhores oportunidades. Essa nova realidade nos impõe a necessidade de analisarmos aspectos jurídicos e judiciários na área civil, comercial, com o objectivo de reforçar o acesso e o respeito aos direitos fundamentais, facilitar os negócios, contratos, actos e factos jurídicos de interesse particular", declarou nomeadamente a titular do pelouro da justiça.Também em São Tomé e Príncipe, os últimos dias foram igualmente dominados pela actualidade social. Ao cabo de mais de um mês de paralisação, o governo e os sindicatos representativos do sector do ensino chegaram a um entendimento sobre o pagamento de honorários e as aulas retomaram na segunda-feira. Contudo, a intersindical avisou que em caso de incumprimento do acordo por parte do governo, vai ser retomada a greve no prazo de 90 dias.Na Guiné-Bissau, esta semana foi também social, tendo-se observado uma nova greve na saúde e na educação, sectores que têm conhecido paralisações nestes últimos meses. A Frente Social, que junta sindicatos destes sectores, esteve reunida na quinta-feira com o Presidente guineense, Umaro Sissoco Embalo, na presença do Governo. Este encontro resultou numa suspensão do bloqueio até ao dia 11 de Maio.Noutra frente, também na quinta-feira, o Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas qualificou de "provocatórias" as acusações do PAIGC que no passado 8 de Abril denunciou uma "instrumentalização" das hierarquias militares pelo Presidente da República. Em causa, visitas efectuadas pela chefia das Forças Armadas a várias unidades militares apelando os seus membros a se manterem longe dos políticos que os tentam aliciar para golpes de Estado.Também na Guiné-Bissau, a Liga guineense dos Direitos Humanos esteve reunida com a polícia judiciária para estudar meios de combater o aumento de assassínios que se tem verificado, com mais de 10 homicídios no espaço de 2 meses. Guerri Gomes, secretário nacional para comunicação e relações públicas da Liga dos direitos humanos, lamentou nomeadamente actos de justiça pelas próprias mãos. "Há um vídeo que circula nas redes sociais em que o indivíduo foi brutalmente espancado numa das zonas da região de Cacheu por alegadamente roubar um telefone. Isso é uma manifestação clara de que a população neste momento, não tem confiança no sistema judicial", considerou este responsável.Em Angola, o maior partido da oposição, a Unita, acusou alguns governadores, que também são secretários provinciais do MPLA, de inviabilizarem as suas XI jornadas parlamentares, pelo facto de se recusarem a receber os deputados do respectivo partido. Acusações logo desmentidas pelo partido no poder que argumentou estar "sempre aberto ao diálogo".
Las guerras internas de Ruanda y los conflictos entre la familia gobernante, desemboca en una matanza por parte de milicias radicalizadas que quieren acabar con los Tutsi. La pasividad de la ONU, y el interés de Francia por seguir siendo la potencia dominante en la zona, agudizan la catástrofe humanitaria. Se cumplen 30 años de estos hechos, que destrozaron cientos de miles de vidas mientras el resto del mundo se horrorizaba pero ¿Qué pasó exactamente? ¿Es tan fácil como el odio de Hutus contra Tutsis? Te lo cuentan Julio 'Caronte', Antonio Gómez y Dani CarAn. 🔗 Enlaces para Listas de Episodios Exclusivos para 💥 FANS 👉 CB FANS 💥 https://bit.ly/CBPListCBFans 👉 Histórico 📂 FANS Antes de la 2GM https://bit.ly/CBPListHis1 👉 Histórico 📂 FANS 2ª Guerra Mundial https://bit.ly/CBPListHis2 👉 Histórico 📂 FANS Guerra Fría https://bit.ly/CBPListHis3 👉 Histórico 📂 FANS Después de la G Fría https://bit.ly/CBPListHis4 Casus Belli Podcast pertenece a 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Casus Belli Podcast forma parte de 📀 Ivoox Originals. 📚 Zeppelin Books (Digital) y 📚 DCA Editor (Físico) http://zeppelinbooks.com son sellos editoriales de la 🏭 Factoría Casus Belli. Estamos en: 🆕 WhatsApp https://bit.ly/CasusBelliWhatsApp 👉 X/Twitter @CasusBelliPod 👉 Facebook https://www.facebook.com/CasusBelliPodcast 👉 Instagram estamos https://www.instagram.com/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Canal https://t.me/casusbellipodcast 👉 Telegram Grupo de Chat https://t.me/casusbellipod 📺 YouTube https://bit.ly/casusbelliyoutube 👉 TikTok https://www.tiktok.com/@casusbelli10 👉 https://podcastcasusbelli.com 👨💻Nuestro chat del canal es https://t.me/casusbellipod ⚛️ El logotipo de Casus Belli Podcasdt y el resto de la Factoría Casus Belli están diseñados por Publicidad Fabián publicidadfabian@yahoo.es 🎵 La música incluida en el programa es Ready for the war de Marc Corominas Pujadó bajo licencia CC. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nd/3.0/ El resto de música es bajo licencia privada de Epidemic Music, Jamendo Music o SGAE SGAE RRDD/4/1074/1012 de Ivoox. 📧¿Queréis contarnos algo? También puedes escribirnos a casus.belli.pod@gmail.com ¿Quieres anunciarte en este podcast, patrocinar un episodio o una serie? Hazlo a través de 👉 https://www.advoices.com/casus-belli-podcast-historia Si te ha gustado, y crees que nos lo merecemos, nos sirve mucho que nos des un like, ya que nos da mucha visibilidad. Muchas gracias por escucharnos, y hasta la próxima. ¿Quieres anunciarte en este podcast? Hazlo con advoices.com/podcast/ivoox/391278 Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals
Que savait la France de la mécanique génocidaire enclenchée au Rwanda au début des années 90 ? Pouvait-elle contrecarrer le projet des extrémistes du régime Habyarimana ? Ces questions ont été relancées par les propos d'Emmanuel Macron selon qui la France « aurait pu arrêter le génocide » des Tutsis, mais n'en a « pas eu la volonté ». Un homme détient une partie des réponses. Cet homme, c'est le général Jean Varret. De 1990 à 1993, Jean Varret a été chef de la mission militaire de coopération. Il a vu des signes avant-coureurs des massacres au Rwanda, a tenté d'alerter, de s'opposer, mais il n'a pas été entendu. Il a même été mis à l'écart. C'est ce qu'il raconte à RFI, à l'occasion des trente ans du génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda, ce dimanche.RFI : Le président Emmanuel Macron estime que la France aurait pu arrêter les massacres lors du génocide des Tutsis, mais n'en a pas eu la volonté. Vous n'étiez plus sur place quand le génocide a démarré, mais diriez-vous que dans la période de 1990 à 1993, où vous étiez chef de la mission militaire de coopération au Rwanda, si les autorités avaient donné les bonnes instructions, on aurait pu endiguer la mécanique génocidaire. Général Jean Varret : C'est certain. Absolument. Parce que la France était très proche du Rwanda et les deux présidents s'appréciaient, se téléphonaient. Mais, attention, il aurait fallu commencer tôt, c'est-à-dire dès 1989, 1990… Dates auxquelles le processus du génocide s'est mis en place, progressivement. Ça aurait été trop tard, en 1993. La machine était lancée. Mais je pense que, dès le départ, vers 1989-1990, la France, si elle était convaincue des risques d'un génocide, aurait pu persuader Habyarimana de faire marche arrière. Est-ce que les signes étaient clairs, à cette époque-là, du risque de génocide ? Ces signes étaient clairs pour peu de monde. Un chef de coopération militaire a 26 pays et, dans chaque pays, il y a un colonel. Dans le cas du Rwanda, il y avait un colonel, qui s'appelle René Galinié, et ce monsieur était en place depuis deux ans quand j'ai pris mes fonctions en 1990. Donc il connaissait très bien le Rwanda et avait très vite vu des signes avant-coureurs d'un risque à soutenir la politique française menée au Rwanda. Il m'en a fait part dès que j'ai pris mes fonctions, au travers d'écrits, au travers de coups de fil, etc. Je me suis rendu sur place très vite, avant la fin de l'année 1990. Et là, il m'a expliqué -très clairement- les dérives possibles de notre politique française. Donc, lui était déjà très sensibilisé et je dois dire que ses arguments m'avaient convaincu. J'ai multiplié les allers-retours. Je crois qu'en l'espace de six mois, je suis allé quatre fois au Rwanda. À chaque fois, j'ai pu constater que René Galinié avait raison. Que vous disait précisément René Galinié sur les risques qui existaient ?René Galinié me disait que le pouvoir hutu devenait un pouvoir dictatorial et considérait que la minorité tutsi était les ennemis des Hutus. Or, Galinié, très tôt, m'a dit, le gouvernement français - enfin, l'équipe dirigeante française - considère, comme les Hutus, que les Tutsis sont des ennemis. Galinié, là-dessus, m'a convaincu très vite que la politique de la France considérant les Tutsis comme ses ennemis était erronée. Jusqu'au jour, très tôt d'ailleurs, autour du deuxième voyage que j'ai fait, où le chef d'état-major m'a demandé d'aller à une réunion qu'il avait montée avec les gendarmes. Et là, le chef de la gendarmerie, un certain Rwagafilita, me demande des mitrailleuses, des mortiers… Alors, j'ai dit : « Mais la coopération militaire française n'est pas là pour équiper la gendarmerie comme une armée ! Moi, je veux bien vous donner des gilets pare-balles, des casques, des grenades lacrymogènes et continuer à vous former au maintien de l'ordre, à la lutte, peut-être, contre les manifestations, s'il y en a, en particulier des Tutsis, mais certainement pas des armes de guerre ! » Devant la sécheresse de mes réponses, le chef d'état-major dit que la réunion est terminée et le chef des gendarmes demande simplement à me voir en tête-à-tête, si je suis d'accord. Et là, il me dit froidement : « Écoutez, si je vous ai demandé ces armes létales, ces armes de guerre, c'est parce que nous allons participer, nous gendarmes, avec l'armée rwandaise, l'armée hutue, à la liquidation de tous les Tutsis. » « Comment, je dis, tous les Tutsis ? » « Oui, les femmes, les enfants, les vieillards, tous ceux qui sont sur place. Rassurez-vous, ça ira assez vite, ils ne sont pas très nombreux. »Il emploie ces mots : « Nous allons participer à la liquidation de tous les Tutsis. »Oui, c'est la phrase exacte, je l'ai toujours en mémoire. Et la phrase complémentaire : « Rassurez-vous, ce sera vite fait. Ils ne sont pas très nombreux. »Vous prévenez Paris de cet entretien ?Alors, évidemment, je prenais l'avion quelques heures après pour retourner en France. Et je demande immédiatement à voir Habyarimana lui-même, le président, qui m'avait déjà reçu pour me demander différents apports d'armements et autres, il demandait une augmentation de la coopération militaire. Je demande à le voir et je passe voir l'ambassadeur, qui s'appelle monsieur Martre à l'époque, je lui dis ce que je viens d'entendre et je demande à aller voir Habyarimana. L'ambassadeur me dit : « Allez-y, je n'ai pas le temps d'y aller, je ne peux pas. » Je vois Habyarimana, non pas au palais, mais chez lui, car il était tard. Je dis ce que vient de me dire Rwagafilita. Et là, il se lève, furieux, et il me dit : « Il vous a dit ça, ce con-là ? » Toujours la phrase exacte… Je dis « Oui ! » « Eh bien, je le vide. » D'abord, il n'a pas été vidé. Je ne sais pas s'il était furieux parce que Rwagafilita avait vendu un projet secret ou, simplement, parce qu'il trouvait que ce n'était pas à lui de dire ça… Je ne sais pas, mais, enfin, il était furieux. Dans l'avion, je rédige un télégramme, un TD secret-défense, que j'adresse à mon ministre -au ministre des Armées- et à l'état-major particulier du président. Quel est le retour qui vous est fait des autorités françaises sur ce télégramme diplomatique ? Aucun. Aucune réponse. On ne me dit pas que j'ai tort. On ne me dit pas que c'est faux. Apparemment, on n'en tient pas compte. Je dis bien « apparemment ». Mais ce télégramme a été lu puisque, très longtemps après, un des lecteurs m'en a fait allusion. Est-ce qu'il y a d'autres situations qui vous ont alarmé ? Oui, parce qu'après, quand je retournais au Rwanda ou quand je communiquais avec Galinié, les massacres des Tutsis commençaient, en particulier au nord-est du pays, c'est-à-dire dans le fief des Hutus extrémistes. Et puis dans le sud, et ça touchait aussi les Hutus modérés. Donc les massacres se multipliaient. Parallèlement, la pression de l'état-major particulier du président français s'accentuait sur moi pour que je réponde positivement aux demandes de renforcement militaire de la coopération. Ces deux contradictions me montraient que la situation devenait très grave.Tous les éléments dont vous disposez veulent dire que les autorités à Paris savent donc ce qui se trame ?Je ne sais pas s'ils savent ce qui se trame. Enfin, Galinié et moi, on l'a dit. On l'a dit oralement, dans la cellule de crise, et on l'a dit par écrit. Mais on n'est pas cru. Je pense que ni Galinié, ni moi, ni même un rédacteur du Quai d'Orsay qui s'appelait Antoine Anfré [Antoine Anfré a depuis été nommé ambassadeur de France au Rwanda, en juin 2021, NDLR]. Ce rédacteur avait senti la chose, mais il n'a pas été écouté. Galinié et moi, nous n'avons pas été écoutés. Je pense qu'on était minoritaires, tellement minoritaires que nos voix n'étaient pas audibles.Justement, lors des réunions de la cellule de crise auxquelles vous participez par la suite, quelle est l'attitude que vous tenez et quel est l'accueil que vous recevez ? Alors, dans les cellules de crise, il y avait le représentant du Quai d'Orsay, le représentant de la défense, le représentant de la coopération (en général, c'était moi) et puis le représentant de l'Élysée, le chef d'état-major (ou son adjoint) de l'état-major particulier du président. Dans ces réunions, on discutait de l'apport, du renfort, de l'aide qu'on devait apporter au gouvernement rwandais dans ses combats contre les Tutsis. Et moi, à chaque fois, je disais « Non, ce n'est pas la peine de leur envoyer des canons de plus. Non, il ne faut pas leur envoyer des mitrailleuses de plus, etc. ».Au bout d'un moment, on ne tenait plus compte de mes restrictions. Au contraire, on m'enlevait des prérogatives que le chef de coopération militaire a, c'est-à-dire, dans les pays du champ, tous les militaires qui sont sur place dépendent de lui. C'est comme cela que des unités spéciales qui étaient dans un camp au Rwanda, chargées de former des cadres hutus, j'apprends que ces unités spéciales, qui étaient sous mes ordres, avaient été faire une reconnaissance en Ouganda en franchissant la frontière sans mon autorisation. Donc, non seulement, je les engueule, mais je fais également une information en disant que c'est inadmissible que cette unité ait transgressé mes ordres. Quand je rentre à Paris, j'ai un télégramme sur mon bureau disant que les unités spéciales mises dans le camp de Gabiro ne sont plus sous vos ordres. Donc, petit à petit, je comprends que non seulement je ne suis pas écouté, mais que je gêne. Je ne suis plus convoqué aux cellules de crise. En mon absence, certains ont dit : « méfiez-vous de Varret », autrement dit, ne l'écoutez pas.Avant la fin de ma troisième année, le ministre, très gêné, me dit : « Je viens d'apprendre que vous êtes remis à la disposition du ministre de la Défense, que vous quittez vos fonctions et que vous êtes remplacé par ce jeune général. » J'appelle la Défense qui me dit : « Effectivement, vous allez être nommé gouverneur militaire du nord de la France. » Et moi, je dis non, je ne veux pas, je n'ai pas été écouté, je demande ma démission. Ma démission, il fallait que ce soit le président qui la signe. Le président refuse de me la signer et me convoque à l'Élysée à deux reprises pour me dire : « Je ne veux pas que vous démissionniez. »Lassé de prêcher dans le désert, lassé de ne pas être écouté et de ne pas être cru, lassé d'être mis de côté, je suis parti un an avant le génocide et j'ai volontairement fermé toutes les informations que j'avais, fermé [cessé] de m'intéresser au Rwanda. Si ce n'est que, quand le génocide s'est déclenché, j'ai essayé de contacter le président Mitterrand, ce que j'ai fait par une personne interposée. Et je lui ai fait dire : « Pourquoi n'avez-vous pas tenu compte de mes télégrammes ? » Et la réponse de Mitterrand, qui a été immédiate : « Je n'ai pas vu vos télégrammes. » Vrai ou faux ? Je n'en sais rien, mais pour moi, l'affaire se conclut comme cela. Qui balayait le plus souvent vos réserves lors de ces discussions de la cellule de crise ? Je dois dire, un peu tout le monde, mais, certainement, en priorité, l'état-major particulier du président. Pourquoi, selon vous, les alertes que vous avez lancées n'ont-elles pas été entendues ? Je pense simplement que je n'étais pas audible. Parce que je m'apercevais que, dans les réunions de crise, tout le monde était sur une même ligne. C'est-à-dire le Quai d'Orsay, la Défense, l'état-major particulier. C'est au travers de ces trois entités que se réglaient les problèmes du champ. Je n'étais pas audible parce que les trois entités que je cite étaient toutes sur la même ligne que le président Mitterrand. Et le président Mitterrand m'avait expliqué, quelques années avant, en Afrique, quelle était sa politique africaine. Sa politique africaine, c'était permettre à la France d'avoir, à l'ONU, des pays qui votaient comme elle, ce qu'on appelait « les pays du champ », et d'avoir donc du poids face aux États-Unis. Dans le cas du Rwanda, le président Mitterrand voulait absolument que le Rwanda reste francophone, au travers des Hutus, car ils étaient menacés par les anglophones, qui étaient les Tutsis équipés, armés et formés par les anglo-saxons. Car je rappelle que Kagame, le président actuel, était allé à l'école de guerre américaine et était allé dans les écoles anglaises de l'Ouganda. C'était le regard que le président français François Mitterrand portait sur la situation au Rwanda ?Oui, et personne autre que moi, à l'époque, à mon niveau, personne ne disait au président que dans le cas du Rwanda, cette politique pouvait amener des catastrophes. Tout le monde disait ce que Mitterrand voulait entendre. Il y avait une volonté de plaire au prince, vous pensez ? Ou alors, c'est parce qu'il y avait une conviction qui allait dans le même sens que celle du président Mitterrand. Certainement les deux. Il y avait quand même une conviction que Mitterrand avait raison. Et puis, une part que je ne peux pas évaluer, une part de flagornerie. Il était difficile de dire au président qu'on n'était pas d'accord. Je pense que le président avait une autorité indiscutable et un certain charisme qui faisaient que son entourage n'osait pas lui dire qu'il partait sur une fausse route.Le général Jean Varret a signé un livre d'entretiens avec le journaliste Laurent Larcher intitulé Souviens-toi, publié aux éditions Les Arènes. À lire aussiRwanda: la France qui «aurait pu arrêter le génocide», nouveau signe du réchauffement diplomatique entre les deux pays
durée : 00:28:12 - Une histoire particulière - Du 7 avril au 17 juillet 1994 près d'1 million de Rwandais vont trouver la mort, essentiellement des Tutsis assassinés par les extrémistes Hutus. Responsable de viols et de meurtres de masse, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko va prendre la fuite avant que son passé ne la rattrape. - invités : Juliette Bour Doctorante en histoire contemporaine à l'EHESS; Alain Gauthier Président du Collectif des Parties Civiles pour le Rwanda; Patrick de Saint-Exupéry Journaliste, grand reporter, écrivain et spécialiste du Rwanda; Céline Bardet Juriste et enquêtrice criminelle internationale, fondatrice et directrice de l'ONG "We are Not Weapons of War"; Melkior Journaliste réfugié à Nairobi; Adélaïde Mukantabana Écrivaine et militante rwandaise
« Trente ans après le génocide, le souvenir à tout prix, titre Aujourd'hui en France Dimanche. Trois décennies après, ajoute le journal, la mémoire des Rwandais est toujours à vif, brûlante, à l'échelle de la violence qui s'était alors déchaînée. Elle est aussi omniprésente, dans un pays où survivants et génocidaires cohabitent. [...] Les monuments commémoratifs, ajoute Aujourd'hui en France Dimanche, sont des rappels permanents de l'horreur vécue dans chaque recoin du pays. Il en existe environ 250, essaimés dans les bâtiments communaux, les stades, églises ou universités. » Se souvenir est indispensable.Audace, un jeune Rwandais témoigne : « La mémoire, même douloureuse, est une nécessité. C'est ce qui nous permet d'avancer, et de pardonner collectivement, là où on en serait incapables individuellement. On ne parle plus de tutsis ni de Hutus dans ce pays, mais de Rwandais. » La réconciliation a aussi « reposé sur la justice », rappelle dans la Tribune Dimanche, Audrey Azoulay, la directrice générale de l'Unesco, l'Organisation des Nations pour l'éducation, la science et la culture. Elle « participe ce week-end aux cérémonies de commémoration au Rwanda. [...] Le processus de réconciliation », dit-elle, a reposé notamment sur « les tribunaux communautaires, les gacaca et la justice internationale ».Mémoire et justice« De nombreux génocidaires se sont réfugiés en France, où une trentaine de dossiers sont en cours d'instruction, mais seules sept condamnations ont été prononcées », explique le Nouvel Obs, qui est allé à la rencontre d'Alain et Dafroza Gautier. « Depuis 25 ans, ils traquent les génocidaires. Alain, originaire d'Ardèche et Dafroza, née à Butare, dans une famille tutsie. Ce couple, qui a déposé trente-cinq plaintes, précise le Nouvel Obs, porte presque à lui seul, la charge de poursuivre les responsables du dernier génocide du XXe siècle, réfugiés en France. »Parmi eux, Agathe Habyarimana, la veuve du président assassiné le 6 avril 1994, « soupçonnée d'être la tête pensante du parti extrémiste hutu ayant appelé au génocide ». Pourtant, elle vit paisiblement en région parisienne. « L'asile ne lui a pas été octroyé, mais la France rejette les demandes d'extradition du Rwanda, nous dit le Nouvel Obs, "je pense qu'elle est protégée", estime Dafroza Gautier. Son époux ajoute : "Son procès risquerait de lever des lièvres sur le rôle de la France et le soutien qu'elle a apporté." L'an prochain, conclut l'hebdomadaire, doit avoir lieu le procès de la tuerie de l'église où la mère de Dafroza a été assassinée. Elle ira, dit-elle, "sans haine ni vengeance". »Les « esclaves sexuelles de Daech »« Cette horreur que l'on n'a pas voulu voir », s'exclame Kamel Daoud, l'écrivain franco-algérien auquel le Point a fait appel pour faire le récit de ces violences. « Ce n'est pourtant pas un secret, depuis l'avènement de l'organisation terroriste Daech, et la proclamation du califat, le monde dit "musulman savait". Et plus que jamais, ce qu'ont subi ces femmes ne peut être ignoré. À l'occasion d'un film tourné par Majid Hamid, un journaliste de la chaîne al-Arabiya, à Bagdad, des femmes, yézidies pour la plupart, qui ont été les esclaves sexuelles de Daech, témoignent à visage découvert. "Il m'a kidnappée, il m'a vendue, il m'a offerte, il m'a violée" racontent-elles à l'unisson. En France, regrette Kamel Daoud, les scoops d'al-Arabiya ont trouvé peu d'écho. La condition de la femme dans le monde musulman est difficile, sinon terrible, estime l'écrivain. C'est la femme qui paie les effondrements de régime, l'islamisme, les crises et le lien pathologique à la réalité. Les Yézidies qui racontent sont des femmes, mais quelque part, toutes les femmes sont des Yézidies. »Le sport malgré la guerreL'Express nous propose d'imaginer les Jeux olympiques, vus d'un pays, l'Ukraine, où la principale préoccupation est la guerre, et non pas le sport. Pourtant, malgré les bombes, de jeunes athlètes s'entraînent, dans l'espoir de venir à Paris l'été prochain. L'Express est allé à leur rencontre, à Kiev. On fait ainsi la connaissance d'Oleksiy Sereda, « jeune prodige du plongeon de 18 ans, en lice pour les JO 2024 ». Pour lui, explique l'Express, « rester concentré sur ses figures pendant tout un entraînement relève de l'exploit, alors que son pays subit depuis plus de deux ans l'invasion de l'armée russe. À chaque instant, un missile ou un drone ennemi peut exploser sur la capitale ». Mais pas question de laisser tomber. « Si je remporte une médaille olympique, je rendrai un grand service à mon pays, estime Oleksiy Sereda, parce que beaucoup de gens entendraient parler de l'Ukraine en bien. » Et il conclut : « Je veux prouver qu'un sportif peut gagner une médaille, même si son pays est en guerre. »
durée : 00:28:12 - Une histoire particulière - Du 7 avril au 17 juillet 1994 près d'1 million de Rwandais vont trouver la mort, essentiellement des Tutsis assassinés par les extrémistes Hutus. Responsable de viols et de meurtres de masse, Pauline Nyiramasuhuko va prendre la fuite avant que son passé ne la rattrape. - invités : Juliette Bour Doctorante en histoire contemporaine à l'EHESS; Alain Gauthier Président du Collectif des Parties Civiles pour le Rwanda; Patrick de Saint-Exupéry Journaliste, grand reporter, écrivain et spécialiste du Rwanda; Céline Bardet Juriste et enquêtrice criminelle internationale, fondatrice et directrice de l'ONG "We are Not Weapons of War"; Melkior Journaliste réfugié à Nairobi; Adélaïde Mukantabana Écrivaine et militante rwandaise
Moçambique: Arranca hoje a sessão do Comité Central da FRELIMO com críticas à demora na escolha do próximo candidato à presidência. O polémico abandono da Thai Moçambique Logística do projeto ferro-portuário na Zambézia. Em Angola: Jurista Rui Verde comenta anulação da condenação de "Zenu" dos Santos pelo Tribunal Constitucional. Ruanda: 30 anos do genocídio de tutsis e hutus moderados.
Almost one million people murdered in just one hundred days. It seems unfathomable, but that was the reality in Rwanda back in 1994 when militias and civilians from the country's majority ethnic group, the Hutus, killed their Tutsi neighbors. Thirty years on, we take a look back at one of Christiane's reports from 2008, when she returned to Rwanda to speak with some of those who have managed to find forgiveness since the genocide. Also on today's show: Rwandan Human Rights Activist Paul Rusesabagina; author Sarah McCammon (“The Exvangelicals") Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
How to prevent a genocide? Rwanda is marking 30 years since the slaughter of an estimated 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus. During those 100 days of horror, a stunned international community watched from the sidelines. On that score, France's president is slated to recognise the international community's failure to prevent the 1994 genocide. What can the world do when it sees the red flags of hate turn to annihilation? How to prevent the dehumanisation that can lead to horror? Produced by Alessandro Xenos, Rebecca Gnignati and Imen Mellaz.
Au Rwanda, le 7 avril 2024 marquera le début de 100 jours de commémorations officielles du génocide de 1994 perpétré contre les Tutsis. Il y a 30 ans, selon les Nations unies, plus d'un million de personnes – en majorité des Tutsis, mais également des Hutus, et d'autres opposants au génocide – ont été systématiquement tuées en moins de trois mois. Nous consacrons cette semaine une série de reportages à la société rwandaise, 30 ans après. À l'approche des commémorations, le secteur de la santé mentale se mobilise pour venir en aide aux rescapés les plus vulnérables pendant cette période douloureuse, à travers des formations de volontaires qui seront déployés au cours de la première semaine de deuil. De notre correspondante à Kigali,Au milieu d'une salle d'hôtel, deux formateurs montrent les techniques d'évacuation à un groupe de jeunes volontaires. Parmi eux, Alice Tuyizere, 22 ans, étudiante dans la ville de Musanze, dans le nord du pays. « C'est ma première fois comme volontaire. Je suis Rwandaise, donc je veux aider mes concitoyens, je veux pouvoir les aider du mieux possible. »Cent-vingt étudiants de 40 universités du pays seront déployés pendant les commémorations. À tour de rôle, chacun pratique les techniques de premiers secours enseignées : position latérale de sécurité en cas d'évanouissement, évacuations vers les centres dédiés à la santé mentale dans les cérémonies... Une prise en charge particulière, explique Alice Tuyizere :« J'ai appris beaucoup de choses sur comment aider quelqu'un en crise traumatique pendant les commémorations, comment le calmer, comment lui parler, et l'aider de plusieurs façons. Certaines personnes qui sont traumatisées ne sont pas prêtes à surmonter ce qu'il leur est arrivé. »Crises de panique, hallucinations, flashbacks… L'année dernière, les autorités ont enregistré plus de 2 800 interventions au cours de la première semaine de commémoration. Dans la salle, Athanase Nsengiyumva, psychologue, donne des conseils aux jeunes volontaires sur la prise en charge des crises traumatiques.À écouter aussiRwanda: face au génocide, dans les archives d'IbukaFormations en cascadeCes besoins périodiques sont trop importants pour les 16 psychiatres, 2 000 psychologues et 500 infirmières psychiatriques pratiquants au Rwanda. Depuis février, des formations de personnels soignants généralistes et de volontaires sont organisées pour préparer les commémorations. Des formations en cascade, explique Audace Mudahemuka, coordinateur national du groupe d'étudiants :« On forme trois personnes par université, et ces trois personnes deviennent à leur tour des formateurs. Ils forment à leur tour des étudiants dans leur université pour avoir un grand nombre de personnes avec des compétences de base pour soutenir. »Plus d'un quart des rescapés du génocide souffrent encore de stress post-traumatique. Les besoins en accompagnement psychologique ne s'arrêtent pas à la période de commémoration : selon les autorités, un Rwandais sur cinq est affecté par des problèmes de santé mentale, en majorité par la dépression.À lire aussiRwanda: aux origines du génocide des Tutsis
Il y a 30 ans, selon les Nations unies, près d'un million de personnes – en majorité des Tutsis, mais également des Hutus et d'autres opposants au génocide – ont été systématiquement tuées en moins de trois mois. Dans certaines régions, les rescapés attendent encore de voir certains génocidaires présumés arrêtés, comme à Gishyita, dans la province de l'ouest du pays, d'où sont originaires les deux derniers fugitifs génocidaires présumés et recherchés par le Mécanisme chargé des derniers dossiers du Tribunal pénal international pour le Rwanda. De notre envoyée spéciale à Gishyita,Responsable local de l'association de rescapés Ibuka, Adrien Harorimana avance vers un bâtiment administratif sur les hauteurs de son village natal de Gishyita. « Ici, c'est le bureau de l'ancienne commune de Gishyita. Sikubwabo Charles, le bourgmestre pendant le génocide contre les Tutsis, travaillait ici », indique-t-il.Face à lui, s'étend à l'horizon la colline de Bisesero, où le survivant s'est réfugié pendant le génocide. L'une des collines où l'ancien bourgmestre Charles Sikubwabo et le commerçant Riyandikayo, les deux derniers fugitifs recherchés par le Mécanisme, sont suspectés d'avoir mené des attaques.« Ce serait très important qu'ils soient traduits en justice. S'ils sont déjà morts, ce serait très triste pour les rescapés. Pour nous, on voudrait les voir jugés et condamnés de leur vivant », espère Adrien Harorimana.Long format RFIJustice internationale, dans les rouages de la lutte contre l'impunitéTraque contre-la-montreDans l'ancienne commune de Gishyita, la vie a repris son cours. Des enfants jouent au ballon devant l'église catholique de Mubuga, où les fugitifs sont accusés d'avoir participé au massacre de plusieurs milliers de Tutsis. À côté du mémorial construit trois ans plus tôt, Vincent Usabyimfura, rescapé, espère encore obtenir justice pour ses proches disparus :« Je voudrais lui dire, à Sikubwabo, que ce n'est pas quelqu'un de bien. Il aurait dû être un exemple, en tant que dirigeant, mais malheureusement, il a participé au massacre. Mais je lui dirais aussi qu'il n'a pas réussi à tous nous tuer. »À écouter aussi«Tu as tué ma sœur ?»: 30 ans après le génocide des Tutsis au Rwanda, rescapés et ex-génocidaires cohabitentQuelques dizaines de mètres avant l'église, d'anciens génocidaires montrent du doigt le croisement en face de l'école du village, point de rencontre, selon eux, des autorités qui organisaient les massacres. « Il y avait des réunions. Ce sont les autorités qui nous ont donné l'ordre d'attaquer, dont Sikubwabo », se souvient Shumi Elamu, libéré après plus de sept ans de prison. « Je voudrais le revoir et qu'ici, on puisse l'accuser directement de ce qu'il nous à pousser à faire, car il nous a appelé à faire du mal. »En cas d'arrestation, les deux fugitifs doivent être extradés et jugés au Rwanda. Trente ans après, c'est une traque contre-la-montre : s'ils sont toujours en vie, Riyandikayo et Charles Sikubwabo sont aujourd'hui âgés de plus de 60 et 80 ans.
School of International Service professor Claudine Kuradusenge-McLeod joins Big World in this episode marking the 30th anniversary of the Rwandan genocide. In 1994, a roughly 100-day massacre by Hutu militias targeting the Tutsi minority ethnic group resulted in the death of about 800,000 people, including Tutsis, moderate Hutus, and Twa. Kuradusenge-McLeod, who is a scholar-activist specializing in genocide studies, begins our discussion by describing, in broad strokes, the events that led up to the genocide in 1994 and what occurred during the 100 days (1:23). She also discusses the international response to the events of the genocide (5:26) and explains where relations between Hutus and Tutsis in Rwanda stand today (8:49). What is life like for survivors of the genocide today, both within Rwanda and in the diaspora? (10:57) What has been President Paul Kagame's impact on Rwanda since the genocide, and do people consider him a dictator? (15:59) Kuradusenge-McLeod answers these questions and analyzes whether or not justice has been served in the punishment of genocide perpetrators (26:43). To close out the discussion, Kuradusenge-McLeod discusses the state of human rights in Rwanda today (31:29) and explains the lasting impact of the genocide on the nation (33:37). In the “Take 5” segment (22:59) of this episode, Kuradusenge-McLeod answers this question: What are five things Rwanda needs to do to become fully democratic?
Au Rwanda, le 7 avril 2024 marquera le début de cent jours de commémorations officielles du génocide de 1994 perpétré contre les Tutsi.. Comment vivre ensemble ? Trente ans après, une grande partie de génocidaires sont sortis de prisons et sont retournés dans leur village à côté des rescapés qui ont perdu leurs proches dans les tueries. Au niveau du gouvernement, un ministère de l'Unité nationale a été créé. Sur le terrain, des ONG comme l'organisation internationale pour la consolidation de la paix Interpeace tentent d'aider les villageois à vivre ensemble malgré les traumatismes. C'est notamment le cas dans le district de de Bugesera, anciennement Nyamata. Envoyée spéciale à Bugesera,Rentré de sa parcelle où il cultive bananes, haricots et patates douces, Innocent Gatanazi, 65 ans, nous reçoit dans son salon. Petite pièce sobre, quasiment vide, dans le village de Kabeza. Il a passé 8 ans en prison et fait 4 ans de travaux d'intérêt général : « En prison, je faisais des cauchemars. Je me disais que personne n'allait me pardonner. J'avais peur que les gens que j'avais trahis en tuant leurs proches se vengent et me tuent, raconte Innocent Gatanazi, Une fois dehors, même libre, je rêvais de la prison. Quand je croisais une rescapée, je me disais "Oh non elle m'a vue, elle pense sans doute à ce que j'ai fait". Mvura Nkuvure m'a aidé. »« Ses voisins savaient qu'il avait tué »« Mvura Nkuvure » : (« Tu me soignes, je te soigne », en kinyarwanda) est un programme développé par des organisations, dont Interpeace pour des dialogues dans les communautés entre rescapés et anciens génocidaires. Innocent nous conduit chez Aurélie Uwimana. Connue pour ses prêches à l'Église, elle a été choisie pour animer le groupe de la cellule de Musovu.« Quand Gatanazi est sorti de prison, c'est comme s'il était entré dans une autre prison. Il vivait reclus parce que ses voisins savaient qu'il avait tué pendant le génocide. Les premiers temps, personne ne peut regarder vers l'avenir. Que ce soit les ex-détenus ou les rescapés. C'est un long processus, précise Aurélie Uwimana. Les rescapés, quand ils réalisent qu'ils se sentent mieux, disent aux autres de participer. Ceux qui ont commis le génocide, au début, pensent qu'on les invite pour les piéger et les arrêter à nouveau. Mais eux aussi, une fois qu'ils voient que ça aide, ils en parlent à d'autres et nous demandent de créer d'autres groupes. »Àécouter aussiGénocide des Tutsis au Rwanda: «Ce sont des procès hors norme, extrêmement complexes à organiser»« J'étais remplie de haine »C'est dans ce cadre qu'Innocent a revu Françoise Mukaremera cultivatrice, elle aussi, d'un village voisin. Il a tué sa petite sœur de 5 ans en 1994.« Je me méfiais de tout le monde. J'étais remplie de haine. Je voulais tuer ceux qui avaient tué les miens. Puis j'ai rejoint le groupe Mvura Nkuvure. Quand j'ai vu Gatanazi, j'ai eu très peur. J'ai pensé qu'il était là pour me tuer, explique Françoise. Après une première session, une deuxième, une troisième, une quatrième... Je me suis peu à peu calmée. (…) Je lui ai demandé "c'est vrai que tu as tué ma sœur ?". Il a dit oui. Il a raconté. Il m'a demandé pardon. Après plusieurs rencontres, je lui ai dit que j'avais réfléchi, que j'avais trouvé un chemin pour vivre avec ».Faute de pouvoir proposer un suivi individuel à chaque citoyen traumatisé, les formes de thérapie de groupe apparaissent comme des options. Le défi est de pouvoir le faire à grande échelle car entre 17 000 et 20 000 génocidaires sortiront de prison. Selon les Nations unies, plus d'un million de personnes - en majorité des Tutsis, mais également des Hutus et d'autres opposants au génocide - ont été systématiquement tuées en moins de trois mois.À lire aussiGénocide des Tutsis au Rwanda: «Ce sont des procès hors norme, extrêmement complexes à organiser»À lire aussiRwanda: aux origines du génocide des Tutsis
Le 7 avril 2024 marquera le début de cent jours de commémorations officielles du génocide de 1994 perpétré contre les Tutsis. Pour plus de la moitié de la population née après le massacre, les séquelles, les échos, les blessures et les silences sont encore bien présents. Ainsi : trente ans après, des rescapés ignorent toujours où sont les restes de leurs proches et les exhumations de victimes continuent, comme à Ngoma, près de Huyé, anciennement Butare, dans le sud du Rwanda. De notre envoyée spéciale à Ngoma,« Ça, c'est la maison de Hishamunda. Hishamunda, c'était le père de la famille. » Théodate Siboyintore regarde tristement le terrain cabossé devant lui. Le représentant de l'association de rescapés Ibuka pour le district désigne l'emplacement de la maison de la fille d'un génocidaire. Il y a six mois, sous cette maison, des ossements ont été découverts. « Comment on a trouvé les corps ici ? Quand la fille après avoir construit une maison en 2007 a voulu construire une clôture. Et en creusant, là où ils peuvent mettre les fondations, les maçons ont trouvé les corps. »« Ils n'ont rien dit »D'abord une quarantaine, puis des dizaines d'autres sont retrouvés sous la cuisine ou les toilettes. La maison est finalement détruite. Dessous, il y avait un millier de corps, selon Ibuka.Pendant trente ans, les propriétaires du terrain n'ont rien dit. « Ah on se pose beaucoup de questions. Nous vivons avec les gens qui sont comme ça ? Après trente ans, les gens ne veulent pas changer ? Les gens ont toujours cette idée de toujours menacer, toujours mettre les rescapés en danger, en colère, ajoute le représentant de l'association Ibuka. On se pose beaucoup de questions, mais on n'a pas de réponses exactes. » Selon les Nations unies, plus d'un million de personnes - en majorité des Tutsis, mais également des Hutus, et d'autres opposants au génocide - ont été systématiquement tués en moins de trois mois au Rwanda.À lire aussiRwanda: aux origines du génocide des TutsisLes ossements et les habits sont entreposés dans un bâtiment administratif tout proche. De jeunes hommes les nettoient en les frottant dans des bassines. Consolée Mukamana les dépose ensuite délicatement sur de grandes bâches sur le ciment. En 1994, elle avait 14 ans, elle en a 44 aujourd'hui. Mère de cinq enfants, elle a du mal à dire ce qui est arrivé à leurs grands-parents. Trente ans après, elle cherche toujours une trace de sa mère.« Je cherche cette robe »« C'est très important, pour nous, notamment les habits. Quand vous avez perdu quelqu'un et que vous vous souvenez du vêtement que la personne portait quand elle a été tuée, vous cherchez ce vêtement, explique Mukamana. Ma mère portait une robe verte, en pagne. Chaque fois qu'on trie des vêtements, je cherche cette robe. »Un homme étend les vêtements une fois lavés. Un tee-shirt jaune, un vêtement d'enfants à rayure, un tissu fleuri. Alice Nyirabagina, 41 ans, coordonne. Elle est choquée que des gens aient pu vivre des années sur un charnier. « Quand on découvre que la personne dort, mange, fait sa toilette, sur des charniers, c'est très triste, raconte la coordinatrice. Et encore aujourd'hui, ils ne veulent pas parler de ce qui s'est passé alors qu'ils étaient là, ils savaient tout. »La propriétaire de la maison et son père sont depuis en prison et seront jugés. Les corps et les vêtements reposeront au mémorial de Ngoma après une cérémonie organisée pendant les commémorations.À lire aussiGénocide des Tutsis au Rwanda: «Ce sont des procès hors norme, extrêmement complexes à organiser»
This week we talk about the Rwandan genocide, the First and Second Congo Wars, and M23.We also discuss civil wars, proxy conflicts, and resource curses.Recommended Book: Everyday Utopia by Kristen R. GhodseeTranscriptThe Democratic Republic of the Congo, or DRC, was previously known as Zaïre, a name derived from a Portuguese mistranscription of the regional word for "river."It wore that monicker from 1971 until 1997, and this region had a rich history of redesignations before that, having been owned by various local kingdoms, then having been colonized by Europeans, sold to the King of Belgium in 1885, who owned it personally, not as a part of Belgium, which was unusual, until 1908, renaming it for that period the Congo Free State, which was kind of a branding exercise to convince all the Europeans who held territory thereabouts that he was doing philanthropic work, though while he did go to war with local and Arab slavers in the region, he also caused an estimated millions of deaths due to all that conflict, due to starvation and disease and punishments levied against people who failed to produce sufficient volumes of rubber from plantations he built in the region.So all that effort and rebranding also almost bankrupted him, the King of Belgium, because of the difficulties operating in this area, even when you step into it with vast wealth, overwhelming technological and military advantages, and the full backing of a powerful, if distant, nation.After the King's deadly little adventure, the region he held was ceded to the nation of Belgium as a colony, which renamed it the Belgium Congo, and it eventually gained independence from Belgium, alongside many other European colonies around the world, post-WWII, in mid-1960.Almost immediately there was conflict, a bunch of secessionist movements turning into civil wars, and those civil wars were amplified by the meddling of the United States and the Soviet Union, which supported different sides, funding and arming them as they tended to do in proxy conflicts around the world during this portion of the Cold War.This period, which lasted for about 5 years after independence, became known as the Congo Crisis, because government leaders kept being assassinated, different groups kept rising up, being armed, killing off other groups, and then settling in to keep the government from unifying or operating with any sense of security or normalcy.Eventually a man named Mobutu Sese Seko, usually just called Mobutu, launched a real deal coup that succeeded, and he imposed a hardcore military dictatorship on the country—his second coup, actually, but the previous one didn't grant him power, so he tried again a few years later, in 1965, and that one worked—and though he claimed, as many coup-launching military dictators do, that he would stabilize things over the next five years, restoring democracy to the country in the process, that never happened, though claiming he would did earn him the support of the US and other Western governments for the duration, even as he wiped out any government structure that could oppose him, including the position of Prime Minister in 1966, and the institution of Parliament in 1967.In 1971, as I mentioned, he renamed the country Zaïre, nationalized all remaining foreign owned assets in the country, and it took another war, which is now called the First Congo War, to finally unseat him. And this conflict, which began in late-1996, spilled over into neighboring countries, including Sudan and Uganda, and a slew of other nations were involved, including but not limited to Chad, the Central African Republic, Rwanda, Burundi, Angola, Eritrea, South Africa, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Ethiopia, and Tanzania, alongside foreign assistance granted to various sides by France, China, Israel, and covertly, the United States.The conflict kicked off when Rwanda invaded Zaïre, more neighboring states joined in, all of them intending to take out a bunch of rebel groups that the Mobutu government was no longer keeping in line: Mobutu himself having long since fallen ill, and thus lacking the control he once had, but still profiting mightily from outside influences that kept him as a friendly toehold in the region.So these other nations sent military forces into Zaïre to handle these groups, which were causing untold troubles throughout the region, and the long and short of this conflict is that it only lasted a few months, from October 1996 to May 1997, but the destruction and carnage was vast, everyone on both sides partnering up to take out rebels, or in the case of those rebels, to join up against these government militaries, and all of them using the opportunity to also engage in violence against ethnic enemies with whom they had long-simmering beefs.This led to the collapse of Mobutu's government, the country was renamed the Democratic Republic of the Congo when a new government was installed, but very little changed in terms of the reality of how that government functioned, so all the same variables were still in place a year later, in 1998, when what's now called the Second Congo War kicked off, informed by basically the same problems but bringing even more African governments into the fighting, many of them pulled into things by alliances they had with involved neighbors.And just as before, a variety of groups who felt aggrieved by other groups throughout the region used this conflict as an excuse to slaughter and destroy people and towns they didn't like, including what's been called a genocide of a group of Pygmy people who lived in the area, around 70,000 of them killed in the waning days of the war.In mid-2003, a peace agreement was signed, most of the warring factions that had fought in Congolese territory were convinced to leave, and it was estimated that up to 5.4 million people had died during the conflict.What I'd like to talk about today is what's happening in the DRC, now, at a moment of heightening tensions throughout the region, and in the DRC in particular, amidst warnings from experts that another regional conflict might be brewing.—A transition government was set up in the DRC in 2003, following the official end of that Second Congo war, and this government, though somewhat weak and absolutely imperfect in many ways, did manage to get the country to the point, three years later, in 2006, that it could hold an actual multi-party election; the country's first ever, which is no small thing.Unfortunately, a dispute related to the election results led to violence between supporters of the two primary candidates, so a second election was held—and that one ended relatively peacefully and a new president, Joseph Kabila, was sworn in.Kabila was reelected in 2011, then in 2018 he said he wouldn't be running again, which helped bring about the country's first peaceful transition of power when the next president, from the opposing party, stepped into office.During his tenure in office, though, Kabila's DRC was at near-constant war with rebel groups that semi-regularly managed to capture territory, and which were often supported by neighboring countries, alongside smaller groups, so-called Mai-Mai militias, that were established in mostly rural areas to protect residents from roaming gangs and other militias, and which sometimes decided to take other people's stuff or territory, even facing off with government forces from time to time.Violence between ethnic groups has also continued to be a problem, including the use of sexual violence and wholesale attempted genocide, which has been difficult to stop because of the depth of some of the issues these groups have with each other, and in some cases the difficulty the government has just getting to the places where these conflicts are occurring, infrastructure in some parts of the country being not great, where it exists at all.That 2018 election, where power was given away by one president to another, peacefully, for the first time, was notable in that regard, but it was also a milestone in it marked the beginning of widespread anti-election conspiracy theories, in that case the Catholic Church saying that the official results were bunk, and other irregularities, like a delay of the vote in areas experiencing Ebola outbreaks, those areas in many cases filled with opposition voters, added to suspicions.The most recent election, at the tail-end of 2023, was even more awash with such concerns, the 2018 winner, President Tshisekedi, winning reelection with 73% of the vote, and a cadre of nine opposition candidates signing a declaration saying that the election was rigged and that they want another vote to be held.All of which establishes the context for what's happening in the DRC, today, which is in some ways a continuation of what's been happening in this country pretty much since it became a country, but in other ways is an escalation and evolution of the same.One of the big focal points here, though, is the role that neighboring Rwanda has played in a lot of what's gone down in the DRC, including the issues we're seeing in 2024.Back in 1994, during what became known as the Rwandan genocide, militias from the ruling majority Hutu ethnic group decided to basically wipe out anyone from the minority Tutsi ethnic group.Somewhere between a 500,000 and a million people are estimated to have been killed between April and July of that year, alone, and that conflict pushed a lot of Hutu refugees across the border into the eastern DRC, which at the time was still Zaïre.About 2 million of these refugees settled in camps in the North and South Kivu provinces of the DRC, and some of them were the same extremists who committed that genocide in Rwanda in 1994, and they started doing what they do in the DRC, as well, setting up militias, in this case mostly in order to defend themselves against the new Tutsi-run government that had taken over in Rwanda, following the genocide.This is what sparked that First Congo War, as the Tutsi-run Rwandan government, seeking justice and revenge against those who committed all those atrocities went on the hunt for any Hutu extremists they could find, and that meant invading a neighboring country in order to hit those refugee groups, and the militias within them, that had set up shop there.The Second Congo War was sparked when relations between the Congolese and Rwandan governments deteriorated, the DRC government pushing Rwandan troops out of the eastern part of their country, and Kabila, the leader of the DRC at the time, asking everyone else to leave, all foreign troops that were helping with those Hutu militias.Kabila then allowed the Hutus to reinforce their positions on the border with Rwanda, seemingly as a consequence of a burgeoning international consensus that the Rwandan government's actions following the genocide against the Tutsis had resulted in an overcompensatory counter-move against Hutus, many of whom were not involved in that genocide, and the Tutsis actions in this regard amounted to war crimes.One of the outcomes of this conflict, that second war, was the emergence of a mostly Tutsi rebel group called the March 23 Movement, or M23, which eventually became a huge force in the region in the early 20-teens, amidst accusations that the Congolese government was backing them.M23 became such an issue for the region that the UN Security Council actually sent troops into the area to work with the Congolese army to fend them off, after they made moves to start taking over chunks of the country, and evidence subsequently emerged that Rwanda was supporting the group and their effort to screw over the Congolese government, which certainly didn't help the two countries' relationship.Alongside M23, ADF, and CODECO, a slew of more than 100 other armed, rebel groups still plague portions of the DRC, and part of the issue here is that Rwanda and other neighboring countries that don't like the DRC want to hurt them to whatever degree they're able, but another aspect of this seemingly perpetual tumult is the DRC's staggering natural resource wealth.Based on some estimates, the DRC has something like $24 trillion worth of natural resource deposits, including the world's largest cobalt and coltan reserves, two metals that are fundamental to the creation of things like batteries and other aspects of the modern economy, and perhaps especially the modern electrified economy.So in some ways this is similar to having the world's largest oil deposits back in the early 20th century: it's great in a way, but it's also a resource curse in the sense that everyone wants to steal your land, and in the sense that setting up a functioning government that isn't a total kleptocracy, corrupt top to bottom, is difficult, because there's so much wealth just sitting there, and there's no real need to invest in a fully fleshed out, functioning economy—you can just take the money other countries offer you to exploit your people and resources, and pocket that.And while that's not 100% what's happened in the DRC, it's not far off.During the early 2000s and into the 20-teens, the DRC government sold essentially all its mining rights to China, which has put China in control of the lion's share of some of the world's most vital elements for modern technology.The scramble to strike these deals, and subsequent efforts to defend and stabilize on one hand, or to attack and destabilize these mining operations, on the other, have also contributed to instability in the region, because local groups have been paid and armed to defend or attack, soldiers and mercenaries from all over the world have been moved into the area to do the same, and the logic of Cold War-era proxy conflicts has enveloped this part of Africa to such a degree that rival nations like Uganda are buying drones and artillery from China to strike targets within the DRC, even as China arms DRC-based rebel groups to back up official military forces that are protecting their mining operations.It's a mess. And it's a mess because of all those historical conditions and beefs, because of conflicts in other, nearby countries and the machinations of internal and external leaders, and because of the amplification of all these things resulting from international players with interests in the DRC—including China, but also China's rivals, all of whom want what they have, and in some cases, don't want China to have what they have.In 2022, M23 resurfaced after laying low for years, and they took a huge chunk of North Kivu in 2023.For moment that same year, it looked like Rwanda and the DRC might go to war with each other over mining interests they control in the DRC, but a pact negotiated by the US led to a reduction in the military buildup in the area, and a reduction in their messing with each other's political systems.In December of 2023, though, the President of the DRC compared the President of Rwanda to Hitler and threatened to declare war against him, and UN troops, who have become incredibly unpopular in the region, in part because of various scandals and corruption within their ranks, began to withdraw—something that the US and UN have said could lead to a power vacuum in the area, sparking new conflicts in an already conflict-prone part of the country.As of March 2024, soldiers from South Africa, Burundi, and Tanzania are fighting soldiers from Rwanda who are supporting M23 militants in the eastern portion of the DRC, these militants already having taken several towns.Seven million Congolese citizens are internally displaced as a result of these conflicts, having had to flee their homes due to all the violence, most of them now living in camps or wandering from place to place, unable to settle down anywhere due to other violence, and a lack of sufficient resources to support them.Rwanda, for its part, denies supporting M23, and it says the Congolese government is trying to expel Tutsis who live in the DRC.Burundi, located just south of Rwanda, has closed its border with its neighbor, and has also accused Rwanda of supporting rebels within their borders with the intent of overthrowing the government.Most western governments have voiced criticisms of Rwanda for deploying troops within its neighbors' borders, and for reportedly supporting these militant groups, but they continue to send the Rwandan government money—Rwanda gets about a third of its total budget from other governments, and the US is at the top of that list of donors, but the EU also sends millions to Rwanda each year, mostly to fund military actions aimed at taking out militants that make it hard to do business in the region.So changes in political stances are contributing to this cycle of violence and instability, as are regular injections of outside resources like money and weapons and soldiers.And as this swirl of forces continues to make the DRC borderline ungovernable, everyday people continue to be butchered and displaced, experiencing all sorts of violence, food shortages, and a lack of basic necessities like water, and this ongoing and burgeoning humanitarian nightmare could go on to inform and spark future conflicts in the region.Show Noteshttps://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Kabilahttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rwandan_genocidehttps://gsphub.eu/country-info/Democratic%20Republic%20of%20Congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Economy_of_the_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congohttps://www.reuters.com/world/africa/why-fighting-is-flaring-eastern-congo-threatening-regional-stability-2024-02-19/https://archive.ph/lk0mNhttps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2024/2/21/a-guide-to-the-decades-long-conflict-in-dr-congohttps://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/violence-democratic-republic-congohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/March_23_Movementhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kivu_conflicthttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Free_Statehttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mobutu_Sese_Sekohttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Congo_Crisishttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1965_Democratic_Republic_of_the_Congo_coup_d%27%C3%A9tathttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First_Congo_Warhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Second_Congo_War This is a public episode. 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It's been 30 years since one of the worst atrocities in recent African history - the Rwandan genocide.In 1994, between 800,000 and one million ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in 100 days.Some Rwandans have worked hard to move on from the tragic events of 1994, but many - both in and out of the country - are still living with the trauma.Jean Paul Samputu was already an established musician in Rwanda at the time. He was living abroad during the genocide, but he lost his parents, two brothers and a sister, all killed by a neighbour and his childhood friend. Now a global peace ambassador, Jean Paul says he has found healing in forgiving his family's killer.The Kora Awards winner tells Alan Kasujja what role music has played in his peace campaigns.
In 1994, as his country descended into the madness of genocide, Anglican Bishop John Rucyahana underwent the mind-numbing pain of having members of his church and family butchered. John refused to become a part of the systemic hatred. He founded the Sonrise Orphanage and School for children orphaned in the genocide, and he now leads reconciliation efforts between his own Tutsi people, the victims of this horrific massacre, and the perpetrators, the Hutus. His remarkable story is one that demands to be told. This is part one of a two-part interview.
« J'ai écrit pour élargir ma vie, gagner un peu de temps sur l'oubli qui recouvre tout » : la grand reporter Colette Braeckman est notre invitée cette semaine. C'est au Rwanda qu'elle dit avoir touché ses propres limites. Et c'est précisément à Kigali, près de trente ans après le génocide des Tutsi, que nous la retrouvons. Elle nous attend à l'Hôtel des Milles Collines avant de nous emmener sur le site où ont été tués les dix Casques bleus belges le 7 avril 1994. Colette Braeckman signe « Mes Carnets Noirs » (Weyrich). Prise de son : Bao-Anh Dinh Merci pour votre écoute Et Dieu dans tout ça ? c'est également en direct tous les dimanches de 13h à 14h sur www.rtbf.be/lapremiere Retrouvez tous les épisodes de Et Dieu dans tout ça ? sur notre plateforme Auvio.be : https://auvio.rtbf.be/emission/180 Et si vous avez apprécié ce podcast, n'hésitez pas à nous donner des étoiles ou des commentaires, cela nous aide à le faire connaître plus largement.
In 1994 Rwanda was scarred by an organized campaign of mass carnage perpetrated by the Hutu majority against the Tutsi minority and moderate Hutus. It was the final genocide of the twentieth century, with the killers murdering about one million people in about 100 days. The United Nations and U.S. looked on but failed to act, a tragic misstep that has influenced decision-makers since to look differently at the task of intervening in foreign conflicts to protect the innocent. In this episode, Omar McDoom of the London School of Economics and Political Science, a scholar of genocide and expert on central Africa, reflects on the enduring lessons of Rwanda's darkest hour.
This episode contains graphic descriptions of violence and sexual assault. Over the course of 100 days in 1994, it's estimated that between 500,000 and one million ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus, were killed by Hutu extremists in the 1994 Rwandan Genocide. Sparked by longstanding ethnic tensions and political unrest in the country, and with actions exacerbated by the Assassination of Rwanda's Hutu president - violence swept across the country as neighbours turned on each other, families perished, and refugees fled. But how did the international community's delayed response further exacerbate the humanitarian crisis, and how has Rwanda recovered in the years since?In this episode James is joined by Dr Erin Jessee from the University of Glasgow, to share how her research and gathering of first hand testimony, has helped individuals understand one of the most devastating conflicts of modern history. Looking at how Rwanda's history influenced the events of 1994, examining first hand testimony of victims and perpetrators, and looking at issues faced by researches today - what happened in Rwanda in 1994, and how was the country rebuilt itself?Discover the past on History Hit with ad-free original podcasts and documentaries released weekly presented by world renowned historians like Dan Snow, Suzannah Lipscomb, Lucy Worsley, Matt Lewis, Tristan Hughes and more. Get 50% off your first 3 months with code WARFARE. Download the app on your smart TV or in the app store or sign up here.You can take part in our listener survey here.For more Warfare content, subscribe to our Warfare Wednesday newsletter here. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
We all know that Christians are supposed to forgive. Jesus said as much when He taught His disciples to pray, “Forgive us our debts as we also have forgiven our debtors.” (Mt. 6:12) What's intriguing and, in no little way, disturbing, is how out of this entire prayer, Jesus only adds a commentary on the issue of forgiveness. He makes the point that to bask in your own forgiveness while withholding forgiveness from another is at the least inconsistent and at worst it's very costly. In the parlance of this series, to not forgive someone who has sinned against you is to be a Christian Atheist. Now, it's one thing to forgive the low-level “dings” that come our way, but what do you do with the major hurts and offenses? It's here that Christian Atheism is often seen. Sure, we should forgive most of the time, maybe even almost all of the time. But forgive that?!?!? I can't…and I won't. This morning, we have a special guest who came face to face with this challenge. Cyprien Nkiriyumwami was the Africa Director for Integral Mission and Peacebuilding at World Relief. In 1994 he and his wife, along with their 2 children were living in Rwanda when over a period of 100 days, nearly 1 million men, women, and children were slaughtered in the attempted genocide of the Tutsis by the Hutus. In this interview, Cyprien, a Hutu himself, tells the story of how he and his wife hid their Tutsi neighbors from the death squads that were going house to house, risking their own lives in the process. Eventually, they fled for their lives and lived as refugees in neighboring Congo for 2 years. He also tells of the challenges they faced when they returned to their home in Rwanda, and how he confronted the reality that to be a follower of Jesus would require him to confess his anger and bitterness and forgive those that had sought to kill him and his family. No doubt, forgiveness is hard! In many ways, it is an unnatural act. Everything within us demands justice if not vengeance when we get hurt. But while forgiveness may not be the natural response, it's the healthiest one – spiritually, mentally, and physically. You don't forgive because the person deserves it. Ultimately you forgive because it's the smartest thing to do. Mark it well: Forgiveness is a gift you give yourself. Text: Mt. 6:9-15; Eph. 4:31-32; Col. 3:12-13; Heb. 12:15Originally recorded on March 10, 2013, at Fellowship Missionary Church, Fort Wayne, IN.
On April 6 1994, the President of Rwanda was assassinated — sparking the Rwandan Genocide. Months-long massacres against the entire Tutsi people, including the region of a young Immaculée Ilibagiza, raged in the streets. House-by-house, Hutu forces slaughtered Tutsi men, women, and children without mercy. To protect his only daughter from the Rwandan Genocide, Immaculée's father handed her over to a local pastor — where Immaculée and seven other women hid in a 3 foot by 4 foot bathroom for over 90 days. By a miracle, Immaculée survived the Rwandan Genocide, but not without waging a war of hatred against the Hutus in her own heart. In a hair-raising story of life and death, Immaculée turned to prayer—particularly recitation of the Holy Rosary. Devotion to Mary through the Rosary became the source of her faith's secret strength, preparing her for when she would finally come face-to-face with her mother's murderer and face what would become the most important decision of her life. A moment of truth for Culture of Life would arrive — and the fate of what is now one of Rwanda's most stalwart Catholic pro-life voices would hang in the balance.LOVE LIFESITE? LOVE BEING PRO-LIFE? GET THE FIRST AND ONLY LIMITED EDITION PRO-LIFE SILVER ROUND FROM LIFESITENEWS: https://www.stjosephpartners.com/lifesite-silver-roundSHOP ALL YOUR FUN AND FAVORITE LIFESITE MERCH!https://shop.lifesitenews.com/HELP US FIGHT THE CENSORSHIP OF BIG TECH: https://give.lifesitenews.com/Connect with us on social media:LifeSite: https://linktr.ee/lifesitenewsJohn-Henry Westen: https://linktr.ee/jhwesten Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
Il y a 29 ans, le Rwanda connaissait l'épisode le plus sombre de son histoire. Pendant 100 jours, entre 800 000 et 1 million de Tutsis sont tués lors du génocide perpétré par les extrémistes Hutus au Rwanda. Depuis, le pays commémore chaque année ces massacres et rend hommage aux victimes. Reportage de Clément Di Roma
Rescue efforts are continuing into the night in southern Turkey and northern Syria after the region was devastated by two major earthquakes. Also on the programme, Human Rights Watch has warned that fighting in eastern Congo is causing a dangerous escalation of tension between ethnic Tutsis and Hutus; and, the English football champions, Manchester City have been referred to an independent commission by the Premier League over alleged breaches of financial rules. (Photo: Earthquake in Diyarbakir 06/02/2023 Reuters)
This week we discuss how art can help reconnect us to those who are missing or have been disappeared. It's estimated that around 20,000 people go missing in Poland every year. Artist Zuzanna Pieczynska explores the impact of this in her work, with her paintings often focusing on the lives of the people left behind. She tells Tina Daheley more about her project ‘Each year in Poland a small town disappears.' Thousands of people were disappeared during the dictatorships in countries across South America. A new play, called REWIND, by physical theatre company Ephemeral Ensemble, has been inspired by testimonies of South American political refugees who fled the dictatorships, as well as the more recent stories from young migrants caught up in violent repression following demonstrations in the region. Performers Andrés Velásquez and Eyglo Belafonte along with director Ramon Ayres talk to reporter Constanza Hola about the show. Loss and disappearance have been topics across much of Hisham Matar's work. The Pulitzer prize winning writer has been inspired by his own life experiences, after his father was kidnapped in Egypt by Colonel Gaddafi's regime, taken back to Libya and never seen again. Hisham shares a piece of art that changed him, a film from a director who has influenced his thinking as an author, the French filmmaker Robert Bresson, and in particular Bresson's 1959 film ‘Pickpocket'. In the 1994 Rwandan genocide, an estimated 800,000 ethnic Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed by dominant Hutu forces in 100 days. For her piece, The Book of Life, Rwandan playwright and director Odile Gakire Katese, known as Kiki Katese, tells the story of that conflict and the remembrance of those who died, through the letters of ordinary Rwandans. (Picture: Julia by Zuzanna Pieczyńska. Credit: Zuzanna Pieczyńska)
Bios:Ernest Gray Jr. is the pastor of Keystone Baptist Church located in the West Garfield Park neighborhood of Chicago. He is a graduate of the Moody Bible Institute with a degree in Pastoral Ministries, and a graduate of Wheaton College with a Master's Degree in Biblical Exegesis. He completed his PhD coursework at McMaster Divinity College and is currently completing his thesis within the corpus of 1 Peter. Mr. Gray has taught in undergraduate school of Moody in the areas of Hermeneutics, first year Greek Grammar, General Epistles, the Gospel of John and Senior Seminar. It is Mr. Gray's hope to impact the African American church through scholarship. Teaching has been one way that God has blessed him to live this out. Ernest is also co-host of the newly released podcast Just Gospel with an emphasis upon reading today's social and racial injustices through a gospel lens. www.moodyradio.org Jen Oyama Murphy "My love of good stories led me to Yale University where I received a BA in English. Upon graduation, I felt called to bring individual stories into relationship with the Gospel Story, and I have worked in the areas of campus and church ministry, lay counseling, and pastoral care since 1989. Over the years, I sought a variety of ongoing education and training in the fields of psychology and theology, including graduate classes at The Seattle School of Theology & Psychology and Benedictine University. I also completed the Training Certificate and Externship programs at The Allender Center, and I previously held roles on their Training and Pastoral Care Team, as Manager of Leadership Development, and most recently as the Senior Director of The Allender Center. Believing that healing and growth happens in the context of relationship, I work collaboratively to create a safe coaching space of curiosity and kindness where honesty, care, desire, and imagination can grow. Using my experience and expertise in a trauma-informed, narrative-focused approach, I seek to help people live the story they were most meant for and heal from the ones they were not. I am passionate about personal support and development, particularly for leaders in nonprofit or ministry settings, including lay leaders who may not have a formal title or position. I'm especially committed to engaging the personal and collective stories of those who have felt invisible, marginalized, and oppressed. I love facilitating groups as well as working individually with people. I currently live in Chicago with my husband, and we have two adult daughters.Rebecca Wheeler Walston lives in Virginia, has completed Law School at UCLA, holds a Master's in Marriage and Family Counseling, is also a licensed minister. Specializing in advising non-profits and small businesses. Specialties: providing the legal underpinning for start-up nonprofits and small businesses, advising nonprofit boards, 501c3 compliance, creating and reviewing business contracts.TJ PoonDr. Ernest Gray (00:41:40):Absolutely. Absolutely. There will be stories told in the next five, no, two or three years now about, this is the fascinating thing I'm trying to wrap my mind around is that it is this, I need to do a more research upon the Ukrainian Russian thing wherein you have, um, my ignorance, you have an apparent Eastern European, you have, uh, you know, have an eastern European kind of, this isn't anything about pigment autocracy, but culturally, I'm op I'm opposed to you because you have Russian descent, and I'm a Ukrainian descent. So upon the, upon the outside, it's not anything that has to do with the, with the merits of, of, of, uh, racial, racial, a racialized racialization. It has more to do with the cultural, um, ethnicity kind of, um, indicatives that create this hostility between the two. And to hear the atrocities that are ongoing right now against, you know, each o against the, the Ukrainian Russian conflict, right now, we're gonna hear about those things and, and, and hear just how egregious they are or whether it's the, um, the tusks and the Hutus in the Rwandan conflict, or whether it's the Bosnians versus the, um, the Serbians. I mean, there's gonna be a lot of that. There's, we, we find that these things occur, um, and that, and that it's, it's all because of these notions of superiority and, and tools of the enemy in order to, to, to divide and conquer. Um, and then coupled with power create, you know, devastating effects. I, I I, I, I think that there's a, um, there's a, there's a, the, the collectivist idea of seeing us all in the same boat with various facets is something that we need to strive. It's not easy to always to do. Um, but it's gotta happen. If we're going to create a, a better human, if we're not creative, if the Lord is gonna work in a way to, to help us, uh, move toward a better humanity, one that is at least honoring may not happen in our lifetime, may not happen until we see the Lord face to face. But at the same time, that's the work that we're, I'm called to is to be, uh, or, you know, to, to be the embodiment of some type of re repa posture, um, modeling for others what it could look like. Danielle (00:44:19):Sure. Yeah. Um, Rebecca and I put this in here, Hurt versus harm. Um, hurt being, and, and again, these, these are definitions coming from us, so I recognize that other people may have a different view and we can talk about that. Um, hurt being in, in, when Rebecca and I were talking about it inevitable in any relationship may cause painful feelings and hurt someone's feelings. Um, harm violating a person's dignity, and it takes energy non consensually from someone So how do individual hurts add to or cement structural power structures and our perspective and experience of harm? How do individual hurts add to or cement structural power structures and our perspective and experience of, of them? Dr. Ernest Gray (00:45:31):Yeah. Um, it's cuz you've got muscle memory hurt, um, over and over and over and over and over of sorts provides a muscle memory, a knee jerk, a kind of , Oh, this is familiar, here we go again. Ow. So I think that's one way, I'll, I'll step back now, but I think that, that it's the body that maintains a powerful memory of the feeling and it feels, and it's gonna be a familiar kind of triggering slash re-injury that until it's interrupted, can create, can see this as, um, broadly speaking, a a, a more, um, yeah, a reoccurring thing that is, that needs to be interrupted. TJ Poon(00:46:27):I'm really mindful of this in my relationships because there's a lot of horror from white people, from white women towards different communities. And so, like in my relationships, you, there's a, there's a mindfulness of like, maybe we have a disruption and at the level of me and this other person, it is a hurt, but it, it reinforces a harm that they've experienced or it feels like, um, feels similar to. And so it's not like we, I it's not like we opt, we can opt out. Like it can't opt out of that collective narrative. I can't say, Oh, well I'm just, you know, this one person. Um, so I, I think that is complex because the individual hurts do contribute. They feel like what Dr. Gray was saying, like it is muscle memory. It's some sometimes where something can feel or just reinforce, I guess, um, what has already happened to us in contexts. Jen Oyama Murphy (00:47:36):I mean, I think the complexity of the relationship between hurt and harm, um, contributes to how hard it can be to actually have meaningful repair. Because I, my experience sometimes, and I, I know I do this myself, that I will lean into the hurt and apologize or try to do repair on a personal one to one level and somehow feel like if I do that, it will also, it also repairs the harm. And that doesn't, that's, that's not true. I mean, it can perhaps contribute to a restorative process or a repair process around the harm, but Right. Just me, um, in charge of a small group repairing for a particular hurt that may have happened in the small group doesn't necessarily address the structure, the system that put that small group together, the content that's being taught, you know, the, the opportunity for those participants to even be in the program, Right. That there is something that's happening at a, at a harm level, um, that my personal apology for something that I did that hurt someone in the group isn't actually addressing. But we can hope that it does or act like it does or even have the expectation, um, that it will. And so the, I love the new, the nuance or the, the clarity between the two definitions that you guys are, um, asking us to wrestle with. I think that's, that's good's making me think just for myself. Like where do I go first, you know, out of my own, um, training or naivete or just like wishful thing, thinking that, that I can't repair systemic harm by apologizing or repairing like a personal hurt. Danielle (00:49:36):Um, I mean, Jen, I've been wrestling with that and, and when I, when I, in my experience, when someone apologizes to me, and I know they're apologizing for personal hurt, but I feel like they haven't said in, in, in a way I can understand often I'm not understanding how do I actually get out of this so we're not pitted against each other again. Mm-hmm. , when I feel trapped in that space and I receive an apology, I often, I, I feel more angry even at, even if I know the person sincerely apologizing, if I'm telling a more true story to you all as a Latinx person, and I've noticed this in my family, I receive the apology, and yet when I have to continue to function in the system, I am more angry afterwards. Mm-hmm. . Mm-hmm. , there's a frustration that happens, which then of course is bottled down and it, I often talk to my clients about this, but I was talking to my husband about it. It's like we threw all this stuff in the pressure cooker cuz we do a lot of pressure cooking and put a plastic lid on it. And now the s h I t spread sideways. And that's kind of how it feels when we, now I'm not saying we can do this perfectly or I even know how to do it, but when we address hurt, that's part of systemic harm without addressing the system. I think in my experience, it feels like I'm feeling my own pressure cooker mm-hmm. and I'm not able to contain the spray at different times. Mm-hmm. . Dr. Ernest Gray (00:51:20):Yeah. I think I think about for, I think about for me, the, my, my the, you know, systemizing, systematizing the way in which I associate things, what the right environment, the way in which my, you know, my senses have associated things. I'll have dejavu because I had a certain smell from my childhood and it'll, it could be triggering, right? I smell something and I'm like, Oh man, that reminds me of this moment. All that categorization to me tells me how my brain functions and how mm-hmm. associative. Mm-hmm. , it is for instances, smells, places, um, things that occur. And it's, it's the, it's the ongoing sense of that, especially if we've come out of, um, houses or, um, families where this was it, it was normative for us to experience these things on a regular basis so that any, any hint of it elsewhere outside of that, outside of the confines of that can reignite that same kind of shallow breathing and response. And I don't wanna, um, but, but definitely the advancing of hurt versus harm. It, it, it, the harm the those in whatever that instance is that creates, that, that response outta me lets me know that more that it is, it was the ongoing nature of those things which created the harm. Um, and so it almost asks, I it's first acknowledgement and then secondly saying, What do I need to do to take care of myself in this instance? Where do I need to go? What do I need to give myself in this moment so that I'm not going down this road of, here we go again. I'm in a corner . I don't wanna do that. I don't wanna kind of check out. But, um, I think about the west side of Chicago where I'm ministering, um, and I'm thinking about, you know, just this community that it doesn't really affect them. It, it really doesn't to hear gunshots, to hear, um, to hear, uh, sirens and things like that. These are everyday occurrence so that the, so that the, so that the ongoing nature of what they're used to just has evolved into this kind of numbing sense. But I, but I guess in going back, it is interrupting that, that delicate, um, sequence of events so that it does not cause me to shut down in that moment that I've, that I'm still learning how to do for myself. Right. And I think that in our interpersonal relationships, especially, here's where it meets the road, is in our interpersonal, or even our most intimate relationships, the ongoing hurt and does eventually, uh, you know, cross the line into harm because it has taken away the energy out of that, out of the other person, uh, or or out of us. Um, after such a long time after repeated, repeated instances. Rebecca W. Walston (00:54:31):I, I think what I think I'm hearing everybody alludes this sense of like, can there be an awareness of, of the, where the interpersonal and the individual kind of collides with the collective and the systemic, right? And, and just a more complex understanding of how any incident, however big or small the rupture is. Where is the interplay of those two things? So, so that a comment between two people can actually have this impact that's far more and reverberates with the kind of generational familiarity that that all of a sudden, it, it, it, it, um, we're, we're out of the category. My feelings are hurt and into this space of it feels like something of in me has been violated. Um, and I think it takes a, an enormous amount of energy and awareness on the part of both people, both the person who perpetrated something and the person who was on the receiving end of that, to have a sense of like where they are and where they are and where the other person is to kind of know that and build all to hold it, um, with some integrity. There was a point in which we brought a group of people, uh, to, to view the equal justice initiative, um, landmarks in Montgomery, Alabama, and the conversation and a processing conversation between a white woman and a black woman. And, you know, after having come from the, the National Memorial and Peace and Justice and witnessing the history of lynching, understandably, this black woman was deeply angry, like profoundly angry, um, and trying to manage in the moment what that anger was and, and, and turned to the white participant and said like, I, like I'm really angry at you. Like, I kind of hate you right now. Mm-hmm. , um, two people who are virtually strangers. Right. And, and, and, and for the white woman to have said to her a sense of like, um, I get it. I got it. I'm, I'm white and I'm a woman.And there's a sense in which historically white women called this particular place in the lynching of black bodies mm-hmm. . Um, and also can, can I be in this room in the particularity of my individual story and know that I personally, Right. Um, don't, don't agree with that, stand against it, have not participated actively in it. Kind of a sense of like, you know, and it may have been an imperfect or, or generous engagement, but you can hear the tension of like, how can we both be in this room and hold the collective historical nature of this? And the particularity of the two individuals in the room together hadn't actually been the active participant interrupter. So Yeah. I think it's hard and messy. Danielle (00:57:51):I, I love what, uh, Rebecca wrote. There was, you know, been talking to me about do we imagine Shalom as a return to where we started? Cause the very nature of the disrupt disruption being we cannot return from Eden to the city of God. Um, and Rebecca, I'll let you elaborate on that a little bit more, but when we were talking Rebecca and I, you know, as a mixed race woman, and in those mixes, you know, is indigenous and Spanish and African, and, you know, just this mix, I'm like, where would I return to? Right? Mm-hmm. , what community does a Latinx person returned to? If, if it's a return to Eden, where is, is Eden lost? And so, um, yeah, Rebecca, I don't know if you wanna expand on what you were thinking. Rebecca W. Walston (00:58:43):Uh, I mean, I I've just been wrestling with this in particular, you know, we talk about individual hurt. It's easy to talk about like the disruption that happened in Eden, that what God meant for me individually, what you know, is reflected in the Garden of Eden. The kind of peace and the kind of generosity and the kind of, um, uh, just more that, that is in the Garden of Eden. And, but when I, when I try and so, so there's a depend in which I can step into this work and have this individual sense of like, Oh, you know, I wasn't meant for the fracture and my relationship between myself and my parents, Right? I was meant for something that was more whole than that. So how do I, how do I have a sense of what that was like in Eden, and how do I have a sense of going back to that kind of, that kind of space? But when I translate that into like collective work around racial trauma, I get lost like Danielle, right? In this, this sense that like, um, in, in her book, Born On the Water, um, the author sort of makes this argument that though these African people got on the ship at the beginning in Africa, while they made the journey across the Atlantic and before they landed in the United States, something happened on the water. And there's something in that hyphenated existence that created a new people group in, in a way that like, I can't actually go back to Africa. I like, I can't, I mean, I will go there and for half a second somebody might mistaken me for a, a colored person, right? And if you're inside Africa, that means I'm not fully African. I'm not fully white, I'm somewhere in the middle. But the second I open my mouth, they, they know I'm not African. I'm something else, right? And there's a sense in which I can't actually go back to Eden. There, there's something that happened in the rupture and the displacement that actually makes it impossible for me to return for that, right? And, and I still have that sense of being displaced in the hyphenated existence in the US that makes me, in some ways not fully American either. So what, what is the answer to that? And as I started to wrestle with that theologically, you know, I'm looking at the text going, actually, the, the journey for the Christian is not back to Eden . Like the end game is not back to Genesis, it's to revelation in the city of God. And so that's my sense of this comment is like, do do I pivot and start to imagine repair as not a return to Eden, but onto something else? And, and, and, um, you know, then I begin to suspect that, uh, that, that there's something even in the journey of, of that, that that is a far more value to me that I would want more than just the return to Eden. There's something sweeter having made it onto the city of God. So this is my wonderings. Curious how, how that hits for any of you. Dr. Ernest Gray (01:02:09):I think the, I think you're spot on. And I guess I, I guess it's a maturity mark that says that this continuum, this, this, um, I think you get to a certain and you just realize you never really arrive. And I think this fits within that same conceptual framework of like, you know, hey , you know, you, you could reach the pinnacle of your career. And, um, and yet, you know, it's still not be ultimately satisfying because it's like, is that it? You know, I think I'm on top of the mountain and I, and I guess that's the, that's inherent of human, of human of humanness for me is that I'm, I'm, I'm resigned to thinking about completion and absolute perfection. I'll be perfected when I meet Jesus. They'll be the more work for me to do or work in me to be done. But in the meantime, um, I'm, I'm, I'm gonna be striving, blowing it, striving, um, gaining some, you know, gaining some, um, some skills and learning how to navigate better life and figuring out what works and doesn't work any, uh, as I go, as I age, as I, and hopefully in growing wisdom. Um, but I, I like this idea because there's a sense of, of jettisoning your experiences as though they're irrelevant. No, they're what brought me to this place and they're what's propelling me forward. Um, there's this sense of I might as well give them a hug and bring them with me on the journey, uh, because then they create a sense of meaning and value for me and for those of, uh, you know, for me, uh, as I'm, as I'm making my progress through, through life. So, so, so, um, that to me shows marks of, uh, a sense of maturity and, you know, some restore some restoration. I think, you know, and, and again, it comes down to like this sense of like, you know, the things that have value for us are can, can be worn. You know, Like, my son's got a got, you know, a favorite stuffed animal that is horrible. I wanna wash it every time I see it. You know, it's just like, we get rid of this thing. No, it's just, there's something about this particular stuffed animal that I just cannot part ways with. And so that's, that's kind of how we don't wanna get rid of our vinky or you know, our blanky, whatever it is. We got . Cause we love itself. , TJ Poon (01:04:53):I was really moved when I read this slide and listened to Rebecca and Danielle talking, I think, um, so I named my daughter Eden. And, you know, the, the meaning of pleasure, delight, just that, that the nature of what we were meant for. And in the end, we find it in the city full of people that look like us and not like us. And the image of that is represented there. And just kind of that shifting from like, our delight is found in this garden where it's just as in God, um, to our delight is in this city and, you know, the lamb of God is their light. All these different images that are really powerful and revolution, I think about that. Like that, that has meaningful too. Uh, just a shifting, um, where is our, where is our pleasure? Where is our delight? How do we come to experience that shaone? And who are the people that we experience that through? Dr. Ernest Gray (01:05:53):That's huge. And I, and I, yeah, and I, it's those people that are really part of that, you know, that space for us, that that really kind of helps us to, you know, experience the full, the sum, the full sum of what shalom means for us. I think that that's really important for us to really, for me especially to, to not shy away from that because I, I I, I, my ma my natural inclination would be to just be very isolated and monastic as opposed to engaged in community . But it's experienced in community and it's experienced together, and it's experienced with other shattered people too. Right. Um, and that to me is where I draw strength and energy and, um, you know, peace from as well. So, thank you, tj. I think yours mm-hmm. , I like what you share there. Danielle (01:06:57):I, I guess I would add like, to that, like, I think so much of my experience is being like in this very moment when I feel joy or maybe shalom or a sense of heaven, even in the moment, because unaware of what, I'm always not aware of what will come next. I don't know. Um, yeah. So just the feeling of heaven is in this moment too, with, you know, in the moment that I get to sit with the four of you, this is a piece of heaven for me, a reflection of hope and healing. Although we haven't even explored the ways we might have, you know, rubbed each other the wrong way. I have a sense that we could do that. And in that sense, that feels like heaven to me in spaces where there could, there are conflict. I'm not saying there isn't just a, just, I think in my own culture, the, that's why Sundays feel so good to me. For instance, when I'm with a couple of other families and we're eating and talking and laughing and, you know, the older kids are playing with the younger kids, like, to me, that feels, oh, that feels good. And, and if, if that was the last thing I felt, I would, that would feel like heaven to me. So I, I think there's also that, I'm not saying we're not going to the city of God, but there's just these momentary times when I feel very close to what I think it, it might mean. Mm-hmm. , Rebecca W. Walston (01:08:41):I, I do think, Danielle, I mean, I resonate with what you're saying. I think, I think the text is very clear that there are these moments, um, along the way. Right? I think that's that sense of, yay, do I walk through the valley of the shadow, Right? I, I will be with you. I, I think like wherever you are in the process, along the journey, the moments where you have a sense of, um, I am with you always. Right? And however that shows up for you in a faith, in a person, in a smile and an expression, in deed, whatever, however that shows up, it definitely, like, if I, I do have a sense of like, things we pick up along the way and, and a sense of final destination all being a part of the, the, the healing, the, like, the journey of repair. Um, and, and I start to think about, um, You know, the story of Joseph is a very significant one to me, has very reflected my own story, and then, then will know what that reference means, um, to me in particular by, you know, the, the sense in, in Joseph of like, what sad to meant for evil, God meant for good, right? And the sense of him naming his two sons, Manas and Efram, and one of them, meaning God has caused me to forget the toilet of my father's house. Um, and God has caused me to prosper in the land of my infliction is the meaning of the other son. And so I do think that there's, there's something in the text even that, that is about the journey and the destination being sweeter and holding something more, um, that than had our, our soul existence only been in Eden, Right? I mean, and, and that isn't to say like, I don't wish for that, you know what I mean? Or that I wouldn't love to be there, but, but I, but I mean like, leave it only to God to, to assert this idea that like, um, all of the rupture holds something more, um, that than life without any, without there ever being any sense of rupture. Right? And I think we're in the category of like, the mysteries of God by I, I think. I think so I think there's, there's such value in the journey in the valleys and what we pick up there about ourselves and God and people in it with us. Um, you know, Yeah. Like that, that feels aspirational to me and also feels true in some senses. You're muted, Ernest. I can't, can't hear you. So I said Dr. Ernest Gray (01:11:33):I was low, I was very low when I said that resonates. I, um, I was thinking about, um, you know, for me in the last few years, you know, Covid has done a, has done an, an immeasurable service in many ways. It has been incredibly harmful for a lot of us, but it's been a, it's done an immeasurable service at the same time, um, to reorient us. Um, for me it is increased my, depend my creaturely dependence on God in a way that here to four I would not have been focused upon. Right? I, you know, I spent 12, 13 years in the, in, in the classroom as a professor teaching, uh, on autopilot, um, from God's word, from, um, and teaching students how to study and think and what, what these words in the Bible say and what they could potentially mean, um, to the best of my ability. But that was autopilot stuff. And I felt insulated, if you will. But, but the repair and the why of the repair, why it's important, why, why the, um, the rupture is necessary, and we can call I, I, I would call covid and the time prior to, and subsequent to be very rupturing, I, I would call it as necessary, because it helped me to see my why and why dependence upon God had it be reframed, refocused, re you know, recalibrated so that I could not, so I could get out of a sense of, um, oh, my training prepared me for this to know my, you know, what I am and who I, what my journey has been, did not prepare me for this, and all the attendant features that have come as a result, the relationships that are broken and realizing that they were jacked up from a long , they were jacked up. I just couldn't see them during all those years. Um, but these remind me of the need for God to be embodied, uh, in my life in a way that, um, I had been maybe not as present with. And I think that that's part of the reason why, um, this is my re my why for repair, is that it creates a better, more relational dynamic between me and God that had I not gone through some rupturing event, I would not have appreciated the value of where I'm at with him now. More than that. I think one other thing is that I think that there's a sense too that there's a, um, there's a heightened awareness of all these other aspects that are coming, that are coming about. My eyes are now not as with, you know, blinders on. Now I can look around and say, Wow, this is a really jacked up place. Where can I help to affect some change? Where could I, you know, where can I put my stubborn ounces? Where can I place you know, who I am and what God has put in me, um, in the way so that I can, um, be a part so that I can help, you know, groups that are hurting, people that are hurting communities that are struggling, Um, and the, like, Jen Oyama Murphy (01:15:19):I'm trying to work this out. So I'm just working it out out loud for you all. But, um, I think kind of pi backing off of Rebecca, your, um, juxtaposition between Eden and City of God, and like, why for repair? I think for me, it's the invitation to both humility and hope. And, and for me, humility, um, often in my story and experience has led to what I felt like was humiliation, right? And the way that I learned culturally to avoid that was, um, to not need to repair, to do everything perfectly. To do everything well, to always get the a plus, you know, to, to not make a mistake where I would need to repair. But there's a desperation and hopelessness that comes with that kind of demand or pressure where, um, it's, it is dirty and painful, and it doesn't have that sense of like, Oh, there can be something of the goodness of God that can restore these parts that are dying or dead back to the land of the living. And, um, I think that the idea of that we're move, it's not binary. I'm not completely broken, and I'm not totally healed, and that there can be, um, hope and humility in making that journey. And if I'm able to make that journey with all kinds of different people, um, how much richer and deeper and broader that experience, that growing of humility, I think that can lead to growth and restoration and learning and healing. That just feeds into the hope, right? The hope that yes, I, I will reach the kingdom of God at the end, and there will be kind of the way that what we'll all be who we were meant to be. And there will be such goodness there, all that will continue to grow. Um, if I can stay kind of on that journey and not feel like, um, not give into the poll to be at one place or the other, you know, where I'm either totally broken and there's no hope or completely healed and there's no humility Dr. Ernest Gray (01:17:54):Sounds like a dash to me, a hyphen space, very much so that that hyphen space does so much, it preaches a better word, really does. Then the opposite ends of those two, those two realities are consum, consum, you know, conclusionary kind of places you wanna be. It's the hyphen that where we, where we ought to be. Rebecca W. Walston (01:18:25):Did you, is that word hyphen intentional? I Dr. Ernest Gray (01:18:31):Think so. I think so. It's the interim, well, we call hyphen the interim, you can call it all of that good stuff. Um, I, I think it's because, you know, whether, you know, whenever we, wherever we frequent a cemetery, we always think about how stoic it is to see the name and the date of birth and the date of death. And that hyphen is, that's what preaches the better word, is the hyphen in between what this person and how they went about their, their lives with their, their ups and downs, their navigation through the world for people like, um, people, for people who have been on the receiving end of, um, of trauma pain, um, and racialized, um, uh, this ambi or dis disor dis dis dis disorientation or trauma , we, we realize that they have a lot more weight to bear and that their experiences were far more complex. Um, and so this makes their stories even more winsome and more intriguing for us to learn and know about because we're, we're in relationship with them. Um, but the hyphen is the best place to be. And I find that in many ways, um, that is where real life occurs, and that's where I'm at right now. Um, as, as, as a matter of fact, Rebecca W. Walston (01:19:59):I, I mean, I've, I've heard that it has a very black sermon right there about the hyphen and the dash, right? But it hit me in particular because Danielle knows I often introduced myself as African hyphen American. So that your, that word hyphen hit me in that, in that context. Right. And as I was listening to Jen talk about humility and hope and how she, what she learned of how to settle into that space in her Japanese nest or her Japanese Hy American, I just, it just hit me, it hit me about the hyphenated racialized experience in the US and what you might be suggesting consciously or subconsciously Right. About that being a good place to be. Danielle (01:20:50):Yeah, yeah. Yeah. Jen, when you were talking, I was like, wanting to cry. I can still feel the tears. And I was just like, I felt the literal pull, I think at both end of that spectrum, when you talked through them for yourself, I was like, Oh, yeah, that's where I'm, Oh, wait a minute. Then you described the other end, and I was like, Oh, that's where I am . And I was, I think I was like, I was like, Oh, to sit in that, that interim space, you know, the hyphen space, sometimes I have felt like that space would kill me. Mm-hmm. the shame of not knowing how to be one or the other. Mm. Or to try to hold, or to try to explain to someone, you know, I, I think, what is your wife or repair, Why wouldn't I repair? I think of my own, you know, body. And, and, and when Rebecca's talked about not earnest, and, and you, I, I think like I have to be doing that internal work. I mean, because, you know, as you know, if you live in the body of the oppressor and the impressed , how do you make, how do, how do what repair has to be happening? It it, it's, it's happening. And, and if I'm fearful and wonderfully made, then God didn't make me like this on a mistake. It wasn't like, Oh, crap, that's how she came out. Let me see if I can fix it. Hmm. Um, indeed. So those are the things I was thinking as you were talking, Jen. Hmm. Rebecca W. Walston (01:22:47):I, I think Danielle, you're, you're in that sense on the slide of like, any version of repair must work towards the salvation and their redemption of the oppress, the oppress onlooker. Right. And that there has to be, we, we have to have a sense of categories for all of those things. Dr. Ernest Gray (01:23:10):And the work by each, I wonder, which, you know, I'm always trying to determine which one is gonna be the easier to repair, which, which person are you, the pressor or onlooker? And we would just assume that the onlooker would have the least amount of, but they might actually bear the biggest burden is because they're gonna have to deal with assumptions and biases that they have accumulated that are entrenched and that they don't wanna deal with and come to terms with. That's why it's easier to simply, you know, just lull their response or, or stay silent as the, as the notion below here says it's, it's easier to stay silent, to be, you know, resign, say it's not my issue than it is to get in and, and, and to really unearth whether or not this is actually something in internally that they're wrestling with that's far more scary to do. Um, and the majority of people might have some, this is a generalization, but it seems to me like the majority of people don't wanna really, really do that work, Danielle (01:24:19):Um, because all of us have been onlookers to one another's ethnic pain, whether we like it or not. I know I have absolutely. I've been an onlooker mm-hmm. , Yep. Mm-hmm. . Yep. And, and just, and then that's where you have where to step in is just like, Oh, that does not feel good. Mm-hmm. Mm-hmm. try to own that. My part in that, Dr. Ernest Gray (01:24:45):Ladies, it's almost a sense of a little bit of a reunion that I've had with you this afternoon, but I do need to go and pick up my two boys. And so for this part, I'm gonna need to jump off of the, um, of this, of this great time together, and hopefully I'll be invited back again so that my, um, so that we can, we can continue the conversation. Danielle (01:25:37):I will. Did you all have any final thoughts? TJ Poon (01:25:44):I've been noodling something since the very first slide, which is just like this distinction. I don't know if it's a useful one between disruption and rupture And how like rupture needs to be repaired, but a lot of times repair can't happen without sub disruption. And, you know, that first slide talks about how we kind of pathologized or like said negative anything that has to do with rupture, but you can't, like, you literally can't, um, repair without disrupting the systems. And I think in white imagination, those things are often made equivalent. Like anything that's disruptive is rupturing uncomfortable. Like, I need, I, I need to fix it as fast as possible. Um, versus no, actually this disruption is an invitation to something different. It's a disruption that actually will lead to an authentic repair or real repair as opposed to like, what calls dirty pain, like silence avoidance. Um, so I've just been thinking about those two different words and what they can mean. Mm-hmm. , Rebecca W. Walston (01:27:07):I like that distinction a lot. It, it feels almost like trying to get at like harm versus hurts, right? And, and try to have a sense of like, um, you know, are we always in the category of this is bad and awful and it needs to see immediately, Right. Or are there places where actually good and we need to let it play it itself out, So, yeah. Jen Oyama Murphy (01:27:35):Mm-hmm. Well, I think that also connects maybe fun too to Rebecca. You are, um, differentiating between like the demand to return to Eden or the like blessing of being on the journey to the city of God. Cause if the demand is to return to Eden, then anything disruptive is gonna feel, not like Eden, Right? But if, if it is about growing and learning and healing and developing on the road to the city of God, then disruption is part of that process, then it's something that may be hard, um, but it's necessary and hopeful or has the potential to be that. Rebecca W. Walston (01:28:22):Yeah. It, it does pivot something for me pretty significantly to be, to be talking about like the, my destination isn't actually Danielle (01:28:40):New ladies are really smart. can bottle all that up. I like that. TJ Poon (01:28:53):I mean, Jen, when you were like, I'm just working this out. And then you said something super deep and profound. I think what I was, what I was struck about what you said was like, um, just the demand to not ever need to repair like that internal pressure demand. And that's, that's how I feel all the time. Like, just, just be perfect and then you all need to repair mm-hmm. . Um, and just what, uh, yeah, just what a demand. What a, a burden. I don't, I don't know all the words, but like, it, it's dehumanizing cuz what it means to be human on this earth is to have disrupt, is to repair. Like you are going need to because we're all, we're all humans. And so there, when you said that, I was like, Oh, that's so important. Danielle (01:31:07):Because everything feels so lost. But I hope that this will be an encouragement to people about a conversation. Hopefully it'll feel like they can access something in themselves where.
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