Podcasts about million rising

APEX Express is a weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as “Gen-Z Uprisings” – movements led by young people and described in western media as generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism, like the flag of the “straw hat pirates,” a black flag depicting a grinning jolly roger wearing a straw hat. The flag is the banner of the protagonists of the long-running hit anime series One Piece whose adventures often find them coming to the defense of marginalized communities around their world. But these movements didn't come out of nowhere (or the internet for that matter). Understanding their origins – and the elections that have resulted from their successes – can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges we face building an alternative. In this episode we are looking at two countries, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. In this episode, we are joined by two US based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of South Asian diasporas has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who is currently the Organizing Director for 18 Million Rising. To learn more about 18 Million Rising, check out their site at www.18millionrising.org. Follow Sharmin on all platforms at @sharminultra Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He has spent the last 18 years involved in movement work here in the US. To learn more about The Ruckus Society and request a training, visit: www.ruckus.org/training-action-support/training-requests/ To learn more about Convergence Magazine and the Block and Build Podcast, follow them at @_convergencemag and @blockandbuildpod. Check out Covergence's work at www.convergencemag.com. Transcript Swati Rayasam: [00:00:00] welcome fellow travelers to Apex Express. It's been a minute, but in case you don't remember, my name is Swati Rayasam, and I'm gonna be your conductor tonight. I have been very excited about this week's episode for a few months because tonight Apex is featuring Convergence Magazine's Block and Build podcast. Block and Build is creating a roadmap for the movement that's working to block the impacts of [00:01:00] rising authoritarianism while building the strength and resilience of the broad front that we need to win. And both the team at Convergence and the guests for tonight's show are close comrades and friends of Apex. On this episode, Cayden Mak, podcast host and editor-in-chief of Convergence, is joined by Samir Shrestha and Sharmin Hossain, two US-based organizers from the South Asian diaspora, Nepal and Bangladesh respectively. Sharmin and Samir will talk about the history and continued struggles of the international Gen Z uprisings, which have only really made a blip in Western media coverage. They'll discuss the history of those movements and the political conditions which created them, as well as help us understand how Americans can be in meaningful solidarity with people's movements abroad. Without further ado, I'll hand it over to Cayden. Cayden: Over the past few years, a series of popular uprisings across the world have been described by mainstream media as the Gen Z uprisings, movements led by young people and described in Western media as [00:02:00] generally being against government corruption. These movements have been most notably visible in our own media due to their use of technology, including platforms like Discord and TikTok, and internationally consistent adoption of pop culture symbolism. but these movements didn't come out of nowhere, or out of just the internet, for that matter. Understanding their origins and the elections that have resulted from their successes can shed light both onto the international struggle against authoritarianism and the challenges that we face building an alternative. In this episode, we're looking at two countries in particular, Nepal and Bangladesh, where popular uprisings in the summer of 2024 and fall of 2025 have led to elections this year. I was recently joined by two US-based organizers, Sharmin Hossain and Samir Shrestha, whose work as part of the South Asian diaspora has rooted them in movement work here in the US while maintaining relationships and solidarity abroad. Sharmin Hossain is a Bangladeshi Muslim organizer from Queens, New York, who's currently the organizing director for 18 Million Rising. Sharmin, thanks so much for joining us today  Sharmin: Thank you for having me. I love Convergence.  Cayden: Thank you. [00:03:00] And, Samir Shrestha belongs to the indigenous Newari tribe of Nepal, where he was born. He spent the past 18 years involved in movement work here in the US, and Samir, it's really good to see you this morning.  Samir: So good to see you too, Cayden.  Cayden: Well, to start us off, let's try and set some context Sharmin. I'm wondering if you can give us kind of a quick gloss of the 2024 uprisings in Bangladesh, where Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and her party were ousted from power. What are the sort of themes of the protests, and then the way that the state responded, and where are we kind of now? Sharmin: Wow, absolutely. Thank you so much for having me. It's an honor to talk about my country and all the amazing things that happened, because I think the Global South really forges, like, new possibilities as far as, like, what we can do and, and consolidate as far as power goes. So today is actually March 26th, and it's Bangladeshi Independence Day, coincidentally. Cayden: Happy independence Day.  Sharmin: Happy Independence Day. I find it very serendipitous for us to delve into this layered and complex history, um, of the student movement. So [00:04:00] the Bangladesh student protests of July 2024, were deeply rooted in systemic inequalities that the young working class and the poor faced. Nearly 32 million young people were actually out of the workforce, or education in a population of a country of 170 million. So that's a pretty significant number. And so that issue was a focal point for widespread discontent in the country. In July of 2024, the High Court of Bangladesh actually reinstated a quota system for government jobs after an appeal was made when the then-ruling Hasina government abolished the quota system, um because in 2018 she faced a lot of pressure from student protesters. But this quota system is really interesting, and it represents a lot. It reserved 30% of government jobs for descendants of freedom fighters. And in Bangladeshi history, that's a very complex and layered identity. Millions of our [00:05:00] ancestors actually fought in the liberation war against the US-backed Pakistani military, and the Bangladeshi Liberation War, and genocide in Bangladesh actually resulted in the death of over three million people who sacrificed for the birth of our nation. And so for the Hasina government, the quota system was actually what she used to appoint a lot of her loyalists and her supporters to high levels of government, the military, and it basically created the political ecosystem for the Awami League, her party, to maintain dominance. And the Awami League actually was the party that once led the liberation struggle, and over the course of 15 years, we actually saw how much they consolidated power through political repression, the Digital Security Acts that was surveilling and targeting freedom of speech, as well as the corruption and fear that they [00:06:00] stoked against their opposition. And these government jobs, like most of us, it represents many things. It represents the government's responsibility to take care of poor people, um, economic and political opportunity, and it also represents, like, the corruption and the authoritarian rule of the Awami League, and how they were rigging elections, and how the court systems, and even entrance exams for the Bangladeshi civil service, were actually regularly leaked and compromised. And so -within that background, that's when you have the Students Against Discrimination movement take the streets in July demanding fair access to government jobs. And things actually got violent really fast. Within seven days, nearly 174 people were murdered, and thousands were injured. There was an indefinite curfew, social media blackouts, and then a military occupation with shoot on sight orders. And of course, the bullets that were raining upon, Bangladeshis were US, [00:07:00] arms. So students were terrorized by these vigilante groups that were collaborating with the Bangladeshi police. And these student groups were actually organized by the Bangladeshi Awami League. These student groups were notorious for repressing student elections, sexually assaulting students, um really threatening people that were running for student elections. And so there's already this, like, vigilante ecosystem that exists within the campuses that was weaponized during the student protests. And then you have a climax moment on July 14th. Sheikh Hasina went on television accusing the students of being Razakars, and Razakars are collaborators of the Pakistani army, and it's a very derogatory term in Bangladesh, and it refers to people who support the Pakistani military's operation to suppress the Bangladeshi Liberation War. They're also accused of heinous crimes. And so when students were accused of being Razakars, it, like, [00:08:00] lit a fire. Millions took the streets that day, and they were like, “Oh, hell no.” Like, “How dare she disrespect us?” While there's thousands of people who are on the streets, blood, everywhere. Rickshaw wallas are having to pull students into hospitals. There's just so much violence happening on the ground. And so on that National Day of Action, July 15th, clashes happen. Multiple deaths are live-streamed, and one of them, Abu Sayeed, he was a university student at Rangpur University in northwest Bangladesh, really galvanized the country because we watched this student, who is not armed, surrender and get sh- shot, by the Bangladeshi police. And we know what these spontaneous moments of violence do to the public, right? It usually always sets fire to another wave of social protests and action. And so then millions start marching to Sheikh Hasina's home, and [00:09:00] really, her brutal and arrogant response sealed her fate. And the protesters, and at this point, this is a populist movement, millions of people that are rickshaw wallas, working-class people, students, teachers, are taking the streets, marching towards her house. And they demand her resignation. And on August 5th, within 36 days of the movement, she resigns and flees to India, our neighboring country. Over 1,400 people have been killed, under her brutal repression. And so that's some of the background of the student movement, and we can talk more about some of the dynamics of it. Cayden: Yeah, that's super helpful, and I think reflecting on the ways in which also the sort of, like, escalation on the part of the government is, I think, a really important story here, for sure. Samir, I'll also now turn it to you. What should our listeners know about last fall's uprisings in Nepal, which also ousted the sitting government of, K.P. Oli and his, his party and how they led to [00:10:00] elections, earlier this month, in March of this year?  Samir: Thanks, Cayden, and Happy Independence Day to you, Sharmin. I am somebody who was born and raised in Nepal, and am spending most of my life in the diaspora now, and I wanna name the limitations of, uh, my understanding of what's going on in Nepal because of me not being on the ground organizing with the masses. And, I wanna honor the work that's been happening in Nepal, on the ground one of the big things that, that's really n- is important to name is, like, it's only been 20 years since we abolished monarchy. Uh- Mm-hmm. … uh, 2006, right? That is a big thing for us to understand. And the party that was in power, and has been in power since, was the party that has been organizing our movements, and that is the organized left in Nepal, and, like, really betrayed our people once we, once they got into power, right? And, like, started kind of veering towards the right once they got in power. So 20 years later The economic conditions of our people on the ground are really dire. There's no jobs available. People are migrating. A lot of our folks, one of the biggest source of economy and source of money for our, [00:11:00] our people back home is, like, migrant work, uh, in Dubai and, traveling to Dubai, Qatar, and working under very bad conditions. So one- that's one of the big things that's also been informing,, lot of the consciousness of the- our young people in Nepal, right? And then one of the other things that's named really important is, so since the election, since 2006, the Communist Party, the Congress Party, and the Maoist Party have been, they're the only ones who have been in power for the last 20 years, and these are all old upper caste men, even though they were the ones who were leading the movement and were organizing at left. But these were s- the representation and the leaders in these parties were all upper caste, caste Arya people, which is the dominant caste in Nepal, right? And that's a very important layer to name. And that really informed, I think, a lot of the ways they showed up after we won. And, and that's one, one big question that we always have in the left, right? What do we do after we- Yeah … abolish monarchy? What do we do after we win? And we haven't figured that out too, as does any other movements, right? And 20 years later, the frustration is on the very high, against the status quo. And then we, and there [00:12:00] was a lot of, like, obviously there was a lot of inspiration from Bangladesh, like Indonesia, and, like, the uprisings there. And, like, this one, uh, thing started trending the young people started organizing around Nepo babies. There's like, you know, “Yeah, you don't have access to we do, you're gonna take our access away from social media while your kids, and people who have connections to you and have, access to you are just posting about the life, the lavish life they're living abroad and in my homelands,” right? So that's one of the places where it started. And once that started, there was online campaign. And there was already conversations around banning social media in Nepal, and they were- Hmm … finding, like, different ways around it, and that really escalated the way people really responded to the situation, is like once they started organizing around Nepo babies and how they were, like, getting momentum around that, that's when exactly the social media ban went into effect, right? And that's a really important name because, like, one of the biggest pet peeves for me as a diaspora person has been this idea of people only started the uprising and took the streets because of the social media ban. [00:13:00] But just- Hmm. Mm-hmm … all these other things really added up to it. That was just the, just the point of escalation, right? So fast-forward, people started organizing on Discord. Uh, also the irony of it is that was one of the apps that was banned, uh, in Nepal as, uh… And people started organizing in Discord. And also wanna name the reality of, like, the only people who had access to Discord are also, like, privileged folks like us- Sure like younger, upper middle class people. So we were not really getting folks from outside Kathmandu and from our villages and from rural areas, right? So they didn't really have any say in what the organizing would look like. So it happened very, organically, very decentralized. So there was a call for people to show up at Maitighar which has been a popular protest space in Nepal, for a very long time. And it was like at the, at the center of Kathmandu. So there was a call out september 8. A lot of folks came out, and then people from outside Kathmandu that couldn't make it to Kathmandu started coming in big numbers. And the goal of the protest was peaceful protest, right? [00:14:00] And one of the things that happened, don't quote me on this, but my understanding of it from, talking to people there is, like, a lot of political parties who had, who were the opposition from the Communist Party at that time started infiltrating the protest, and the protest started becoming, quote-unquote, “violent,”, which was not, uh, what the young people wanted. So fast-forward, that led to 19 deaths on the first day of the protest, which led to the home minister resigning, at the end of the day. But Oli, the prime minister, is so arrogant and really didn't figure out the power of young people and, like, how they could keep mobilizing and organizing. He decided to just downplay them and say, “I'm not resigning,” which led to more heightened escalated protests the second day, where people started marching to the parliament buildings and started burning down buildings. And people started, people got to a lot of, like, the political parties' political party leader home and started burning them, and, really started, holding them accountable. And also , there was videos of clips of, like, people torching into people's homes and, like, [00:15:00] Sher Bahadur Deuba, who has been in power for the last 20 years in different, ways, who's one of the, considered one of the most corrupt leader in Nepal, from Nepali Congress party, got attacked by the protesters. So fast-forward, more escalation led to, like, 52 more deaths, and the Oli party finally decided to resign at the end of that night, and that's, that's when curfew was impo- imposed by, the army. So that led to, like, a total of 72 deaths. I wanna name, like, in just the two days of mobilization, two days of organizing, because sometimes in the left we don't understand. We talk about the similarities of our struggles but we don't really talk about the conditions that led to it and, like, the level for the risk that our folks leveraged, to be able to topple the government, right? So I just wanna name that out loud and honor that part of, like, how the, how people, like, really leveraged risk. And then fast-forward, people started organizing. The conversation kept going on on Discord, and then there was, like, a town hall style meetings happening on Discord where, like, I think 7 to 8,000 people were on it. And also I still wanna name again, the people who didn't have access to the internet and [00:16:00] phones were not able to part- participate in that. And decided Susila Karki, who was a chief justice 10 years ago, a woman, who also joined protesters during the first day of them mobilizing in the street. They decided, they voted, to hold her as the interim prime minister for now. And There was also one other layer is like a lot of people wanted Balen Sah, who is our prime minister now, but constitutionally if he was part of the interim government, he wouldn't be able to run for prime minister. So that was like a strategic decision that, uh, like he made, and the movement made around not electing him as part of the interim government. So one of the big responsibilities of the interim government was to hold elections in six months, which honestly I was not very-  Cayden: That's hugely ambitious. Samir: It is hugely ambitious, right? And also the reality is it happened, and also there are questions around, yeah, were we able to hold elections in a way where everybody had access to it, right? And that is a big question that I'm still asking, I'm still sitting with. But there were like record numbers that showed up to the polls, but [00:17:00] we haven't really, like we still really don't have answers around what accessibility looked like for people to show up at the polls. And fast-forward now, the Rastriya Swatantra Party which emerged at like a, at a very popular party in 2022, won with majority. And we just sworn in our new Prime Minister Balen Sah yesterday, we can talk about more later. Cayden: Well, thank you for summing up, both of you for summing up- Pretty long, complex histories fairly quickly for us. I've been thinking about the way that, like, Western media largely reports on these kinds of uprisings as if they come out of nowhere. And, like, we know as movement people that rarely, if ever, like, do they truly come out of nowhere. So, like, yeah, I wanna dig into what the longer arc of these stories really is. And I, I really wanna talk about, I guess, like, the specific texture in both Bangladesh and Nepal about how these protest movements position themselves against the government, against, like, other social forces, and, like, how kind of, like, other social phenomena acted on and shaped [00:18:00] these movements as well. Sharmin: I love that question 'cause it allows us to see, like, also the rich history of our, like, respective areas, and how much, like, young people have always been at the forefront of so many revolutionary struggles. And we often, um, you know, uh, post social media era like to make generalizations that this never existed before. But actually, you know, in Bangladesh, students are the most incredibly organized force that has shaped much of our history since 1947. The 1969 uprisings against Ayub Khan, the 1971 Liberation War, and then the , 1987 protests against the military dictator Ershad. And then later, our return to democratic governance in 1990 and the road safety protests of 2018, which actually laid the groundwork for so much of the student, frustration with the government not being able to keep students safe because of road safety issues and [00:19:00] just, the general mismanagement of transportation and, public resources. And so the campus has always been a key space for the pulse of the nation. But it's also a key space for goons and vigilante groups to organize their forces. So the Bangladesh Awami League has their faction, the Chhatra League, and then there's, you know, the Jamaat-e-Islami, which is the right-wing Islamist group of Bangladesh that has been growing, has their faction, the Chhatra Shibir. And then the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, which, you know, has been in opposition to the Awami League, also has their goons on campuses. And so one of the major, trends you'll see during these moments is how these factions are actually weaponized to make sure that the violent state apparatus is deployed within public spaces. And, you know, you asked about, like, missteps and some of the things that political formations, might forget to plan for or think [00:20:00] about. And, you know, one of the things that I, I'm sure Samir can relate a little bit is, like, a lot of these student organizations, you know, students against discrimination, there was a group of men who claimed leadership of the student movement and formed, a party, the National Citizens Party. And you notice quickly the contradictions of their formation. All the women leaders were either asked to leave or they left because of what an undemocratic, unfeminist space it was. And then you noticed quickly that the National Citizen Party started allying itself with the right-wing forces to gain a populist base. And that, to me, is the, one of the biggest contradictions of what do leftists do when we gain power? And also, like, the sober conversation is, are these leaders leftists? Or did-  Cayden: Yeah, were they ever? Were they ever?  Sharmin: Or did we project our leftist dreams onto them and I think one of the things that [00:21:00] we've been doing for many generations, and I think Vincent Bevins' work really synopsizes this well, in looking at the last decade of popular uprisings, is that we've been doing politics without ideology, right? Mm-hmm. That these political for- formations actually don't have a coherent theory of change when they're contesting for power. And so you notice quickly the National Citizens Party was very reactionary, and it was very anti-fascist by, their vernacular, but what anti-fascism meant was that we hate the Awami League, we're gonna ban the Awami League, and the Awami League is no longer going to exist. And then we're- Yes … gonna fight for Sheikh Hasina to be hanged, right? And so that became their populist slogan.  Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And so, you know, there is no left force in Bangladesh, and that's something that we have to name, that for sure there are garment workers that are organizing a party. There's a communist league that does not actually grow in their base. Um- Hmm … and that is why coming out of [00:22:00] the July uprisings, you notice this leadership actually turned center right really fast because they didn't have a, a vision that was rooted in economic and political struggles of the working-class students who made up majority of the base of people that were on the streets. Um, and you know, it was surprising, Cayden, I'll just say, like, after the, the NCP was getting ready for elections that just happened this past February, they joined a coalition with the largest Islamist force of Bangladesh, and this is such a misstep, right? To join forces. W- your enemy of your enemy is not your friend, right? Like, wh- where, like, where, when has that gotten us anywhere? It falls into the traps of organizing without a clear, coherent ideology, and then the post-uprising impact is weakened. And so a lot of that groundwork of, like, theoretical work, we actually have to do that to be able to be ready for fights that take power in the way that [00:23:00] feel, restorative and generative, instead of what we're seeing now, which is a populist right-wing growth in Bangladesh. Cayden: That feels like such an important lesson that we need to learn, unfortunately, over and over again, and I feel like this theme of, the enemy of my enemy is sometimes still my enemy has been coming up on this show a lot lately. That like, it, I, uh, you know, we see it happening in our movement politics here too, especially in, in this sort of moment of authoritarian retrenchment in our own government, that like, there are, there are challenges around that, and there's like ways that I think, yeah, it makes sense that it feels good in the moment to be like, “Yeah, there's more of us than there are of them.” But it's like, well, who, who are us? Like, what is the us that we're talking about? Samir, I will pass it to you to talk about, I guess, some of the texture that we should know about the protest movement in Nepal, and like what are the ways that, other social forces also outside the state have shaped the way that the protests have played out there. Samir: I was listening to Sharmin, and I was like, “Oh, there's so many similarities,” [00:24:00] like in a lot of the political forces that led our movements and also like talking about K.P. Oli, there's so many similarities of like how they were the face of the movement. And as somebody who really admired K.P. Oli because, you know, he was part of the social movement left. He was part of , like the first people's movement struggles, uh, that happened in the '90s that got rid of absolute monarchy. He was the face of the Communist Party. He did take up arms, right? So all of the tools that our revolutionary histories have used to, find liberation, right? So he used a diversity of tactics. Like, he started as somebody who believed in picking up arms. And then he led a people's movement in the '90s of, like with other political parties to get rid of the Panchayat system, which was a system of absolute monarchy and where all the political parties were dissolved right by the king from the 1960 to 1990, right? But one of the big things that I think we didn't think about when our movements were being led, when our movement ancestors were organizing and like really thinking about is like what does identity mean for our movements. There's political forces, [00:25:00] the social movement parties that are leading our people and organizing our people, and they did the organizing that happened in Nepal, the door-to-door, the base building that happened, if that was done by political parties, right? Which is true, and we need to name that layer, too. And I think one of the things that we're missing in this moment right now is we have been so, so frustrated by the last 20 years of governance by these forces. We wanna forget the political history of how we got here, right? Mm-hmm. And that has been one of my big critique of the young people in Nepal, right? And for me, I also think about as somebody who's getting older and also had access to my dad who was part of this movement, right? He was a big force as part of the Communist Party, and now he's heavily traumatized because of the way he got betrayed by his comrades, right? And I think one of the forces I was talking about identity is, like, all of these political forces were led by upper caste Brahmin men, and there was no indigenous representation. So finally, the 1990, we were able to get rid of absolute [00:26:00] monarchy. By '96, we still don't have full democracy in Nepal, so, you know, the Maoists decided to wage a civil war where they really organized the masses, and really created conditions for the monarchy, to bow down, right? And the Maoist party came out of this forest and, like, built a coalition with the Communist Party and the Congress Party to take the streets again. In 2006, we finally were able to get rid of monarchy, but 2006 to 2014 was a struggle to, like, really, draft a new constitution for us, where we made some progress and where we also did some things where it took us back around, like, women's rights, right? And so there was a big feminist movement that really created, like, organizing conditions of 2026 in so many ways, right? And one of the things that we were seeing during the last 20 years is what's happening is all the communist parties, the people who led our movements and uprisings were veering towards the right, right? Hmm. Because they consolidated more power, like, you know, exactly what happened with, uh, Bangladesh. They consolidated more power where, you know, they could stay in power [00:27:00] for long. The indigenous folks were part of the struggles and the uprisings in the 100 years of our movement struggles. But once we won and they got, the Communist Party got into power, they started, like, pushing policies that would not benefit indigenous peoples, right? And then one of the big things that Nepal wanted is federalism in terms of, like, one of the big critiques of Nepal has been the government is so centralized in Kathmandu. Other people outside of Kathmandu really don't get to take part in politics. And, so federalism was one of the big things that we pushed for, right? At Indigenous Struggles, that is the one thing that we pushed for so that we can govern our homelands, and that was the one thing that Oli was, like, against too, and that was also one of the reasons why he started becoming less and less popular, right? But one of the things that's 2026 was, I think it's also really important to understand, is the 2026 uprisings were led by youth who I believe, I dare to say, didn't have, the full understanding, the political understanding of our political histories in that way. And there's this, like, disconnect in terms of, like… it's hard for me to bridge the 100 years of left in Nepal [00:28:00] and like, you know, this youth uprising that's happening in Nepal that has no connection because it's not an organized group, right? It's very decentralized. Right. It happened on Discord. And that is one of the big questions we have now is, like, how do we as young people, the young people who led this uprisings, how do they stay organized, right? And that is a big question we still don't, we don't have answers to, right? The movement histories and, you know, the last 20 years has been very traumatizing, but there's also so many lessons and so many beautiful things that happened during the organizing, right? So how do we make those connections? How do we ask those questions? How do we talk to this feminist group? How do we talk to, like, workers, right? We need to figure that out. And I think one of the big things, like Sharmin talked about too, is like the student protest student movements were a big part of how we got liberation in Nepal, and the student movements are like directly connected to political parties because they have the student wing. But that also doesn't mean they are not organized. Yes, they were organized, and they really figured it out, but they have gotten corrupt. There's goons there, there's only men there. [00:29:00] And, like, how do we really ask those questions as a movement now and start building on some of our social movement histories? And that is a big question. And I haven't heard anything, and I'm very curious what's gonna happen on that, and I've been sitting with that a lot, too.  Cayden: Yeah. No, I, I mean, I feel like thinking about the challenges in remembering and then sometimes, like, having movement history misremembered to us by people with motivations. I can see how in that way for these young people who are getting organized, who are, like, trying to figure out what they want from the government in the future . there's some real, delicate territory for them to negotiate around, like, understanding themselves in a lot of ways as political and historic actors, which is really interesting. Swati Rayasam: You are tuned in to Apex Express on 94.1 KPFA, 89.3 KPFB in Berkeley, 88.1 KFCF in Fresno and online@kpfa.org.  Cayden: One of the other trends that [00:30:00] I would love to talk about is this, sort Western media trend where, an uprising happens somewhere, a protest movement happens somewhere, and they're like, “Oh, there's an interim government. Great.” And then, like, in the US, we don't hear anymore the establishment of interim government is, first of all, deeply informed by the social movements and social forces that are already moving on the ground and also glosses over the way politics is done in a particular place. I'm wondering if there's stuff that you've noticed that has really been lost from the international media discourse about the politics of both Bangladesh and Nepal since the sort of student uprising moment. And if there's stuff that you've been seeing in the like, interim government moments that you're like, “Oh, this is something to watch out for.” Like, “This is something that we can draw some lessons from.”  Sharmin: Yeah. Well, in Bangladesh we had a United States favorite Nobel Laureate, you know, Muhammad Yunus- Mm-hmm as our interim government. And, and I think what's so fascinating is that, you know, he is the world's sweetheart because he created [00:31:00] this, like, you know, microfinancing program that is, a program that they say, you know, empowers the poor people. And, we know that in practice it actually did not reverse poverty, and it actually left millions of people in more debt, than, they or- originally were projected to gain. And so I think what's very fascinating about having such a pro-capitalist, figure that is, a sweetheart of empire, it spoke to his legacy in office, you know? During his time, he also signed one of the most devastating US-Bangladesh trade agreements with Trump- Hmm … which actually, further isolates China from the Bangladeshi trade market and, forces Bangladesh to do all of our trade deals with the US. And it's a non-binding agreement. And so it is, deeply unlawful and also devastating to the economy of this area of Southeast Asia that actually needs China as, an ally, as a country that has, contributed a lot to the development of [00:32:00] our, transportation systems and, so for us it- it's also about how much of this interim government was, you know, representing the interests of the global elite and what he was willing to do to be able to s- to, to squash, revolutionary energy within the country. The Women's Commission was one of the most powerful consolidation of feminist leaders under the interim government that were looking to reform land laws for women. And similar to what, Samir was saying, right? Women's rights just are the first thing that these governments throw under the bus and that- women's commission report that was looking to really examine land laws and inheritance laws and and the rights of women economically like actually triggered one of the largest anti-feminist rallies in the country's history- Wow … where millions, millions of Jamaat-e-Islami men and their supporters took the streets in [00:33:00] protest of women having rights. And that was something you did not see the Western media touch, even-  Cayden: No …  Sharmin: even though the Western media was, like, so excited for this revolution, right? You know, on the ground too, you have those people that are like, “This is a CIA-backed, like, uprising,” right? And then on the ground you see, like, oh yeah, people actually don't want to touch the complexities of this country because it is layered within, like, religious nationalisms- Mm-hmm ethnic nationalisms, and caste. And so in my experience, I would just say that people know very little of the political forces within this, greater West Asian political landscape and how it connects to US imperialism here and abroad, you know? Pakistan was once the CIA's closest ally in the Cold War, and they continue to be during the war on terror right now, right? Mm-hmm. The United States provided Pakistan with military, diplomatic, and economic support because a [00:34:00] pro-US military dictatorship in this region that was a staunch anti-communist ally created a buffer between the axis of the USSR, China. Cayden: Hmm.  Sharmin: And then I'll say at the same time, on the ground, there were dozens of reports of mobs that were attacking temples and Hindu leaders. Hindus are a minority in Bangladesh that have been historically, marginalized, and these contradictions were, were getting highlighted, right? Because that violence was eerily similar, right? The partition of South Asia- Yeah …  Cayden: excluded  Sharmin: Hindu-Muslim communalism, and there were tensions and divides that fell across class lines. And for Western and, hegemonic media outlets, this looked like, oh, the Muslims are attacking the Hindus again.  Samir: Right.  Sharmin: And so for me, like, the being able to reckon Islamophobia, communal violence, identity and class politics, but also the way nationalism operates in South Asia, it, it's a tricky dance [00:35:00] And I've been learning how to really convey this complex history because the country's, uh like, beautiful history of, like, using guerrilla warfare to defeat US-backed forces in the region, it also represents something different from its neighbors, India and Pakistan. Mm-hmm. And within that, you know, we have Bangladesh joining the PLO in Lebanon to fight on behalf of Palestinian liberation. We have the fact that the country's actually i- inception was based on a socialist vision, right? And it's now one of the fastest-growing economies in the world with the fast fashion garment industry that's also ravaged by climate crisis and mass displacement. And so for me, it always just comes back to anti-war and anti-imperialism, like all the nodes of my brain, because I'm like, “Here's this US global death-making machine and this defense industry that sells tear gas shells to my country and [00:36:00] sells Israeli surveillance technology to my country.” And then there's this Bangladesh trade agreement that Trump was able to wager during this vulnerable moment for our country and it's at the core of all the political and economic violence within my country. And so the neoliberalization of our campuses and what these students are facing is because of the war economy. And so, so I just, like, zoom out in those moments, and I'm like, “Oh, this, this feels very much so like Cold War politics and the aftermath.”  Cayden: Yeah, like the politics of the Cold War have just simply never left us. Like, they're still here, and it's like we've sort of swapped in China as the big bad in a lot of ways.  Sharmin: Right.  Cayden: Samir, I wonder if there's, stuff that you've been seeing about the interim government in Nepal that you think are worth our sort of examination as kind of like lessons that we can draw from what happens after the protest, and yeah, like how that has been part of the electoral moment also we're in in Nepal right now. Samir: Yeah, [00:37:00] well, the interim government was, what was it, about five months. I think we didn't really see a lot of work that happened from the interim government, but obviously one of the big wins of the interim government was they were successfully able to hold elections. And the Western media has only focused on Balen Saha, this, quote-unquote, “rapper,” this charismatic guy who is gonna, who's 35 years old and is gonna lead. And then like Sushila Karki, I mean, one of the big things that everybody is like, “Oh, she's the first woman prime minister of Nepal, and what does that mean for us?” And, you know, this identity politics of like, “Oh, we finally got a woman president.” And for us it's like when we talk about it, that's the only thing we see in the discourse. But the reality is she was also a woman prime minister in an interim government that she knew was gonna last for six months, right? And also one of the things that a lot of people don't think about and realize is like the youth really didn't know who she was. And I think that's one of the big things that Sarmin talked about too, is like how do our youth have the consciousness? And do we have a left, social movement left, that's actually supporting them to really understand, you know, the conditions [00:38:00] of our people and who we're electing and, like, how we're organizing and what that means for us, right? But one of the big popularities about her was, like, she was not a career, jurist as she was appointed, was a lawyer that was appointed to the Supreme Court in 2009 by the Judicial Council, and she had this reputation of pushing back against some of the political parties and some of the establishments in that time. So that was, like, one of the big things that really lured our folks, there was this one interview of her that went really viral about how she talks about, you know, establishment parties and how she challenged, some of the status quo while she was… Because a lot of times what happens with some of these appointments are people who are loyal to the to the parties, right? That was the one big thing that really attracted a lot of our young folks, to mobilize around her being the prime minister. And it's just, like, a lot of unknowns around, like, we still don't know because with the older parties, it was very clear to us that the Communist Party was, like, more loyal to China, right? And the Congress party was more loyal to India. And then one of the things a lot that we don't see in the discourse even in left spaces, right? Even [00:39:00] in, like, media spaces is, more than US imperialism, India and China is also waging some form of imperialism in our homelands, right? And that we don't wanna name that layer because in the US, as, us being in the belly of the beast, our only responsibility is to fight US imperialism. And then for me, as somebody from the Global South, I understand that how that impacts our movement and how that is dangerous and harmful to our people in our, back in our homeland. Because China and India are bullying Nepal in a lot of different ways politically, right? Because nothing happens in Nepal without the consent of India and China, right? And India obviously has more power, and they're, like, fighting over that power in Nepal right now. And the other thing that I wanted to name is, I was hoping K.P. Oli, during our interim prime ministership, during that interim government, would be held accountable, which didn't happen. And we're not talking about that, right? And also she [Karki] had a lot of limitations, and we still are figuring out what, like, what kind of power she held, right? But the hope was for me was, like, that she would hold the people who were responsible for our people's deaths accountable during the six months she was there, which [00:40:00] really didn't happen and really moved. And that's one of the things that hasn't been talked about, and I think that was a big political opportunity for her to do some of that work to push K.P. Oli out of power because he, after doing all of this, was still able to contest the elections and lost really badly. But one of the things for me, the inspiration was, like, how Sheikh Hasina was pushed out of the country, right? Like, that was one of the hopes and dreams, and that didn't really happen, during this interim government.  Cayden: Hmm. That's interesting that there's, like, a possibility that he might be back. Well, I wanna turn a little bit to thinking about this history that's been unfolding and, like, what it is like to be observing, talking to comrades and loved ones as an organizer who's based here in the US as part of your diasporic community. One of the things I think a lot about is, like- When we talk about solidarity with people's movements internationally in the US, sometimes we forget that, like, people from those diasporas are our comrades. They are here. And that we have a lot to, [00:41:00] like, learn from them. What has it been like watching the sort of, like, social movements in Bangladesh and Nepal respectively, and what has it been like to have that consciousness as an organizer here in the US dealing with all of the political stuff that we've been dealing with here? Samir: I love that you asked that question, Cayden, and also, like, yes, I just wanna start with, like, this layer of like, oh, yes, we have comrades here who are from these diasporic communities who actually can inform us in this. And to add another layer to that, even with, with my, you know, my history of being born and raised in Nepal and, like, being connected to our movements there and, like, living here for the last 20 years now, right? That also creates another layer where I don't have access to everything, and that also creates a layer of, like, that I don't have to know everything, right? And I wish our left- Mm-hmm … Western left understood that layer sometimes because – In our movements, I'm gonna go be a little– I'm gonna little shit about our movements here, you know? Because one of the things that happens is, like, the romanticization of what's going on in our homelands without understanding, and this idea- Mm-hmm of, like-like, we have to know the answers to every… It's okay to not have answers. I think that's a big thing that I reflect on a lot as somebody here, [00:42:00] right? And also, the reality is I have access to my father, who is, for me, the only revolutionary that I know who was part of, like, social movements and who, like, really spent his whole life to the movement and is now still doing things after being betrayed by his party, right? So I think that's one of the big things. I think it's okay to know that. I think the second thing for me as somebody in the diaspora, it's my role in the diaspora. It's also what is my role in the diaspora to inform my comrades. If you're an upper-caste person, it is your responsibility to name that in the movement spaces that you hold and name that layer- Mm … and inform people about that layer. I think about that a lot. I sit up, I sit with that and reflect on that a lot, and that really informs the way I show up as somebody in the diaspora. And my responsibility, one of the things that we saw when all of this was happening you know, the movements, the social movement left was so fast, got into this train of, like, it's a Color Revolution [i.e., the revolution is backed by the US government/is a US-led intervention], as if our peoples don't have the capacity to organize. Yes, there was infiltrations. Yes, India was involved. But yes, there was also uprising where 70 people died, right? So just, bringing it down to, like, it's not really being complex and, like, [00:43:00] being nuance about that. And that really is harmful to our people back home, right? Because that, in that, when we're doing that, we're taking away, like, access from our people in terms of, like, how they are doing things. And also, like, really, I think invalidating the fact that our, the governments that was being oppressing against the uprisings are oppressive. So that just, like, invisibilizes, uh, what the state is doing, right? Because it is a Color Revolution, you know. The, it is not led by the people. We're, there was even sign, things like they said, like, “Oh, there were signs in English.” Like, can you just think about, you know, the, the orientalist, uh, you know-  Cayden: Yeah …  Samir: orientalist way that you are thinking even as somebody who considers yourself a social movement left. So that's, I think, one my, that, for me, that is a big responsibility. And- And that is where I can also make an impact as somebody in the diaspora. I am not on the ground, that is the reality of it, and knowing where I can make impact and how I can make impact, and knowing very clearly that I don't have all the answers, and I'm not– I'm an outsider in so many… I go back home every time I go home for a couple of months, the way I show up in these movement spaces [00:44:00] is I'm here to listen and I'm an outsider, and I'm trying to figure out how I can support you, right? And that is, for me, a role as a diasporic person, and I'm very clear on that. And I think it's also because I have access to my dad who grounds me in that, and it's like- Mm-hmm “Samir, you don't live here anymore.” He will remind me very clearly. He's like, “You don't live here anymore.” And you need to understand that, and that's okay.” And he will ground me in that, and that really helps me in terms of thinking of how I wanna show up as a diasporic person.  Cayden: Yeah. No, that's, that's really helpful, and I think that, like, this thing that you're describing about the sort of like in some ways, like, healthy, but in other ways sort of, like, overblown skepticism that US observers can have about uprisings, revolutions in other countries just because, like… The, the word that came to mind as you were describing it was, like, infantilizing, right? That it's, like, as if people can't independently form their own political opinions without the intervention of the, like, global superpower is just sort of, like, baffling to me. You hit on something that, like, I think about a lot [00:45:00] also as somebody who is, like, a generation removed from the immigrant generation in my family. I don't have a ton of relationships with my family who are in Hong Kong and China, but, like, how do I, like how do I relate to that? It's very challenging, and it's- and I, I think that there's so much in, like, US like left social movement discourse that I'm just kind of like, “I actually don't know how to relate to this as a diasporic person sometimes.” Sharmin, I'm also interested to hear from you on this.  Sharmin: Yeah. Yeah, similarly, I feel, I feel like there is this, like, uh, relationality that it's pushing people that are here to really think about more clearly. I feel like some of the early '70s through the '90s was a very, like, symbolic type of solidarity that we had- Mm-hmm where, where, you know, we would do the cultural attire, the cultural associations, you know, the melas, which are, like, big fairs that we have in these hubs of, like, immigrant communities. And now I think the politics are coming back. Like, I think after the July uprising, [00:46:00] you actually saw solidarity actions popping up across hubs in, you know, New York and California where people were like, “Actually, this impacts me and I wanna talk about what this means. I wanna talk about the cultural and political organizations that run this local community.” And one thing that I really took back from the last two visits to Bangladesh is really learning the skills of talking to somebody who disagrees with me because-  Cayden: Hmm …  Sharmin: I think in the United States the left does not practice, being able to engage, talk, even, like, be in relationship with people that might be politically opposed to you. And so when I go to Bangladesh, I'm actually surrounded by a lot of homophobes. I'm surrounded by a lot of men who, like, support the Awami League, and I've had to kind of, like, sit in this in between of being like, “Oh, yeah, like, I actually have to learn how to debate better. I have to learn how to, like, you know, be that person that's, like, holding humanity but also holding the, the critical left analysis that I, I believed in to be right because I [00:47:00] know I'm right.” Right? And I know that, like, this is a hill that's worth dying on. And I think with Mamdani's win in, in New York, like, there's so many examples of how that, like, South Asian left politic that's actually talking about class exists- Mm-hmm.  Cayden: Yeah …  Sharmin: within the geography of our communities. And, you know, especially for, you know, Samir and I are, like, the minority South Asians, so we're not the Indian upper caste. And so for us, we're like, “This has always been the reality of our people.” They are working-class organizers. They're people who know how to talk about the intricacies of domestic labor, about the unorganized labor forces, about the people that are left out of the political agenda of our government. And so for me, like, I really take some of the lessons that DRUM [ Desis Rising Up and Moving]  is doing on the ground in New York around what it means to actually build a member base that's rooted in relationship, but also towards a North Star. And that North Star, it looks a little socialist. It looks a little working class. It looks [00:48:00] very deeply rooted in a feminist, anti-oppressive politic. And I think for someone in diaspora, that's been the biggest growth area for me, where I'm like, “How do I hold this vision and not lose hope that my people are not, like, all right-wing people that are out to, like, you know, destroy me and my people?” But we are in this center-right populous moment that will require us to do cultural shift. It will require us to do that, like, slow work of tilling the land, like Ella Baker spade work. And you know, a comrade of mine, Nafiz, who's a brilliant writer at Jamhor, when I was talking to him about processing the February elections, he was just like, “You know, I actually think, like, I'm seeing a lot of possibility right now because I saw what happened to Egypt after Tahrir Square, and I saw where Egypt went and what a military dictatorship did to that country.” And he was like, “And Bangladesh, that's not what happened to us.” And, and he was like, “And this is important for us to really reckon with how… Not to [00:49:00] say, like, ‘Oh, it could be so much more worse,' but it could be so much more worse.” And we have to work within these, like, terrains in a way that's, like, really reckoning with why are people wanting to find comfort in these right-wing religious social groups, because they are the only organized groups of people that are providing shelter and food. And so unless the left fills that gap, we are gonna see right-wing populism, and we've seen it within white supremacy here, but it translates to every Global South country, from Brazil to, you know, um, obviously South Asia. And so yeah, I just am trying to be more, like, relative in that way, where I'm like-  Cayden: Hmm Sharmin: “Oh, we're a lot more relative than we think we are.”  Cayden: Yeah. That is such a good insight about, like, having to context switch Across geography, across political context, like builds a, like a really important muscle for us as organizers. This has been an absolutely fantastic [00:50:00] conversation and I've learned so much from both of you. My one sort of like, well I have two outgoing questions and they're sort of related to one another. One is thinking about like as a monolingual English speaker, as somebody who's like in the US, I think one of the things that I've often felt a challenge around is like where do I look to for news, for updates, and for analysis about what's going on in the Global South, especially for places where I have no cultural or language connection. And like when you're assessing news and information that's coming out about movement politics. What do you consider, what do you think about, what are the questions you ask yourself when you're like seeing headlines, kinda day-to-day that you think would be useful for other folks to start thinking about? Sharmin: Yeah. I, I really think about, like, multiple nationalisms right now, that there's, like, these competing forces of, like, who gets to tell the story. And I always, like to think about, like, how, uh, US [00:51:00] interests, Chinese interests, or even, like, Indian interests are determining the news landscape right now. And I don't like to think about it, but I, I've been looking at so much coverage that feels very much like, yikes, like what is going on, with our, like, news ecosystem? And unfortunately, I think we need to get back on Facebook. Like, I think that the fact that- … progressives and the left have left Facebook, like, I get it. Fuck Meta, and Facebook is the main place for so much like organizing. And we-  Cayden: Contest every space.  Sharmin: Get back on Facebook. Who cares if there are right-wing trolls on it? You we have to create alternative like information systems that are, like, really amplifying to these networks and groups of people that are getting inundated with that information. And I think we're really lucky because there's a lot of leftist South Asian publications now, Himal South Asian, Jumphore, you could become Patreon supporter and really be a part of these legacy, South Asian [00:52:00] left, thinkers that are actually thinking about, like, the long-term arc, and they, they're contending with socialism. They're contending with the communist, like, legacies of our organizations. And so, I just really appreciate that they're doing political analysis with politics and not just focusing on, like, symbolic forms of, like, political analysis. So shout-out to them and, and their hard work because yeah, they, they're English media that is getting translated for this day and age, you know? Cayden: Yeah. I… It was really exciting to me to, like, do a lot of the sort of, like, background for this conversation and find, like, English language movement media coming out of South Asia. I was like, “This is so exciting.” Like, this is… I feel like in some ways the thing that they're trying to do is, like they're kind of our comrades- Mm-hmm in a sense, right? Like, they're trying to do a similar thing to the thing that we're trying to do at Convergence, and I was like, “Ooh, this is really cool. Like, I'm bookmarking this.” Yeah. So I don't know. Samir, do you have, do you have other thoughts about, like, what things [00:53:00] US people should be thinking about as they're kind of assessing news and developments? Samir: Yeah, big ups Himal Magazine. I think that is a big source of information for me too. And also as somebody who struggles with reading Nepali now, which I'm very embarrassed of it's really hard for me to get access. to. I have to sit with my dad to, like, really go through some of the news articles, which, you know, my dad gracefully agrees. Uh, I think one of the big things is, like, I do benefit a lot from his free labor. I'll just name that on this podcast. But I think, and one of the things I would say is like- Thanks,  Cayden: dad …  Samir: really, like, figuring out, like, I don't know, like, pushing through the binary of, like, what US imperialism means for Nepal and what also there's, there could be other forms of imperialism that I named earlier, that Sharmin named too. And also right now, I think there's a lot of unknowns for us too, right? We have this party that was not part of the political establishment that came into picture in 2024. So we are still grappling with the idea of, like, what does this mean for us? Who are they gonna be loyal to, and how does, what does this mean for geopolitics in Nepal, right? So we are still sitting with that question. And there is some clarity around, I think one of the things I would say is there's a [00:54:00] lot of excitement, even in diaspora community, and my role in the diaspora also has been talking to some of my friends who are stoked about this prime minister right now because we haven't built a left that is informing them of the nuances and, like, how we can actually figure out the critique of this person, right? Because for me, I think it's really important the social movement left to understand because even my friend, my comrades are sending me, “Oh, this rapper is a prime minister now.” It's somebody that I trust a lot, right? Yeah. And I have to do the work of like, “Hey, this person has this history of governing in this way when he became the mayor of Kathmandu, where he was against poor people,” right? He did some changes, structural changes that helped, upper middle class people. And using that as a way to, like, really assess what he's gonna do for Nepal, and I'm actually skeptical, right? He is somebody from the Madhesi movement, which is a indigenous group that is very marginalized in Nepal, but he also comes from a very upper class background, right? And that's also real. We have to name that. His party's ideology is to push us away from federalism in some sense, right? And also the reality is they had a majority, they won a majority because we didn't have a social movement left outside of political parties that would help us assess him, right? [00:55:00] So that's, I think that's the question. Those are some of the questions I would love people to ask, because I am asking those questions as somebody who is from Nepal and from the diaspora, and I check myself every time. And yeah, I will end it with, like, it's okay to not have all the answers, and just, yeah, do some of that work of, like, reflecting on, like, asking yourself how you are taking in some of the information that you're seeing. And obviously, Himal Magazine is a big source, and one of the Substacks that I would highly recommend too is, I think we could put it in the links later, it's called Kalam Weekly, which is on Substack. I have some critiques of their writing too, but that's really been helping me understand what's going on in Nepal right now.  Cayden: You both have been so incredibly generous with your time, and this has been such a rich conversation. I don't know if there are places also where if our listeners want to follow your work, I don't know, if there's organizations or places where you are publishing thoughts, either your own or organizationally that you wanna share. Sharmin, is there any place people can find you online? Sharmin: Yeah, for sure. We're building the Asian American left at 18 Million Rising, so you could follow us there, and I'm @sharminultra [00:56:00] on all social media.  Cayden: And Samir, is there a place people can find you?  Samir: Uh, yeah, I am a very quiet person. Uh, but direct action has been a big part of our struggles in the last few years, and we are really thinking about, like, how we can escalate strategically, so I am part of a network of direct action trainers called the Ruckus Society. Hit us up. We do trainings, go to our website, request a training if you need any direct action support. We love nerding out on action design and thinking about action curriculum and how we train our people to do action safely. And follow Ruckus Society, and I don't really have a social that's public, so…  Cayden: that's so fair. I respect your choice not to be perceived.  Samir: I mean, also, I'm not Sharmin, I feel I learn from her so much, from Sharmin, so I just wanna name that, and also just from how I- And  Sharmin: we're friends. Like, we, we've done direct actions together. Like, we've been arrested together. Like-  Cayden: Yeah. …  Sharmin: we're comrades, so it's just so fun to be able to talk about this- Well, I really-  Cayden: Yeah …  Yeah. Thanks again, Sharmin, Samir. Absolutely a pleasure to talk, and I'm, I'm sure we'll talk again soon.  Sharmin: Talk soon. [00:57:00] Thank you, guys.  Samir:

Subscribe for $5.99 a month to get bonus content most Mondays, bonus episodes every month, ad-free listening, access to the entire 850-episode archive, Discord access, and more: https://axismundi.supercast.com/ Brad is joined by Leah Greenberg, co-founder of Indivisible, for a powerful conversation about the unprecedented scale of grassroots mobilization since the Trump administration and the importance of finding a local organizing home. They discuss historic mass protests like “Hands Off” and “No King's Day,” which saw millions gather across thousands of towns, and explore the effectiveness of protest and advocacy when paired with strategy. Leah introduces Indivisible's ambitious 1 Million Rising initiative to train people in nonviolent resistance and organizing, highlighting the urgency of preparing for authoritarian tactics such as voter intimidation and election subversion. They also cover the stakes of upcoming elections, threats to voting rights, and the need for a unifying narrative that inspires hope and authentic engagement with voters. The conversation emphasizes the power of digital organizing, including Indivisible's new “Truth and Share” tool, while underscoring that sustained, community-based action is essential to resisting authoritarianism and securing the future of democracy. Linktree: https://linktr.ee/StraightWhiteJC Order Brad's book: https://bookshop.org/a/95982/9781506482163 Check out BetterHelp and use my code SWA for a great deal: www.betterhelp.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

"Bitcoin price will go up another 100x, surpassing $4,000,000 per coin", says PayPal co-founder Peter Thiel, surpassing the market cap of gold while rivaling the value of the entire stock market. "The central banks are going bankrupt," Peter Thiel says. ‘We are at the end of the fiat money regime. I'm still hopeful that Bitcoin will go up by a factor of 100x.' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode we are joined by Drag Queen, Makeup Artist, LGBTQIA Activist, and Founder of the House of Persuasions, Mx. SHI. Growing up in the South as a Japanese American, Mx. SHI provides insights on their personal journey including, generational/cultural differences, political identity, and prejudices they had experienced then to now. Mx. SHI's freedom shines through as they open up about finding belonging, embracing identity, and how culture meets intersectional identities. As the South's first and only all AAPI drag show, House of Persuasions (Atlanta, GA) was founded upon the sheer desire and aspirations to create a space for the queer AAPI in the south, with inclusivity for Asian culture, where they can belong to a community that accepts their identities entirely. We also get insight on the online drag show and fundraiser ‘18 Million Rising', launched during Pride Month, and its significance for organizations fighting anti-trans bills. Mx. SHI calls to action for the aid to the LGBTQIA community that is experiencing ongoing social and political turmoil, the constant escalation against their integrity, while advocating for the need to stand in solidarity. We learn more about the resilient fight for these communities and how we can help to provide an inclusive environment for all.

"[Blackbeard] is presenting as a queer character, not just within our time, but within his own time" - Tea Fougner. "It's historical fiction about pirates if the executive producers were all tumbler users" - Cayden Mak. Pirate Tea and First Mate Cayden Mak have boarded the show to talk about Taika Waititi and David Jenkins' glorious new show on HBO, Our Flag Means Death. It's a queer pirate romcom with roots in history and a remarkable diverse cast.  The conversation is spoiler-free till about 13 minutes in. There's a special intro to this episode about a real life crisis that's happening-- and what you can do about it (one place to start - https://transequality.org  My guests: Tea Fougner (who is 30% pirate facts by volume) is the editorial director for Comics at King Features Syndicate and co-chair of Programming for Flame Con, the world's largest LGBTQ+ comic convention. Tea co-modded a 200-person pirate RPG for three years and has a 13-hour piratecore playlist on Spotify. Listen here  https://t.co/Abq5wIkips & follow https://twitter.com/teaberryblue Cayden Mak https://twitter.com/cayden has spent the past decade organizing people for racial justice leveraging many aspects of technology and pop culture fmrly of 19 Million Rising (an Asian American Pacific Islander civic organizing group I love. 

James Gunn's HBO series Peacemaker picks up where The Suicide Squad left off. It features D-List DC superheroes, 80s glam metal, beating up the KKK, maintaining The Security State and having a gender crisis. My guests: Jamelle Bouie is a columnist for the New York Times Opinion section. unCLEAR and Present Danger podcast. Spencer Ackerman is a journalist and author of REIGN OF TERROR: How The 9/11 Era Destabilized America and Produced Trump, out now from Viking. And later this year will co-write a SUICIDE SQUAD miniseries for DC/Black Label Cayden Mak has spent the past decade organizing people for racial justice leveraging many aspects of technology and pop culture fmrly of 19 Million Rising (an Asian American Pacific Islander civic organizing group I love).  My essay about Peacemaker's use of glam metal + my educational playlist https://womenwriteaboutcomics.com/2022/02/theres-no-wrong-time-to-rock-a-peacemaker-inspired-playlist/ @Ali_Galactic's thread on Vigilante's trans subtext - https://twitter.com/Ali_Galactic/status/1493339062429704195 

Can leaning into something you were previously ashamed of actually become your superpower? We find out when Vanessa talks to Gregory Cendana, a dancer, political strategist and entrepreneur who has been named one of Washington DC's most influential 40 under 40, about dancing for social justice.  Gregory reflects upon his upbringing in a conservative Catholic Filipino family and his own coming-out journey, and why his life mission is to help others bring their full, true selves to any space they are in to engender cultural, social and political change.  We discuss why prioritizing mental health creates more sustainable communities, and how the idea of collective self-care for Asian-Americans and BIPOC communities gives us the power to heal and reclaim our stories. Plus, we extol the wonders of the adult power nap. Rest is resistance. Watch the video or read the full interview at www.thrivespicemedia.comAbout Gregory:Dancer, Strategist and Entrepreneur Gregory Cendana is President and co-founder of Can't Stop! Won't Stop! Consulting, Chief Creative Officer of Greg Dances and co-founder of The People's Collective for Justice and Liberation. He was the first openly gay and youngest-ever Executive Director of the Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance and Institute for Asian Pacific American Leadership & Advancement. Gregory was also first openly gay Chair of the National Council of Asian Pacific Americans, co-founder of the diversity initiative Inclusv, and serves on the board of directors for United We Dream as Treasurer and 18 Million Rising as Chair. Gregory was President of the United States Student Association (USSA), where he played an integral role in the passage of the Student Aid & Fiscal Responsibility Act and Healthcare and Education Reconciliation Act.  He has been named one of Washington DC's most influential 40-and-under young leaders, one of the 30 Most Influential Asian Americans Under 30, 40 Influential Asian Americans in Washington, DC's Inaugural Power 30 Under 30™ Award Recipients and the "Future of DC Politics". In his spare time, Gregory enjoys singing karaoke, choreographing dances and trying new recipes. You can find him on TikTok: @gregdances and on Instagram, Facebook or Twitter at @gregorycendana @cswsconsulting.Mental Health and Social Justice Resources:-Asian Mental Health Collective: https://www.asianmhc.org/-Can't Stop! Won't Stop! Consulting: https://www.cswsconsulting.com-Collective Solidarity and Abolition Pledge: http://bit.ly/AsianAbolitionPledge-People's Collective for Justice and Liberation: https://peoplescollective4jl.orgSupport the show (https://ko-fi.com/thrivespice)

Dr. Jason Oliver Chang is Associate Professor of History, as well as Asian and Asian American Studies at the University of Connecticut. We use Dr. Chang's zine “Unmasking Yellow Peril” (co-written with Turner Willman and the group 18 Million Rising) as a jumping-off point for discussing the history and present of exclusion, discrimination, and violence against Asian Americans, as well as the field of Asian American Studies more generally. In this time of rising anti-Asian rhetoric and violence, many have looked for educational resources. As Dr. Chang tells us, the lack of familiarity with this history is itself a familiar dynamic because of the “perpetual foreigner” stereotype, which leaves out Asian Americans from the American story. For Dr. Chang, Asian American Studies isn't only about adding another lost chapter to history, but also about interrogating how our “common sense” historical narratives depend on the absence of certain stories.  We also discuss Dr. Chang's 2017 book Chino: Anti-Chinese Racism in Mexico 1880-1940 as well as his support for a recent push to get Asian American Studies in Connecticut public schools. A similar effort is currently underway here in Illinois. You can download the zine Unmasking Yellow Peril for free or pick up a copy from the Deerfield Public Library's Podcast Collection shelf. You can also find Asian America: A Primary Source Reader (co-edited by Dr. Chang) in our collection, as well as many other resources here at the Library. Dr. Chang can be found @chinotronic on Twitter. We welcome your comments and feedback--please send to: podcast@deerfieldlibrary.org. More info at: http://deerfieldlibrary.org/podcast Follow us: Facebook Twitter Instagram YouTube 

Three powerful, absolutely-nothing-like-one-another conversations on this week's jam-packed mega-episode: The ACLU's Chase Strangio blows open the absurdity and cruelty of state legislation targeting trans youth who want to play sports—and agrees with Hari about Rodney Dangerfield's relevance to the conversation. Dr. Connie Wun lifts up the humanity of the victims of the spa killings near Atlanta and connects their murders to America's long history of racist and colonial violence against Asians and Asian-Americans. And she makes the case that cops won't end hate crimes—but organized communities can. Then Derek DelGaudio, creator of In & Of Itself and author of AMORALMAN, communes with Kamau about magic, identity, performance, and only-childness. Find our guests: Chase Strangio (@chasestrangio) https://www.aclu.org/news/by/chase-strangio/ Dr. Connie Wun (@conniewunphd) https://www.conniewunphd.com Derek DelGaudio (@derek_del) Trans-led orgs recommended by Chase: Transformation Project (South Dakota) https://www.transformationprojectsd.org Transgender Education Network of Texas https://www.transtexas.org Grassroots orgs highlighted by Connie: AAPI Women Lead https://www.imreadymovement.org Advancing Justice https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org CAAAV https://caaav.org DRUM: Desis Rising Up and Moving https://www.drumnyc.org Red Canary Song https://www.redcanarysong.net VietLead https://www.vietlead.org VietRISE https://vietrise.org 18 Million Rising https://18millionrising.org Also mentioned in the show: Disclosurehttp://www.disclosurethemovie.com/about Find us: Hari Kondabolu (@harikondabolu) http://www.harikondabolu.com/ W. Kamau Bell (@wkamaubell) http://www.wkamaubell.com/ Find the show: Twitter (@PoliticReActive) Facebook (@politicallyreactive) Instagram (@politicallyreactive) Produced by Topic Studios. Part of the WarnerMedia Podcast Network. Full credits.www.PoliticallyReActive.com See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Sign-up for Michael Moore's email list! https://forms.gle/1wmxdZmdAZQ4yMkZA ***** In 1987, Michael Moore exclusively interviewed Ronald Ebens, the former Chrysler autoworker who, along with his laid-off autoworker stepson, brutally beat a Chinese-American man named Vincent Chin to death with a baseball bat in Detroit 5 years earlier. A witness heard Ebens tell Chin and his Asian-American friend that they "were the reason we're all getting laid off" -- a reference to the scapegoating of the Japanese for the American auto industry cutting jobs (again, Chin was Chinese, but that made no difference to his killer). The killing of Chin and the fact that Ebens spent no time in jail and only paid a small fine set off a wave of new Asian-American civil rights activism. In this special episode of Rumble, Michael recounts his 2 hour meeting with the defiant killer of Vincent Chin and notes the all-too-familiar "white-guy-as-victim syndrome" that Ebens exhibited due to his legal and media ordeal after he killed Chin. Michael is joined by an Asian-American public school teacher, storyteller, activist, and the cousin of the late Vincent Chin, Annie Tan, who explains the importance of Vincent Chin's legacy and discusses the proactive, positive work that is being done to confront anti-Asian racism and violence. Finally, March 23rd, 2021 is Michael Moore's Liberation Day. After 379 days in a self-imposed quarantine and one month after receiving his second dose of the COVID-19 vaccine, he's finally leaving the house and he ponders all the places he will go. 'The Man Who Killed Vincent Chin' by Michael Moore This article appeared in the Detroit Free Press Sunday Magazine on August 30, 1987. https://web.archive.org/web/20120627010544/https://michaelmoore.com/words/must-read/man-who-killed-vincent-chin-michael-moore Here are the links to the groups Annie mentioned that support Asian Americans: NAPAWF: National Asian Pacific American Women's Forum: https://www.napawf.org/ Asian Americans Advancing Justice: https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/ CAAAV Organizing Asian American Tenants: https://caaav.org/ Red Canary Song: https://www.redcanarysong.net/ SWOP Brooklyn: https://www.swopbrooklyn.org/ DRUM NYC: https://www.drumnyc.org/ Flushing Workers Center: Twitter @FlushingWorkers: https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=NAX7TUH6UPSFE Welcome to Chinatown: https://www.welcometochinatown.com/ Send Chinatown Love: https://www.sendchinatownlove.com/ CACF Coalition of Asian Children and Families: https://www.cacf.org/ 18 Million Rising: https://18millionrising.org/ Articles Annie mentioned: Annie Tan, "Remembering Vincent," The Moth https://themoth.org/stories/remembering-vincent Nina Sharma, "Not Dead" in Asian American Writers Workshop: https://aaww.org/not-dead/ Music in the episode: "If I Ruled The World" - MILCK https://youtu.be/NhHKRvv4JfU --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/rumble-with-michael-moore/message

About This Episode The COVID-19 public health crisis has revealed and exacerbated massive vulnerabilities and inequalities in the United States. In the absence of federal leadership, local communities across the country are developing their own responses and fighting back against xenophobia and racist violence. How do communities build power for the post-pandemic future? Andrew Fan and Sydney Fang explore how Bay Area-based Asian American organizations have been nimble and responsive to the emergent needs of vulnerable Asian Americans during this time through mutual aid and policy advocacy strategies that promote solidarity against forms of white supremacist violence, including worker exploitation, evictions, and discrimination against people with disabilities.  Guests:  Alvina WongOrganizing and Campaigns Director at Asian Pacific Environmental Network (APEN) Ken WangPolicy and Compliance Counsel at Chinese Progressive Association (CPA) Hosts Sydney Fangis a candidate for Masters in Public Policy and Masters in Urban Planning degrees at Harvard University. She has spent the past ten years advancing grassroots organizing and policy campaigns for racial, gender, and environmental justice.  Andrew Fanis a Master of Public Policy student at the Harvard Kennedy School. His background is in journalism, with a focus on criminal justice issues and racial equity. Learn More Resources and Background Reading Relief Resources https://legalaidatwork.org/blog/relief-funds/ (Relief funds for undocumented workers in California): A list updated weekly by Legal Aid at Work https://docs.google.com/spreadsheets/d/18p9OSlLpSYanIoUC-gEbhVbRMYVUfw4wyrixa9ekGdc/edit?usp=sharing (COVID-19 Resources for Undocumented Immigrants): Financial, medical, food, legal, mutual aid resources, including nationwide and state-specific resources https://18millionrising.org/2020/04/unmasking_yp.html (“Unmasking Yellow Peril” zine) by 18 Million Rising and the Asian and Asian American Institute at University of Connecticut Ways to support 1.  Subscribe to COVID19 news updates from APEN for Bay Area, California, National, and International news and resources. https://apen4ej.org/covid-news/ (https://apen4ej.org/covid-news/) 2.  Consider sharing your check and donate to the mutual aid funds to support Nan-Hui Jo, APEN, and CPA.  https://www.gofundme.com/f/supportnhj?utm_source=customer&utm_medium=copy_link-tip&utm_campaign=p_cp+share-sheet&fbclid=IwAR3nkqiO9IMLWa4lKa6ZYU06-XRgae60kkZAkHXCJ4LBhdQSVp8Zq5pkyZ0 (Support Nan-Hui's Survival #SurvivedAndPunished) https://cpasf.ourpowerbase.net/civicrm/contribute/transact?reset=1&id=52&fbclid=IwAR2NOekfEVLkjBLQ6JfGUPcu1GwUnoirHjg2ecMg-IBOv8Oviv5CVyUrhjw (CPA COVID-19 Emergency Stabilization Fund) Since recording this podcast, APEN has paused collecting contributions to their stabilization fund

Cayden Mak and C.M. Samala from 18 Million Rising check in with each other and our series host Tri Vo in this final episode of Green Card Voices’ #LoveYourAsianNeighbors podcast series’ first season. In this episode, Cayden and Samala discuss how they’ve adapted to the online atmosphere of COVID-19, how debt holds labor captive, and what it means to be a co-conspirator. Though this episode was recorded prior to the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police, its content remains a call-to-action for our listeners. Cayden and Samala call on guests to take action against systems of privilege and oppression in this country and in the world. As Cayden points out, saying that one believes something is not a high enough risk to take; co-conspirators stand in solidarity with others through action. In this same moment, with the pandemic ongoing, many folks must simultaneously stand up and take action while making space for grief. Samala guides listeners through finding that balance and sharing empathy with others. Learn more about Cayden and Samala’s work with 18 Million Rising and its important organizing work here: https://18millionrising.org/ Join the Green Card Voices podcast community and hear more from Cayden and Samala by becoming a Patron: https://bit.ly/ForOurGCVNeighbors Share Cayden and Samala’s conversation online—using the #LoveYourAsianNeighbors hashtag—and tell us your story of raising the voices, whether it’s your own or another’s voice, of Asian Americans. Discussed or mentioned this week: ● “This Is How Ignorant You Have to Be to Call Haiti a Sh*thole,” Washington Post ● Stephanie Black, Life and Debt ● David Graeber, Debt: The First 5,000 Years ● “Postscript: Grace Lee Boggs,” New Yorker ● Arundhati Roy, “The Pandemic is a Portal,” Financial Times ABOUT THIS SPECIAL SERIES: As we continue to live in the middle of the COVID 19 pandemic, cases of xenophobia and race- based hate crimes targeting Asian American communities have escalated in an alarming yet not unprecedented manner. To combat the harmful rhetoric being spread and inflicted on our neighbors, Green Card Voices has launched #LoveYourAsianNeighbors campaign. In this special podcast series, we highlight the lived narratives of Asian Americans overcoming difficulties, finding abundance in the face of scarcity, and taking action towards a better future.

The multi-pronged attack on voting in America. While there are threats from outside countries, like Russia and China, the greatest danger comes from within. Our guests are Dale Ho (Director, ACLU Voting Rights Project) and Taz Ahmed (18 Million Rising, and host of the #GoodMuslimBadMuslim podcast). The song for this episode is “Eenie Meenie”. Stream it wherever you listen to music. Catch Bhi Bhiman on tour - tix available at peaceofmindpod.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Cayden Mak, Executive Director of 18 Million Rising, joins the podcast to talk about his story growing up as a Midwest Asian, his first act of activism in high school, and now devoting his life...

This episode we travel to a future where the 2020 census goes haywire. What happens if we don’t get an accurate count of Americans? Who cares? Apparently the constitution does!     The 2020 census is currently in the crosshairs — census watchers say that it’s not getting enough funding, and community organizations and local governments are already worrying about what an inaccurate census might mean for their people.     To walk us through the current perils facing the census I talked to Hansi Lo Wang, a national correspondent for NPR who has been covering the census; Phil Sparks, the co-director of The Census Project, an organization that brings together groups who use census data; Susan Lerner, the director of Common Cause New York, a government watchdog group; Cayden Mak, the executive director of 18 Million Rising, an online organizing group that works with Asian American communities; and Dawn Joelle Fraser, a storyteller and communications coach who worked for the census in 2010.     Further reading:    Could A Census Without A Leader Spell Trouble In 2020?   US Census Director Resigns Amid Turmoil Over Funding of 2020 Count  Departure of U.S. Census director threatens 2020 count  The 2020 Census is at risk. Here are the major consequences  With 2020 Census Looming, Worries About Fairness and Accuracy  Trump's threat to the 2020 Census  NAACP lawsuit alleges Trump administration will undercount minorities in 2020 Census  Census 2020: How it’s supposed to work (and how it might go terribly wrong)  Census watchers warn of crisis if 2020 funding is not increased  Likely Changes in US House Seat Distribution for 2020  What Census Calls Us: A Historical Timeline  As 2020 Census Approaches, Worries Rise Of A Political Crisis After The Count  The American Census: a social history by Margo J. Anderson  The Story Collider podcast: Dawn Fraser, The Mission    Note: This is the second to last episode of this season of Flash Forward! The last episode drops January 9th, and then the show will be in hiatus for a few months while I prep for season 4, which is going to be great I can already assure you! If you want to follow along with the prep for season 4, and just generally keep up with what's going on with the show and when it's coming back stay in touch via Twitter, Facebook , Reddit, or, best of all, Patreon, where I'll post behind the scenes stuff as I get ready for the next Flash Forward adventures.    Also, I’m going on tour with PopUp Magazine in February! Get your tickets at popupmagazine.com.    Flash Forward is produced by me, Rose Eveleth. The intro music is by Asura and the outtro music is by Hussalonia. Special thanks this week to Liz Neeley who voiced our discouraged bureaucrat. The episode art is by Matt Lubchansky.     If you want to suggest a future we should take on, send us a note on Twitter, Facebook or by email at info@flashforwardpod.com. We love hearing your ideas! And if you think you’ve spotted one of the little references I’ve hidden in the episode, email us there too. If you’re right, I’ll send you something cool.     And if you want to support the show, there are a few ways you can do that too! Head to www.flashforwardpod.com/support for more about how to give. But if that’s not in the cards for you, you can head to iTunes and leave us a nice review or just tell your friends about us. Those things really do help.     As a bonus, at the end of this episode, you'll hear a human chorus record a psalm that was written by Janelle Shane's machine learning algorithm. (Remember her from the super religion episode?) and arranged by Hamish Symington and Owain Park. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

  Allies to the Water Protectors at Standing Rock Blocking Traffic on Election Morning Before many people made it to the polls on Tuesday, allies of the water protectors blocked traffic at a major intersection in San Francisco. Banners read, “What they do to the water, they do to us.” That is just one of the messages allies brought back from Standing Rock. Cece Carpio visited Standing Rock in late October to deliver solar panels developed by Diné scientists. Reverend Jesse Jackson joined them. Pam Tau Lee and Cece Carpio journeyed to Standing Rock and joined Nonogirl in studio. Pam visited Standing Rock in late September. Cece visited in late October. Also joining them is Barbara Mumby who will be heading out to Standing Rock with her daughter next week. People are encouraged to participate in a phone call and letter writing day of action on Monday, November 14. There is also a national day of action. The Bay Area action starts at sunrise (6:30) on Tuesday, November 15 at San Francisco Civic Center Plaza. We also digest the election results with Sonali Kolhatkarand Cayden Mak. Sonali hosts KPFK's Uprising, which connects global issues with local ones. Cayden is the executive director of 18 Million Rising, which promotes AAPI civic engagement, influence, and movement by leveraging the power of technology and social media. The post APEX Express – Solidarity with Standing Rock and an Election Post-Mordem appeared first on KPFA.

Oakland vigil for Orlando. Photo by Hyejin Shim. Tonight on APEX Express, we have guest host Mia Nakano with the Visibility Project, a national portrait and video collection dedicated to the Queer Asian American Women & Trans* community. She helps us delve into a discussion with our community about life after the Pulse Orlando tragedy.  We bring you perspectives from queer, radical Asian American, South Asian, and Muslim community members including Cayden Mak from 18 Million Rising, an AAPI political advocacy and awareness organization, Poonam Kapoor and Mohammed Shaik Hussain Ali from Trikone, a Bay Area based LGBTQ South Asian group, and writer and activist Canyon Sam. And we welcome educator and performer Sokeo Ros into the studio. His one-man show From Refugee Camp to Project uses dance, video, and storytelling to talk about his journey from Asia to America, from housing projects to artistic projects. Community Calendar On Friday at 8 pm, two great books are released at once at Myns Warehouse in Oakland. Jai Arun Ravine will read from The Romance of Siam: A Pocket Guide, which is a subverted travel guide that interrogates the desire white people have to lose and reinvent themselves in Thailand. Joining Jai is Miriam Ching Yoon Louie who will read from her comedic novel, Not Contagious—Only Cancer. As a reminder, there's a march from the Castro to Galeria de la Raza on Saturday starting at 2:30 to honor the victims' lives in Orlando. Meet at the intersection of Castro and Market streets. Galeria hosts speakers and performers who stand in solidarity against those who wish to harm, create fear and remove our freedoms from us. Come stand against homophobia, islamophobia and exclusion. Earlier on Saturday, AROC in partnership with the National Lawyer's Guild-SF and the Electronic Frontier Foundation host a community defense training. Know your rights on the street, on the web, and beyond. Protect yourself against undercover cops, informants, and cooperating witnesses. This training is from 1-4 p.m. at the Eric Quezada Center for Culture and Politics. On Sunday at 1:30, OUT RUN a documentary by Leo Chiang and Johnny Symons will be showing at the Castro Theater. Mobilizing working-class transgender hairdressers and beauty queens, the dynamic leaders of the world's only LGBT political party wage a historic quest to elect a trans woman to the Philippine Congress. This screening features a Q+A with the directors and film subject Raymond Alikpala. The post Diving Deep into #PulseOrlando appeared first on KPFA.

This week we have a supersized KollabCast with 3 guests joining Marvin and Minji on the podcast! Kollaboration staffers and actual real-life co-workers Lee Yang and Jen Ju join the cast along with Juliet Shen of 18 Million Rising and Facinasians. Together we talk about all the things from racism and the media to Xanga, Taylor Swift, and Disney! As always, send us your listener questions at podcast@kollaboration.org This week’s Intro/outro music (and perennial summerjam contender) is provided courtesy of hip hop group Magnetic North.   Subscribe to us on iTunes, Stitcher, or via our RSS feed (http://kollaboration.libsyn.com/rss)

In this episode, Lee Camp breaks down an exclusive video showing David Petraeus's introduction as a war criminal, while activist group 18 Million Rising introduces GAP to fair labor practices. Sam Sacks exposes himself - to the nuclear mess at the Hanford site, while Congress avoids cleaning up the mess causing climate change and talks space aliens instead. Jazzy the orca whale brings us a different take on Blackfish, the Air Force brings us a gay blast from the past, Solar Freakin' Roadways brings bisolar disorder to John F. O'Donnell, and more! Full versions of Redacted Tonight can be found here

In this episode, Lee Camp breaks down an exclusive video showing David Petraeus's introduction as a war criminal, while activist group 18 Million Rising introduces GAP to fair labor practices. Sam Sacks exposes himself - to the nuclear mess at the Hanford site, while Congress avoids cleaning up the mess causing climate change and talks space aliens instead. Jazzy the orca whale brings us a different take on Blackfish, the Air Force brings us a gay blast from the past, Solar Freakin' Roadways brings bisolar disorder to John F. O'Donnell, and more! Full versions of Redacted Tonight can be found here

For episode 14, BlackinAsia, unapologetically-yellow, and special guest peaceshannon discuss the state of international adoption and the recent murder of Hyunsu. peaceshannon provides important framing of the international adoption industrial complex as well as the specifics of Hyunsu’s murder. News topics this week include the Oscars and the falling out between 18 Million Rising and Suey Park, and we answer a listener ask from canadiaplease about comparisons between the Civil Rights’ Movement and the marriage equality movement and an anonymous listener’s question about the “eat the cake Annie Mae” line in Drunk in Love.

On Tonights Installment: Those of you on the Twitterverse may have seen a surge of tweets labeled#NotYourAsianSidekick. What is it? What does it mean? In the studio to talk about the twitter movement and it's translations to on the ground organizing is Cayden Mak, New Media Director of 18 Million Rising. Protestors gather in San Francisco's Castro neighborhood to protest the India Supreme Court decision.  Photo by Urvi Nagrani   Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code dates back to 1861, introduced during British rule of India, criminalizing sexual activities “against the order of nature.” In 2009, Section 377 was struck down by the High Court of Delhi. It was declared unconstitutional with respect to sex between consenting adults. However, the judgment was overturned last week, by the Supreme Court of India, which found that Section 377 is a Parliamentary matter, not a judicial one. To help us understand the history, the context, and the work that begins again to repeal 377, R.J. Lozada brings in Mohammed Shaik Hussain Ali, Secretary, Trikone and Editor of Trikone Magazine. Trikone is one of the oldest South Asian LGBTQ organizations in the world, based in San Francisco, CA. NEFFCON Nor-Cal gathers to urge the Philippine government to engage in the peace process. Photo by Megumi Yoshida. The National Ecumenical Forum for Filipino Concerns – North California Chapter, or NEFFCON Nor-Cal, is composed of several churches in the Northern California region. NEFFCON-NorCal Chapter is a Forum for continuing dialogue of life leading to a shared theological perspective, common decision and coordinated courses of action on issues and concerns affecting the Filipino people in the Philippines and the Filipinos and Fil-Americans in the US. It is Ecumenical in the pristine sense of the word: “to take care of the inhabited earth” together. Kathryn Poethig, member of NEFFCON's organizing  committee, and longtime peace-worker in Southeast Asia, will be joining host, R.J. Lozada to talk about NEFFCON's work, the church in the Philippines, and the long history towards peace in the Philippines. Hosted by R.J. Lozada. The post APEX Express – December 19, 2013 appeared first on KPFA.

On this week's installment: Hmong American writer, Kao Kalia Yang In the Summer of 2012, WNYC's widely popular show, Radiolab, sought the Hmong perspective on chemical warfare during the Vietnam War, dubbed Yellow Rain.  Producers from that show interviewed Kao Kalia Yang, award winning author of The Latehomecomer, and Eng Yang, documentarian of the Hmong experience post Vietnam War for Thailand.  What would ensue in the interview has been widely discussed, and mostly criticized by Radiolab fans. Kao Kalia Yang recently spoke at the annual Listen to the Silence conference at Stanford University. Yang also sat with APEX Contributor, R.J. Lozada to express her perspective on recent developments with WNYC, Radiolab, and the Hmong community. Also it's fund drive at KPFA, and we've been in touch with Coffee House Press, the publisher of Kao Kalia Yang's award-winning memoir, The Latehomecomer-if you donate during broadcast, you receive The Latehomecomer as a thank you gift! To listen to Radiolab's amended segment vist here: http://www.radiolab.org/2012/sep/24/yellow-rain/ They made four different edits from it's initial launch on their website on September 24, 2012 to October 05, 2012: first, to add Radiolab host, Jad Albumrad's context, the second, to remove snickering at the end of the segment, third, to shorten the silence following Kao Kalia Yang's tearful close of the interview, and fourth, to add Radiolab host, Robert Kruwich's apology. To read Kao Kalia Yang's response she posted to Hyphen, vist here: http://www.hyphenmagazine.com/blog/archive/2012/10/science-racism-radiolabs-treatment-hmong-experience To read a much more complete treatment of Yellow Rain that includes the Yang's perspective, vist here: http://www.citypages.com/2012-11-14/news/behind-laos-s-yellow-rain-and-tears/ To sign a petition put together by 18 Million Rising, visit here: http://act.engagementlab.org/sign/18mr_Radiolab/ The post APEX Express – February 28, 2013 appeared first on KPFA.

This past month we saw incredible shows of grassroots power across the country.  On this week's APEX Express, we hear stories about how grassroots efforts both led major relief efforts for immigrant communities in the aftermath of Sandy, and helped gain major wins for API communities in the 2012 elections.  Including interviews with:   Helena Wong, Executive Director of CAAAV in New  York City speaks on how CAAAV was able to respond with major relief efforts after Hurricane Sandy, and provide language-accessible support on-the-ground when the City failed to do so. Christina Samala, Director of 18 Million Rising, speaks on surprising API voter statistics and offers her post-election reflections from an API perspective. Emily Lee, from CPA Action Fund, and Timmy Lu, from APEN Action Fund, break down how grassroots power won major victories in SF's Supervisor elections and in California's proposition races. And as always, host Ellen Choy brings great musical breaks, including some exciting new joints! PLUS: we're giving away one pair of tickets for a lucky listener to see one of Kidlat Tahimik‘s rare film screenings in the Bay Area! Don't sleep – listen in! With Host Ellen Choy. The post APEX Express – November 15, 2012 appeared first on KPFA.