Podcasts about Din

In recognition of November being Native American Heritage month we brought the conversation within our borders to talk about water access in the Navajo Nation where 30% of the population lives without running water. This episode includes stories from two Diné leaders who had to step up to confront the growing water crisis during the COVID lockdown and beyond.

Hyperspace Theories concludes our three-part analysis of Season Two of The Mandalorian with a discussion of the character arc for the titular hero, Din Djarin, over the span of the sixteen chapters in the series to date. Although much of Season Two involves Din's interactions with a progression of allies and adversaries, old and new, Tricia Barr and B.J. Priester examine how each of those episodes reveals more about Din and shapes his ultimate choices in the series. Most prominently, Season Two constantly tests Din's understanding of what it means to be a Mandalorian. In Season One, Din centered his identity on the Armorer's covert and the Bounty Hunter Guild. In Season Two, Din learns that the Mandalorian identity isn't as straightforward as he thought, particularly in his encounters with Bo-Katan Kryze and Boba Fett. His sense of honor is tested by Cobb Vanth, the Passenger, and Ahsoka Tano as well as Kryze and Fett. To fulfill his quest to deliver Grogu to the Jedi, Din works with trusted allies like Greef Carga and Cara Dune, and chooses to rely upon those he initially treats warily, including Vanth, Tano, and Mayfeld. By season's end, Din inadvertently has won the revered Darksaber from Moff Gideon in single combat, confronting him not only with the decision about what kind of Mandalorian he wants to be as an individual, but also with his role in the fate and future of the Mandalorians writ large. Of course, we can't discuss Din's story without considering his bond with Grogu, a/k/a Baby Yoda or The Child. What began as a seemingly simple quest to return the young one to his kind evolves over the season into a strong parental bond. It is no coincidence that the man who repeatedly and consistently insisted he would never remove his helmet does so twice in the last two episodes of the season – both times because of Grogu. With Season Three of The Mandalorian in production, we briefly speculate on how Din's character arc, and the unresolved plot threads from the first two seasons, may play out in the upcoming chapters of the series. Related Links: Hyperspace Theories: Ahsoka Tano is The Jedi Hyperspace Theories: The Story of the Mandalorians Contact Information: Hyperspace Theories: Twitter @HyperspacePod Tricia Barr: Twitter @FANgirlcantina; email Tricia@fangirlblog.com B.J. Priester: Twitter @RedPenofLex; email Lex@fangirlblog.com

Sh. Jamaal commenting on the section from Imam al-Ghazali's Ihya Ulum al-Din on the Etiquettes of Eating and Hosting.

Colleen Cooley grew up in Shą́ą́ʼtóhí, a small community located on the Navajo Nation in northeast Arizona. She guides on the San Juan and Green Rivers and advocates for the landscapes, waters, and cultures that surround her. Here, we speak with her about her experience as a Diné river guide, the importance of water, and what she wants to see moving forward for Native and Indigenous guides and Native communities in the region.

Having taken you, our dear listeners, through the Yuan, Chagatayid and Ilkhanates, we now turn our attention to the northwestern corner of the Mongol Empire: the Jochid ulus, the Golden Horde. Ruled by the line of Chinggis' eldest son Jochi, this single division of the Mongol Empire was larger than the maximum extent of most empires, dominating from the borders of Hungary and the Balkans, briefly taking the submission of Serbia, stretching ever eastwards over what is now Ukraine, Russia, through Kazakhstan before terminating at the Irtysh River. Under its hegemony were many distinct populations; the cities of the Rus' principalities, the fur trading centres of the Volga Bulghars along the Samara Bend, the mercantile outposts of the Crimean peninsula which gave the Jochid Khans access to the Mediterranean Sea, to the Khwarezm delta, giving them a position in the heart of the Central Asian trade. These distant frontiers, hundreds upon hundreds of kilometres apart, were connected by the western half of the great Eurasian steppe, the Qipchaq Desert as it was known to Islamic writers. Thus was the Golden Horde, and over the next few episodes we'll take you through its history, from its establishment under Batu, to the height of its glory under Özbeg, to its lengthy disintegration from the end of the fourteenth century onwards. This first episode will serve as an introduction to the history of the Golden Horde, beginning first with its very name and important historiographical matters, then taking you through its origins, up to the death of Berke and ascension of Möngke-Temür, the first ruler of the Golden Horde as an independent state.  I'm your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.       As good a place to start as any is terminology, and the Golden Horde is known by a host of names. Firstly and most famously, we can note that the Golden Horde is a later appellation, given to the state centuries later in Rus' chronicles. In Russian this is Zolotaya Orda (Золотой Орды),  which in Mongolian and Turkish would be Altan Orda. The English word “horde” comes directly from Mongolian ordu, though also used in Turkic languages, and signifies, depending on the case, a command headquarters, the army, tent or palace- quite different from the image of uncontrolled rabble that usually comes to mind with the term. While commonly said that the Rus' chronicles took the term from the golden colour of the Khan's tents, we actually do see the term Golden Horde used among the Mongols before the emergence of the Golden Horde state. For the Mongols and Turks, all the cardinal directions have colour associated with them. Gold is the colour associated with the center; while the divisions of the army would be known by their direction and colour, the overall command or imperial government could be known as the center, the qol, or by its colour, altan. This is further augmented by the association of the colour gold with the Chinggisids themselves, as descent from Chinggis Khan was the altan urugh, the Golden Lineage; and the name of a well-known Mongolian folk band. For example, in 1246 when the Franciscan Friar John de Plano Carpini travelled to Mongolia as an envoy from the Pope, he visited a number of camps of the new Khan, Güyük. Each camp was named, and one of these was, as Carpini notes, called the Golden Horde. In this case, Carpini also describes Güyük's tent as being literally covered in gold, with even the nails holding the wooden beams being gold.       So Altan orda, or Golden Horde, may well have been in use within the Golden Horde khanate. However, the term is never used to refer to it in the thirteenth or fourteenth centuries. What we see instead is a collection of other terms. In the Ilkhanate, it was common to refer to the rulers as the Khans of Qipchap, and the state as the Desht-i-Qipchaq, the Qipchaq steppe or desert. Hence in modern writing you will sometimes see it as the Qipchap Khanate. But this seems unlikely to have been a term in use by the Jochid Khans, given that the Qipchaps were the Khan's subjects and seen as Mongol slaves; a rather strange thing for the Mongols to name themselves after them. Given that it was the pre-Mongol term for the region, and the Ilkhanid writers liked to denigrate the Jochid Khans whenever possible, it makes rather good sense that they would continue using it.       Many modern historians, and our series researcher, like to refer to it as the Jochid ulus, the patrimony of the house of Jochi, particularly before the actual independence of the Golden Horde following 1260. This term appears closer to what we see in Yuan and Mamluk sources, where the Golden Horde was usually called the ulus of Batu or Berke, or ulus of whoever was currently the reigning Khan. Either designating themselves by the current ruler, or by the more general ulug ulus, meaning “great state or patrimony,” with perhaps just the encampment of the Khan known as the altan ordu, the Golden Horde, among the Jochids themselves. Over the following episodes the term Jochid ulus will be used to refer to the state in general, and Golden Horde will be used specifically for the independent khanate which emerged after the Berke-Hülegü war in the 1260s.       There is another matter with terminology worth pointing out before we go further. The Jochid domains were split into two halves; west of the Ural river, ruled by the line of Batu, Jochi's second son. And east of the Ural River, ruled by the line of Orda, Jochi's first son. Now, Batu may have been the general head of the Jochids, or a first amongst equals, or Orda and Batu may have been given totally distinct domains. Perhaps the ulus of Orda simply became more autonomous over the thirteenth century. Opinions differ greatly, and unfortunately little information survives on the exact relationship, but the ulus of Orda was, by 1300, effectively independent and the Batuid Khans Toqta and Özbeg would, through military intervention, bring it under their influence. So essentially, there were two wings of the Jochids with a murky relationship, which is further obfuscated by inconsistent naming of them in the historical sources. Rus' and Timurid sources also refer to the White Horde and the Blue Horde. The Rus' sources follow Turko-Mongolian colour directions and have the White Horde, the lands ruled by the line of Batu, the more westerly, and Orda's ulus being the Blue Horde to the east.  Except in Timurid sources, this is reversed, with Batu's line ruling the Blue Horde, and Orda the White.        There has been no shortage of scholarly debate over this, and you will see the terms used differently among modern writers. This is not even getting into the matter if the Golden Horde was then itself another division within this, referring to territory belonging directly to the Khan within the Batuid Horde. For the sake of clarity, this podcast will work on the following assumptions, with recognition that other scholars interpretations may differ greatly: that following Jochi's death around 1227, the Jochid lines and lands were divided among Batu and Orda, with Batu acting as the head of the lineage. The western half of this division, under Batu, we will call the White Horde, and Orda's eastern division will be the Blue Horde. Together, these were the Jochid ulus, with the rest of their brothers given allotments within the larger domains. While Batu was the senior in the hierarchy, Orda was largely autonomous, which following the Berke-Hülegü war turned into the Blue Horde becoming effectively independent until the start of the fourteenth century, as apparently suggested by Rashid al-Din and Marco Polo,        One final note is that we have effectively no internal sources surviving from the Golden Horde. In the opinion of scholars like Charles Halperin, the Golden Horde simply had no chronicle tradition. Any records they maintained were likely lost in the upheavals of the late fourteenth century that culminated in the great invasion under Tamerlane in the 1390s, where effectively every major city in the steppe region of the Horde was destroyed.  The closest we come to Golden Horde point-of-view chronicles appear in the sixteenth century onwards, long after the dissolution of the Horde. The first and most notable was the mid-sixteenth century Qara Tawarikh of Ötemish Hajji, based in Khiva in the service of descendants of Jochi's son, Shiban. Sent to the lower Volga by his masters, there he collected oral folk tales which he compiled into his history. While often bearing intriguing and amusing tales, they reveal little in the way of the internal machinations of the Golden Horde. Luckily we are serviced from more contemporary sources, most notably Ilkhanid and Mamluk sources- once again our friend the Ilkhanid vizier Rashid al-Din is of utmost importance, who provides us an important outline of the Golden Horde's politics up to 1300. The Mamluks and Ilkhanid sources largely collected information from Jochid diplomats or refugees. Most of our understanding of Golden Horde political events, and the details of the following episodes, comes from these sources.   Post-Ilkhanid Timurid and Jalayirid authors help somewhat for the later fourteenth century, while the Rus' sources provide information on the Golden Horde almost exclusively in the context of its interactions with the principalities, similar to other European and Byzantine sources. A few details can be gleaned too from travellers like Marco Polo and Ibn Battuta, and even distant Yuan sources from China. Archaeology has provided some interesting details, particularly relating to trade and the extensive coinage circulation of the Jochids. Despite this, the Golden Horde remains, regardless of its fame, arguably one of the poorer understood of the Mongol Khanates.       So, with that bit of paperwork out of the way, let's get on with it! The kernel of the immense Golden Horde can be found in the first decades of the thirteenth century. In the first ten years of the Mongol Empire Jochi, Chinggis Khan's first son, was tasked with leading campaigns around Lake Baikal, as well as the first expeditions that brought their armies far to the west of Mongolia. While around Baikal he had been sent to subdue the local peoples, in 1216 Jochi and Sübe'edei pursued fleeing Merkits across Kazakhstan, to the region between the Aral Sea and the Caspian. Here, the Merkits had allied with Qangli-Qipchaps, beginning the long running Mongol animosity to the various Qipchap peoples. While Jochi was the victor here, he was forced into battle with the Khwarezm-Shah Muhammad on his return, as we have previously detailed. But the result seems to have been an association of these western steppes as Jochi's lands, in the eyes of the Mongol leadership.       Such an association was strengthened following the campaign against the Khwarezmian Empire. The Mongols saw conquering a region as making it part of the patrimony of a given prince, and such a belief fueled into the interactions between Jochi and his brothers, especially Chagatai. This was most apparent at the siege of the Khwarezmian capital of Gurganj, where Jochi sought to minimize destruction to the city- not out of humanity, but as it would be a jewel in his domains as one of the preeminent trade cities in Central Asia. Chagatai, in a long running competition with his brother, was not nearly so compassionate. The end result was Gurganj being almost totally annihilated, and Jochi and Chagatai's antagonism reaching the frustrated ears of their father. As you may recall, Jochi's mother Börte had been captured by Merkits before he was born, leaving an air of doubt around the true identity of his father. Chinggis, to his credit, always treated Jochi as fully legitimate, and indeed up until 1221, in the opinion of some scholars, appears to have been grooming him as his primary heir. However, the falling out between Jochi and Chagatai over the siege of Gurganj, and Chagatai's apparent refusal to accept Jochi as anything but a “Merkit bastard,” as attributed to him in the Secret History of the Mongols, left Chinggis with  the realization that should Jochi become Khan, it would only lead to war between the brothers. And hence, the decision to make Ögedai the designated heir.       It has often been speculated that Jochi's massive patrimony was essentially a means to keep him and Chagatai as far apart as possible,and appeasing Jochi once he was excluded from the throne.  Following the conquest of Khwarezm, Jochi seems to have taken well to the western steppe being his territory, the grasslands between the Ural and Irtysh Rivers. Juzjani, writing around 1260, writes of Jochi falling in love with these lands, believing them to be the finest in the world. Some later, pro-Toluid sources portray Jochi then spending the last years of his life doing nothing but hunting and drinking in these lands, but this seems to have been aimed at discrediting his fitness. Rather he likely spent this time consolidating and gradually pushing west his new realm, past the Aral Sea towards the Ural River, while his primary camp was along the Irtysh. Though effectively nothing is known of Jochi's administration, we can regard this period as the true founding of what became the Jochid ulus, and eventually the Golden Horde. Though he died between 1225 and 1227, either of illness, a hunting accident or poisoned by his father, Chinggis immediately confirmed upon Jochi's many offspring -at least 14 sons- their rights to their father's lands. And Chinggis, or perhaps Ögedai, made Jochi's second son Batu the head of the lineage. It was then that the division of the Jochid lands into two wings under Orda and Batu may have been first implemented.        By the start of Ögedai's reign, the western border of the Mongol Empire  extended past the Ural River, and Mongol armies were attacking the Volga Bulghars.  While we do not have much information on it, we may presume a level of involvement on the part of Batu and his brothers. Of course, in the second half of the 1230s Ögedai ordered the great invasion that overran the western steppe. Starting from the Ural River, within 5 years the Mongol Empire was extended some 3,000 kilometres westwards to the borders of Hungary. Whereas previously the urban area of the Jochid lands was restricted to the Khwarezm Delta and the scattered steppe settlements, now it included the cities of the Rus' principalities, Volga Bulghars, other Volga communities, and the Crimean peninsula. All in addition to the western half of the great Eurasian steppe, and the now subdued Cuman-Qipchaq peoples. By 1242, Batu was arguably the single most powerful individual in the Mongol Empire. Enjoying the rich grasslands along the Volga between the Black and Caspian Seas, Batu created a permanent capital, Sarai. Much like the imperial capital of Qaraqorum, Sarai served as a base to collect tribute, receive embassies, and house the administration and records, while Batu and the other Jochid princes continued to nomadize. The newly conquered territories were quickly incorporated in the Mongol tax system, and the Rus' principalities began to see Mongol basqaqs and darughachi come to collect the Khan's due.       But Batu was an ambitious man. There was clearly an understanding that the Jochids were granted the west of Asia as theirs, and he took this quite literally. As the Mongol Empire incorporated Iran, the Caucasus and Anatolia over the 1230s through 40s, Batu ensured that Jochid land rights were not just respected, but expanded. The administration in these regions was picked either from Batu's men, or from his consultation, such as Baiju Noyan, the commander of the Caucasian tamma forces and who brought the Rumi Seljuqs under Mongol rule.    In the turmoil following Ögedai's death, Batu extended his hold over western Asia. Naturally, this put him on a collision course with the Central Government. When Ögedai's widow, Törögene tried to hunt down her political rivals, such as the head of the Central Asia Secretariat Mas'ud Beg, Batu gave shelter to him. When her son Güyük took the throne, Batu did not attend his quriltai in person, putting off any meeting due to, Batu claimed, the severe gout he suffered from preventing his travel. Batu and Güyük had been rivals ever since the great western campaign, where Güyük had insulted Batu's leadership. Güyük hoped to put a cap on the decentralization of power which had occurred during the last years of his father's reign and during his mother's regency, and showed a willingness to execute imperial princes, such as the last of Chinggis Khan's surviving brothers, Temüge. When rumour came to Batu that Güyük was planning a massive new campaign to subdue the west, Batu must have suspected that Güyük planned on bringing him to heel too; either limiting his political freedom, or outright replacing him with Batu's older brother, Orda, with whom Güyük was on good terms with.    The news of Güyük's advance came from Sorqaqtani Beki, the widow of Tolui and sister of one of Jochi's most important wives. Sources like William of Rubruck have Batu preemptively poison Güyük in spring 1248, thus avoiding civil war. Batu and Sorqaqtani then promptly had many of Güyük's favourites executed and, in a quriltai in Batu's territory, had her son Möngke declared Khan of Khans in 1250, before an official ceremony in Mongolia the next year. The relationship was an effective one. In being key supporters for Möngke's otherwise illegal election, Jochid land rights were confirmed across the empire. Transoxania was cleared of Chagatayids and handed over the Jochids, Georgia confirmed for Batu's younger brother Berke, and travellers who passed through the empire in these years like William of Rubruck basically have the empire divided between Batu and Möngke. Most of western Asia, both north and south of the Caucasus, was overseen by Batu and his men. When Batu died around 1255, the Jochids enjoyed a preeminence second only to the Great Khan himself. The special place of the Jochid leader was recognized by numerous contemporary sources, and it is notable that while the rest of the empire was divided into the great branch secretariats, that the Jochid lands were not placed into one until late in Möngke's reign, and there is little indication it was ever properly established before Jochid independence.    However, despite even Möngke recognizing Batu's power, as a part of his wider centralizing efforts he reminded Batu of the leash on him. Batu's interactions with William of Rubruck indicate that Batu saw his power to conduct foreign diplomacy was limited; the Jochid lands were not exempted from Möngke's empire-wide censuses, and when Möngke demanded Batu provide troops for Hülegü's campaigns against the Nizari Ismailis and Baghdad, Batu duly complied. During Batu's lifetime it was the name of the Great Khan who continued to be minted on coinage in the Jochid lands, and Rus' princes still had to receive yarliqs, or confirmation, not from Batu but from Qaraqorum. And in 1257, Möngke ordered the Jochid lands to be incorporated into a new Secretariat, and thus bring them better under the control of the Central Government. There is no indication from the sources that Batu or his successors resisted Möngke in any capacity in these efforts   Following Batu's death, Möngke promptly ratified Batu's son Sartaq as his successor, but as Sartaq returned from Qaraqorum, he died under mysterious circumstances; in a few sources, the blame falls onto his uncles, Berke and Berkechir. Sartaq's son or brother Ilagchi was made Khan under the regency of Batu's widow Boraqchin Khatun, but soon both were dead. Though Ilagchi's cause of death is unmentioned, for Boraqchin the Mamluk sources note that Berke had her tried and executed for treason. Still, for Sartaq and Ilagchi the tendency for Mongol princes to die at inopportune times can't be forgotten, and Berke may have simply reacted to a favourable circumstance.  The fact that he stood with the most to gain from their deaths made him the likely scapegoat even to contemporary writers, even if he happened to actually be innocent of the matter. Much like how Batu may or may not have poisoned Güyük, the deaths are a little too convenient for the relevant Jochid princes to be easily dismissed.   Between 1257 and 1259, possibly waiting for Möngke to begin his Song campaign and be unable to interfere, Berke became the head of the Jochid ulus. As the aqa of the Jochids, that is, the senior member of the line of Jochi, he did this with the approval of his fellow Jochid princes and military leaders. But there is no indication that Berke ever received support from Qaraqorum for his enthronement. Given that Chinggis Khan had confirmed upon Batu the right to rule, the shift from brother-to-brother, though common in steppe successions, was still an extreme matter.   Part of the success of Berke's ascension may have been achieved through an agreement with Batu's family. According to the fourteenth century Mamluk author al-Mufaddal, the childless Berke designated Batu's grandson Möngke-Temür as his heir. Some historians like Roman Pochekaev have suggested that Berke's enthronement may have been leveraged as part of an agreement; that Berke, as the most senior member of the Jochids, could take the throne following the death of Ilagchi Khan. But, the prestige of Batu made his line the designated leaders of the White Horde. Without his own children, on Berke's death the throne would fall back to the line of Batu, under his grandson Möngke-Temür.  And so it would remain among Batu's descendants until the 1360s, almost 100 years after Berke's death.    As you likely know, Berke was the first Mongol prince known to convert to Islam. The exact time of his conversion varies in the sources, but a convincing argument has been put forward by professor István Vásáry. Essentially, that Berke, likely through a Muslim mid-wife that raised him (and not a Khwarezmian Princess, as sometimes suggested) was either in his youth a convert to Islam, or at least extremely influenced by it. By the time of the 1251 quriltai in Mongolia which confirmed Möngke as Great Khan, Berke is attested in independent sources writing at the same time to have sought to Islamize the event; getting the meat to be slaughtered for the feast to be halal, according to Juvaini, and trying to get Möngke to swear on the Quran, according to Juzjani. On his return from Mongolia, he was contacted by a Sufi shaykh in Bukhara, Sayf ad-Din Bakharzi, who is mentioned in a number of sources in connection with Berke's conversion. Having heard of a prominent Mongol prince's interest in Islam, the Shaykh invited Berke to Bukhara, and there gave him a formal education in the religion, leading to Berke to make a more official declaration of his faith likely around 1252. Berke's conversion was accompanied by the conversion of his wives, a number of other princes, members of his family and his generals, though all evidence suggests there was only limited spread of the faith among the rank and file Mongols at the time.    As Khan, Berke sought to ensure Jochid hegemony on frontier regions. His troops crushed a newly independent Ruthenian Kingdom in Galicia, and in 1259 his armies under Burundai Noyan led a devastating raid into Poland. Possibly in this time Bulgaria began paying tribute to the Jochids as well. Berke demanded the submission of the Hungarian King, Béla IV, and offered a marriage alliance between their families. As Hungary was spared any damage in Burundai's 1259 campaign, it has been suggested that Béla undertook a nominal submission to Berke, sending tribute and gifts in order to spare Hungary from another assault.    In Khwarezm and the Caucasus Berke continued to exercise influence. But tensions were fraying with his cousin Hülegü, who in 1258 sacked Baghdad and killed the ‘Abbasid Caliph. Obviously, as a Muslim Berke was not keen to learn of the Caliph's death. According to the contemporary author Juzjani, writing from distant Delhi, Berke had been in contact with the Caliph in the years preceding the siege. Much of Berke's anger though, as gleaned from his letters to the Mamluks and the writing of Rashid al-Din, was at Hülegü's failure to consult with Berke as the senior member of the family, and as the master of western Asia. Though Jochid troops partook in the siege, and we have no indication from the sources that Berke tried to prevent them taking part, it seems Hülegü did not reach out to Berke regarding the fate of Baghdad, or in the dispensation of loot.   Berke was greatly angered at this, and relations only worsened over the following years, once Hülegü killed the Jochid princes in his retinue on charges of sorcery; it just so happened that these same prince had previously annoyed Hülegü through attempting to enforce Jochid land rights over Iran and Iraq. The final straw came in early 1260 once Hülegü learned of Möngke's death. Hülegü by then had already set up in the pastures of Azerbaijan, land Berke considered his. As he learned of the fighting between his brothers Khubilai and Ariq Böke which broke out later that year, Hülegü decided to use the interregnum to seize the pastures of the Caucasus, as well as all of the land between the Amu Darya and Syria, for himself. Berke's officials in these lands were driven out or killed. With no Great Khan to intercede, Berke felt forced to resort to violence to avenge his fallen kinsmen and retake his lands; in 1262 he went to war with Hülegü, and so did the Mongol Empire in the west split asunder.   We've covered the Berke-Hülegü war in detail in a previous episode, so we don't need to repeat ourselves here. The end result was both Berke and Hülegü dead by 1266, and the frontier between them set along the Kura River, where Hülegü's son and successor Abaqa built a wall to keep out the Jochids- though the jury is out on whether he made them pay for it. The conflict set the border between the newly emerged Ilkhanate and the Jochid state for the next century, and the Jochids would not forget the sting of losing this territory to the Ilkhanids for that time either.    On Berke's death his coffin was carried back to Sarai.  Berke's reign, though much shorter than Batu's, had been a decisive one. For not only did it determine many aspects of the Golden Horde's diplomacy and character, notably antagonism to the Ilkhans, a predatory view to the Chagatayids who in the 1260s retook control of Transoxiana and killed Berke's officials, and a cool, distant view to Khubilai Khaan's legitimacy. He helped begin the alliance with the Mamluk Sultans, which never materialized into any actual military cooperation but uneased the Ilkhans and allowed the Mamluks to continue to purchase Qipchaq slaves from the steppe. This alliance too would survive essentially until the dissolution of the Golden Horde at the start of the fifteenth century.    But it also seeded the kernel for eventual islamization of the Khanate, a slow process which would only be fulfilled some sixty years later under Özbeg Khan. While their father was the true founder of the Jochid ulus in the 1200s, both Batu and Berke could argue for this title. Batu posthumously became the Sain Khan, the Good Khan, while to the Mamluks the Golden Horde rulers ascended to the throne of Berke. With his death, it seems at Sarai a quriltai was held to confirm the enthronement of his grand-nephew, Möngke-Temür, the first true independent ruler of what we can call the Golden Horde, and subject of our new episode, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals Podcast to follow. If you enjoyed this and would like to help us continue bringing you great content, consider supporting us on patreon a www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals, or giving us a like, comment and review on the podcast catcher of your choice, and share with your friends, it helps immensely. This episode was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson. I'm your host David, and we'll catch you on the next one.   

Photo: Vulnerable:  At Mozaffar al-Din's accession as Shah of Persia, he faced a financial crisis, with annual governmental expenditures far in excess of revenues as a result of the policies of his father. During his reign, Mozzafar ad-Din attempted some reforms of the central treasury; however, the previous debt incurred by the Qajar court, owed to both England and Russia, significantly undermined this effort. He furthered this debt by borrowing even more funds from Britain, France, and Russia. The income from these later loans was used to pay earlier loans rather than create new economic developments. In 1908, oil was discovered in Persia but Mozzaffar ad-Din had already awarded William Knox D'Arcy, a British subject, the rights to oil in most of the country in 1901 Tehran regime vulnerable.  Mohsen Sazegara,  @sazegara, is an Iranian journalist and pro-democracy political activist.  ·         https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2021/11/iran-parliament-rejects-raisis-pick-education-minister ·         https://www.jpost.com/middle-east/iranian-president-claims-countrys-frozen-assets-abroad-were-released-685154 ·         https://www.ft.com/content/a331c157-3c91-4bec-9972-35716bc4788e ·         https://nationalinterest.org/feature/why-did-iran-wait-rejoin-nuclear-talks-ask-hardliners-195793 ·         https://www.al-monitor.com/originals/2021/11/members-irans-parliament-seek-prosecution-rouhani#ixzz7CaKtXZxN Mohsen Sazegara   @sazegara,  Iranian journalist and pro-democracy political activist; held several high-ranking positions in the government of Mir-Hossein Mousavi

Justice Renée, born trans-female, raised in Young Earth Fundamentalism was taught through shame to hate her trans identity. As a preteen, Justice dedicated her life to Jesus and dove heavily into ministry.  Steeped in fundamentalist culture it was not until 2019  when she opened up to her partner about her gender issues. Recently transitioned (woohoo!!), Justice is using her talents to amplify marginalized voices and improve the "Din of Conversation". She's challenging herself to deal with the fear and scariness of being in the public eye, stepping out from behind the camera. Enjoy Justice! She's a treasure!! PS Did you notice her tattoo??You can find out more about Justice and the communities she's involved in at:http://thetransverse.net/about-the-transverse/https://secularnorth.orghttps://twitter.com/leftintheleaveshttps://www.instagram.com/leftintheleaves/Support the show (https://www.patreon.com/user?u=8739294)

At the start of the twenty-first century, a study was released which brought the thirteenth century starkly into the present. A 2003 study led by Chris Tyler-Smith published in the American Journal of Human Genetics simply titled “The Genetic Legacy of the Mongols,” determined that an alarming number of men across Asia, from China to Uzbekistan, carried the same haplotype on their Y-chromosome, indicating a shared paternal lineage. 8% of the studied group, just over 2100 men from 16 distinct populations in Asia shared this haplotype, which if representative of the total world population, would have come out to about 16 million men. This was far beyond what was to be expected of standard genetic variation over such a vast area. The researchers traced the haplogroup to Mongolia, and with the BATWING program determined that the most recent common ancestor lived approximately 1,000 years ago, plus or minus 300 years in either direction. The study determined that this could only be the result of selective inheritance, and there was only man who fit the profile, who had the opportunity to spread his genes across so much of Asia and have them be continually selected for centuries to come; that was Chinggis Khan, founder of the Mongol Empire. Identifying him with the Y-Chromosome haplogroup, the C3* Star Cluster, the image of Chinggis Khan as the ancestor of 0.5% of the world population has become irrevocably attached to his name, and a common addition in the comment sections on any Mongol related topic on the internet will be the fact that he is related to every 1 in 200 men in Asia today. Yet, recent studies have demonstrated that this may not be the case, and that Chinggis Khan's genetic legacy is not so simple as commonly portrayed. I'm your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.       Inside each human being are the genes we inherit from our parents. Distinct alleles within the thousands of genes of our 23 chromosomes affect the makeup of our bodies, from our physical  appearances to blood type. Each allele is inherited from our parents, who inherited from their parents, and so on, leaving in each human being a small marker of every member of their ancestry. Due to interbreeding and mixing over time, people living in a certain region will share  alleles, given that various members of their community shared ancestors at some point. A collection of these alleles is a haplotype, and a group of similar haplotypes with shared ancestry is a haplogroup. Tracing specific haplogroups attached to the Y-Chromosome, for instance, allows us to trace paternal ancestry of selected persons. It was the haplogroup dubbed the C3*star cluster that the researchers identified as Chinggis Khan's haplotype, though later research has redefined it to the C2* star cluster. Thus, while you may see it somewhat interchangeably referred to as C3 or C2, depending on how recent the literature you're reading is. Whoever carried the markers on their chromosome associated with this haplogroup, according to the study, was therefore a descendant of Chinggis Khan. The lineage, it should be noted, does not start with Chinggis Khan; it is detectable in the ancestors of the Mongols dating back at least to the fifth century BCE, to the Donghu people in eastern Mongolia and Manchuria. It is found in high frequencies in populations which had close contact with Mongols from Siberia to Central Asia, as as the Buryats, Udeges, Evens, Evenks, Kazakhs, and in lower frequencies in places conquered by the Mongol Empire. As demonstrated by the 2003 study, a map of these haplogroups lines up rather neatly with a map of the Mongol Empire at the time of Chinggis Khan's death.        The 2003 study found that 8% of the men sampled had high frequencies of haplotypes from a set of closely related lineages, the C2*  star cluster. With the highest numbers of this cluster found in Mongolia, it was the logical origin point for this cluster. Its frequencies in so many populations of the former Mongol Empire seemed to suggest it spread with Mongol imperial expansion. The researchers therefore identified Chinggis Khan and his close male-relatives as the likely progenitors. While the public has understood this as Chinggis Khan and his family raping a massive percentage of the thirteenth century human population, this was not quite what the study implied. Rather, the selective marriage into the Chinggisid royal family, with each son having high numbers of children, and so on for generations due to prestige associated with the lineage, was the cause for the haplogroup's spread.        The study decided that, since the haplogroups showed up in high frequencies among the Hazara of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and as they were deemed to be direct descendants of Chinggis Khan, then this must have meant no one else other than the Great Khan himself was the most recent common ancestor for this haplogroup. The high frequencies across Asian populations, an origin point in Mongolia, an estimated common ancestor approximately a thousand years ago, and association with the supposed Chinggisid Hazaras was the extent of the evidence the study had to make Chinggis Khan the progenitor.       When released, this study made headlines around the world. You'll find no shortage of articles stating that “Genghis Khan was a prolific article,” with the underlying, thought generally unstated, assumption that these genes were spread by a hitherto unimaginable amount of rape, “backed up” by the medieval sources where Chinggis is described taking his pick of conquered women after the sack of a city. It's a useful addition to the catalogue of descriptions to present the Mongols as mindless barbarians, with this study being essentially the scientific data to back up this presentation.  It's now become one of the key aspects of Chinggis Khan's image in popular culture.       However, as more recent studies have demonstrated, there are a number of problems with this evidence presented in the 2003 study. Firstly, later researchers have pointed out how indirect the evidence is for the connection of Chinggis Khan to the C2 lineage. The estimates for the most recent common ancestor can vary widely depending on the methods used; while some estimates can place a figure within Chinggis Khan's epoch, other estimates put the most recent common ancestor for the C2* cluster over 2,000 year ago. Even going by the 2003 study, it still gives a 600 year window for the most recent common ancestor, who still could have lived centuries before or after Chinggis Khan.   One of the most serious assumptions in the study was that the Hazara of Afghanistan were direct descendants of Chinggis KhanThis is an assumption which rests more on misconception than medieval materials. In fact, the thirteenth and fourteenth century sources indicate that Chinggis Khan spent only a brief time in what is now Afghanistan, only from late 1221 and throughout much of 1222, which he largely spent campaigning, pursuing Jalal al-Din Mingburnu and putting down local revolts before withdrawing. There is no indication that a Mongol garrison was left in the region by Chinggis, and it is not until the 1230s that Mongol forces returned and properly incorporated the region into the empire. Still, it was not until the end of the thirteenth century were Chinggisid princes actually staying in the region, when Chagatayid princes like Du'a's son Qutlugh Khwaja took control over the Negudaris. The sources instead describe waves of Mongol garrisons into Afghanistan which began almost a decade after Chinggis Khan's death, from the initial tamma garrisons under Ögedai Khaan's orders to Jochid troops fleeing Hulegu to Afghanistan in the 1260s. Later, from the late fourteenth century onwards, Afghanistan was the heart of the Timurid realm, and while the Timurids shared some descent from Chinggis through marriage, it's not exactly the process which would have led to high percentages of Chinggisid ancestry.Together, this strongly suggests that the Hazara would not bear Chinggisid ancestry in any considerable quantity.   Perhaps most prominently, there is little evidence that connects the C2* star cluster to known descendants of Chinggis Khan. The fact that no tomb of Chinggis Khan or any other known members of his family has been found, means that there is no conclusive means to prove what haplogroups he possessed. Without human remains which undeniably belong to one of his close male relatives or himself, Chinggis Khan's own haplogroup can not ever be reliably identified. Most royal Chinggisid lineages in the western half of the empire, such as that of the Ilkhanate or Chagatais, disappeared long before the advance of genetic sciences. You might think that looking in Mongolia, you'd find a lot of Chinggisids running about, but this is not the case. Even during the empire, many members of the Chinggisid family were spread across Asia, leaving by the end of the fourteenth century largely lines only from his brothers, and of his grandsons Ariq Böke and Khubilai. In the fifteenth century, a massive massacre of the royal family was carried out by the leader of the Oirats and the true master of Mongolia, the non-Chinggisid Esen Taishi. Mongolia was reunified some fifty years later under the Khubilayid prince Dayan Khan, and it was the descendants of his sons who made up the Chinggisid nobility for the next centuries. Then, in the 1930s Soviet supported purges resulted in the near annihilation of the Chinggisid princes, Buddhist clergy and other political enemies. From 1937-1939, over 30,000 Mongolians were killed, and the Dayan Khanid nobility nearly extinguished.   While it is true that today in Mongolia, you can find many people who claim the imperial clan name of Borjigin, this is largely because after democratization in Mongolia in 1990, Mongolians were encouraged to take clan names- a fact that, as many commenters have pointed out, historically the Mongols did not do, unless they were actually members of the Chinggisid royal family. While the 1918 census in Mongolia recorded only 5.7% of the population as being Borjigid, during the recent registering of clan names some 50% chose, of course, the most famous and prestigious name for themselves. Therefore, it's rather difficult to find a lot of a Chinggisids today.   The 2003 study relied on a random selection of people from across Asia, rather than looking specifically for individuals who claimed Chinggisid descent. Other studies which have sought out people who claim Chinggisid ancestry do not support the C2* Star cluster hypothesis of the 2003 study. A 2012 study by Batbayar and Sabitov in the Russian Journal of Genetic Genealogy of Mongolian individuals who could trace their lineage back to Chinggis Khan's fifteenth century descendant, Dayan Khan, found none of them matched the Star cluster proposed by the 2003 study. To overcome the previously mentioned issues about finding Chinggisids, to quote Batbayar and Sabitov, “In this study, seven patrilineal descendants of [...] Dayan Khan and two of Chinggis Khan's brothers' descendants were chosen for Y-chromosome DNA sequencing. Rather than testing a multitude of subjects, for the sake of accuracy, the most legitimate and proven descendants of Dayan Khan were selected. The DNA donors were selected based upon their official Mongol and Manchu titles and ranks, which were precisely recorded in Mongolian, Manchu, and Soviet documents.” Essentially, as close as you can get to a definite, unbroken paternal line from Chinggis Khan, given the 800 years since his death. When they compared the Dayan Khanid descendants, the descendants of Chinggis' brothers, and those who could reliable claimed ancestry from Chinggis' son Jochi, Batbayar and Sabitov demonstrated that essentially each lineage bore different haplogroups, and none, except for a small branch of the Jochids, bore the C2* star cluster of the 2003 study.    Study of the bodies of medieval Mongol burials have likewise yielded contrasting results when their DNA has been examined.  One of the most notable burials which has been studied is the Tavan Tolgoi suit, from eastern Mongolia. Essentially it was a burial of an extremely wealthy family, dated to the mid-thirteenth century. Adorned with jewelry and buried in coffins made of Cinnamon, which would have had to be imported from southeastern Asia, the researcher suggested due to such obvious wealth and power that they must have been Chinggisid. Their bodies showed haplogroups associated, interestingly enough, with western Asia populations, with effectively no descendants in modern Mongolian populations, and most definitely, not the C2* star cluster. This led to the 2016 study by Gavaachimed Lkhagvasuren et al., titled “Molecular Genealogy of a Mongol Queen's Family and her Possible kinship with Genghis Khan,” to suggest Chinggis must have borne this haplogroup, and possibly, western Asian ancestry. He also pointed to supposed descriptions of Chinggis Khan having red hair as possible supporting literary evidence.    But this is not reliable evidence. Firstly, none of the graves conclusively can be identified as Chinggisid.  The Chinggisid's known preference for burials on Burkhan Khaldun seems unlikely to make the Tavan Tolgoi burials a close relation.  Further, the “red hair” description of Chinggis Khan comes from a mistranslation of a phrase from Rashid al-Din's Compendium of Chronicles, where Chinggis remarks that young Khubilai lacked his grandfather's ruddy features, indicating not red hair, but a face red in colour; hardly uncommon for a man who spent his lifetime in the harsh winds of the steppe. Therefore, the Tavan Tolgoi burials seem more likely to represent a family, possibly of Qipchaq origin, taken from western Asia, incorporated into the Mongol military and gaining wealth and power- hardly unusual in the Mongol army, but revealing nothing of Chinggis' haplogroups. Other wealthy burials of nobility from the Mongol Empire in Mongolia and northern China have revealed differing chromosomal haplogroups, providing no answer as of yet to the question of the Great Khan's own genetic lineage.   Much like the 2003's study erroneous identification of the Hazaras as direct descendants of Chinggis Khan, a more recent study demonstrates the pitfalls of attempting to connect historical figures to genetic data. A 2019 study by Shao-Qing Wen et al. in the  Journal of Human Genetics looked at the y-chromosomal profiles of a family from northwestern China's Gansu-Qinghai area, who traced their ancestry back to Kölgen, a son of Chinggis Khan with one of his lesser wives. Importantly, this family also backed up their claims in genealogical records, and had inhabited the same region for centuries. After the expulsion of the Mongols, they had been made local officials [tusi 土司] by the succeeding Ming and Qing dynasties. This family, the Lu, did not match the C2* Star Cluster, but actually showed close affinity to other known descendants of Chinggis Khan, the Töre clan in Kazakhstan. The Töre  trace their lineage to Jani Beg Khan (r.1473-1480), one of the founders of the Kazakh Khanate and a tenth generation descendant of Chinggis Khan's first born son Jochi. Jochi, as you may recall, was born after his mother Börte was taken captive by Chinggis Khan's enemies, and was accused, most notably by his brother Chagatai, of not being their father's son. Chinggis, for the record, always treated Jochi as fully legitimate. As the Lu family in China traced themselves to Kölgen, who shared only a father with Jochi, then the fact that the Lu and the Töre belong to the same C2 haplogroup, with a  genealogical separation of about 1,000 years, would suggest that if this is in fact the Y-chromosomal lineage of Chinggis Khan, then Jochi's uncertain paternity could be laid to rest, and that he was a true son of Chinggis Khan.   This theory is comfortable and convenient, but other scholars have noted that the connection of the Lu to Toghan, the descendant of Kölgen, is very tenuous. The sources connecting the Lu clan to Kölgen's family were not compiled until the late Qing Dynasty, some four to five centuries after Toghan's death. The sources more contemporary to Toghan's life do not match the description of his life described in the histories used by the Lu clan, leading scholars to argue that, while the Lu clan does have Mongolian origin, and likely did have an ancestor with the very common medieval Mongolian name of Toghan, it seems likely that at some point the Lu clan's family compilers decided to associate their own ancestor with the more well known Chinggisid of the same name, and therefore claim for themselves Chinggisid ancestry and prestige- hardly an unknown thing by compilers of Chinese family trees. Therefore, the matter of Jochi's paternity still remains uncertain.       Perhaps the final nail in the coffin comes in the 2018 study by  Lan Hai-Wei, et al. in the European Journal of Human Genetics. Compiling data from previous studies that found issue with the 2003 hypothesis, they looked at groups with high frequencies of the C2* Star clusters like the Hazara or the Daur, a Mongolic-speaking people from Northeastern China who, based off of historical records, make no claims of Chinggisid descent. Newer estimates also suggest the most recent common ancestor for this lineage was over 2,600 years ago. In the most recent hypothesis then, it seems more likely that the star cluster identified by the 2003 study does not represent the lineage of Chinggis Khan, but was simply an incredibly common paternal lineage among ordinary inhabitants of the Mongolian plateau. Its presence in other peoples across Asia was not evidence of selective breeding into the Golden Lineage, but simply the movement of Mongolian troops into a region, and intermixing with the local population. In the case of the Hazaras, this is the exact scenario demonstrated by the historical sources, with waves of Mongol troops rather than a host of Chinggisids descending into the Hazarajat. The possibility cannot be excluded however, that while C2* was a dominant haplotype in thirteenth century Mongolia, that before 1200 it had already been spread across Central Asia by earlier nomadic expansions of Mongolia-based empires like the Göktürk Khaghanates or the Uighur. The Mongol expansion in the thirteenth century, then, would only be another wave of the spread of C2* across Eurasia.       While it is possible that Chinggis Khan and his close male relatives did in fact, carry the C2* star cluster, there is no evidence which directly or conclusively connects him to it. His known descendants through the line of Dayan Khan are of a different Y-chromosomal haplogroup. The descendants of Dayan Khan, himself a descendant of Chinggis Khan's grandson Khubilai, and the Kazakh Töre, descendants of Chinggis Khan's son Jochi, bear haplotypes so distant that their most recent common ancestor is estimated to have lived 4,500 years ago, which does not fair well for the likelihood of Jochi being Chinggis' son. A third known and tested branch, of the Shibanids in Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, does match the C2* star cluster, but has less than 1,000 known members and again, are descended from Chinggis Khan via Jochi. Chinggis Khan then cannot be said to be the ancestor of 0.5% of the world's population, since his y-chromosomal marking remains unknown. Any attempts at identifying it conclusively can never be more than mere assumptions without finding the bodies of either the Khan or any of his close-male relatives- a prospect highly unlikely, given the Chinggisids' preference for secret graves. Thus, it seems that his haplotypes are but one more secret that Chinggis will keep with him.       Our series on the Mongols will continue, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals podcast to follow. If you enjoyed this, and would like to help us keep bringing you great content, please consider supporting us on patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals, or sharing this with your friends. This episode was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson. I'm your host David, and we'll catch you on the next one.  -SOURCES- Abilev, Serikabi, et al. “The Y-Chromosome C3* Star-Cluster Attributed to Genghis Khan's Descendants is Present at High Frequency in the Kerey Clan from Kazakhstan.” Human Biology 84 no. 1 (2012): 79-99.   Adnan, Atif, et al. “Genetic characterization of Y-chromosomal STRs in Hazara ethnic group of Pakistan and confirmation of DYS448 null allele.” International Journal of Legal Medicine 133 (2019): 789-793.   Callaway, Ewen. “Genghis Khan's Genetic Legacy Has Competition.” Scientific American. January 29th, 2015.   Derenko, M.V. “Distribution of the Male Lineages of Genghis Khan's Descendants in Northern Eurasian Populations.”  Russian Journal of Genetics 43 no. 3 (2007): 3334-337.   Dulik, Matthew C. “Y-Chromosome Variation in Altaian Kazakhs Reveals a Common paternal Gene Pool for Kazakhs and the Influence of Mongolian Expansions.” 6 PLoS One no. 3 (2011)   Gavaachimed Lkhagvasuren et al. “Molecular Genealogy of a Mongol Queen's Family and her Possible kinship with Genghis Khan.” PLoS ONE 11 no. 9 (2016)   Kherlen Batbayar and Zhaxylyk M. Sabitov. “The Genetic Origins of the Turko-Mongols and Review of The Genetic Legacy of the Mongols. Part 1: The Y-chromosomal Lineages of Chinggis Khan.” The Russian Journal of Genetic Genealogy 4 no. 2 (2012):    Lan-Hai Wei, et al. “Whole-sequence analysis indicates that the  Y chromosome C2*-Star Cluster traces back to ordinary Mongols, rather than Genghis Khan.” European Journal of Human Genetics 26, (2018): 230-237.   Lan-Hai Wei et al.  “Genetic trail for the early migrations of Aisin Gioro, the imperial house of the Qing Dynasty.” Journal of Human Genetics 62 (2017): 407-411.   Shao-Qing Wen et al., “Molecular genealogy of Tusi Lu's family reveals their apternal relationship with Jochi, Genghis Khan's eldest son.” Journal of Human Genetics 64 (2019): 815-820.   Ye Zhang et al. “The Y-chromosome haplogroup C3*-F3918, likely attributed to the Mongol Empire, can be traced to a 2500-year-old nomadic group.” Journal of Human Genetics 63 (2018): 231-238.   Yi Liu. “A Commentary on molecular genealogy of Tusi Lu's family reveals their paternal relationship with Jochi, Genghis Khan's eldest son.” Journal of Human Genetics 66 no. 5 (2020): 549–550.    Zakharov, I.A. “A Search for a “Genghis Khan” Chromosome.” Russian Journal of Genetics 46 no. 9 (2010): 1130-1131.     Zerjal, Tatiana, et al. “The Genetic Legacy of the Mongols.” American Journal of Human Genetics 72 (2003): 717-721.  

Justice Renée, born trans-female, was raised in a Fundamentalist Evangelical Home. Her father was a leader in the Young Earth/Creation Science movement in Utah and surrounding states through the 1980s and 90s. She was taught through shame to hate her trans identity. In her preteens, Justice dedicated her life to Jesus and began ministry work with her church, AWANA, and CEF and gave her first evangelistic message at 13. She went on to get Bachelor of Arts in Biblical Studies with a Missions Emphasis from Frontier School of the Bible, was Youth Pastor in Nebraska, worked at Christian Camps, and a CrossWorld Missions Candidate preparing for missions in Thailand. In 2009, responding to the Housing Crisis, she founded “Tears of the Patriots”, a Tea Party Group connected with Libertarian and Christian Nationalism. Due to a myriad of reasons, Justice Renée re-examined her belief system over a period of 7 years ending with leaving the church. She opened to her partner about her gender issues in 2019 and transitioned in 2020. Currently, Justice Renée works as a Systems Engineer at Target, helps amplify diverse voices through Secular North Productions, and raises her two kids with her partner in a co-housing community. She shares her story with others to give hope and move communities forward through the “Din of Conversation”. She found freedom in acceptance and a path forward from the hate. Stepping out from behind the camera, Justice Renée has begun opening up in a more public way to build connections with others and amplify the "Din of Conversation".Support the show (https://www.patreon.com/user?u=8739294)

“As I grow as a writer and a journalist, I am constantly just trying to listen and learn from new perspectives. Never put something off as a topic that you ‘know about' or that you've done work on…always be open to learning more and listening more.” Emma Zimmerman is a Brooklyn-based writer, journalist, and podcast host. Her work primarily explores topics of women in endurance sports, sport and social change, and environmental justice. Emma's Social Sport podcast, which is part of the CITIUS MAG Podcast Network, “features conversations with endurance athletes of all types committed to fostering social change.” Her writing has appeared in Taproot Magazine, Runner's World, Trail Runner, and more. Emma ran Cross Country and Track & Field at Grinnell College, where she also earned her BA in Political Science and Environmental Studies. She is currently pursuing her MFA in Creative Nonfiction Writing at New York University. In this conversation, Emma offers listeners a writing prompt to get your creativity flowing in the outdoors and we hear about how she's used writing as a tool for social change.   In This Episode: Social Sport, a Citius Mag Podcast Social Sport Ep. 53 – Dinée Dorame on Living Her Values as a Navajo Woman in Sports Media “How Dinée Dorame Is Building A Deeper Understanding Of Running Culture,' by Emma Zimmerman, Trail Runner Magazine, July 14, 2021 The Warmth of Other Suns by Isabel Wilkerson Ted Lasso on Apple TV+ The Mamas & the Papas Paul Simon   Follow Emma Zimmerman & Social Sport Podcast: Instagram (Emma): @emma_zimmerman Twitter (Emma): @emmamzimm Instagram (Social Sport): @socialsportpod http://www.emmamzimmerman.com/   Follow Grounded Pod: Instagram: @groundedpod Twitter: @groundedpod Facebook: facebook.com/groundedpodwithdinee   Subscribe, Listen, & Review on: Spotify | Apple Podcasts | Soundcloud | Stitcher   Music by Jacob Shije (Santa Clara Pueblo, NM). This podcast was made possible through the Tracksmith Fellowship Program.

Dr. Bhaswati Bhattacharya is a physician-scientist bringing the wisdom and science of authentic medicines such as Ayurveda back to the people. She is Harvard-educated, licensed, board-certified, trained in family medicine and preventive medicine. Dr. Bhaswati is the director of The DIN-acharya Institute in NY. In this episode, Colette chats with Dr. Bhaswati about overwhelm which is having negative consequences on our health and our societies. They discuss the following: How we experience overwhelm in our world today. The impact of overwhelm on our health and in our society. How competition and comparison lead to overwhelm. Ayurveda's teachings on Manobala - 'Strength of Mind'. The importance of being in the present moment. How dinacharya or daily self-care routines can provide a framework for our day, preventing overwhelm. *  Visit Dr. Bhaswati's website www.drbhaswati.com * Visit Colette's website elementshealingandwellbeing.com for Online consultations Private at-home Digestive Reset Cleanse tailored to you Educational programs - Daily Habits for Holistic Health Book a FREE 15 min Services Enquiry Call  Please share your feedback via info@elementshealingandwellbeing.com * Join the Elements of Ayurveda Community! * Thanks for listening!    

Find the FULL written version of the episode together with the translation of the words in bold on the Patreon page 'Learn Romanian with Amanda' or on the link here: https://www.patreon.com/posts/why-romanians-58336378 First part: Bună și bine v-am găsit la un episod în care o să vorbim despre de ce românii ar putea părea ciudați în ochii străinilor, în ochii persoanele care nu au trăit, sau care nu sunt din România. Să începem! În primul rând, vă rog, nu băgați în seamă vocea mea. Am răcit evident. În Olanda deja este destul de frig, sunt cam 7-8 grade afară, bate vântul, plouă și eu cum merg cu bicicleta în fiecare zi jumătate de oră dus, jumătate de oră întors până la lucru, vă dați seama că m-a prins și răceala, am și răcit. Așa, acum că am clarificat de ce am vocea asta, să vedem care este primul motiv pentru care românii sunt ciudați. Primul motiv are legătură cu un desert. Desertul preferat al românilor se servește, sau se mănâncă, la înmormântări. Da, ați auzit bine. Ce sunt înmormântările? Sunt acele evenimente triste din viața noastră când cineva moare. Așa. Desertul care se servește la aceste evenimente triste, la aceste înmormântări este coliva. Din ce este făcută coliva, și ce o face așa specială încât toată lumea așteaptă să o mănânce? Ei bine, coliva este făcută din grâu fiert, îndulcită cu miere sau cu zahăr. Acestea sunt ingredientele principale, ingredientele de bază, iar oamenii pot adăuga și alte ingrediente ca stafidele, lămâie și alte lucruri.

Avos 1;8-9 Chessed vs Din in Perek 1 by Rabbi Daniel Kalish

In this episode, I talked with Charlie Amáyá Scott about settler colonialism within the US empire. Charlie is the creator of Diné Aesthetics and a Diné scholar born and raised within the Navajo Nation. As a doctoral student, Charlie is intrigued by the intricacies among higher education, settler colonialism, and social media. Their work is informed by a desire for a more just and liberating education that supports and inspires the next generation of Queer, Trans, and Indigenous students. In addition, Charlie reflects, analyzes, and critiques what it means to be a Diné in the 21st century on her personal blog, dineaesthetics.com, while inspiring joy and justice to thousands on Instagram, TikTok, and Twitter. Connect with Charlie Amáyá Scott: Blog dineaesthetics.com IG @dineaesthetics TikTok @dineaesthetics Twitter @GrandmaSaidNo Resources Mentioned: "Explaining settler colonialism" TikTok video A Third University Is Possible by la paperson "Decolonization is not a metaphor" by Eve Tuck and K. Wayne Yang "Toward a Tribal Critical Race Theory in Education" by Bryan McKinley Jones Brayboy "Settler colonialism and the elimination of the native" by Patrick Wolfe Joshua Whitehead bell hooks Rebecca Roanhorse Tenille K. Campbell "My Experience with Spiritual Abuse at Remedy Church with Nicki Pappas" on Broadening the Narrative Additional Instagram Accounts to Follow: @melaninmvskoke, @lilnativeboy, @prestomanifest0, and @endlessyarning The music from this episode is "Love Is" by Bandy. I want to thank Jordan Lukens for his help with editing and Danielle Bolin for creating the episode graphic. If you like what you hear in this episode, share it with a friend. I really think that little by little, person by person, we can broaden the narrative. In addition, make sure to subscribe so you don't miss an episode. Then, rate and review to help others find the show. Broadening the Narrative blog - broadeningthenarrative.blogspot.com Broadening the Narrative on: IG @broadeningthenarrative Twitter @broadnarrative Facebook - facebook.com/groups/broadeningthenarrative

Sanat dünyasını yasa boğan haber... Kavak Yelleri, Kuzey Güney ve İstanbullu Gelin gibi pek çok ünlü dizide rol alan oyuncu Semra Dinçer, 56 yaşında hayata veda etti. Dinçer'in vefatını Haluk Levent duyurdu

Finally welcome to another extended podcast no199, filled with great sounds from recent album releases before our 200th special edition with exclusive tracks from well-known musicians to celebrate 30 years since the formation of Sequences, beginning with audio cassettes, progressing to magazines with accompanying CD, podcasting from 2012. & Mick's journey in electronic music started 55 years ago, (yes he's that old geezer). We kick off with two legends & pioneers of electronic music Steve Roach & Michael Stearns collaborating on Beyond Earth & Sky, this is, celestial stunning boundary-defying music. Playlist No 199 01.48 Steve Roach & Michael Stearns ‘Primal Return' (album Beyond Earth & Sky) www.projekt.com 07.19 Steve Roach & Michael Stearns ‘The Long Road' 18.31 Ian Boddy ‘For Here To There' (album Nevermore) www.DIN.org.uk 33.12 Frore & Shane Morris ‘The Eye Of Everything' (album Horizon) www.spottedpeccary.com 45.11 Rodrigo Passannanti ‘Once In A Lifetime' (album Inner Dialogues) https://rodrigopassannanti.bandcamp.com 50.37 Rodrigo Passannanti ‘Second Skin' (album Underworld) https://rodrigopassannanti.bandcamp.com 58.44 Serena Gabriel feat Steve Roach ‘Seeing Inside' (album Seeing Inside) www.projekt.com 01.10.23 Forest Robots ‘To Return To The Valley One Has To Have Reached The Peak' (album Horst & Graben) https://forestrobots.bandcamp.com https://www.forestrobots.com/ 01.14.08 Forest Robots ‘As Every Crevice In The Woods Waits Patiently For Sunrise' 01.17.33 Kloob ‘Radiation Cloud' (album Parallel States) www. winter-light.bandcamp.com 01.24.09 Keith Richie ‘Dusk' (album Epica) http://music.krichie.com 01.29.50 Keith Richie ‘Remote Isolation' 01.35.23 Aphrayth ‘Ahsh' (album Aphrayth) https://23stabwounds-records.bandcamp.com 01.39.23 Aphrayth ‘Kreenh' 0143.24 ELEON ‘Autumn Leaves In Motion' (album Deep In A Forest) www.higherlevel.media 01.47.57 ELEON ‘Deep In A Forest; Trees Dance' 01.53.27 Andrea Bacci 'Nebula' (album Sleeping On The Clouds) www.heartdancerecords.com 01.59.07 Andrea Bacci 'Space Bubbles' 02.01.30 Baltes & Erbe ‘Gradient' (album A Four Stories Live Session) ***https://balteserbe.bandcamp.com 02.13.17 Andre Michele Vincenti ‘Relaxation Sphere III' (EP Relaxation Sphere) https://relaxationsphere.bandcamp.com 02.17.25 Sonic Research Society ‘Drifting Further. (album Drifting Forward) www.syngate.net 02.21.12 Sonic Research Society ‘Lateral Thinking' 02.26.05 Josefin Runsteen ‘BLOOM - Scene III (Fire)' (album HANA-Three Bodies, Original Soundtrack) https://josefinrunsteen.bandcamp.com 02.33.06 Thaneco ‘Charyvdis.' (album Journey To Ithaca Vol 2) www.syngate.net 02.38.14 Thaneco 'Sirens' 02.44.10 Black Tape For A Blue Girl ‘The Cleft Serpent' (album The Cleft Serpent, Instrumental & Alternate Mixes) www.projekt.com 02.49.41 Black Tape For A Blue Girl ‘Alabaster, Stortorget 1520' 02.56.48 Black Tape For A Blue Girl ‘The Cleft Serpent Mix' 03.01.06 Gleisberg & Bernd Scholl ‘Distant Land Of Mystery' (album Culture & Spirit) www.bscmusic.com 03.08.58 Gleisberg & Bernd Scholl ‘Enchanted Of Bhaktapur' 03.16.16 Michael Whalen ‘Phonic' (album A Flight Of new Summer Songs) www.myndstream.com 03.20.22 Carl Borden ‘Good Morning Light' (album A Flight Of new Summer Songs) www.myndstream.com 03.25.39 Suzanne Teng & Gilbert Levy ‘Genesis' (album Whisper) www.higherlevel.media Edit ***

Cineva să-l scoată din priză pe ANDY.

Har Mette Frederiksen slet ikke styr på reglerne? Er skolebørn i Danmark blevet for voldelige? Er det okay at ødelægge valgplakater, hvis man selv mener, at partiet er racistisk? Din vært er Kristoffer Lind Tidskoder: 01:00-14:00: Peter Loft, tidligere departementschef i Skatteministeriet // Om Mette Frederiksen slet ikke har styr på reglerne.  16:00-31:30: Christina Rinaldo, lærer i over 20 år // Om skolebørn i Danmark er blevet for voldelige. 32:00-42:40: Peter Mølgaard, Formand for Klimarådet // Om den danske klimapolitik er forfejlet. 43:40-51:20: Sherwin Mariano, filippinsk kok ansat på restaurant Zahida // Om en Michelin-kok skal smides ud af landet, fordi han er for overkvalificeret til sit job. 52:00-:58:00: Hans Jørgen Bonnichsen, tidligere operativ chef for PET // Om Statsministeren har fulgt den sikkerhedsbelæring, en ny statsminister får når de tiltræder. 01:03:30-01:14:00: Morten Messerschmidt, medlem af folketinget for Dansk Folkeparti // Om undervisningen på Københavns Universitet er fedtet ind i mellemøstlig propaganda. 01:15:00-01:25:00: Susanne Crawley, Rådmand og medlem af Odense byråd for Radikale // Om kvinder skal stemme på andre kvinder for at få mere ligestilling. 01:26:00-01:34:00: Rundringning til minkavlere i Nordjylland, Sydjylland og Fyn // Om det er tilfældige skøn, der afgør, hvor meget skatteborgerne skal betale minkavlerne. 01:34:30-01:48:00: Magnus Møller Ziegler, Undervisningsassistent på Københavns Universitet på institut for statskundskab // Om det er okay at ødelægge valgplakater, hvis man selv mener, at partiet er racistisk. 01:49:00-02:00:00: Thomas Uhd, Head of Sustanability, Aalborg Portland // Om den danske klimapolitik er forfejlet. 

*** Udsendelsen er sponseret af Sport24 og Asics *** Løbeskolen er en podcastserie over ti afsnit, der gør dig til en bedre, klogere og mere motiveret løber samt forhåbentlig mindre skadet. Igennem ti afsnit kommer vi igennem grundlæggende elementer i din løbetræning så som intervaltræning, løbeteknik, styrketræning osv. En del af udsendelserne kan høres i ”real time”, dvs. du kan træne passet, imens du lytter. Udsendelsen varer simpelthen de minutter, du skal træne, og vi guider dig undervejs i, hvad du skal lave. Din opgave er i princippet bare at adlyde, hvad der bliver sagt, og så ellers rykke dig som løber. Denne udsendelsen handler om, hvordan du rammer dagen, altså hvordan du løber det perfekte løb. Udsendelsen er lavet i "real time". Du kan nemlig løbe det perfekte opvarmningsløb (dagen før) op imod en konkurrence. Følgende træningspas bliver gennemgået: 20 min let løb 1 min stående pause 4x 30 sekunders løbeteknik 1 min stående pause 5x 40 sekunders hurtigt løb med 20 sekunders pause imellem 1 min stående pause 5 min roligt løb I udsendelsen kan du blive klogere på følgende: - Hvordan føles det at løbe det perfekte løb? - Hvordan skaber man de bedste forudsætninger for at ramme det perfekte løb? - Hvordan tackler man nerver? - Hvordan løber man det perfekte løb? - Hvordan skal man varme op? - Hvilke fejl skal man undgå at lave? Undervejs møder du følgende løbeeksperter, der alle er en del af Asics Frontrunner team: Fysioterapeut og løber: Michelle Poulsen Løbetræner og løber: Michele Brock Eliteløber og løbetræner: Julie Mathiasen Nijhuis Speaker: Henrik Them

Două luni de zbateri politice au, deocamdată, același rezultat: fraze vagi cu aer de declarații cifrate, cuvinte rostite apăsat, dar a căror înșiruire nu duce nicăieri. Și, peste toate, un președinte tăcut, aproape absent. Din colțul său de țară, președintele Klaus Iohannis s-ar putea vedea câștigător absolut al acestor luni. Are un partid loial pe care îl va ține la Putere, fie și într-un guvern minoritar. Are un soldat la partid și un comandant la Palatul Victoria. Are, chiar și prin intermediari, putere în Opoziție. Are statul. Doar că e vorba de același stat declarat deja eșuat. Despre puținele opțiuni de ieșire din criză, dar mai ales despre lacunele figurii prezidențiale care ar fi urmat să readucă meritocrația în administrația din România stăm de vorbă cu politologul Cristian Preda, decanul Facultății de Științe Politice de la Universitatea din București, fost consilier al președinților Emil Constantinescu și Traian Băsescu și deputat european timp de zece ani. On the Record este un podcast săptămânal produs de Recorder și susținut de Banca Transilvania. Partener: Aqua Carpatica.

Du blir smartare av att snorsporta! Din cykeltur, löprunda eller promenad är inget annat än en "mental uppgradering". Anders Hansen blivit något av en superambassadör för just vikten av regelbunden motion och dess inverkan på hjärnan. Överläkaren i psykiatri och författaren är idag en hett efterfrågad föreläsare och har också synts i många tv-program. Han är också aktuell med en helt ny bok, ”Depphjärnan”, om varför vi mår så dåligt när vi ju har det så bra.Men låt oss vrida tillbaka tiden till december 2016. Anders hade då kommit ut med boken ”Hjärnstark” och gästade Maratonpodden för att berätta om den och lära oss mer om hur vi kan motionera för att få en så bra effekt som möjligt på hjärnan…Följ Maratonpodden i sociala medier:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/maratonpoddenFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/maratonpoddenFölj Petra:Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/maratonpetraFacebook: https://www.facebook.com/petra.manstromLinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/petramanstrom See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Datum: 1:a november kl 19.00 Plats: Twang på Katarina Bangata 25 i Stockholm. Entré (Endast 30 biljetter): 160:- och ett glas vin ingår i priset. Köp dina biljetter via e-mail (och skriv hur många du vill ha) till adressen: varbastavan@gmail.com Separationsångest är något av de vanligaste en hund kan drabbas av. I Hundsverige pratas det mycket om den överhängande risken för "coronahundarnas" känslighet för separationsångest eftersom att många har blivit vana med en familj som stannar hemma. Nu har du chansen att ställa dina frågor om separationsångest till etologen och författaren Ingrid Tapper, som främst inriktat sig på mentalitet och beteende och skrivit 8 hundböcker, på Twang som är ett av Södermalms (Stockholm) mest legendariska caféer. Efter att ha kvantifierat alla inkomna lyssnarfrågor som inkommit till Hundpodden Vår Bästa Vän kan jag nu se att separationsångest hos hundar är den näst mest vanligaste efter aggressionsrelaterade problem. Tack och lov kan vi tvåbenta hjälpa till med separationsångest hos våra hundar.

I går afslørede Den Uafhængige, at Kinas ambassade i Danmark udøver censur mod kina-kritiske politikere. Skal det have konsekvenser for Kina? Vi spørger Michael Aastrup Jensen, Næstformand for Den Udenrigspolitiske Nævn (V) Er det rimeligt, at man bliver udvist af Danmark på grund af en fejl i en lejekontrakt? Gør de danske politikere nok for at udrydde hjemløshed? Din vært er Adam Drewes   Tidskoder: 03:00-15:00: Roger Buch, Forskningslektor og forvaltningsekspert - Forsvarschefens propagandakursus 16:50-26:20: Michael Aastrup Jensen, Næstformand for Den Udenrigspolitiske Nævn (V) // Kinas censur mod kandidat fra Radikale 28:00-43:40: Jean Thierry, formand i FSB-bestyrelsen // Sagen om Blågården 44:30-57:00: Bjørn Lomborg, politolog og klimadebattør // Er regeringens klimapolitik fyldt med fejl? 01:00:45-01:11:40: Mads Fuglede, udlændingeordfører for Venstre // Frode-sagen 01:13:00-01:21:00: Thomas Rohden, kandidat til regionsrådsvalget, Radikale // Hvad skal der ske nu? 01:22:00-01:31:08: Andreas Steenberg, udlændingeordfører, Radikale // Frode-sagen 01:32:40-01:48:48: Marie Münster, professor MSO, Energy System Modelling DTU // Kritik af regeringens klimaplan 01:49:45-01:59:30: Poul Struve, redaktør Hus Forbi // Kritik af regeringens plan for at udrydde hjemløshed i Danmark.

Friends of the podcast Zeyad el-Nabolsi and Yara Shoufani take up the legacy of Izz ad-Din al-Qassam Please consider supporting the show  

Nuestro coach de vida Héctor Forero hablará de “La tiranía de los seres de luz”.La Lic. Rosario Guiberra Vera, directora de difusión de Social Push, con todo lo que debes saber acerca de la pensión por incapacidad.¿Quieres tener un patrimonio para tu familia? Promoción Dinámica te ofrece la oportunidad de invertir en un terreno en el Desarrollo Campestre “Los Agaves”.Para alimentar las células de cuerpo, el Padre José de Jesús Aguilar Valdés pone en la mesa el Concentrado de Aguamiel Mimex.Maryfer Centeno y cómo analizar el lenguaje corporal en pareja.Prepararemos un delicioso Pan de Muerto con la guía de Krisnhamayi, maestra en cocina vegetariana internacional.Conoce los riesgos de no amamantar con Rosy Guerrero y Marina Avilés, Líderes de la liga de la Leche México. Janett Arceo y La Mujer Actual es uno de los pocos programas radiofónicos que desde 1982 y hasta la fecha actual se mantiene en el cuadrante, constituyéndose en un concepto de gran éxito gracias al talento y experiencia de la mujer que le da vida a la radio y televisión y a su gran familia de especialistas quienes, diariamente, apoyan al auditorio y lo motivan a elevar su calidad de vida.La Mujer Actual es el único concepto radiofónico que ayuda a lograr la superación integral de la familia en las diferentes etapas de su vida y, diariamente, realiza un recorrido por ámbitos tan diversos como desarrollo humano, nutrición, salud (en todas las especialidades), asesoría legal, neurociencias, finanzas personales, estimulación temprana, escuela para padres, hábitos y técnicas de estudio, bolsa de trabajo, turismo, entretenimiento, gastronomía, sexualidad, tecnología, astronomía, belleza, moda, astrología y más.La Mujer Actual siempre está a la vanguardia, por eso atendemos puntualmente las necesidades del público con teléfonos abiertos y nuestras redes sociales, creando así una completísima revista radiofónica en vivo.La Mujer Actual es pionera en programas de contenido para la familia, por eso muchos han intentado imitarlo, sin embargo, gracias a su estilo único no solo ha permanecido sino que continúa siendo uno de los programas preferidos que ha evolucionado al ritmo de los tiempos. Esto se debe en gran medida a su conductora Janett Arceo, que gracias a su frescura y a su capacidad de convertirse en la voz del auditorio, ha logrado consolidar una fórmula de comunicación verdaderamente exitosa, donde interactúan el público, la conductora y el especialista, basándose en un principio fundamental: ¡la prevención!

Care cantece au adus cei mai multi $$$ din drepturi de autor? Cel de pe locul unu a generat 70 de milioane. Si e din secolul 19!

QUESTIONS IN A DARK ROOM Written and produced by Julie Hoverson Carol wakes in a strange dark room, with a man she's never seen before - and when the questions start to fly, there's lives at stake. CAST Carol - Beverly Poole Thaddeus - Cole Hornaday Madame Foulet - Julie Hoverson Tour Guide - Julie Hoverson Music:  Kevin MacLeod (Incompetech.com) Editing and Sound:   Julie Hoverson Sound effects found on Soundsnap.com Cover Photos:  Front - Nazareth Maceda  (courtesy of Stock Xchange.com) "What kind of a place is it?  Why, it's a residential hotel, sometime between the two World Wars, can't you tell?" ****************************************** QUESTIONS IN A DARK ROOM   Cast: [Olivia, host] Carol (20F), urban songbird Thaddeus (20-30M), deep south Madame Foulet (50-60F), calm older lady Crowd Noise (any) Tour Guide (any) OLIVIA    Did you have any trouble finding it?  What do you mean, what kind of a place is it?  Why, it's a residential hotel, can't you tell? MUSIC CREEPS IN NOTE:  there are no definite "scene changes" in this episode - characters slide in and out of scenes without any break until the very end.  Scene changes are marked only when Foulet enters and leaves   SCENE 1.   DARK ROOM, SLIGHTLY ECHOEY, NO SPECIFIC ERA.  CAROL SPEAKS LIKE SOMEONE FROM THE 1920s, THADDEUS IS FROM THE 1860S DEEP SOUTH CAROL   [waking up noises]  Mmm.  Oh.  [suddenly sitting up]  What!  [panicking]  Where-- THADDEUS   Don' you worry none.  You safe now. CAROL   Safe?  Why--?  Who are you?  I-I don't know you.  [rising hysteria]  Is this... your room?  THADDEUS   Calm yourself, now, miss.  I be all the way over here.  No threat to you, I promise.  CAROL   But I -- how did I get here?  What's going on?  [whimper of pain]  Ahh!  My side.  What.. happened? THADDEUS   Probly a bruise.  You was attacked, miss.  In the stairs.  I spect he hit you some.  I got you outta there and din't have no other place to put you.  You been out cold. CAROL   [calming a bit, but still in pain]  You rescued me?  [deep breath]  Oh, goodness that hurts.  Well, thank y--  [sharp]  In the stairs, you said? THADDEUS   Yes miss.  I heared you start--  Well, I heared it when you screamed.  The stairwell, it echoes somethin fierce. CAROL   I guess I'm lucky you were there. THADDEUS   Well, I was kind of listenin fer you, miss. CAROL   Listening? THADDEUS    [aw shucks]  I got a lot of time on my hands during days, and one time a while back I heared you singin in there, so sometimes I jest ... wait. CAROL   [pleased and embarrassed]  Oh.  Thank you.  But--  But, do you think -- the creep who attacked me... was...? THADDEUS   I don' see the papers much, miss, but even I heared about that there Stairway Stabber.  I'm pretty sure that was the fella, all right. CAROL   They say he's already killed at least eight girls! THADDEUS   That they do.  At least. CAROL   Oh!  Oh, goodness.  I - I could have been murdered!  THADDEUS   [quiet]  Yes'm. CAROL   You saved me?  THADDEUS   I did what I could, miss.  You was right out before I done got there. CAROL   I -- I don't remember ... well, anything, really.  Um, what should I call you?  Your name.  I mean.  THADDEUS   I understand, miss.  You can call me Thaddeus.  Tha's my name. CAROL   And you live in my building? THADDEUS   More years'n I care to count.  I mostly jest keep an eye on things.  Don' you worry now, I don' take up much space. CAROL   I didn't mean to imply-- THADDEUS   It's understandable, miss.  I don' much look like I belong here. CAROL   Please.  I don't want to sound like a snob.  I'm really just overwhelmed.  And you can call me Carol, if you'd like.  I mean, you don't have to call me "miss" all the time. THADDEUS   I'd be right pleased to, Miss Carol. CAROL   [forced laugh]  Just Carol, Thaddeus.  No miss.  Please. THADDEUS   Don' seem quite respectful, miss Carol.   SCENE 2.   MADAME   [filter]  Is there anyone here? THADDEUS   By golly, she early. CAROL   What was that? THADDEUS   This lady wanna ask about what happened.  She with the police. CAROL   But I don't remember-- THADDEUS   And I din't see much, but we gots to talk to her.  You gon' be all right?  I can hep you. CAROL   [standing]  Well, I'm a little wobbly, but I'm game, I guess.  SOUND:   SLOW FOOTSTEPS  CAROL   But, my head -- it's amnesia.  I'm sure of it. THADDEUS   You might be surprised what all come back to you if a body ask the right questions.  Come on now. SOUND   Door opens.  Footsteps continue. CAROL   Why is the room so dark?  I can barely see her. NOTE:     [unless otherwise mentioned, Madame sounds very calm and speaks almost in a sing song voice.] MADAME   Ah.  [deep breath]  I mean you no harm.  Please come and speak with me.  Am I addressing Carol Bournemouth? CAROL   Why yes.  [to Thaddeus]  Did you--  [puzzled]  Oh... no, I only just told you my name. THADDEUS   I said she with the police.  She know a lot. MADAME   Carol, I want to hear what happened to you yesterday. CAROL   Yesterday?  I was knocked out for a whole day? THADDEUS   Shh now, and answer, miss Carol. CAROL   Oh.  I really don't....  I don't remember a darn thing.  He -- Thaddeus -- said I was attacked in the stairwell.  I think I was hit on the head.  SOUND   Very distant sound of someone knocking on a door. CAROL   Amnesia.  I don't remember a thing!  Really! MADAME   Calm down, Carol.  There is no need to--  CAROL   I'm...sorry.  MADAME   Ah, good.  Everything is all right now.  You are safe.  It is safe to remember.  Think of it like a movie, and you are the projector.  The projector can stop a movie, Carol.  The projector can simply freeze on a single frame, and the movie never has to reach its end.  Have you ever seen that happen, Carol? CAROL   Why is she talking like that?  THADDEUS   Can they really just up and stop a movin' picture?  That would be somethin' to see. CAROL   Not very exciting, really.  It's -- well, it's just a slide, then.  MADAME   [sharp]  Carol!  [calm again]  I need you to concentrate.  What is the last thing you remember? CAROL   [pain]  Oh!  [deep breaths] SOUND   Knocking on door again. THADDEUS    Just a minute, ma'am.  She got a stitch. MADAME   Relax Carol.  Relax.  Remember, you are the projector, and the movie can stop long before anything unpleasant happens.  Just take it one frame at a time, Carol.  Do you remember going into the stairwell?  Picture the door for me.  You push open the door and step in.  There are five flights of stairs below you, but you walk them every day, don't you?  You walk them-- CAROL   It's slimming.  MADAME   You begin to walk down the stairs, just as usual.  One step, then another. CAROL   The way she talks-- MADAME   You pass the fourth floor door.  Nothing there for you.  THADDEUS   She just tryin to help. MADAME   One brisk step in front of another-- CAROL   [getting agitated]  But it's like-- it's like she's trying to hypnotize me! SOUND   Knocking on door, slightly louder. MADAME   Passing the baby carriage the Joneses leave tucked into the corner of the third floor landing-- THADDEUS   Don' know nothin 'bout that, but I spect she think it'a help you 'member what happened. MADAME   All the way around to the next set of stairs-- CAROL   STOP IT.  I don't want to be hypnotized!  I don't want to--  [pain] Aaagh!  Whatever happened, I don't want to remember it, you hear?  Do you HEAR me? SOUND   Muffled and distant:  Strange thumping and crashing noises.  Particularly, a noise like someone pounding on a door, and a crash of a broken glass.   SCENE 3.   THADDEUS   Shh, listen, miss Carol.  Shh. CAROL   What was that?  Something broke? THADDEUS   Don't pay it no mind.  They's some noisy neighbors in this building. CAROL   But-- It's-- it's gone now. THADDEUS   Yes'm.  Never lasts.  Just so long as someone done got a mad on.  Then it blow over.  CAROL   Oh. THADDEUS   You gon' try and answer the lady, now? CAROL   What?  No, no Thaddeus, I can't.  I don't remember anything, and when I try, oh, it hurts!  THADDEUS   Look around.  Ain't no one here gon' hurt you, and that there pain in your side - well, a bruise is jest a bruise, ain't it?  Whatever caused it, that's all over now, and you safe.  CAROL   Safe? THADDEUS   I swear'n I won't let no one touch you.  The lady, she jest tryin to find out what you know so's the police can stop this fella. CAROL   Oh.  Yes, you said she's with the police. THADDEUS   Since I never saw none of his face, you the only one who can help.  You got to help stop this fella. CAROL   She looks -- awfully tired. THADDEUS   [gently]  You been wearin her out a bit with your temper.   SCENE 4.   CAROL   Oh.  I'll try and do better.  You're-- sure it's safe? THADDEUS   She said you the projector, miss Carol, you can-- MADAME    [a bit gravelly]  Shall we continue?  Ahem.  [normal, not sing song] Carol.  If you will not help, please let me know.  I want to work you through this, but your resistance-- CAROL   I just don't know what I can do!  I'm frustrated too, you know.  I can't remember a thing about--  [realizing]  Oh. MADAME   Yes?  Continue. CAROL   I was in a hurry.  On my way to a job interview.  Or was that Tuesday? MADAME   Yesterday was Tuesday, yes. CAROL   Oh!  So I was dashing down the stairs, quick as I could -- I'm faster than the elevator, you see.  That old thing.  [chuckles]  I swear it's pulled by mice. THADDEUS    [chuckles] MADAME   Can you remember how far you got?  Did you reach the second floor landing? CAROL   Second floor.  Hmm.  I -- yes!  Little Billy from 203 keeps dropping gum wrappers in there, and I was thinking--  [gasp of pain] MADAME   [gasp of pain] SOUND   distant, barrage of knocks on a door. THADDEUS   Miss Carol?  Miss Carol, come on -- you tough.  You can do this.  No old stitch gon' slow you down.  Here, take my hand.  Right there, now you squeeze.  Squeeze out all that bad old pain.  CAROL   No!  No, I-- THADDEUS   [hiss intake of breath]  Good.  You keep on squeezin long as you need.  CAROL   [several quick breaths, then one deep one]  I think  --  Thaddeus, I think that's when he hit me.  He must have hit me real hard. MADAME   [deep breath]  Carol.  I need to stop for now.  I will return soon.  While I'm gone, can you try and remember? CAROL   I'll try... MADAME   Goodbye.  [NO footsteps or door] SOUND   brief, vague rumble of voices, nothing clear.   SCENE 5.   CAROL   Are they having a party? THADDEUS   Who? CAROL   Your neighbors. THADDEUS   Might could be.  You doin' all right? CAROL   Sorry to be such a baby about all this.  When it hurts - well it really hurts. THADDEUS   I know.  Get myself the same thing in my neck sometimes. CAROL   Oh?  [beat, changing subject]  So, do you know her?  The woman asking the questions? THADDEUS    A bit.  She Madame Foulet and work for police, I do know that.  Some years back, she asked me a coupla questions.  CAROL   About what? THADDEUS    Somethin I seen ... way back when.  CAROL   She seems kind of old to be a police matron or whatever she is.  THADDEUS   She one of a kind, I guess.  they cain't afford to retire her. CAROL   Is she a hypnotist?  Was I right? THADDEUS   I don' know nothin about that, miss.  I spect you probly mostly right. CAROL   [decisive]  Well.  If I want this guy caught - and boy do I want him caught, especially if he's the one who killed all those girls - I better get cracking and remember something. SOUND   pacing footsteps CAROL   In the movies, if you hit your head and get amnesia, you can hit your head again to get your memory back.  THADDEUS   I don' guess it work that way in real life, miss. CAROL   I have got to stop being a whiny baby about this - after all, I survived, didn't I? THADDEUS   [dubious]  Well-- CAROL   So, it's all in the past and I shouldn't be frightened.  Oh.  SOUND:     PACING STOPS CAROL   Unless he decides to come back -- to make sure I can't identify him. THADDEUS   He won't never find you now.  I promise you that. CAROL   Really?  You didn't...  THADDEUS   Din't what, miss? CAROL   No, no.  You said you never even-- THADDEUS   [amused]  You thinkin I mighta kilt him?  I know I'm a big fella, but I cain't-- CAROL   I meant it as a compliment. THADDEUS   I guess so.  CAROL   Did you have to ... fight him off?  I mean, to save me? THADDEUS    [distinctly uncomfortable]  Nah.  When he caught sight a me, he jest run.  CAROL   [smiling]  You do look pretty intimidating. THADDEUS   Nah.  Look, you should be tryin' t'member-- CAROL   [sigh]  I know, but this takes my mind off it.  I figure, it's like a word at the tip of your tongue.  When you THINK about it SO HARD that you feel like your brain may be squeezed out your ears, it never comes.  Then, the minute your mind is off it, voila!  The word tumbles right out. THADDEUS   That sounds 'bout right. CAROL   I need to get into the stairwell.  That'll really jog my memory. SOUND   Rapid footsteps.  Doorknob turns, but doesn't open. CAROL   What?  Why is the door locked?  THADDEUS   I reckon it's jest stuck, miss.  [worried] But you really don' wanna go into the stairwell.  I- I promise you that. CAROL   Open this door!  I don't like being locked in here-- THADDEUS   With me? CAROL   What?  No, no.  No-- It's got nothing to do with you, Thaddeus.  I like you.  I just [SOUND: pounds once on door] don't [pound] like [pound, weakening] being [more of a smack] locked [tap] in [tap].   SCENE 6.   MADAME   [slightly off mike] Good.  We can begin again. CAROL   What?  Where'd she...? THADDEUS   Madame said she jest needed a lil break.  She didn't say she was goin' off no place. CAROL   But she was gone. THADDEUS   It's real dark in here.  I never heared her go.  CAROL   Then she must have listened to everything we said. THADDEUS   I spect she jest shut up her eyes and her ears and took a lil nap, miss.  MADAME   May we proceed? CAROL   [sigh] Yes.  [fierce] Yeah, I want this fiend drawn and quartered! SOUND   distant brief chuckle, like several people in another room. MADAME   Now, Carol.  We'll start with something easy.  I want you to be comfortable.  I want you to remember something very pleasant.  CAROL   Pleasant? MADAME   Think back to a time when you were happy. CAROL   [thinking]  Oh! No, no - that's too silly.  MADAME   The first thing that comes to mind, Carol. CAROL   Well, I was very sick once, when I was little - measles, I think, but I don't remember too well - Just the itching.  Oh, how it itched!  Mama gave me sweet tea each night she came home and didn't see any scratches on me.  If I could just control myself, I could have sweet tea.  [pause] Of course, I fooled her - I learned to scratch around. THADDEUS   Scratch around? CAROL   Yes.  Maybe it was chicken pox.  But anyway, if you scratch around the spots, it stops some of the itch, but doesn't look like you've been scratching.  THADDEUS   Your best memory is of feelin poorly? CAROL   No, don't be silly.  She just asked me for a memory of a happy time, and it was... oddly enough.  I got sweet tea, AND I fooled my mother.  [giggle] SOUND   distant chuckles CAROL   Sounds like they're having a whale of a time over there. MADAME   Very good Carol.  You sound like you feel better now.  I need you to keep this feeling of well-being with you while we try again. CAROL   I still don't think it will work. THADDEUS   Try. CAROL   All right. MADAME   Ignore any pain.  Ignore any fear.  Ignore any interruptions.  Ignore any distractions.  We must find this man.  We must find him and stop him.  [beat]  You have just reached the second floor landing.  What do you see, Carol? CAROL   [breathing rapidly]  I see the gum wrappers.  Little brat.  Then a shadow.  I hardly ever see people - oh! - on the stairs.  [groans]  MADAME   Continue, please. THADDEUS   Take my hand, Carol, jest like before.  Thass a girl. SOUND   very distant knocking and shuffling noises. CAROL   [whining gasp, obviously in pain]  I turn around, and there's a flash - like sunlight on water.  MADAME   Ignore the flash.  Look only at the face.  SOUND   knocking and shuffling noises get louder, nearer. CAROL   No!  No I can't  - it hurts too much! THADDEUS   Yes you can.  You gots to.  You the only one left behind - none of them other girls can say nothin, but you - you got yourself a chance to be a hero, now.  CAROL   Are you sure he can't come back and get me? SOUND   glass breaks THADDEUS   Sure as I'm sittin here wit you, miss.  He cain't never even touch you - no way, no how. MADAME   Carol!  Stop the movie!  You need to stop it and look!  Break the film in your mind, so there IS NO END.  Nothing but the face. CAROL   No, I can't! SOUND   heavy pounding, neighbors getting upset. THADDEUS   Shh.  Shh.  You takin my hand right off, miss Carol. SOUND   ALL sounds stop abruptly. CAROL   It's a knife, isn't it? THADDEUS   Yes. CAROL    He's holding a knife, but it's on my right - my right...  Oh No!  Oh, Thaddeus, I'm-- SOUND   distant knocking begins again. THADDEUS   That ain't nothing, miss Carol.  You gots to see it's just hysteria. SOUND   Knocking gets louder CAROL   [in tears]  But I'm bleeding!  I have to get to a doctor! THADDEUS   They ain't no blood, miss.  Not a chance of it.  It's all in ya' head, see? CAROL   No, look, my side, it hurts-- THADDEUS   Shh.  I don' see no blood. SOUND   knocking begins to recede CAROL    No blood? THADDEUS   Not a bit of it.  CAROL   [deep breath]  All right.  [realization]  Oh!  But if I saw a knife in his hand, on my right, then he must be left-handed!  That's important, isn't it? MADAME   [very tired]  Very ...good.  I must have another rest.  We shall speak again.  Goodbye.   SCENE 7.    CAROL   How does she do that? THADDEUS   What? CAROL   She just -- it was like she just wrapped some of the darkness around her and vanished. THADDEUS   She probly jest turned off a light.  You doin all right? CAROL   No.  My side hurts.  I want to go home. THADDEUS   Got to finish first.  This GOT to be done. CAROL   I know, but-- [begins to weep] THADDEUS   I shore do like that song Poor Papa you sing sometimes. CAROL   [surprised]  What?  THADDEUS   I heared you sing it over and over one day, so I got it near enough memorized myself. CAROL   [sniffs, but no longer crying]  I was getting ready for an audition.  No one can hear me in the stairwell, so it doesn't bother anyone if I practice there.  THADDEUS   And that song -- that song is jest plain funny.  When mama gets to ride in the car-- CAROL   [cheering up] Oh, yes, when "papa bought a limousine, the most expensive kind, now he wears a chauffeur's suit, and mama rides behind!" THADDEUS   [laughing]  Thassa one, thassa one gets me every time.  One tough female, mama is. CAROL   You really listen to me? THADDEUS   Whenever I hears you in the stair, I'm there quick as all get out, tucked up high so's not to bother you or, well, make you afeared. CAROL   Oh, I'm not afraid of you. THADDEUS    You probly would be if'n we hadn't talked first.  CAROL   [beat] I wish I could say you were wrong.  [deep breath]  Thank you. THADDEUS   Fer what? CAROL   For the distraction. THADDEUS   [teasing]  Is that what I's doin?  I thought I was complimentin you on your singin, thass all. CAROL   Don't act dopey.  THADDEUS   You up to tryin again?  CAROL   Maybe...  Should we see if she'll come back? THADDEUS   Nah.  Jest try right here.  Maybe SHE the one makin it hard fer you to think.  You come up with somethin now, you can always tell her when she come back. SOUND   PACING CAROL   [beat]  This is futile. THADDEUS   Nah-- CAROL   [revving up]  Futile.  Pointless!  Hopeless!  THADDEUS   You know what you needs?  You needs to scratch around. CAROL   What? THADDEUS   You cain't scratch the spot what itches, cause that jest get you into trouble.  Scratch around.  CAROL   [realizing]  Thaddeus, you're brilliant!  [beat]  But, how CAN I think around--?  THADDEUS   Mebbe... you ever see them funny pictures with an artist, and he holdin up his thumb?  How bout if you hold up ya' thumb - block out the part you gots to scratch around. CAROL   I think I see -- Just look at the edges, because the middle is too scary. THADDEUS   Yes'm. CAROL   I see the door to the second floor hallway.  It's off to my left.  I see the light fixture on the wall. THADDEUS   Don' worry about no lights. CAROL   Right.  I see a [deep breath] a hat - no a cap, like a deliveryman would wear.  It's [breathes quickly for a moment]  blue- I think it's blue-- SOUND   Thud, like a body drop. THADDEUS   Calm now, Miss Carol. CAROL   --and hair, blonde?  Or maybe light brown.    SCENE 8.   MADAME   Be calm, Carol. CAROL   Yes, a deliveryman.  I remember!  I was thinking it must have been a small package, since he was coming up the stairs instead of the elevator, when-- [hollow, pained] oh! SOUND   LOUDEST thumpings and rattlings yet.  they CONTINUE until noted. CAROL   Oh! THADDEUS   S'all right. CAROL   Oh!  No, but Thaddeus-- THADDEUS   I understand.  I promise you, I do. CAROL   But-- SOUND   CRASH OF GLASS. CROWD   [reactions - gasps, a scream.] CAROL   But, he ... he killed me, didn't he?  [beat] Didn't he Thaddeus? SOUND   Deep creaking & cracking noises. CROWD   [reacts again] MADAME   Carol.  I need to end this now.  Goodbye. SOUND   Sudden silence.   SCENE 9.   CAROL   Thaddeus? THADDEUS   Yes, miss Carol? CAROL   [calm] I'm right, aren't I? THADDEUS   I spect you'd rather not be, but -- yes.  You dead, too. CAROL   Too? THADDEUS   I wished I coulda stopped him, I truly do - but they ain't nothin much a ghost can do!  Jest makin him see me was hard enough, and I was ... too late... CAROL   But, what do I do now?  Do I go somewhere? THADDEUS   [rueful laugh] If'n I had an answer fer that, miss Carol, I spect I wouldn't be here talkin wit' you. MUSIC   SCENE 10.   TOUR GUIDE   [clearly reading]  And here we are at stop number 12 on the haunted hotel tour, the Garibaldi Residential Suites -- rumored to be home to a plethora of ghosts, including a baby in the basement, a chain rattling spook in suite 405, a runaway slave, and the poor girl who was the final victim of the stairway stabber - and can sometimes be heard singing in the stairwells. MUSIC OLIVIA   Now that you know how to find us, you'll have to come back.  Maybe next week?  Don't be a stranger - we have enough of those already...   "Poor Papa" lyrics by Billy Rose, 1926.     ******************************************

*** Udsendelsen er sponseret af Sport24 og Asics *** Løbeskolen er en podcastserie over ti afsnit, der gør dig til en bedre, klogere og mere motiveret løber samt forhåbentlig mindre skadet. Igennem ti afsnit kommer vi igennem grundlæggende elementer i din løbetræning så som intervaltræning, løbeteknik, styrketræning osv. En del af udsendelserne kan høres i ”real time”, dvs. du kan træne passet, imens du lytter. Udsendelsen varer simpelthen de minutter, du skal træne, og vi guider dig undervejs i, hvad du skal lave. Din opgave er i princippet bare at adlyde, hvad der bliver sagt, og så ellers rykke dig som løber. Denne udsendelsen er et bonusafsnit, hvor du kan høre mange af de bedste råd fra udsendelse nummer 4 -8. Gode råd kan du ikke høre nok. I udsendelsen kan du blive klogere på følgende: - De lange ture - Bakketræning - Tempotræning - Alternativ træning. Undervejs møder du følgende løbeeksperter, der alle er en del af Asics Frontrunner team: Eliteløber: Jesper Faurschou Fysioterapeut og løber: Michelle Poulsen Løbetræner og løber: Michele Brock Eliteløber og løbetræner: Julie Mathiasen Nijhuis Speaker: Henrik Them

IntroducereAstăzi aș dori să vorbesc despre un subiect de mare interes în rândul creștinilor, și anume, despre cum să auzi vocea lui Dumnezeu. În ciuda abundenței de materiale și predici creștine disponibile astăzi, mulți credincioși încă se luptă să audă vocea lui Dumnezeu și au o dorință sinceră de a ști cum vorbește Dumnezeu poporului Său în Noul Testament. În discuția noastră de astăzi, voi încerca să ofer răspunsuri la 5 întrebări: „De ce avem nevoie să-L auzim pe Dumnezeu? Vorbește Dumnezeu astăzi tuturor credincioșilor născuți din nou sau numai anumitor oameni care sunt mai sfinți sau aleși de El? Cum vorbește Dumnezeu? Cum putem discerne vocea lui Dumnezeu dintre toate celelalte voci? și Ce putem face pentru a învăța mai repede să auzim vocea lui Dumnezeu?” 1. De ce avem nevoie să auzim vocea lui Dumnezeu?Unii credincioși poate se întreabă de ce ar trebui să audă vreodată vocea lui Dumnezeu în viața lor. La ce i-ar ajuta? Este auzirea vocii lui Dumnezeu ceva de importanță vitală care merită atenția, timpul și efortul nostru sau este doar o abilitate bună de avut pentru orice eventualitate? Ei bine, există multe avantaje extraordinare în auzirea vocii lui Dumnezeu. În primul rând, te va proteja de multe decizii, situații, oameni sau lucruri negative care ar putea încerca să vină în viața ta. În al doilea rând, te va ajuta să vezi multe oportunități și să îți deschidă uși pentru a fi binecuvântat și de a deveni o binecuvântare pentru alți oameni. În al treilea rând, îți va îndrepta pașii către destinul și chemarea ta pe acest pământ, astfel încât să împlinești cât mai mult din ceea ce Dumnezeu a plănuit pentru tine și viața ta. În al patrulea rând, te va încuraja și te va întări în spiritul și credința ta în acele momente în care te vei simți slab sau descurajat. Auzirea lui Dumnezeu este vitală pentru a duce o viață de glorie continuă, victorie, succes, pace, bucurie, sănătate, bunăstare și prosperitate aici pe pământ. 2. Cui vorbește Dumnezeu?În Noul Testament, Dumnezeu vrea să vorbească și le vorbește tuturor credincioșilor născuți din nou. Acest lucru este diferit de Vechiul Testament, unde Dumnezeu a vorbit doar anumitor oameni aleși de El. Poate te vei întreba, de ce este așa? Lucrurile stau în felul acesta deoarece în Vechiul Testament toți oamenii erau sub autoritatea întunericului. Isus nu murise încă pe cruce și Duhul Sfânt nu locuia încă în ființele umane în mod permanent. Duhul Sfânt era dat din când în când anumitor oameni în măsuri parțiale și pentru misiuni specifice și temporare. Cu alte cuvinte, Duhul Sfânt venea și pleca. Însă, în Noul Testament, Duhul lui Dumnezeu a fost trimis în lăuntrul credincioșilor pentru a fi în ei și cu ei pentru totdeauna. Vedem aceasta în Ioan 14:16-17 și în 1 Corinteni 6:19: Ioan 14:16-17 (NTR)16 Iar Eu Îl voi ruga pe Tatăl şi El vă va da un alt Apărător, Care să fie cu voi în veac, şi anume 17 Duhul adevărului, pe Care lumea nu-L poate primi, pentru că nici nu-L vede, nici nu-L cunoaşte. Voi Îl cunoaşteţi, pentru că rămâne cu voi şi va fi în voi. 1 Corinteni 6:19 (NTR)19 Sau oare nu ştiţi că trupul vostru este templul Duhului Sfânt Care este în voi, pe Care-L aveţi de la Dumnezeu, şi că voi nu sunteţi ai voştri?  Dumnezeu vorbește întotdeauna tuturor credincioșilor în Cristos și aceasta este ceva normal. Aceasta ar trebui să fie o normalitate zilnică pentru creștini și nu ceva anormal care se întâmplă din când în când în unele momente de ungere foarte speciale. Fiecare credincios în Cristos are capacitatea de a-L auzi pe Dumnezeu. Dumnezeu vrea să ne vorbească mult mai mult decât suntem noi gata să-L auzim. De fapt, El vorbește mult mai mult decât auzim noi. Să vedem ce ne spune Ioan 10:27, Ioan 14:26, Ioan 16:13 despre auzirea vocii lui Dumnezeu: Ioan 10:27 (NTR)27 Oile Mele ascultă glasul Meu; Eu le cunosc, iar ele Mă urmează. Ioan 14:26 (NTR)26 Dar Apărătorul, adică Duhul Sfânt, pe Care Tatăl Îl va trimite în Numele Meu, vă va învăţa toate lucrurile şi vă va reaminti tot ce v-am spus. Ioan 16:13 (NTR)13 Însă când va veni El, Duhul adevărului, vă va călăuzi în tot adevărul. Căci El nu va vorbi de la Sine, ci va vorbi tot ceea ce va auzi şi vă va anunţa lucrurile ce urmează să vină. Oile lui Cristos aud și recunosc glasul Lui. Duhul Sfânt din noi ne va învăța toate lucrurile, ne va călăuzi în tot adevărul și ne va anunța anumite lucruri din viitor. Acestea nu sunt toate stipulate în Biblie, ci Duhul Sfânt ni le va vorbi direct nouă. Dacă mergem mai departe, un alt lucru important este că nu e suficient să știm că Dumnezeu vorbește și că este normal pentru credincioși să-L audă. Noi trebuie să și căutăm să-I auzim vocea, să fim preocupați de acest lucru și trebuie să ne reglăm mintea la frecvența spirituală corectă, cam în același mod în care căutăm un canal radio până când găsim frecvența potrivită. Atâta timp cât poți trăi fără să auzi vocea lui Dumnezeu, vei continua să faci asta. Însă nu va fi în avantajul tău. În Ieremia 29:11-13, Dumnezeu vorbește poporului Său prin profetul Ieremia următoarele:  Ieremia 29:11-13 (NTR)11 Căci Eu cunosc planurile pe care le am cu privire la voi, zice Domnul, planuri de pace şi nu de nenorocire, ca să vă dau un viitor şi o nădejde. 12 Mă veţi chema şi veţi veni să vă rugaţi Mie, iar Eu vă voi asculta. 13 Mă veţi căuta şi Mă veţi găsi, dacă Mă veţi căuta din toată inima. Noi trebuie să ne luăm timp pentru a ne liniști mintea și a reduce la minim volumul tuturor celorlalte voci pentru a putea auzi acel murmur suav al vocii Sale. Trebuie să ne deconectăm frecvent de la zgomotul zilnic, să ne retragem în noi înșine și să medităm la cine suntem în Cristos, unde mergem, ce facem, cum facem anumite lucruri, de ce le facem așa și așa mai departe. Trebuie să ne obișnuim să medităm la Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu. O dată făceam un test-drive la o mașină nouă pentru a o cumpăra și, în timp ce o conduceam, se auzea destul de tare vâjâitul vântului de afară chiar și cu geamurile închise. Și tocmai acesta era unul din lucrurile pe care le căutam la o următoare mașină nouă, acela de a auzi cât mai puțin zgomot posibil de afară. Așa că am întrebat-o pe doamna care făcea testul cu noi de ce se aude așa tare zgomotul de afară din moment ce aceasta era o mașină nouă, la care ea a răspuns cu o față foarte serioasă: „Să știți că dacă dați muzica mai tare, nu veți mai auzi niciun zgomot de vânt de afară”. Nu mi-am putut da seama dacă această doamnă glumea sau chiar vorbea serios când a spus asta. Nici nu știam cum să reacționez la o asemenea replică. Ideea este că, atâta timp cât avem alte voci mai puternice în viața noastră, va fi dificil, dacă nu imposibil, să auzim vocea lui Dumnezeu. Și în zilele noastre, vocile s-au multiplicat exponențial: prin internet și rețelele de socializare, telefoane mobile, divertisment media digital și tot felul de gadget-uri. În calitate de credincioși, în această vreme trebuie să fim mai intenționați ca oricând în a auzi vocea lui Dumnezeu, dacă vrem cu adevărat să-L auzim. Și retragerea din activitățile zilnice nu ar trebui să fie foarte dificilă sau complicată. Nu vorbesc aici despre ceva super spiritual în care să îți iei un timp special mai lung în tăcere și departe de toată lumea, deși și aceste timpuri sunt recomandate când se poate. Însă majoritatea dintre noi avem multe activități și muncă și trebui să integrăm cumva acest obicei în rutina noastră zilnică astfel încât să curgă natural. Nu trebuie să fie întotdeauna un timp special, dar în mintea ta trebuie să fii sensibil, să iei un pas înapoi des și să te gândești la lucruri, la situații prin care treci, să le  analizezi, să asculți o predică, să îți pui întrebări, să meditezi la Cuvânt, și lucruri de genul acesta. Și acest lucru poate fi făcut foarte natural când conduci mașina, când ești în mijloacele de transport în comun, când ai un timp de pauză la servici, când pregătești mâncarea, etc.  3. Cum vorbește Dumnezeu?Primul mod prin care Dumnezeu vorbește fiilor și fiicelor Sale este Cuvântul Său sau Cuvântul lui Cristos. A.     Prin Cuvântul lui DumnezeuNu ne putem aștepta să auzim vocea lui Dumnezeu atât de mult în moduri specifice până când nu știm foarte bine ceea ce El a spus deja în Cuvântul Său. Trebuie să petrecem timp în Cuvântul Său. Când vorbesc despre Cuvântul lui Cristos, nu mă refer la reîmprospătarea minții noastre cu ceea ce Dumnezeu așteaptă de la noi din punct de vedere moral, ci la învățarea din Cuvânt a cine suntem în Cristos, care este identitatea noastră ca nouă creație, ce moștenire am primit, care sunt drepturile și responsabilitățile noastre în tărâmul spiritual, cum funcționează lumea spirituală și legile spirituale, care este inima lui Dumnezeu, căile Sale de a face lucrurile, natura Sa, caracterul Său, perspectivele Sale asupra lucrurilor și valorile Sale. Și a fi continuu în Cuvânt nu este greu. Trebuie doar să ne formăm un obicei consistent de a citi personal Cuvântul, de a asculta învățături biblice și predici și de a memora versete care se aplică noii creații.Cu cât avem mai mult Cuvânt în noi, cu atât mai mult vom deveni una în gând și inimă cu Dumnezeu. Vom ști ce să facem în multe situații chiar și fără a primi un cuvânt special de la Dumnezeu. De exemplu, de multe ori eu pot lua o decizie pentru familia noastră chiar și fără ca soția mea să fie acolo prezentă și știu sigur dacă va fi sau nu de acord cu decizia mea, pentru că o cunosc foarte bine. Petrecem mult timp împreună. Și același lucru este valabil și pentru ea și pentru mulți dintre voi. Cuvântul va acționa și ca punct de control pentru toate celelalte voci pe care le auzim. Uneori am putea crede că am auzit ceva de la Dumnezeu care contrazice ceea ce El a spus deja clar în Cuvântul Său. De exemplu, Dumnezeu nu îți va spune niciodată să divorțezi de soție și să mergi cu altcineva. Alteori, așteptăm să auzim un răspuns de la Dumnezeu cu privire la o situație despre care El ne-a spus deja în Cuvântul Său că avem răspunsul, cum ar fi lipsa de pace, boala, lipsa financiară și așa mai departe. În toate aceste situații, avem o problemă de cunoaștere. 2 Petru 1:2-3 spune următorul lucru: 2 Petru 1:2-3 (NTR)2 harul şi pacea să vă fie înmulţite prin cunoaşterea lui Dumnezeu şi a lui Isus, Domnul nostru!3 Dumnezeiasca Lui putere ne-a dăruit toate lucrurile necesare pentru viaţă şi evlavie, prin cunoaşterea CeluiCe ne-a chemat prin slava şi virtutea Lui. Mulți oameni se roagă pentru pace în familiile lor, pace în ceea ce privește finanțele, pentru sănătatea și viitorul lor, dar nu au cunoștințele necesare și adecvate despre Dumnezeu, care să le ofere pacea pe care o caută fără să aștepte să primească ceva de la Dumnezeu. Pacea nu va veni peste tine dintr-o dată ca o pătură supranaturală, ci vine prin cunoașterea Lui. Dacă ai o problemă de pace în viața ta este pentru că ai o problemă de cunoaștere. Același lucru este valabil dacă ai o boală sau o problemă financiară. Osea 4:6 spune că poporul lui Dumnezeu piere din lipsă de cunoaștere, nu din lipsă de putere sau de rugăciune. Romani 8:6 (BTF2015)6 Fiindcă a gândi carnal este moarte; dar a gândi spiritual, viață și pace. Gândirea carnală nu se referă doar la lucruri păcătoase, ci la modul de a gândi în toate lucrurile vieții. A avea o gândire spirituală înseamnă să gândești conform Cuvântului și principiilor sale în toate deciziile și abordarea vieții tale. Gândirea spirituală îți oferă viață și pace. Aceasta e ceea ce Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu spune. B.      Prin vocea interioară a mințiiCând poporul lui Dumnezeu a trecut de la Vechiul Testament la Noul Testament au avut loc niște schimbări semnificative în relația dintre Dumnezeu și ființele umane. Aproape tot ce ține de viața creștină s-a schimbat într-un fel sau altul: postul și rugăciunea, închinarea, profeticul, autoritatea, felul în care Dumnezeu se raportează la oameni, și așa mai departe. Din păcate, mulți credincioși trăiesc încă în Vechiul Testament și infuzează gândirea Vechiului Testament în Noul Testament. Modul în care Dumnezeu vorbește în mod specific poporului Său este un astfel de domeniu care s-a schimbat semnificativ în Noul Testament.În Vechiul Testament, Dumnezeu a vorbit poporului Său de cele mai multe ori (dacă nu tot timpul) printr-o o voce auzibilă și din exteriorul persoanei, deoarece oamenii nu aveau Duhul Sfânt în ei. Dumnezeu trimitea mesajele Sale și prin apariții îngerești. Profeții trebuiau să primească și să transmită mesajele de la Dumnezeu foarte exact. Era ca o transă spirituală în care intrau. Și dacă ceva din ceea ce spuneau nu se împlinea, erau considerați profeți falși și uneori uciși. Însă, în Noul Testament, Dumnezeu vorbește în interiorul nostru, în mintea noastră conștientă, și prin intuiție, impresii, imagini, viziuni, precum și anumite sentimente sau vise de noapte. Este ca o comunicare telepatică prin care ne trezim deodată că știm anumite lucruri în intuiția noastră fără să știm de unde au venit. Uneori avem un sentiment bun sau un sentiment rău în legătură cu o situație sau cu o persoană. În Noul Testament, vocea lui Dumnezeu trece prin sufletul nostru (emoții, rațiune, personalitate) și ne vorbește prin pronumele la persoana întâi. Ne folosește urechea și vocea noastră interioară, de parcă ar fi vocea noastră, ideile și dorințele noastre. De aceea, de multe ori, vocea lui Dumnezeu în viața noastră este confundată cu propria noastră voce și este imediat respinsă fără să ne dăm seama că Dumnezeu ne vorbește și acelea nu sunt doar propriile noastre idei. Voi da aici exemplele preotului Caiafa și ale apostolului Petru care au vorbit ceva despre care au crezut că este de la ei, când de fapt era de la Duhul lui Dumnezeu: Ioan 11:49-52 (NTR)49 Însă unul dintre ei, Caiafa, care era mare preot în anul acela, le-a zis:– Voi nu ştiţi nimic!50 Nu vă daţi seama că este mai de folos pentru voi să moară un singur om pentru popor şi să nu piară întregul neam?!51 Dar nu a spus lucrul acesta de la el, ci, fiind mare preot în anul acela, a profeţit că Isus urma să moară pentru neam52 şi nu numai pentru neam, ci şi ca să-i adune laolaltă pe copiii lui Dumnezeu cei risipiţi. Matei 16:15-17 (NTR)15 – Dar voi cine ziceţi că sunt Eu? i-a mai întrebat El.16 Simon Petru a răspuns:– Tu eşti Cristosul, Fiul Dumnezeului celui Viu!17 Isus i-a zis:– Ferice de tine, Simone, fiul lui Iona, pentru că nu carnea şi sângele ţi-au descoperit lucrul acesta, ci Tatăl Meu, Care este în ceruri. Deoarece Dumnezeu folosește vocea noastră interioară atunci când vorbește, avem nevoie de credință pentru a acționa pe baza a ceea ce credem că am primit de la Dumnezeu. Uneori, nu avem întreaga imagine și trebuie doar să facem primul pas în credință. Evrei 11:6 spune că fără credință este imposibil să-i fim plăcuți lui Dumnezeu. La început, s-ar putea să nu distingem întotdeauna corect ceea ce primim de la Dumnezeu, dar chiar și atunci când greșim, Dumnezeu va aprecia credința noastră de a acționa și va găsi modalități de a ne readuce pe calea cea bună. De asemenea, prin practică pas cu pas vom învăța să recunoaștem vocea Lui din ce în ce mai clar.Poate te întrebi: „Dar de ce este așa în Noul Testament?” Acest lucru se datorează faptului că la nivel spiritual, prin nașterea din nou, am devenit un singur spirit cu spiritul lui Cristos:  1 Corinteni 6:17 (NTR)17 Dar cel ce se alipeşte de Domnul este un singur duh cu El. Cei născuți din nou au mintea lui Cristos: 1 Corinteni 2:16 (BTF2015)16 Fiindcă cine a cunoscut mintea Domnului, ca să îi dea învățătură? Noi însă avem mintea lui Cristos. Mulți credincioși cred că a avea mintea lui Cristos este așa o metaforă, un proces, un ideal și că se referă la a gândi moral ca Dumnezeu. Însă, nu este așa. Cu siguranță există un proces de integrare al minții lui Cristos în viețile noastre, dar există și ceva real care a avut loc deja. La nivel de subconștient al minților noastre, mintea lui Cristos Însuși a fost etern conectată la mintea noastră în momentul mântuirii. Acum avem acces la modul în care gândește Cristos în fiecare situație. Caroline Leaf, o femeie de știință creștină în neurologie cerebrală, spune că ființele umane, și mai ales credincioșii născuți din nou, sunt implicați în două lumi în același timp. Ei sunt cu un picior în tărâmul spiritual prin mintea subconștientă, unde are loc activitatea spirituală și cu celălalt picior în tărâmul fizic prin mintea conștientă și prin trupul fizic. Ea mai spune că mintea conștientă funcționează la o viteză de 2000 de acțiuni pe secundă, în timp ce mintea subconștientă funcționează la o viteză de 400 de miliarde de acțiuni pe secundă, care este o viteză cuantică uluitoare de natură spirituală, ce nu a fost niciodată reprodusă în lumea fizică de către o ființă umană. Biblia spune următoarele în Coloseni 2:2-3 și 1 Ioan 2:20: Coloseni 2:2-3 (NTR)2 ca inimile lor să fie încurajate, unite în dragoste şi să aibă bogăţiile depline ale înţelegerii complete, pentru a cunoaşte taina lui Dumnezeu, şi anume pe Cristos, 3 în Care sunt ascunse toate bogăţiile înţelepciunii şi ale cunoaşterii. 1 Ioan 2:20 (BTF2015)20 Dar voi aveți o ungere de la Cel Sfânt și cunoașteți toate lucrurile. O dată ce am intrat în Cristos, am primit acces în mintea noastră la toate bogățiile cunoașterii și înțelepciunii lui Dumnezeu, dar acel acces este la nivel de subconștient și trebuie să scoatem la suprafață acele lucruri de care avem nevoie pentru fiecare situație în mintea noastră conștientă, astfel încât să putem beneficia de ele. Este ca și cum am avea o fântână vastă de viață și cunoaștere în noi, în stomacul nostru sau în zona intestinală, de unde scoatem apa vie a răspunsurilor și a puterii pentru orice situație dată. Acesta este sistemul nervos enteric din zona intestinală, unde simțim prima dată orice sentiment de frică sau stres. Aceasta este și zona intuiției. Caroline Leaf și alți oameni de știință numesc acest sistem, care este conectat la mintea subconștientă, al doilea creier. Și aici intră în joc discuția despre rugăciunea în limbi. Avem în noi o fântână numită fântâna mântuirii care izvorăște în râuri de apă vie.Dacă vă amintiți de începuturile Internetului când a apărut Google pentru prima dată și căutam un anumit cuvânt sau subiect, primeam foarte puține rezultate, deoarece cunoștințele de pe Internet erau încă limitate și rare. Însă, după câțiva ani, dacă mergeți astăzi pe Internet pentru a căuta ceva, veți găsi mii de resurse și link-uri pe orice subiect. De ce? Pentru că informațiile disponibile pe Internet au devenit atât de vaste aproape peste noapte. Îmi amintesc când am cumpărat pentru prima oară Logos Bible Software pentru școala biblică, aveam doar pachetele Starter și Bronze. Și când căutam ceva în interiorul acelei aplicații Logos, obțineam doar câteva resurse. Mai târziu, am trecut la pachetele Silver și Gold și, dintr-o dată, s-a deschis o lume cu totul nouă. Era ca un portal către noi cunoștințe. Acum, când am căutam același lucru, obțineam mult mai multe resurse și lexicoane grecești și tot felul de comentarii asupra unui subiect. La fel, când intrăm în Cristos, ni se acordă acces de nivel de platină sau diamant (dacă aș putea spune așa) la cunoștințe divine și acestea le accesăm prin reînnoirea minții noastre cu Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu și prin vorbirea în limbi în mod regulat. În acest fel, când auzi o predică sau când citești o carte sau când analizezi o situație, dintr-o dată vei vedea și percepe lucruri care ție ți se vor părea normale, triviale și naturale și pe care de cele mai multe ori le vei trece cu vederea, dar acele lucruri nu sunt percepute de alte persoane. Acest lucru se întâmplă deoarece ai acces la o bază de date mult mai mare de cunoștințe, de înțelepciune divină și de revelație spirituală. Dar punctul pe care încerc să-l subliniez este că acele lucruri nu îți vor veni cu foc și tunete din cer, ci într-un mod foarte subtil și natural. C.      Prin rugăciune frecventă în limbiNu știu cum pot sublinia suficient de mult necesitatea credincioșilor de a se ruga în mod regulat în limbi și mai ales în situațiile în care au nevoie să-L audă pe Dumnezeu. Cu cât mai mult credincioșii se vor ruga în limbi, cu atât mai mult mintea lor va fi contopită cu mintea lui Cristos la nivel conștient și aceștia vor intra în așa-numita călăuzire inconștientă a Duhului. La acest nivel, majoritatea deciziilor, a lucrurilor pe care le vorbim, a locurilor unde mergem și a faptelor noastre vor fi în voia lui Dumnezeu în mod inconștient. Acest lucru este mult mai bun și mai de dorit, deoarece atunci când suntem plini în mod continuu de Duhul Sfânt prin rugăciunea în limbi (Efeseni 5:18), chiar și glumele noastre pot vorbi ceva cuiva din partea lui Dumnezeu. Romani 8:14 spune că toți aceia care sunt conduși de Duhul lui Dumnezeu (inconștient), sunt fiii lui Dumnezeu. Cuvântul grecesc folosit pentru “fii” acolo este huios, care înseamnă „fiii maturi ai lui Dumnezeu”, aceia care și-au reînnoit mintea cu Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu și care se roagă atât de mult în limbi încât literalmente au devenit una cu Duhul în realitate. Există și un alt cuvânt grecesc folosit pentru bebeluși sau copii în Cristos și acesta este nepios.Apostolul Pavel se ruga în limbi mai mult decât oricine. Nu este o surpriză faptul că a scris 3 sferturi din Noul Testament și a avut așa revelații ale harului direct de la Isus Cristos, pe care ceilalți apostoli nu le-au avut, deși au trăit cu Isus timp de 3 ani. În 1 Corinteni 14:15, Pavel a spus: 1 Corinteni 14:15 (NTR)15 Aşadar, ce voi face? Mă voi ruga cu duhul, dar mă voi ruga şi cu mintea, voi cânta laude cu duhul, dar voi cânta laude şi cu mintea. Expresiile „de asemenea” sau ”și cu” se aplică rugăciunii și cântării cu mintea sau înțelegerea. Cu alte cuvinte, acest tip de rugăciune și cântare este secundar. Principalul mod de a ne ruga și de a cânta ar trebui să fie cu duhul, adică în limbi. Cu toate acestea, din anumite motive, majoritatea a creștinilor tratează rugăciunea în limbi ca un fel de rugăciune secundară care apare ici și colo, numai în momentele pe care ei le consideră a fi „momente înalte în Duh” sau folosesc rugăciunea în limbi ca umplutură. Însă rugăciunea în limbi este primordială pentru că ea aduce mintea Duhului la suprafață. Romani 8:26-27 spune: Romani 8:26-27 (NTR)26 În acelaşi fel, Duhul ne ajută în slăbiciunea noastră, pentru că noi nu ştim cum ar trebui să ne rugăm, ci Duhul Însuşi mijloceşte cu suspine nerostite; 27 însă Cel Care cercetează inimile, cunoaşte care este gândirea Duhului, pentru că Acesta mijloceşte pentru sfinţi potrivit cu voia lui Dumnezeu. 1 Corinteni 14:4 spune că atunci când vorbim în limbi, ne zidim pe noi înșine. Care părți ale noastre sunt zidite? Trupurile noastre prin sănătate și mintea noastră prin reînnoire. Cu alte cuvinte, mințile și trupurile noastre se acordează, se aliniază și se conformează cu realitatea duhului din noi. Sfaturile de care ai nevoie cu privire la familia ta, în legătură cu ce servici să alegi, ce partener de viață să alegi, în ce direcție de slujire spirituală să mergi, care este chemarea și destinul tău, răspunsurile la toate acestea sunt deja în interiorul tău. Ele trebuie doar să fie scoase la iveală prin vorbirea în limbi.Uneori, când pierd un lucru și nu-l găsesc, mă rog în limbi și destul de repede îmi vine în minte o idee despre locul în care am plasat ultima dată acel lucru. La locul de muncă, când mă confrunt cu o provocare tehnică pe care nu știu cum să o rezolv, mă rog în limbi. Frumusețea este că, cu cât te obișnuiești mai mult să te rogi în limbi, cu atât mai mult răspunsurile supranaturale la problemele zilnice vor curge în mod natural din tine și îți vor veni în minte. La locul meu de muncă, am deja reputația de a rezolva probleme doar prin simpla mea prezență într-o conferință, fără să fac nimic și nu glumesc când afirm acest lucru. Colegii mei fac glume pe seama asta, dar pentru mine este foarte real. Mi s-a întâmplat de mai multe ori când diferiți oameni din companie au încercat zile întregi să rezolve o problemă și în cele din urmă au organizat o conferință cu mine pentru a explica problema și a vedea dacă pot ajuta în vreun fel. O dată ce intram în conferință și începeau să-mi explice problema, își dădeau seama că problema nu mai exista și mă întrebau dacă am făcut ceva la care le răspundeam că nu. Uneori, îmi trimiteau un email despre o anumită problemă pentru a o  examina și, fără să fac nimic, după câteva minute, îmi trimiteau alt email spunându-mi că problema a fost rezolvată și mă întrebau dacă am făcut ceva. Poate sună comic, dar aceasta a fost experiența mea de mai multe ori și acestea nu sunt singurele manifestări ale supranaturalului din viața mea. 4. Cum să discern vocea lui Dumnezeu?Primul mod de a discerne vocea lui Dumnezeu este prin Cuvântul Său. Cu cât avem mai mult Cuvânt în noi și cu cât ne rugăm mai mult în limbi, cu atât mai mult dorințele lui Dumnezeu vor deveni dorințele inimii noastre. În acest fel, putem deveni din ce în ce mai siguri că atunci când dorim să facem ceva, va fi de la Dumnezeu. Psalmul 37:4 spune: Psalmii 37:4 (BTF2015)4 Desfată-te de asemenea în DOMNUL și El îți va da dorințele inimii tale. Acest verset poate însemna cu siguranță că Dumnezeu ne va împlini și dorințele inimii noastre, deși unele dintre dorințele noastre nu sunt întotdeauna bune după cum știm. Însă, o interpretare mai bună ar fi că, cu cât ne găsim mai mult plăcerea în Dumnezeu, în prezența Sa și în Cuvântul Său, El face ca dorințele Sale să devină  dorințele inimilor noastre. Evrei 4:12 spune că Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu este capabil să distingă și să separe ceea ce este spiritual de ceea ce este firesc sau sufletesc. Haideți să citim: Evrei 4:12 (NTR)12 Într-adevăr, Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu este viu şi activ, mai ascuţit decât orice sabie cu două tăişuri, străpungând până desparte sufletul şi duhul, încheieturile şi măduva, şi poate judeca gândurile şi intenţiile inimii. A doua modalitate prin care putem discerne vocea lui Dumnezeu este prin prezența sau absența păcii. Coloseni 3:15 (NTR)15 Iar pacea lui Cristos să stăpânească în inimile voastre; la ea aţi şi fost chemaţi, într-un singur trup. Şi fiţi mulţumitori! Când vorbesc despre pace sau lipsa ei, vorbesc despre ceva dincolo de sentimente, pentru că emoțiile pot fi înșelătoare uneori. Este o neliniște pe care o simți în interiorul tău în legătură cu o situație. Nu știi de ce, dar doar te trezești că te simți într-un anume fel. Eu și soția mea am decis la un moment dat să ne mutăm într-un anumit oraș și timp de două săptămâni, după ce am luat decizia, amândoi am avut un sentiment persistent de neliniște, ca un nor de întuneric deasupra noastră. În momentul în care L-am întrebat pe Duhul Sfânt despre asta și am decis să ne schimbăm destinația, dintr-o dată, amândoi am început să ne simțim în largul nostru și plini de bucurie și pace. Altădată, mi s-a oferit ocazia să fiu pastorul unei biserici, un lucru pe care mi l-am dorit din totdeauna, însă, dintr-un anumit motiv, la acel moment, nu aveam deloc pace pentru a accepta acea poziție. Și nu am făcut-o. Mai târziu, am înțeles de ce a fost mai bine pentru mine să nu o accept și Duhul Sfânt m-a protejat de unele lucruri nedorite. Ori de câte ori te afli într-o situație în care trebuie să alegi ceva și să iei o decizie, dar nu ai pace completă cu nici una din opțiunile disponibile, fie mai aștepți dacă e posibil și poți, fie mergi înainte cu opțiunea cu care ai cea mai multă pace. Este foarte posibil ca după ce faci primul pas să primești mai multă claritate cu privire la cee ace trebuie să faci.Al treilea mod prin care putem discerne vocea lui Dumnezeu este să cerem confirmări suplimentare de la Dumnezeu sau de la alte persoane apropiate care ne cunosc bine și ne iubesc cu adevărat. Dumnezeu nu va fi supărat dacă Îi cerem sincer alte confirmări, mai ales în deciziile cruciale ale vieții și, de cele mai multe ori, El ni le va da. 5. Ce pot face pentru a învăța să discern vocea lui Dumnezeu?Primul lucru pe care trebuie să-l realizăm și cel mai important este că învățarea de a discerne vocea lui Dumnezeu nu vine peste noapte, ci este un proces care necesită timp. De fapt, creșterea și dezvoltarea spirituală necesită timp. De exemplu, pentru a ne antrena mintea și pentru a obține o educație petrecem cel puțin 15 ani în școală. De asemenea, dacă dorim să ne dezvoltăm forța musculară fizică, mergem la sală ani de zile în mod regulat și adoptăm anumite diete de mâncare. La fel este cu dezvoltarea spirituală în  Noul Testament și cu auzirea vocii lui Dumnezeu. Necesită timp și efort intenționat pentru a construi obiceiurile spirituale sănătoase care să ne faciliteze și să cultive creșterea în lucrurile spirituale. Majoritatea a creștinilor se așteaptă ca rezultatele spirituale să vină instantaneu ca la microunde, iar Dumnezeu să facă totul pentru ei. Nu este așa în Noul Testament.Al doilea lucru important este că nimeni nu te poate învăța abilitatea de a-L auzi pe Dumnezeu. Poți primi învățătură și îndrumări, dar a recunoaște vocea lui Dumnezeu pentru tine personal este ceva ce va trebui să înveți singur prin practică și credință consecventă. Însă dacă te ții de asta cu perseverență, vei ajunge la un moment dat la un punct în care vei putea recunoaște vocea lui Dumnezeu cu exactitate dintre toate celelalte voci, în același mod în care poți recunoaște vocea soțului sau a soției, pentru că petreci mult timp cu el sau ea. Fiul meu și cu mine avem obiceiul de a asculta în fiecare seară la culcare Biblia audio printr-o aplicație numită Bible.is și există mulți actori care își folosesc vocile în citirea respectivă a Bibliei. După ce am ascultat cele 4 Evanghelii de vreo 3-4 ori la rând și vocea persoanei care îl interpreta pe Isus, am început la un moment dat să ascultăm povestea lui Iosif din Vechiul Testament. Creatorii aplicației au decis să folosească aceeași voce a lui Isus și pentru Iosif. În timp ce ascultam, eu nu am dat atenție prea mult, dar fiul meu de cinci ani mi-a spus: „Tati, acesta nu este Iosif, ci Isus. De ce este Isus în această poveste?” Vedeți, el s-a familiarizat atât de mult cu acea voce care îl interpreta pe Isus, încât a putut să o recunoască dintre alte 4-5 voci și chiar într-o altă istorioară. Acest lucru e uimitor! Dar exact asta se va întâmpla și cu tine.Voi încheia această învățătură oferindu-ți câteva îndrumări practice despre cum să crești să înveți să distingi vocea lui Dumnezeu. Mai întâi, mărește expunerea ta zilnică la Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu. Obișnuiește-te să citești cel puțin un capitol pe zi din Biblie și gândește-te la ceea ce spune, dar nu încerca să devii super spiritual sau să cauți semnificații care nu sunt nici măcar în text. Pur și simplu încearcă să vezi cum îți vorbește ție acel pasaj, ce se aplică pentru tine din el și cum îl poți implementa în viața ta. Dacă nu îți vine nimic, nu e nici o problemă, treci mai departe la următorul capitol. De asemenea, obișnuiește-te să asculți predici care te ajută să înțelegi mai bine Cuvântul. Și nu asculta pe oricine, ci pe oamenii care predică despre har și despre noua creație. Pentru început, poți începe să asculți canalul meu de YouTube (Seria ”Gloria neprihănirii”, Seria ”Vindecarea divină”, Seria ”Noua creație”) sau canalul meu de podcast-uri „Redescoperă Evanghelia” disponibil pe numeroase stații online de podcast-uri. Alte recomandări ar fi: ​​Andrew Wommack (care are mii de fișiere audio gratuite de învățătură pe site-ul său sau pe podcast-uri), Barry Bennett, Audrey Mack, Curry Blake, Kenneth Hagin și Dr. Myles Monroe din Statele Unite ale Americii, Joseph Prince din Singapore, Chris Oyakilome din Nigeria, Ryan Rufus din Hong-Kong și Profetul Kobus din Africa de Sud. Poți găsi materialele lor pe site-urile lor web, pe YouTube sau pe canalele de podcast-uri. Eu am transferat câteva dintre aceste învățături pe telefonul meu mobil sau folosesc podcast-uri Apple, podcast-uri Castbox și ascult întotdeauna o predică pe mașină în timp ce conduc. Dacă mergi cu bicicleta sau folosești mijloacele de transport în comun, poți să-ți pui căști în ureche și să asculți predici. Pe lângă citirea Cuvântului sau ascultarea predicilor, ceea ce fac eu și îți recomand și ție este să memorezi versete care se aplică noii creații și să le personalizezi. Eu folosesc aplicația „Bible Memory: Remember Me”, unde am adunat peste 300 de versete relevante din lectura mea zilnică a Bibliei și repet câte 2 versete în fiecare zi. La fel fac și cu fiul meu de cinci ani, însă cu el repet ​​aceleași 2 versete timp de o săptămână întreagă fiecare zi.În al doilea rând, începe să îți formezi obiceiul de a te ruga zilnic în limbi și începe ușor cu 5-10 minute, dar consecvent, apoi extinde timpul treptat până la 1 oră pe zi cel puțin. Încearcă să te rogi în diferite momente ale zilei și vezi care dintre ele funcționează cel mai bine pentru tine, fie dimineața foarte devreme, fie după ora prânzului la serviciu, fie după-amiaza, fie noaptea târziu înainte de a merge la culcare. La început, va părea dificil să implementezi acest obicei, deoarece necesită multă credință și disciplină, dar după un timp, va deveni ușor și vei observa că nu vei mai putea trăi fără el. Va fi ca respirația. De obicei, eu găsesc câteva trasee de mers pe jos aproape de zona în care locuiesc, care sunt mai liniștite și nu sunt atât de populate și merg la o plimbare și mă rog în limbi și declar Cuvântul lui Dumnezeu peste viața mea, între 40 de minute și o oră aproape zilnic. Spun asta cu toată umilința, nu pentru a mă lăuda, ci pentru a te încuraja că este posibil și pentru a-ți oferi un punct de referință practic. Desigur, în afară de a lua un timp special deoparte pentru a te ruga, poți oricând să te rogi în limbi în timp ce faci alte activități precum lucrul prin casă, cumpărături, spălarea vaselor, spălarea mașinii, etc.În al treilea rând, fii mereu preocupat și pregătit să-L auzi pe Dumnezeu. Fă-ți un obicei din asta. Ori de câte ori te rogi singur, sau te plimbi, sau mergi la cumpărături, amintește-ți din când în când să-L asculți pe Dumnezeu și să fii sensibil la vocea Lui. În acest fel, îți vei dezvolta conștiența de sine și vei putea discerne mai exact atunci când Dumnezeu îți vorbește. Nu numai atât, dar progresul tău spiritual se va manifesta în lumea naturală într-o măsură crescândă și va fi văzut de toți. Apostolul Pavel i-a spus lui Timotei în felul următor: 1 Timotei 4:13-16 (NTR)13 Până voi veni, ia seama bine la citire, la îndemnare şi la învăţătura pe care o dai altora. 14 Nu fi nepăsător de darul care este în tine, care ţi-a fost dat prin prorocie, cu punerea mâinilor de către ceata prezbiterilor. 15 Pune-ţi pe inimă aceste lucruri, îndeletniceşte-te în totul cu ele, pentru ca înaintarea ta să fie văzută de toţi. 16 Fii cu luare-aminte asupra ta însuţi şi asupra învăţăturii pe care o dai altora; stăruieşte în aceste lucruri, căci, dacă vei face aşa, te vei mântui pe tine însuţi şi pe cei ce te ascultă. Dacă te dedici în totalitate acestui proces, progresul tău va fi evident pentru toți. Dacă vei continua cu persistență, te vei salva pe tine și pe cei care te ascultă sau vin în contact cu tine. Timotei era la acel moment deja salvat veșnic din iad, așa că mântuirea despre care vorbește Pavel aici este salvarea pe pământ de toate lucrurile negative care afectează în mod normal și natural oamenii fără Cristos.

Skönheten ligger i betraktarens öga sägs det, men det är en klyscha som inte biter på den unga människan. Om Ulrika Nandra: Ulrika Nandra är journalist och författare med rötter i Indien och Sverige. Hon har en fil.kand i freds- och utvecklingsforskning och har skrivit böckerna De oanständiga - om det moderna Indiens sexuella revolution, ÄGD - om makt och boken Ondska tillsammans med Carl Johan De Geer. Sedan några år håller hon också filosofiska skrivarkurser på fängelset Kumla efter egen idé. Ulrika har bland annat synts som nyhetsankare på SVT:s lokala nyhetssändningar och förra året kom hennes första roman "Ett färgat liv" som är baserad på en sann historia. Producent: Mette Göthberg tankar@sverigesradio.se

El Ejecutivo irá al TC contra la regulación de la cuestión de confianza del Congreso. Dinámicos en Bolivia, según El Comercio. Y no más Negrita.

Welcome back to Ahch-To Radio! This time, we're calling it the Beskar Edition, because we're presenting quite the Mandalorian deep dive. Alden is joined by comedian, writer, & host Ed Greer for a journey into Mando culture, heroic journeys, societal conflicts, Season 3 predictions, & so much more. It's a great conversation ranging from the philosophical, to the badass, to the adorable, and beyond. Let us know what you think of the conversation! What are your hopes for the Mandalorian people? And what do you think will happen to characters like Din, Grogu, Boba, & Bo-Katan? Let us know! Find Ed on Twitter, Instagram, and on both The Greatest Pod & Reboot It! You can also support The Greatest Pod on their Patreon. Find this show @AhchToRadio on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and our new YouTube channel! And lastly, find Alden @AD_Strider on Twitter and @a.d.strider on Instagram! TRANS RIGHTS ARE HUMAN RIGHTS: THIS IS THE WAY fundraiser can be found here! Ahch-To Radio is a Star Wars podcast feed fueled by the love of that galaxy far, far away. Creator/Host Alden Diaz dives into interviews, Star Wars origin stories, analyses, and more. It's all about the threads that make us connect with stories, and each other as fans. Plus, Ahch-To Radio is also home to our sister show, The Mandatorian Creed, hosted by Tori Fox! Tori explores various Star Wars topics with multipart breakdowns. And lastly, we also have our Star Wars Rebels rewatch show, A Rewatch Between Worlds, with Alden & Nicky Kumar! All shows that celebrate the ties that bind fans together.

Solo episode time! Join Grounded Pod creator/host, Dinée Dorame, for some stories around running, life, body and health, social media, and Navajo culture and traditions.   In This Episode: SHEFIT Sports Bras   Follow Grounded Pod: Instagram: @groundedpod Twitter: @groundedpod Facebook: facebook.com/groundedpodwithdinee   Subscribe, Listen, & Review on: Spotify | Apple Podcasts | Soundcloud | Stitcher   Music by Jacob Shije (Santa Clara Pueblo, NM). This podcast was made possible through the Tracksmith Fellowship Program.

This week we are rebroadcasting our interview with Dallas Goldtooth, originally aired in December of 2018. Dallas Goldtooth joins Ayana in a conversation around toxic masculinity, accountability, and dismantling patriarchy. So often, conversations around gender wounds quickly deteriorate into oversimplifications of, and accusations towards, one gender or another – failing to realize how we are all hurting under patriarchy. Toxic masculinity, settler colonialism, and white supremacy are impelling us to a point of no return. If you are coming to this conversation as an environmental advocate, understand that in order to shift our relationship from that of domination over “nature” to one of reciprocity and understanding of the ecosystem we are a part of, we must examine our values with one another. “Dallas Goldtooth is the Keep it in the Ground Campaign Organizer for the Indigenous Environmental Network. He is also the co-founder of the Indigenous comedy group The 1491s. Dallas is Dakota and Diné, a loving husband, dedicated father, comedian, public speaker, recovering exotic dancer, plastic shaman extraordinaire, and body double for that guy who plays Thor in them Thor Movies.” Music by Lyla June Johnston. Visit our website at forthewild.world for the full episode description, references, and action points.

Have you ever thought about where wool first starts off - the sheep itself? In this episode of Material Culture, we talk to Navajo shepherd and weaver Nikyle Begay to hear all about not only the process of raising sheep and processing wool - but also the deep spiritual connotations that that has within Navajo culture. This episode is complete with beautiful stories of family, tradition and what it means to live in connection with your materials. Topics discussed include: the origin of sheep, yarn and roving production, connection to our ancestors and our traditions, and living in gratitude and appreciation for all parts of the process.The Material Culture podcast explores narratives of weaving, (text)iles, art, manufacturing, history, and the people, workers and artists whose stories create the framework and understanding of living with cloth. Material Culture is produced by the yarn shop, textile studio and weaving school, Weaver House. If you have a question, comment or other feedback - you can leave a message for the podcast at weaverhouseco.com/podcast.This week's episode is sponsored by Portland Textile Month - the first of three episodes in partnership with their celebration.Nikyle Begay (they/them) is a Diné shepherd, fiber artist, as well as the Director of Rainbow Fiber Co-Op. You can find them on Instagram @navajoshepherd, or at the Rainbow Fiber Co-Op website: rainbowfibercoop.org .Thanks to Philadelphia-based musician Michael Myers for the use of his song, Weave off the album This is Only Light. You can find more information on Portland Textile Month at https://www.portlandtextilemonth.com, and look out for our next episodes with them later this month. You can submit voice memos on this months' question to media@weaverhouseco.com.

Rendering Unconscious welcomes Lyla June Johnston and Tanaya Winder to the podcast! Lyla June is an Indigenous public speaker, artist, scholar and community organizer of Diné (Navajo), Tsétsêhéstâhese (Cheyenne) and European lineages from Taos, New Mexico. Her messages focus on Indigenous rights, supporting youth, traditional land stewardship practices and healing inter-generational and inter-cultural trauma. She blends undergraduate studies in human ecology at Stanford University, graduate work in Native American Pedagogy at the University of New Mexico, and the indigenous worldview she grew up with to inform her perspectives and solutions. Her internationally acclaimed presentations are conveyed through the medium of poetry, music and/or speech. She is currently pursuing a doctoral degree at the University of Alaska, Fairbanks in Indigenous Studies with a focus on Indigenous Food Systems Revitalization. https://www.lylajune.com Follow her at Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/lylajune/ Tanaya Winder is a poet, writer, artist and educator who was raised on the Southern Ute reservation in Ignacio, CO. An enrolled member of the Duckwater Shoshone Tribe, her background includes Southern Ute, Pyramid Lake Paiute, Diné, and Black heritages. Tanaya writes and teaches about different expressions of love (self love, intimate love, social love, community love, and universal love). https://tanayawinder.com Follow her at Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tanayawinder/ Tanaya created Dream Warriors Management, a collective of Indigenous Artists who believe in pursuing passions, dreams, and gifts to better loved ones and communities while also uplifting others. Each artist travels to perform concerts, run workshops, teach empowerment and artistic skill sets, showcase his/her performance art & artistry, and speak at various engagements throughout the country. In addition to their artistic endeavors, they hustle hard to work within communities whenever they get the opportunity. Together, they developed the Dream Warriors Scholarship. https://dreamwarriors.co Support Tanaya at Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/tanaya You can also check out her TEDx Talk presented at TEDxABQ 2013: Igniting Healing – a powerful talk on the power of poetry and creativity. https://youtu.be/BF1z5XHEMaM This episode also available at YouTube: https://youtu.be/XjNH8f2NefI Inflamed: Deep Medicine and the Anatomy of Injustice by Rupa Marya and Raj Patel. https://us.macmillan.com/books/9780374602529 Poet Warrior: A Memoir by Joy Harjo. https://wwnorton.com/books/9780393248524 Rendering Unconscious Podcast is hosted by psychoanalyst Dr. Vanessa Sinclair, who interviews psychoanalysts, psychologists, scholars, creative arts therapists, writers, poets, philosophers, artists & other intellectuals about their process, work, world events, the current state of mental health care, politics, culture, the arts & more. www.renderingunconscious.org Support the podcast at Patreon. Your support is greatly appreciated! www.patreon.com/vanessa23carl Rendering Unconscious Podcast can be found at your favorite podcasting platforms, including: Spotify / iTunes / Soundcloud / Podbean: www.renderingunconscious.org/about/ The song at the end of the episode is “North Star (feat. Quincy Davis)” by Lyla June. All Bandcamp sales benefit @7genfund dedicated to Indigenous Peoples' self-determination and the sovereignty of Native nations. https://lylajune.bandcamp.com Lyla June's YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/lylajohnston/videos?app=desktop Many thanks to Carl Abrahamsson, who created the intro and outro music for Rendering Unconscious podcast. www.carlabrahamsson.com Image: Tanaya Winder and Lyla June

In a slight change to the normal format, host Pádraig Ó Tuama speaks with the poet Jake Skeets who reads his poem “Daybreak,” a poem combining Diné language with English, a poem rich with observation: of land, of growth, of memory, of place. Land is not just a tool to use for food, nor is it a blank space for human projection. In this poem, Jake Skeets reflects on an ethical engagement with land: an engagement that sees land as itself, not just for its uses.Jake Skeets is the author of Eyes Bottle Dark with a Mouthful of Flowers, winner of the National Poetry Series. He is the recipient of a 92Y Discovery Prize, a Mellon Projecting All Voices Fellowship, an American Book Award, and a Whiting Award. He is from the Navajo Nation and teaches at Diné College.Find the transcript for this show at onbeing.org.

This is the newest episode of the GSMC Television Podcast also known Movie Night 2 because we are talking about movies. The first movie is called Firedrake Silver Dragon this movie is about a dragon trying to find a new home for his fellow dragons before it is too late. He has a human and a brownie to help him find the home and fight Nettlebrand a monster that wants to eat him. Then a Movie we discuss Wish Dragon a different version of Aladdin this movie is about a wish granting dragon and his new master Din. Then we discuss a movie called Come Away which is about a new take on Alice in Wonderland and Peter Pan. The last movie is called Cinderella this is a new version of Cinderella it is on Prime Video and in this version Cinderella wants to be a fashion designer. If you want to find out about these shows take a listen to this podcast you will not be disappointed.

"I think a lot of our problems with our health, when it comes to women, is how we're valued or not valued in our communities." — Nicolle L. Gonzalez In this episode of Moonwise, we speak with Diné nurse and midwife Nicolle L. Gonzales about her mission to make birth sacred again. We talk about birth equity, trauma and weaving traditional practices with medical care. Nicolle shares her experience of growing up with ceremony, birthing her own children, the challenges of leadership and carving her own path to promote reproductive wellness and community care. We also talk about: Systemic racism and inequity in maternal care Engaging a community in preparing for birth The benefits of culturally appropriate care The challenges of work/life balance as a midwife Speaking up and self worth as a woman The importance of sharing women's joy Nicolle L. Gonzales is the Founder of Changing Woman Initiative whose non-profit mission is to “renew cultural birth knowledge to empower and reclaim indigenous sovereignty of women's medicine and life way teachings to promote reproductive wellness, healing through holistic approaches.” She received her Bachelor's of Nursing and her Masters of Nurse-Midwifery at the University of New Mexico. She is a member of the American College of Nurse Midwives and is certified with the American Midwifery Certification Board. She has over 12 years' experience as a nurse and has worked as a Nurse-Midwife doing full-scope midwifery for the last 10 years. Links: Changing Woman Initiative Rooted pregnancy journal —> Leave us a written review on Apple Podcasts, and get a shout out on the show! —> Enjoy the show? Get access to bonus content, seasonal herb guides, meditations and more by joining our community on Patreon: patreon.com/moonwise Thank you for your support! --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/moonwise/message

    November, 1335. The Khan of the Ilkhanate, Abu Sa'id Bahadur, is dead. Allegedly poisoned by a spurned wife, Baghdad Khatun, his death was the unravelling of the Ilkhanate. Facing an invasion by the mighty Ozbeg of the Golden Horde, and a succession crisis due to Abu Sa'id's failure to produce an heir, the Ilkhanate rapidly, and violently, tore itself to pieces. Today, we look at the disintegration of the Mongol Ilkhanate, the stories of two men named Hasan, and the history of the region up until the arrival of Emir Temur, fearsome Tamerlane, at the end of the fourteenth century. I'm your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.       Abu Sa'id had not been an incompetent monarch by any stretch of the means, and his rule was remembered as a golden age, at least in comparison to the mess that followed. A great-great-grandson of the Ilkhanid founder Hulegu, Abu Sa'id's reign had seen the consolidation of the islamization of the Mongol state, as well as the end of the long war with the Mamluks of Egypt. Il-Khan since 1316, Abu Sa'id had been controlled by the emir Choban, until he nearly eradicated the house of Choban in the late 1320s in an effort to marry Baghdad Khatun, one of Choban's daughters. For a few years Abu Sa'id had enjoyed a comparatively quiet majority, pursuing art, culture, poetry, building and architecture, as well as efforts to produce an heir. Baghdad Khatun, despite her beauty and the violence he had undertaken to acquire her- which included, among others things, killing her father, brothers and forcing her to divorce her husband- simply did not provide him his much desired son. When Abu Sa'id's eyes fell upon her niece, Dilshad Khatun, the Il-Khan basically forgot about his current wife, wed her niece and soon enough got her pregnant. For Baghdad Khatun to be humiliated like this, after suffering through the destruction of her family, this was the last straw. The widespread belief was that she had him poisoned in some manner- in Ibn Battuta's account, this was administered via a handkerchief that she used to clean themselves after sexual intercourse. So did Abu Sa'id die, aged 30 years old, in what is now Azerbaijan while marching north to repel an invasion by the Khan of the Golden Horde, Ozbeg.       With Abu Sa'id's death, the line of Hulegu became extinct- or at least, the line through Hulegu's son Abaqa, which had provided most of the Il-Khans. Abu Sa'id uncle, Ghazan, had done much to prune the lineage during his reign, and it seems alcoholism took care of much of the rest. The fact that few Il-Khans lived past 35, with fewer and fewer heirs each generation, has led many to search for underlying causes beyond just alcohol. Scholars such as Charles Melville and Anne F. Broadbridge have pointed to possible consequences of consanguinity among the Il-Khans: that is, essentially inbreeding, given the Il-Khan's preferences for marrying into the same families, like the Oirats, over generations. The combined effects of rampant alcohol abuse among both men and women and the consanguinity may be the answer behind the alarming drop off in fertility of the Ilkhanid elite over the last decades of the thirteenth century. While Hulegu had produced quite the brood of little Chinggisids- at least 25 sons and daughters-, by the end of the century Ghazan had only a daughter survive childhood, while his brother Oljeitu Il-Khan had an alarming amount of children stillborn or died young. From his twelve wives, Oljeitu only had three children ever reach marriageable age; Abu Sa'id and two daughters, Sati Beg and Dawlandi: the last of whom still died before her father. For Abu Sa'id himself, despite considerable efforts, by his death he had only succeeded in getting his widow Dilshad Khatun pregnant. With no surviving brothers, sons or clear male figure to step into the role, the Ilkhanate suddenly faced a new problem; no clear monarch of the line of Hulegu to head the state.       The explanation of Abu Sa'id's death without heir directly causing the fall of the Ilkhanate has been, in the opinion of scholars like Charles Melville, somewhat overstated. The image of the Ilkhanate falling without a decline -a counter to the model popularized by Edward Gibbon so long ago- encourages us to overlook problems which had developed. Essentially, Melville notes, a gap had widened between the military elite, the noyad, and the Il-Khan, which accompanied a lack of respect for the Chinggisids. The death of a monarch with no clear heir was hardly a new issue in the Mongol Empire- in fact, the quriltai system wherein a candidate put his name forward and was confirmed by the princes served to supply new khans at need. Additionally, neither were regents unheard of within the empire's history. The 1240s had seen two regencies, with Ogedai's widow Torogene and Guyuk's widow Oghul Qaimish steering the empire in the absence of a Khan- Oghul Qaimish of course, doing this much less successfully than her predecessor. In the form of Baghdad Khatun the Ilkhanate certainly had a powerful woman who could have stepped into the role. Well connected and from a prestigious family, she could have called upon connections established by her late father, Choban. Baghdad Khatun was described as an intimidating, intelligent and proud woman, who openly walked around with a sword strapped to her waist and greatly influenced matters of state. In the opinion of some, Abu Sa'id was bossed around by her. In a more classic Mongolian system, Baghdad Khatun would have guided the state until an heir could have been selected.       But as Melville argues, the actions of the Khans from Ghazan onwards had alienated the military elite. More or less, they must have felt disenfranchised from the government and that the old Mongolian way of life was being abandoned. Certainly Islamization was the most obvious demonstration of this. Ghazan and Oljeitu both abandoned the traditional secret burials of Mongol Khans in favour of massive, expensive and very public mausoleums. The quriltai as a means of choosing the next ruler and affecting major decisions was abandoned, and even the end of the war with the Mamluks- not by conquest, but by diplomacy- must have felt like a betrayal of Mongol imperial ideology. Recall how the contemporary Chagatai Khan Tarmashirin was accused of abandoning the yassa as well- specifically by no longer continuing the annual assembles with the noyad in the eastern half of the Chagatai realm, and thus making them feel they no longer had a role, or a stake, in the Khanate's government. Tarmashirin was overthrown by a rebellion in 1334, a year before Abu Sa'id's death, which precipitated the descent of the Chagatai ulus into open war.       By removing their stake in government, and not replacing it with a new loyalty to adhere to in the replacement system, the Ilkhans had gradually removed the need of the various noyans to maintain their loyalty to the Chinggisid ideology. When Abu Sa'id came to the throne in 1317, he was but a 12 year old boy. The long period of Choban's regency further reduced the khan's authority and increased that of the military elite. Abu Sa'id largely accepted and seems to have went along with Choban's oversight up until Choban denied him Baghdad Khatun, at that time married to Shaykh Hasan Jalayir. Only from the very end of the 1320s, after Choban's death, did Abu Sa'id really rule in his own right. While he did face minor rebellion, there is indication of resentment as efforts undertaken by the central Ilkhanid government. Abu Sa'id's vizier, Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad, the son of the former vizier Rashid al-Din Hamadani, sought to enforce tax reforms that in effect, would have restrengthened the hand of the central government towards the regional princes and their appanages. As Melville notes, the details are poorly known but it seems to have been an ineffective measure that angered these military princes. Per Melville's theory, the only outcome of such failed measures would only have been widening the gap between the Il-khan and the military elite.       On Abu Sa'id's death at the end of November 1335, it fell to the vizier Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad to try and steer the ship in the face of Ozbeg's invasion. Only five days later, on December 5th, Ghiyath al-Din orchestrated the enthronement of a successor, a man named Arpa Ke'un. Arpa was a Chinggisid, and a member of the house of Tolui… but of the line of Ariq Boke, Hulegu's younger brother who had fought their brother Khubilai for the throne in the 1260s. Plucked from obscurity by Ghiyath al-Din, it seems he was chosen for his ability to lead the army, for all indication is that Arpa Khan was a man of military background, a “old school Mongol,” in the words of every secondary source that mentions him. Arpa was given command of the Il-Khanid army, and in the snows of the Caucasus he forced back Ozbeg in winter 1335, who once again retreated to the Golden Horde.        Arpa Khan returned triumphant, and Ghiyath al-Din must have had high hopes for his new protege. Arpa was a competent commander who was militarily proven in his defence of the Ilkhanate- a promising figure to rally the Mongols around. Apparently he had little taste for court procedure or niceties, and it is unclear if he was a Muslim. One anonymous Armenian chronicler asserts Arpa was a Christian, and at the very least he was very proud of the “old ways.” At best, he was a Muslim with little care for the specifics of the faith.  We might wonder if Ghiyath al-Din was deliberate here too, choosing a man who would be more palatable to the noyad due to his distaste of courtly life. In the opinion of Oleg Grabar and Sheila Blair, it was shortly after Arpa's ascension that Ghiyath al-Din ordered the commission of the Great Mongol Shahnama, a wonderful illustrated version of the Persian national epic, the Shahnama of Firdausi. An undertaking of massive expense, given the large and lovingly detailed artwork, it certainly indicates that the top levels of the Ilkhanid elite did not imagine they were entering into a crisis anytime soon.       Arpa Khan was not on solid footing though. The fact that he was not of the line of Hulegu certainly hurt his legitimacy. The fact that Abu Sa'id's widow, Dilshad Khatun, was pregnant and had fled to Abu Sa'id's uncle, ‘Ali-Padshah, the governor of Diyarbakir, was unnerving too. ‘Ali-Padshah's sister, Abu Sa'id's mother Hajji Khatun, also opposed Arpa's enthronement. Thus, his position needed to be shored up. A marriage was arranged to Abu Said's sister, Sati Beg; commanders who had been alienated or jailed by Abu Sa'id were given expensive gifts or freed from prison. And the blame for Abu Sa'id's death was laid squarely on Baghdad Khatun, who had never had the chance to assume the regency. Accused not just of poisoning Abu Sa'id, but of being in correspondence with Ozbeg Khan and inviting him to attack the Ilkhanate, Baghdad Khatun was found guilty and executed, supposedly beaten to death by a Greek slave with a club while she was in the bathhouse. A number of other executions followed of potential rivals.        But Arpa Khan looked for enemies in the wrong direction. ‘Ali-Padshah, the Oirat governor of Diyarbakir, was becoming something of a rallying point for those unhappy with Arpa's placement as Khan- or unhappy with an energetic man on the throne who might reduce their privileges. Dilshad Khatun had finally given birth to Abu Sa'id's only child, a girl, but this did not stop ‘Ali-Padshah's maneuvering. At the start of 1336 he raised his own candidate, Musa, as Il-Khan. Supposedly a grandson of Baidu, who had only held the throne for a few months before Ghazan's rise, Musa was, unlike Arpa, entirely a puppet of ‘Ali-Padshah. In alliance with Hajji Khatun and Shaykh Hasan Jalayir, who had once been forced to give up his wife Baghdad Khatun to Abu Sa'id and now knew Arpa killed her, ‘Ali-Padshah in the name Musa Il-Khan armed a revolt against Arpa Il-Khan. In the April of 1336, Arpa's army was defeated in the field. He and Ghiyath al-Din Muhammad fled to Sultaniyya, where they were captured and killed later that month. So ended the reign of Arpa Khan, the final Il-Khan to wield any individual authority.       Arpa's death in many ways can be considered the true end of the Ilkhanate, for it seems to have removed any attachment the regional commanders held to the Ilkhanid state. ‘Ali-Padshah's enthronement of Musa Khan gave all of them the realization that each, too, could rule through his own puppet Chinggisid, if he happened to believe hard enough and have one on hand. From 1335 until 1343, no less than 8 Chinggisids were to be declared Il-Khan by these commanders. Little is known of most of them beyond their names and who controlled them. Shortly after Arpa's death Shaykh Hasan Jalayir announced his own puppet khan, a young boy named Muhammad, and attacked ‘Ali-Padshah. By July 1336, ‘Ali-Padshah was dead and Musa Il-Khan sent running. Shaykh Hasan married Abu Sa'id's widow, Dilshad Khatun.   At the same time in the far east of the Ilkhanate, the noyans of Khurasan elected their own Il-Khan, Togha-Temur. Togha-Temur was not even a descendant of Chinggis Khan, but his brother Jochi-Qasar! But he came with military backing, and at the end of 1336 Togha-Temur's armies had overrun Iran and pushed into Iraq and Azerbaijan, forcing Shaykh Hasan Jalayir to flee before him. Even the wandering Musa found his way into Togha-Temur's employment, and it seemed that the Ilkhanate's period of disunity would soon be ended… only for Togha-Temur to suddenly withdraw back east in spring 1337. Musa was left with an army to attempt to crush Shaykh Hasan, but Hasan defeated and killed him in July 1337. Though he would threaten Iraq and the Caucasus again on occasion, Togha-Temur mostly contented himself with mastery over Khurasan and Mazandaran for the next 16 years, until his death in 1353 at the hands of the Sarbadars of Sabzavar.   With Togha-Temur's withdrawal, Shaykh Hasan now faced a new challenger in the form of a different Shaykh Hasan. Our first Shaykh Hasan was of the Jalayirid lineage, a descendant of one of Hulegu's top generals. Often you'll see him called Hasan-i Buzurg, or “Big Hasan.” Hasan-i Kuchik, or “Little Hasan,” was meanwhile a grandson of Choban, via his son Temur-tash. Temur-tash had been governor of Anatolia and revolted twice against Abu Sa'id, before being killed by the Mamluk Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad when seeking support from him. Yet, Temur-tash's name still carried weight in Anatolia. While the other Ilkhanid claimants fought for power in the Caucasus and northern Mesopotamia, Little Hasan and his brother Malik Ashraf brought his father back to life, so to speak, in the form of a slave who looked a lot like him. Rather young, the boys lacked the experience or prestige to rally an army around themselves, and so required a puppet dead father.  The slave, named Qarajari, in Mamluk accounts was the true leader of the uprising, while in Jalayirid and Temurid sources it was Little Hasan and his brother Malik Ashraf.  At the very least, it indicates the level of friction in the movement was apparent.With an army composed of urban militias, nomadic cavalry and military slaves, it was a bit of a motley force, but the return of the Chobanids undermined Big Hasan Jalayir.   Big Hasan's problem was the fact he just had so many members of Choban's family in his entourage. His new wife, Dilshad Khatun, was a granddaughter of Choban; one of his most important supporters, Oljeitu's daughter Sati Beg, had been married to emir Choban, and had a son by him, Surghan. With their help, and the help of a grandson of Choban named Pir Husayn, Big Hasan had overcome Musa Khan and retaken Tabriz, which had long been the capital of the Ilkhanate. But the rise of new Chobanid claimants made Big Hasan unsure of his own Chobanid supporters. Antagonizing his Chobanid followers, Sati Beg and her son Surghan fled to join Little Hasan, who forced Big Hasan from Tabriz in 1338, forcing him to retreat to Baghdad. In the process, Little Hasan succeeded in killing Big Hasan's puppet Chinggisid, the young Muhammad Khan. But seizing Tabriz weakened the bonds between Little Hasan and his fake father; the Fake Temurtash decided he wanted real power and stabbed Little Hasan, who survived and escaped, then publicized the news that Fake Temurtash was actually, well, a fake. “You're not my real dad!” We may imagine Little Hasan screamed as he ran out of the palace of Tabriz, blood dripping from a wound.   Little Hasan fled to Georgia, meeting with Sati Beg and his cousin Surghan, while the isolated fake Temurtash was pushed from Tabriz by Big Hasan, who in turn was pushed out again by Little Hasan. Still, it was felt a non-Chinggisid could not rule yet in his own right, especially since Little Hasan had, in the eyes of most, simply been serving his “resurrected” father. So, Little Hasan made the nearest Chinggisid the new Il-Khan. And the nearest Chinggisid was none other than his grandfather Choban's widow, Sati Beg, daughter of the late Il-Khan Oljeitu, sister of Abu Sa'id and also widow of Arpa Khan. For the first time, late in 1338, a Chinggisid woman became Khan- not regent, not khatun,  but Khan. Coins were minted in her name bearing the title, the khutba was read in her name and she was officially the ruler of the Ilkhanate, such as it was.  But Sati Beg Khan, the only Chinggisid female Khan, held no real power, and largely was a tool through which Little Hasan maintained his power. A scheming, cruel man, Little Hasan offered Sati Beg to be the bride of a rival, solely in an effort to lure the rival into a trap. He also sought to portray himself as a restorer of the Ilkhanate and its protector by commandeering symbols and persons associated with it, such as appointing descendants of Rashid al-Din and other Ilkhanid viziers to chief posts, while continuing to promote Tabriz as the capital in an effort at continuity with the Ilkhanate. Little Hasan himself, along with Sati Beg's son and two other top figures, took the titles of the ulus emirs, the commanders of the realm, but there could be no question of who was actually in charge…   … or could there be? Restoring a Chinggisid monarchy in place of their fake father Temurtash meant, in effect, the demotion of Little Hasan and his brother Malik Ashraf. Making Little Hasan but one of the ulus emirs further divided his power. Coins in the name of Sati Beg Khan are found even outside of territory the Chobanids directly controlled in this period, suggesting Sati Beg's enthronement had wider support. Rumours circulated that Sati Beg was in contact with Big Hasan Jalayir in Baghdad, and plotting to kill Little Hasan. Worse still, Togha-Temur, the “eastern Il-Khan,” returned to western Iran at the very start of 1339, having been invited to take the throne by Big Hasan.    Togha-Temur's great army seemed poised to wash away Little Hasan's state. Sati Beg Khan and her soon fled west, leaving Little Hasan alone to face Togha-Temur. But the lil' guy had one last card play. Knowing he faced no chance of overcoming Togha-Temur Khan in battle, instead Little Hasan sent messengers to Togha-Temur offering his submission, and that he would gladly come to submit to Togha-Temur in person, but could not dare leave Tabriz yet due to the danger posed by Big Hasan, at that time in Baghdad. Togha-Temur accepted this gladly, happy to take the former Ilkhanid capital without trouble. He promised to keep Little Hasan in power, and sent a letter describing how he would rid them of Big Hasan… which Little Hasan promptly forwarded to Big Hasan. The latter had already allied with Togha-Temur and was naturally unhappy to find his new overlord so willing to remove him from the scene, so Big Hasan abandoned Togha-Temur Khan. Losing face, his local allies and commanders unsatisfied with the process, Togha-Temur withdrew back east.   The entire incident served to strengthen Little Hasan's little hands. A few months later in July 1339, he forced Sati Beg Khan to marry another of Little Hasan's allies, a descendant of Hulegu's son Yoshmut, who took the throne name of Sulayman, and became Sulayman Khan, though the Mamluks suspected his ancestry was fictive. So ended Sati Beg's nine month tenure as Khan, losing whatever little authority she held and subsequently disappearing from the sources, though coinage in her name continued to be minted in Georgia well into the 1340s. Her final fate remains uncertain.    In the meantime, Big Hasan down in Baghdad had another ploy to employ. His requests to the Mamluk Sultan al-Nasir Muhammad for miltiary aid in recognition of Mamluk overlordship did not materialize into any actual support, in addition to the failure of the affair with Togha-Temur. Taking matters into his own hands, he appointed a grandson of Geikhatu Il-Khan, Jahan-Temur, as Il-Khan, then marched north to face Little Hasan in battle.    In June 1340, the two Hasans, each with their khans, met on the field. Little Hasan had the better of the engagement, forcing Big Hasan to flee back to Baghdad. Angered at the turn of events, Big Hasan deposed his puppet Khan Jahan-Temur, and ruled in his own name- the official start of the independent Jalayir Dynasty. Ruling from Baghdad, the Jalayirids oversaw most of modern Iraq to the border with Syria. The Chobanids kept their puppet Chinggisid only a little longer. Sulayman Khan actually outlasted Little Hasan: the little trickster finally met his end when murdered by his own wife in December 1343.  With no heir, he was succeeded by his brother, Malik Ashraf, who soon after deposed Sulayman and appointed another puppet monarch, a non-Chinggisid called Anushirvan, from an epithet for the ancient Sassanian shahanshah, Khosrow I. It was an interesting dabble in movement away from legitimacy associated with the house of Chinggis Khan, harkening even back to pre-Islamic Iran. What sort of lineage he was supposed to represent is unclear, as the Mamluks thought that he had essentially crowned a stable boy and then locked him in a gilded cage. Coins were minted in Anushirvan's name until 1353, the year of Togha-Temur's death.   Little Hasan had been unpopular in Tabriz and Azerbaijan, but Malik Ashraf was widely hated. Paranoid, violent men, their oppressive tendencies alienated many supporters: both found it easy to be cruel to their families and vassals on the slightest hints of disloyalty- such cruelty was the certain cause of Little Hasan's wife preemptively murdering him. Mongol allies were angered with the movement away from Chinggisid legitimacy or by the enfranchisement of non-Mongols. The cities of the Caucasus felt exploited as tax sources due to wild expenditure by both Little Hasan and Malik Ashraf, who built large public works in efforts to boost their images and to fund their standing army.  The latter of which they struggled to fund, resulting in troops attempting to supply themselves by raiding Chobanid subjects from Azerbaijan, Georgia to eastern Anatolia. At one point at the very start of his reign, Malik Ashraf was locked out of Tabriz, the city barring its gates against him in reaction to his exploitative money grabbing.    All of this was worsened by rounds of Plague- as in, Black Plague. The trade cities of the Caucasus which the Chobanids so relied upon were struck repeatedly and made the situation even more unstable, as the economy was disrupted, trade slackened and key demographic centres depopulated. To distract from troubles and bring in some glory- or share the suffering, Malik Ashraf decided to attack Baghdad in 1347, but the Jalayirids repulsed him. Either through order, or because he no longer had control over his troops, the Chobanid army then ravaged much of the Chobanid kingdom. Facing revolts and rebellions across his kingdom, somehow he managed to maintain his post into the 1350s, when faced with an overwhelming, ultimate threat: the new Khan of the Golden Horde, Jani Beg, son of Ozbeg Khan.  Just as this episode began with the threat of a Jochid attack by Ozbeg, so this episode ends with his son coming to finish the job.    The Jochids never forgot Hulegu's seizure of the Azerbaijani pastures, and repeated attempts to regain were met with failures. Even great and long-reigning Ozbeg Khan had failed to seize them. Jani Beg, in all things, was determined to outdo his father, and in 1357 his messages arrived in Tabriz, bearing a clear ultimatum to Malik Ashraf:   “I am coming to take possession of the ulus of Hulegu. You are the son of Choban whose name was in the decree of the four uluses. Today three realms are under my command, and I also wish to appoint you commander of the ulus; get up and come to meet me.”       Malik Ashraf put on a brave face, dismissing the messenger and replied that Jani Beg only had claim to rule within the lands of Jochi, while Malik Ashraf was the protector of the lands of Hulegu. Malik Ashraf's sudden claim to support the Toluids, not surprisingly, did not convince Jani Beg, or anyone else. His decision to then imprison Jani Beg's ambassador did not help matters either. But Malik Ashraf's defiance was hollow, and he was well aware of the danger he was in. We are told by the Azerbaijani writer al-Ahri, writing about 1360, that Malik Ashraf in fear turned to his attendants and admitted, “This is the son of Khan Ozbeg. He is of the family of Chinggis Khan and has an overwhelming army of three hundred thousand men. I cannot hold out against him.” Ashraf planned to flee to a fortress and hold out there  until Jani Beg withdrew or, failing that, flee to Anatolia. News of his cowardice elicited a loud response from the elite and people of Tabriz, who cried out for resistance and claimed that Jani Beg's only strength was his numbers, and in terms of equipment the Chobanid troops would have the better. Only once it seemed that government was breaking down in the face of the Golden Horde attack, reluctantly Malik Ashraf summoned the troops and rode out to face the approaching Jani Beg Khan. Promptly, his men fled when they caught sight of Jani Beg's host. Years of mistreatment had generated no loyalty to the person of Malik Ashraf or his office, and none were willing to put their lives on the line in a doomed fight. His army disintegrated and looted his own coffers. Finally Malik Ashraf was betrayed, captured, and paraded through the streets of Tabriz and handed over to Jani Beg. Supposedly Jani Beg would have let him live, if the people of Tabriz had not demanded his death- though it should be said, mercy was not a quality Jani Beg ever had in abundance, so we might wonder about this detail.         Malik Ashraf, son of Temur-Tash and brother of Little Hasan, grandson of Choban Noyan, was thus put to death on Jani Beg Khan's orders in 1357. The Chobanid state, after a tumultuous two decades, was dismantled, its few surviving representatives scattered to the winds. Jani Beg Khan succeeded where no Jochid Khan had before, in occupying Tabriz and the pastures of Azerbaijan, Arran and the Mughan Plain. Many of the other regional powers, including the Jalayirids recognized Jani Beg's overlordship. Jani Beg left his son Berdi Beg to govern Azerbaijan, then returned to the Qipchaq steppe- only to soon die, of sickness or, as some accuse, of being poisoned by Berdi Beg. This caused a general withdrawal of the Jochid troops as Berdi Beg left to assume the position of Khan, leaving one of Malik Ashraf's former deputies in charge on behalf of the Golden Horde.       Finally, it was time for the Jalayirids to return to Tabriz. Big Hasan's son with Dilshad Khatun was Shaykh Uvays, who succeeded his father to the throne in 1356. Having accepted Jani Beg's overlordship, the Jalayirids had managed the storm of the Jochid assault well. With their long time Chobanid enemies annihilated, it was now time to seize the Azerbaijani pastures. In summer 1358 Shaykh Uvays successfully retook Tabriz twenty years after his father had last been pushed from the city. In the historical sources, Jalayirid rule is contrasted heavily with the Chobanids. Where the Chobanids appear as scheming, violent and oppressive men, the Jalayirids in contrast are presented as benevolent, respectful to Islamic and Chinggisid norms, ushering in an era of peace and prosperity after years of upheaval. Ruling from the Caucasus across Iraq, the Jalayirids were mighty, and deserved a new title for it. So did Shaykh Uvays begin to style himself Sultan. It was not an easy task, for many former supporters of the Chobanids had to be hunted down, and indeed, in 1359 Uvays was pushed out of Tabriz by another Ilkhanid successor state, the Muzaffarids, albeit briefly. But by the next year Uvays had retaken Tabriz, killed Malik Ashraf's still resisting son and properly secured Jalayirid control. The Jalayirid Sultanate saw a brief renaissance in art and culture, a restoration of economy and trade following the post-Ilkhanid disruptions. While respect was paid to the house of Chinggis Khan and certain norms associated with the Ilkhanate, this was no Chinggisid state. No Chinggisid puppet was maintained, and neither Uvays nor his sons based their rule on their Chinggisid ancestry, even though they could trace their lineage to a daughter of  Arghun Il-Khan. Chinggisid legitimacy as the basis for governance did not long survive Abu Sa'id, and the Ilkhanid successors at most portrayed themselves as protectors of the Il-Khanid dynasty, rather than its continuators.       Thus by the end of the fourteenth century, most of the western portion of the former Ilkhanate, that is the Caucasus, northwestern Iran and Iraq, was ruled by the Jalayirid Dynasty. Iran itself was largely divided between regional forces, the most prominent being the Muzaffarids and Injuids and Sarbadars of Sabzavar. None were of Mongol origin, but were rather local Persian dynasties which had emerged out of the Ilkhanid political structure. In rare cases, pre-existing dynasties like the Kartids of Herat simply reasserted themselves. A few Turkic nomadic confederations, of unclear political origins, emerged in the second half of the fourteenth century, most notably the Black Sheep Turkomans, the Qaraqoyunlu. In Anatolia, a number of Turkic beyliks rose out of the splintered ruins of the Ilkhanid government there, including one on the western end of the peninsula founded by a ghazi named Osman. You may know them better as the Ottomans. The Mamluks maintained their hold on Egypt, with al-Nasir Muhammad enjoying a very long third reign until his death in the 1340s, which then saw a rapid succession of his numerous sons and grandsons on the Mamluk throne, preventing any Mamluk expansion at the expense of the weak post-Ilkhanid states.       Such was the more situation of the late fourteenth century post-Ilkhanid world, soon to be turned over by the rival of a powerful emir from the western Chagatai Khanate named Temur, or Tamerlane. But that's a story for another day, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals podcast for more. If you enjoyed this and would like to help up continue bringing you great content, then consider supporting us on Patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. This episode was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson. I'm your host David, and we'll catch you on the next one. 

Santi González comenta cómo Amazon censura la palabra negros de la canción Esos ojitos negros del Dúo Dinámico.

Repasamos lo más destacado de la parrilla televisiva con Ferrán Monegal. Hablamos del Dúo Dinámico en "Lazos de sangre"

Star Wars Visions is here!     Star Wars Visions just premiered on Disney+, and it's time to delve deep into the messages, music and magnificence of these nine anime-inspired short films from Japanese studios. Din of the band F-105 joins us with some terrific insight. In fact, each of us came from 3 unique perspectives, and changed each other's minds on ones we didn't initially care for. Sarah brought musical insight, Din brought story-telling and philosophy, Richard brought his film-making and easter egg-hunting skills, it was a fascinating Super-Size discussion. Perhaps this conversation will also inspire you!   This is a Super-Size episode, so you can listen to it for two weeks (we will also be taking off next week due to our traveling schedule). In the meantime, please check out our NEW YouTube Daily Series: TODAY IN STAR WARS HISTORY. Your daily Star Wars history lesson! Sign up for the Skywalking Network Newsletter Never miss a podcast, Zoom discussion link or Pop Culture Trivia! Check out these SKYwalking NETwork Podcasts: Resilience Squadron - Sharing the adventures and challenges of disabled fans across and in the Star Wars universe Classic Marvel Star Wars Comics - Delving into each issue of the Star Wars comic series 1977-1986 The Max EFX Podcast - Chronicling the 35-year Special Effects film career of Max Cervantes Neverland Clubhouse - Two sisters, and best friends, sharing Disney adventures Talking Apes - focusing on the original Planet of the Apes films and TV shows Totally Tell Me Everything - Two ladies, one topic, three questions. Sarah Woloski and Bryn MacKinnon learn, share and grow. Star Warsologies - A podcast about Science and Star Wars SPONSORS Small World Vacations is an official sponsor of Skywalking Through Neverland. Contact them for a no obligation price quote at www.smallworldvacations.com. Tell them Skywalking Through Neverland sent you. SUPPORT THE SHOW Find out how you can become a part of the Skywalking Force and unlock bonus content. CONTACT US Instagram: http://instagram.com/skywalkingpod Twitter: https://twitter.com/SkywalkingPod Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/skywalkingthroughneverland Send emails to share@skywalkingthroughneverland.com and follow us on Facebook. If you dug this episode, click over to iTunes | Stitcher | YouTube and leave us a review! Never Land on Alderaan!    

Oiselle 2021 Women Run the Vote Panel (on September 21, 2021) on the historical and present erasure of Black and Indigenous communities from the land/outdoors was moderated by Dinée Dorame, with Teresa Baker, Rebecca McCown, Guarina Lopez, and Faith Briggs. The 2021 Women Run the Vote Virtual Relay covered 907 miles from Apsaalooké (Crow) lands at Yellowstone National Park and ended in Duwamish territory in Seattle, WA from September 20th - 26th, 2021. More than 75 physical activities could be logged and converted to miles on the virtual route to provide an inclusive experience for participants of all abilities. Event organizers Oiselle and Run 4 All Women aimed to educate participants about indigenous sovereignty and environmental justice while raising funds for the Duwamish Tribe of Seattle, National Indigenous Women's Resource Center, and Runners for Public Lands. The event raised $111,000 in total, with $37,000 being donated to each of the three organizations.   In This Episode: Oiselle's Women Run the Vote 2.0 Virtual Relay Oiselle's Women Run the Vote Panelist Bios Grounded Pod Episode 7 - Faith E. Briggs Grounded Pod Episode 20 - Alison Mariella Desir Grounded Pod Episode 29 - Guarina Lopez   Follow the Panelists: Teresa Baker: @teresabaker11 Faith E. Briggs: @faithevebee Guarina Lopez: @guarinapalomalopez Rebecca McCown: @re_beckey   Follow Grounded Pod: Instagram: @groundedpod Twitter: @groundedpod Facebook: facebook.com/groundedpodwithdinee   Subscribe, Listen, & Review on: Spotify | Apple Podcasts | Soundcloud | Stitcher   Music by Jacob Shije (Santa Clara Pueblo, NM). This podcast was made possible through the Tracksmith Fellowship Program.

STAR WARS: VISIONS REVIEW!  On this episode, Dominic, Ben, and Chris are joined by Din of F-105 to discuss the entire first season of the Star Wars anthology series of anime short films, Star Wars: Visions.  They discuss the themes and art styles of each episode, as well as what makes the shorts stand out from the rest of Star Wars.  They also talk about which episodes surprised them and which ones they would likes to see sequels too.  And they discuss what lessons the rest of Star Wars can take from Visions.  Plus, what episodes were their favourites, Star Wars words of wisdom, and the long awaited conclusion to #TopHatWatch.  All this and much more!   Support The SWU on Patreon Buy an SWU T-shirt Website: www.starwarsunderworld.com Facebook: www.facebook.com/swunderworld Twitter: @TheSWU Subscribe and Review on iTunes Email: swunderworld@gmail.com Voicemail: 1-410-989-1138  

Diné musician Klee Benally calls his latest set of creations “performance art intervention.” It's called “Appropriation” consisting of 13 tracks and is a stance against cultural genocide. It's set to some very energetic sounds and brought further to life with strong vocals. The former Blackfire guitarist and vocalist writes: “The music and accompanying propaganda was created for collective disruption of the dehumanizing forces attacking Indigenous existence.” We visit with Klee to find out why he's calling out settler colonial order.

“Ket Buqa Noyan kept attacking left and right with all zeal. Some encouraged him to flee, but he refused to listen and said, “Death is inevitable. It is better to die with a good name than to flee in disgrace. In the end, someone from this army, old or young, will reach the court and report that Ket Buqa, not wanting to return in shame, gave his life in battle. The padishah should not grieve over lost Mongol soldiers. Let him imagine that his soldiers' wives have not been pregnant for a year and the mares of their herds have not folded. [...]The life or death of servants like us is irrelevant.” Although the soldiers left him, he continued to struggle in battle like a thousand men. In the end his horse faltered, and he was captured. [...] After that, Ket Buqa was taken before Quduz with his hands bound. “Despicable man,” said Quduz, “you have shed so much blood wrongfully, ended the lives of champions and dignitaries with false assurances, and overthrown ancient dynasties with broken promises. Now you have finally fallen into a snare yourself.”[...]     “If I am killed by your hand,” said Ket Buqa, “I consider it to be God's act, not yours. Be not deceived by this event for one moment, for when the news of my death reaches Hülägü Khan, the ocean of his wrath will boil over, and from Azerbaijan to the gates of Egypt will quake with the hooves of Mongol horses. They will take the sands of Egypt from there in their horses' nose bags. Hülägü Khan has three hundred thousand renowned horsemen like Ket Buqa. You may take one of them away.”       So the great Ilkhanid vizier and historian Rashid al-Din records the heroic, and certainly greatly dramatized, account of Kitbuqa Noyan's final stand at the battle of Ayn Jalut in September 1260. This was the famous Mongol defeat at the newly established, and rather fragile, Mamluk Sultanate of Egypt. The Mongols however, did not see it as an irreversible cataclysm, but the defeat of a small force which would soon be avenged, for Heaven demanded nothing less. The  defeat of the Mongols at Ayn Jalut in 1260 was not the end of the war between the Mongols and the Mamluks, and over the next 50 years Hulegu's successors, the Ilkhans, tried repeatedly to avenge their losses only to be halted by the Mamluks' valiant resistance.  Here, we will look at the efforts by the Mongol Ilkhanate to bring their horses to the Nile. I'm your host David, and this is Kings and Generals: Ages of Conquest.       First, we should note that for anyone wishing to read more about the war between the Mongols and the Mamluks, the most detailed work on the subject can be found in Reuven Amitai-Preiss' Mongols and Mamluks: The Mamluk-Ilkhanid War, released in 1995. No other work details the entire conflict and its sources so fully, and is an absolute must read for anyone desiring the most effective overview on the subject possible.       With the death of Grand Khan Mongke in 1259, the Mongol Empire was irrevocably broken: while Hulegu and his successors stayed on good terms with his brother Khubilai, the nominal Great Khan, Hulegu was independent, ruler of  vast domain stretching from Anatolia to the Amu Darya, known as the Ilkhanate. Hulegu's cousins in the neighbouring Golden Horde, Chagatai Khanate and the Neguderis were almost immediately antagonistic to the Ilkhans, who found themselves defending their distant frontiers from all three, in addition to internal revolts. For the Ilkhans, the Mamluks were but one frontier amongst several, one they could turn to only when the threat from the other Khanates was low. More often than not, this simple fact prevented any great Ilkhanid invasion of the Mamluk state.   For the Mamluks though, their border with the Ilkhanate along the Euphrates river was of utmost importance. In the aftermath of Ayn Jalut, the Mamluk Sultan Qutuz was assassinated by the energetic Baybars, who had fought alongside Qutuz against Kitbuqa. We introduced Baybars back in episode 30 of this podcast. While much credit can be given to Qutuz and the quality of the Mamluk soldiery for the victory at Ayn Jalut, the reason for continued Mamluk successes against the Mongols can be attributed to Baybars. A Qipchaq from the great Eurasian steppe, as a young boy Baybars had been sold into slavery to the Ayybuid Sultan of Egypt. There, Baybars was converted to Islam and received extensive training in all matter of military affairs. An excellent soldier, coupled with  immense ambition, endurance and drive, Baybars understood clearly the danger the Mongols posed, and set up his entire kingdom to defend against them.    The new Sultan greatly expanded the Mamluk regiments, encouraging good relations with the Golden Horde, Genoese and Byzantine Empire to keep up the flow of Turkic slave soldiers from the Eurasian steppe, over the Mediterranean to the ports of Egypt. He established a sophisticated intelligence network to inform him on the Ilkhanate and spread misinformation within it, supported by a system of signal towers, messenger pigeons, improved roads, bridges and relay stations to rapidly send messages. This was the barid, which served as the Mamluks' answer to the Mongol yam system. Its riders reported directly to the Mamluk Sultan.  Frontier fortifications along the Euphrates River like al-Bira and al-Rahba were strengthened, and they served as the first line of defence when the armies of the Ilkhanate advanced. When messengers raced down from Syria to Egypt with news of a Mongol assault,  Baybars would immediately march with an army from Cairo to meet them head on. More often than not, the Mongol attack party would return to the Ilkhanate rather than face Baybars head on. His swift reaction kept border officials loyal, feeling their Sultan would soon be there to assist them, or to punish defections. Rather than face the Mongols in battle, garrisons of cities in Syria past the Euphrates border were ordered to withdraw and regrouped at designated locations during invasions, facing the Mongols with united forces or awaiting the Sultan.  Baybars would not allow the Mongols to overrun his empire piecemeal, as they had the Khwarezmian Empire some forty years prior.   Baybars cultivated relations with bedouin nomads across Syria, who provided valuable auxiliaries, intelligence and also to keep them from allying with the Mongols.  Finally, he strengthed his position domestically, controlling the economy and  appointing his own Caliphs to legitimize himself, presenting himself as the defender of Islam. Baybars prepared his entire kingdom for Mongol attacks, a highly effective system the Ilkhanate struggled against. For the Ilkhans, the theater with the Mamluks was a sideshow, one to attack only when other frontiers were secured. The Mamluk Sultanate itself had no hope of conquering the Ilkhanate or seriously threatening it, so the various Ilkhans felt no great rush to overwhelm the Mamluks. In contrast, for the Mamluks the Ilkhanid border was of utmost importance: Baybars had to levy almost entirety of the Mamluk army to repel the Mongols, and thus not even a single defeat could be afforded for it would allow the Mongols to overrun Egypt, and the remainder of the Islamic west. Thus did Baybars finetune a system that proved remarkably successful at defending against the house of Hulegu, although it demanded great personal ability on the part of the monarch, and Baybars' successors struggled to compare to his vision.    Soon after Ayn Jalut in September 1260, a Mongol force of about 6,000 returned to Syria that December. Commanded by Baydar, an officer of Kitbuqa who had escaped Qutuz and Baybars' great advance earlier that year, it was a serious threat. At that time Sultan Baybars had not tightened his hold over Syria, attacks by the Crusader states had wrought further confusion, and some of Qutuz's loyalists had rebelled against Baybars' rule, one of whom even declared himself sultan. There is implication in the Mamluk sources that the attack was not launched on Hulegu's order, but Baydar's own initiative to avenge Kitbuqa. As his army marched, they found that the garrisons of Syria had retreated before them. Placing a governor in Aleppo and other major cities, as the Mongols neared Homs they found the combined garrisons of Homs, Hama and Aleppo had retreated there and rallied before them. Greatly outnumbering the Syrian forces, perhaps 6,000 troops under Baydar to 1,400 under the Syrians, Baydar was ultimately defeated in battle, the Syrians aided by thick fog and the timely flanking of local Bedouin. Coincidentally, it was fought near the grave of Khalid ibn al-Walid, the great commander of the early Islamic conquests and victor at Yarmouk, which earned it double the symbolic value. This first battle of Homs, as it was to become known, strengthened the feeling that the Mongols were not invincible. The Mongol army outnumbered the Mamluk garrisons, and keenly demonstrated the importance of unified defense rather than each garrison hiding behind city walls. For many Mamluk writers, it was the first battle of Homs that stood as the great victory over the Mongols, rather than Ayn Jalut. It was also the last major Mongol offensive into Syria in the 1260s.    Hulegu spent the next years fighting with Berke Khan of the Golden Horde over the valuable territory of Azerbaijan, which Berke believed belonged to the house of Jochi. With Hulegu's death in February 1265, he was succeeded by his son Abaqa, who was distracted by Jochid attacks and the efforts of setting up a new empire. By then, the most entrenched Sultan Baybars could solidify his defences, and turn to the isolated Crusader strongholds. By this time, little remained of the former Crusader Kingdoms, baring some coastal cities like Antioch, Tripoli and Acre and a few inland fortresses like Krak des Chevaliers and Montfort. The Crusader States had shown neutrality to the Mongols, or even joined them such as the County of Tripoli in 1260 after the Mongols entered Syria. Their neutrality or allegiance to the Mongols, in addition to the possibility of them acting as a foothold to further European troops, meant that the Mamluks would unleash bloody vengeance on them whenever the opportunity arose. From February to April 1265 in the immediate aftermath of Hulegu's  death, Baybars conquered Caesarea, Haifa, Arsuf, Galilee and raided Cilician Armenia, the vassals of the Ilkhanate. In 1268 Baybars took Antioch, and in 1270-71 when Abaqa was fighting with Chagatayid and Neguderi armies in the far east, Baybars took the fortresses of Krak des Chevaliers and Montfort, and planned to attack Tripoli, another Ilkhanid vassal. Though it remains popular in some circles to portray the Mamluk conquest of the Crusader holdouts as titanic clashes, they were side affairs, undertaken by the Mamluks whenever the Ilkhans were occupied.  Such was the slow and humiliating coup de grace which ended the Crusader states.   The Mamluks' ending of the Crusader kingdoms certainly served them strategically, for it was the most effective way to prevent any link up between European and Mongol forces. Hulegu and his successors sent letters to the Kings and Popes of Europe, encouraging them to take up crusade against the Mamluks and together defeat them, offering to return Jerusalem and other holy sites back into Christian hands, but this almost always fell on deaf ears or were greeted with empty promises. Louis IX's highly organized crusades had resulted in utter debacles at Mansura in 1250 and Tunis in 1270, which dampened whatever minor enthusiasm for crusade was left in Europe. Few European monarchs ever seriously took up Mongol offers at military alliances, with two exceptions. King James I of Aragon found himself the most motivated by the Il-Khan Abaqa's requests, encouraged by the promises of the Ilkhanate's logistical and military support once they reached the mainland. James made his preparations, and launched a fleet in September 1269. An unexpected storm scattered the fleet, and only two of James' bastard children made it to Acre, who stayed only briefly, accomplishing little there before departing. This was soon followed by the arrival of prince Edward of England, the future King Edward I, at Acre in May 1271 with a small force, and Abaqa sent an army under Samaghar, the Mongol commander in Rum, to assist him: but Samaghar's force withdrew with the arrival of Baybars. Edward's troops performed poorly on their own minor raids, and set sail for England in September 1272.    One of the commanders who took part in Samaghar's raid was Mu'in al-Din Sulaiman, better known as the Pervane, from sahib pervana, the keeper of the seals, though it literally means “butterfly.” The Pervane was the dominant figure of the rump state of the Seljuqs of Rum: when the previous Mongol installed Seljuq Sultan, Kilij Arlan IV, had challenged the Pervane, he succeeded in getting Abaqa to execute the Sultan and instate Arslan's young son, a toddler enthroned as Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusraw III. Thus did the Pervane, in coordination with Samaghar Noyan, act as the master of Anatolia. Essentially co-governors, Samaghar and the Pervane had a stable relationship, enriching themselves along the way. But when Abaqa appointed his younger brother Ejei to oversee the Pervana and Samaghar. The Pervane chafed under the increased financial burden and supervision, and asked Abaqa to recall his brother, claiming Ejei was in cooperation with Baybars. Abaqa promised to recall him, but delayed. In his frustration, the Pervane himself  reached out to Baybars. The Sultan's curiosity was piqued, but didn't commit; by the time his response reached the Pervane in 1274, Ejei and Samaghar had been replaced by Toqa Noyan, and the Pervane didn't respond. Under Toqa Noyan, Mongol pressure was even greater in Anatolia, and the Pervane's powers were more limited than ever.    What followed was a terrible mess of political machinations. The Pervane got Toqa Noyan removed, Ejei was reinstated, the Pervane's efforts to remove Ejei again frustrated Abaqa, who removed Ejei, killed some of his followers and reinstated the Pervane and Toqa Noyan. In November 1275, the Mongols besieged al-Bira, but Baybars had learned of it in advance allegedly due to contacts with the Pervane. After this, the Pervane was careful to rebuild trust with Abaqa, bringing him the Seljuq Sultan's sister to wed. At the same time, with or without the Pervane's support a group of Rumi amirs met with Baybars in July 1276, urging him to attack. Judging there was enough support in Rum for him he agreed, and Baybars mobilized his army over winter 1276, setting out in February 1277.   As Baybars sped up the Levantine coast, the Pervane rapidly lost control of Rum as various Turkmen rebelled and a new Mongol army under Tudawan cracked down on the amirs who had contacted Baybars. In Syria, Baybars sent a diversionary force from Aleppo over the Euphrates, while his main army entered Anatolia in early April. After pushing off a Mongol advance force of 3,000 in the Taurus Mountains, news reaches Baybars that Tudawun was camped close by on a plain near the town of Abulustayn (Elbistan) and set out for them, the armies meeting on the 15th of April 1277.   Tudawan's army was about 14,000 Mongols, Turk and heavily armoured Georgian cavalry was joined by an army of Rumi troops similar size under the Pervane, but Tudawan distrusted them, and kept them away from his lines. Tudawan's scouts had failed to judge the size of the Mamluk army, which he believed to be smaller and lacking Baybars. In reality, the Mamluks outnumbered the Mongols by a few thousand. As the Mamluks entered the plain at the narrow end they were unable to properly form up, and their centre was positioned before their left wing.  The Mongol left flank began the battle, sending arrows into the Mamluk standard bearers in the centre before charging them. The Mamluk centre buckled under the charge, and the more exposed Mamluk left wing was similarly pounded by the Mongol right.   The situation was critical for the Mamluks: likely at this stage, their bedouin irregulars fled. Baybars sent in his reserve, the garrison of Hama, to reinforce his left, and succeeded in forcing back the Mongols. A brief respite allowed the Mamluks to better deploy their lines, and counterattack. The Mongols fought fiercely, but the greater number of the Mamluks made the difference. Gradually forced back over the course of the day, their horses exhausted and unable to access remounts, the Mongols dismounted, signalling they were fighting to the death. With great struggle, the Mamluks defeated them and killed their commanders. The Rumi army took little part in the battle and dispersed, the Pervane escaping, with one of his sons captured by Baybars. The next day the Mamluk Sultan marched for Kayseri, reaching it on April 20th.   Baybars ordered the Pervane and the Seljuq Sultan to him, but the Pervane held out in his own castle. Both realized that Baybars would not be able to hold this position, deep in enemy territory, supplies low and the rest of his kingdom unprotected while a furious Abaqa rallied his army. 5 days after entering Kayseri, Baybars was en route back to Syria and though his vanguard deserted to the Mongols, by June he was in Damascus. Abaqa arrived in Rum too late to catch Baybars, and in his fury was only narrowly persuaded out of massacring everything between Kayseri and Erzerum, while the summer heat kept him from invading Syria. He was able to catch the Pervane though, and put him to death: allegedly, his flesh was eaten by Abaqa and the senior Mongols.   Thus ended one of Baybars' most skillfully executed campaigns: lightning quick and devastating, creating a terrible mess for the Ilkhanate, though in itself brought no strategic gain or shift in the status quo. It was a great shock when the Lion of Egypt suddenly died at the beginning of July 1277 soon after his return. Baybars had hoped to establish a dynasty: he was seamlessly succeeded by his older son, named al-Sa'id Berke. The new Sultan quickly antagonized the Mamluk emirs through his efforts to limit their powers, and was forced to abdicate in favour of his younger brother, the 7 year old Sulamish. The boy was nothing but a puppet, and his guardian, one of the late Baybars' Mamluks named Qalawun, soon forced the boy out and took power himself in November 1279.  Like Berke, Qalawun had been taken from the Qipchap steppe and sold as a Mamluk. He had loyally served Baybars and proven himself an able commander, though something of a schemer. Though Qalawun's line came to dominate the Mamluk Sultanate for essentially the next century, initially Qalawun faced stiff opposition in attempting to assert his authority.    This disruption in the Sultanate was a golden opportunity for Abaqa, who decided it was time to press the Mamluk frontier. To this, he decided to put his younger brother Mongke-Temur to the task. Prince Mongke-Temur first  raided Syria in November 1280 with King Lewon III of Armenian Cilicia, Bohemond VII of Tripoli and a contingent of Knights Hospitaller. In September 1281, Mongke-Temur returned again, a large force of perhaps 40-50,000 Mongols, Armenians under Lewon III, Georgians, Franks and troops from Seljuq Rum. Abaqa initially followed with another army, but may have been forced to hold due to rumours of an attack by the Golden Horde at Derbent.   The Mongol invasion provided a common enemy to unite the Mamluk factions fighting for power, and under Qalawun they advanced, reinforced by Syrian garrisons and bedouins. They reached Homs a few days before the Mongols in late October, giving Qalawun's troops a chance to dig in and rest on the plain north of the city. Their preparations were improved as a Mongol defector informed them of Mongke-Temur's battle plan. Most of the Mongol army was to be placed in the center with the right wing also strong, intending to overpower the Mamluk left and centre where the Sultan's banners would be. Qalawun thus reinforced his left wing, and positioned himself on a hill behind the vanguard to oversee the battle and act as reserve.    Marching through the night, the Mongols arrived early on the 29th of October, 1281. It was a massive front, over 24 kilometres in length due to the size of both armies. The wings of both forces, so far apart, had little knowledge of what was occurring on the other side. While tired from the night march, the Mongols were eager: the battle was initiated when the Mongol right under Alinaq charged forth. The Mamluk left and part of their centre crumpled  and routed under the onslaught. Alinaq continued his pursuit, and here Mongke-Temur's inexperience and the scale of the battlefield began to tell. Proper communication with the command seemingly absent, Alinaq pursued the fleeing Mamluks off the battlefield, as far as the Lake of Homs where they dismounted to rest, evidently anticipating the rest of the army would soon arrive.   A similar charge by the Mongol left wing lacked the numbers of the Mongol right, so the Mamluk right and centre were able to hold and counterattack. Qalawun's actual role in this counterattack isn't clear: some sources have him personally lead the attack, while in others he kept his position hidden, not even raising his banners so as to avoid Mongol arrows. The Mamluks pushed back the Mongol right and the bedouin came around to hit the Mongol flank. The Mongol right fell back to the centre, which under Mongke-Temur was being held in reserve. In the resulting confusion, perhaps thrown by his horse, Mongke-Temur was injured and unable to command. Most of the Mongols then dismounted to make a final stand around the prince, and ultimately routed under the Mamluk assault.    The Mamluks chased the fleeing Mongols right to the border with the Ilkhanate, many drowning in the Euphrates or dying in the desert: so deadly was this rout that  Mamluk authors said more Mongols were killed in flight than in the actual battle. Qalawun and a small guard remained on the battlefield: they were forced to hide their banners and stay silent when the Mongol right wing finally returned to the battlefield, too late to turn the tide. It seems it was able to take an orderly retreat back into the Ilkhanate.       Abaqa was furious at this loss, and intended to return the next year, but died in April 1282. As we have covered in our previous episodes, Abaqa's successors were not blessed with his same longevity or stability, and until 1295 the Ilkhanate saw a succession of short lived monarchs and infighting, internal revolts and renewed attacks by the Golden Horde. Though the succeeding Ilkhans continued to demand Mamluk submission, send threatening letters and continue to attempt an alliance with European powers, nothing materialized beyond border raids and skirmishes in both directions. For the time being, the immediate Mongol threat to the Mamluks had ended, and Sultan Qalawun turned to the remaining Frankish strongholds, all possible beachheads for European armies coming to assist the Ilkhans. Armenian Cilicia was pillaged, remaining inland Crusader strongholds were taken, and in April 1289 the Mongols' vassal Tripoli fell. After the death of Abaqa's son Arghun Il-Khan in March 1291, the Mamluks used the resulting distraction in the Ilkhanate to take the final major Frankish city in the Holy Land, Acre, leaving them with but miniscule holdings which fell in the following years. So ended 200 years of Crusader Kingdoms.       Following Qalawun's death in 1290, he was succeeded by his son al-Ashraf Khalil. A fearsome military commander, it was he who led the push to seize Acre and the final Crusader holdings of note. Yet he did not long to enjoy the throne, and was assassinated in the last days of 1293 due to his efforts to curb the power of the existing Mamluk emirs. With his assassination, the Mamluks entered a period of political instability over the Sultanate. Initially his younger brother al-Nasir Muhammad was placed on the throne, still a child and without any real power. After a year as Sultan he was forced out by his guardian and regent, a Mamluk named, of all things, Kitbuqa. Apparently of Mongol origin, he had been taken captive by the Mamluks at the first battle of Homs in 1260, and made in turn a Mamluk, that is, a slave soldier. Kitbuqa's reign as Sultan was not particularly notable, mostly marked by intense political infighting and machinations. There was, however, a large body of Oirats who deserted the Ilkhanate to join the Mamluks Sultanate. Kitbuqa's generous treatment of this body of nomadic troops, with whom it appeared he shared kinship, angered a number of the other Mamluk emirs and undermined his power. He was soon forced to flee as one of al-Ashraf Khalil's assassins, the Emir Lajin, seized power. When Lajin was murdered in 1299, al-Ashraf Khalil's young brother al-Nasir Muhammad was recalled to take the throne. Only 14 years old, al-Nasir Muhammad had no real power and was still a puppet for the emirs competing for power.   In comparison, 1295 saw the beginning of the reign of the powerful Ghazan Khan, son of Arghun. Ghazan, as we have covered, was not the first Muslim Ilkhan but by his reign a majority of the Mongols within the Ilkhanate had converted, and made the Ilkhanate an Islamic state. Ghazan consolidated his position early on, executing a number of potential challengers to the throne and restabilizing the  Ilkhanid economy, though you can listen to our episode dedicated to Ghazan for more on the internal matters of his reign. While Ghazan was a Muslim, this did not change Ilkhanid policy to the Mamluk. He continued to send letters to western Europe urging them to land an army behind enemy lines. In late 1298, while Mamluk armies ravaged the Ilkhan's vassal Cilician Armenia, the na'ib of Damascus, Sayf al-Din Qibjaq and a few other top Mamluks deserted to the Ilkhanate during a particularly violent stretch within the Sultanate. Fearing for their lives, they inform Ghazan of Sultan Lajin and his vice-Sultan Manketamur's purges and unstable positions. Then in summer 1299 a Mamluk raid into the Ilkhanate sacked Mardin, violating Muslim women and descretating a mosque during Ramadan. Ghazan was thus able to easily obtain a fatwa against the Mamluks for this, presenting himself not as an invader, but a holy warrior coming to avenge atrocities against Islam to encourage dissent among Mamluk ranks. Indeed, the ruler of Hama, a top Mamluk ally, believed the accusations.        By December 1299, Ghazan and his army of Mongols, Georgians and Armenians under their King Het'um II, had crossed the Euphrates. By then, Sultan Lajin had been replaced by a al-Nasir Muhammad who was nearly toppled by the Oirat refugees to the Sultanate. Ghazan bypassed Aleppo and Hama, and hunted for the Mamluk army. While encamped on the edge of the Syrian desert, Ghazan learned the Mamluks were gathering at Homs, where they had defeated Mongke-Temur 18 years prior. Rather than fall into their trap, Ghazan chose to outflank them, crossing the Syrian desert and coming out onto a stream some 16 kilometres north of Homs on the 22nd of December. To the Mamluks, it appeared that Ghazan was retreating, and advanced out of their favourable position to pursue. In a reverse of the 2nd Battle of Homs, now the Mamluks were forced to cross the desert, exhausting themselves to reach Ghazan early the next morning, while his own troops rested, quenched their thirst and formed up. Crucially, the Ilkhanid army was under the firm control of Ghazan and his commander Qutlugh-Shah, while the young al-Nasir Muhammad could not control his senior emirs.        On the morning of December 23rd, 1299, the Mamluks found Ghazan's army was drawn up. Ghazan commanded the centre, while his general Qutlugh-Shah commanded the right.  Qutlugh-Shah's beating of  war drums made the Mamluks believe Ghazan to be located there, and to him they charged, forcing the Mongol right back. Ghazan led the counterattack against them, and Qutlugh-Shah rallied what forces he could and rejoined the Il-Khan. From 11 a.m until nightfall, the battle raged, but finally the Mamluks broke and fled.  Ghazan pursued them past Homs before encamping, not wishing to be drawn into a false retreat in the dark. Homs surrendered without a fight and Ghazan took the Sultan's treasure, distributing it among his nokod, keeping for himself a sword, the title deeds to the Mamluk Sultanate and the muster roll of its army. Next Ghazan marched onto Damascus, which also surrendered without a fight, though its citadel held out. It seems almost the entire Mamluk garrison of Syria had retreated, perhaps recalled to defend the capital. Mongol raiding parties were making it as far as Gaza, with one source reporting they even entered Jerusalem, and the Sultanate seemed poised to fall.       But on February 5th, 1300, Ghazan withdrew from Damascus, returning to the Ilkhanate. Qutlugh-Shah had been left to take the Citadel of Damascus, but he soon followed the Il-Khan. By the end of May, the Mamluks had retaken Syria. Exactly why Ghazan withdrew is unclear: possibly reports of a Neguderi invasion in the east of his realm demanded his attention, or he feared there would not be sufficient pasturage for his large army to make the trip to Egypt: the Mamluks were known to burn grassland and destroy supply depots on the routes they suspected the Mongols to take.  Likely he was unaware of how dire the situation really was for the Mamluks, and suspected further armed resistance along the route would make the already treacherous crossing over the Sinai even harder on his army. Whatever the reason, Ghazan had lost the greatest chance to destroy the Mamluks. Ghazan did cross the Euphrates at the end of December 1300, reaching as far as Aleppo, but heavy rains rendered military operations untenable. In 1303 Ghazan ordered Qutlugh-Shah back into Syria, but he was defeated at Marj al-Suffar near Damascus in April. Ghazan's death the next year, only 34 years old, prevented his next assault. His brother and successor, Oljeitu, ordered the final Ilkhanid attack on the Sultanate, an embarrassing effort in winter 1312 which saw the army retreat not from the Royal Mamluks, but the stiff resistance of ordinary townsfolk. Oljeitu's son, Abu Sa'id, ultimately organized peace with the Mamluks in the early 1320s, ending the sixty years of warfare between the Mongols and the Mamluks. The Ilkhanate did not long outlive this treaty. Abu Sa'id death in 1335 without an heir saw the Ilkhanate torn apart by regional commanders -the Jalayirids, Chobanids, Muzaffarids and Injuids, among others- who appointed their own puppet Khans or abandoned the pretense entirely.       For the Mamluks, they were unable to take advantage of the Ilkhanate's disintegration as when al-Nasir Muhammad died in 1341, they entered their own period of anarchy: 8 of al-Nasir's children and 4 of his grandsons would in turn become Sultan between 1341 and 1382, a period which culminated in the rise of the Circassian Burji Mamluk Dynasty. Whereas the Sultans from Qutuz, Baybars through Qalawun and his descendants were men of Qipchaq-Cuman or even Mongol origin,  over the late thirteenth and first half of the fourteenth century a growing number of the Mamluks were sourced no longer from the Qipchaq steppe, but Circassia, a region along the Black Sea's northeastern coastline. With the end of the Qalawunid Dynasty, Mamluks of Circassian origin took power and established their own dynasty. The Bahri and Burji distinction refers to the parts of Cairo each Mamluk garrison had been based. It was this Mamluk dynasty who would face the wrath of Temur-i-lang at the beginning of the fifteenth century.       These post-Ilkhanid events will be the topic for a forthcoming episode, so be sure to subscribe to the Kings and Generals podcast to follow for that. If you enjoyed this and would like to help us continue bringing you great content, please consider supporting us on patreon at www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. This episode was researched and written by our series historian, Jack Wilson.  I'm your host David, and we'll catch you on the next one. 

Photo:  Gunners aboard Turkish ship, at posts   Turkey Is the New Jihadi Highway, and Erdogan Is the Toll Keeper.  @AykanErdemir @FDD The United States imposed sanctions on Thursday on five al Qaeda supporters working out of Turkey to provide financial services and travel help to the militant group, the Treasury Department said on Thursday. “These targeted sanctions highlight the United States' unwavering commitment to sever financial support to al-Qa'ida,” Andrea Gacki, director of the Office of Foreign Assets Control, said in a statement. “We will continue working with our foreign partners, including Turkey, to expose and disrupt al-Qa'ida's financial support networks.” The list included Majdi Salim, an Egyptian-born lawyer based in Turkey, whom Treasury identified as a primary facilitator of a range of al-Qa'ida activities in Turkey. Others were Muhammad Nasr al-Din al-Ghazlani, an Egyptian financial courier who used cash transfers to support al Qaeda and the Turkish citizens Nurettin Muslihan, Cebrail Guzel and Soner Gurleyen. https://www.fdd.org/analysis/2021/09/17/jihadist-financiers-in-turkey/

On this episode, Dominic, Ben, and Chris look back on 10 years of the Star Wars Underworld podcast with some rare, video highlights (yes, they still work as audio-only clips too!).  They travel through every year in the past decade, from the origins of the podcast in 2011 to the early convention days in 2012-2014, big interviews in 2015-16, and random craziness from 2017-2021.  Featured on this episode are interviews with Dave Filoni, Ashley Eckstein, and Stephen Stanton, as well as fun moments with friends of the show like Din of F-105, Ciaran Duggan, Chris "Starrapter" Abbott, and Steele Saunders.  Plus, a couple of news stories, breaking the rules of filmmaking, and a shocking prediction from 2012 that came true in 2019.  All this and much more!   Support The SWU on Patreon Buy an SWU T-shirt Website: www.starwarsunderworld.com Facebook: www.facebook.com/swunderworld Twitter: @TheSWU Subscribe and Review on iTunes Email: swunderworld@gmail.com Voicemail: 1-410-989-1138