Podcasts about Indian Penal Code

This is the Catchup on 3 Things by The Indian Express and I'm Flora Swain.Today is the 28th of October and here are the headlinesPrime Minister Narendra Modi today inaugurated a Tata Advanced Systems Ltd (TASL) plant in Vadodara, dedicated to manufacturing the C-295 aircraft for the Indian Air Force (IAF). Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez joined Modi, marking the occasion after both leaders laid the foundation stone for the Final Assembly Line (FAL) plant in October 2022. This facility represents India's first private sector assembly line for military aircraft. Modi emphasized that recent decisions have bolstered defense manufacturing in India, expressing confidence that the new Tata-Airbus facility will position India as a leading exporter of aircraft and fulfill rising civil aviation demands.Opposition members of the joint parliamentary committee on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill staged a walkout during Monday's meeting, alleging that individuals with "no stake" in the bill were being invited for oral evidence. Among those who walked out were AIMIM president Asaduddin Owaisi, Congress member Mohammad Jawed, and Samajwadi Party member Mohibbullah Nadvi. They eventually rejoined after a brief absence. Tensions flared when the Delhi Waqf Board administrator submitted a report to the committee chair, which the opposition claimed was done without approval from the Delhi government.Bengaluru police have filed charges against Malayalam film director Ranjith Balakrishnan for sexually assaulting a man. The case, originally registered in Kerala, was moved to Bengaluru after the complainant, a 31-year-old artist, stated the incident occurred in a hotel in the city. An FIR has been lodged at the BIAL police station under Section 377 (unnatural offences) of the Indian Penal Code and Section 66E (violation of privacy) of the Information Technology Act.With Diwali approaching, Delhi Environment Minister Gopal Rai urged Lieutenant Governor V K Saxena to take swift action against the sale and distribution of illegal firecrackers in the capital. Delhi recorded a concerning Air Quality Index (AQI) of 356, classified as ‘Very Poor.' Despite a complete ban on firecrackers—including manufacturing, storage, sale, and use—vendors continue to sell them in markets, and online delivery remains prohibited. The Delhi Government implemented this ban on October 14, lasting until January 1, 2025.Indian Olympic hopefuls may face reduced access to public funds as the government considers revising its Target Olympic Podium Scheme (TOPS). Discussions are ongoing within the Mission Olympic Cell (MOC), a committee of former athletes, coaches, and officials, regarding new selection criteria that could be finalized in the coming weeks. Currently, around 300 athletes in core and developmental groups receive financial support through TOPS, but an MOC official indicated that this number could be cut in half if stricter selection rules are implemented.This was the Catch Up on 3 Things by The Indian Express.

'In an affidavit to the Supreme Court, which is reviewing petitions challenging the constitutionality of the marital rape exception under Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs has argued that marital rape should not be criminalised. The affidavit asserted that labelling marital rape a criminal offence was “excessively harsh” and could destabilise the institution of marriage. The NDA is neither the first nor will it be the last government to fail Indian women,' says Karanjeet Kaur in her column.----more----Read full article here: https://theprint.in/opinion/indian-women-fundamental-rights-wedding-marital-rape/2301255/

This is the Catch Up on 3 Things for The Indian Express and I am Niharika NandaIt's the 5th of July and here are the top headlines of the week.The Uttar Pradesh Police arrested six satsang organizers yesterday in connection with the Hathras stampede that killed 121 people and injured several others on Tuesday. Meanwhile, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath has ordered a judicial probe into the incident, led by retired High Court judge Brijesh Kumar Srivastava and two other retired IAS officers, Hemant Rao and Bhavesh Kumar Singh.A week after being granted bail by the Jharkhand High Court, JMM leader and former Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren, along with his Cabinet, took the oath of office for a second term on Thursday. His predecessor, Champai Soren, met the Governor on Wednesday to submit his resignation after the ruling coalition's 45 MLAs elected Hemant Soren as their leader. Hemant Soren had resigned as Chief Minister five months ago, prior to his arrest on money laundering charges, after which Champai Soren had assumed the role.On Wednesday, the Union Government defended the Hindi nomenclature of the three new criminal laws that came into effect on Monday before the Madras High Court, asserting the constitutional legitimacy of the names against allegations of unconstitutionality. The three new laws — The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, the Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita, and the Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam passed in Parliament last December replaced the Indian Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Indian Evidence Act respectively.The Delhi Police stepped up security outside the house of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi after receiving intelligence inputs about possible threats from right-wing groups. This action follows Rahul Gandhi's maiden speech as the Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha, where he took a swipe at the BJP, saying that those who call themselves Hindus are engaged in “violence and hate.” BJP leaders reacted sharply to the remark, alleging that Rahul Gandhi insulted Hindus.The Lebanese Hezbollah group reported launching over 200 rockets at several military bases in Israel on Thursday in retaliation for a strike that killed one of its senior commanders. The attack by the Iran-backed militant group is one of the largest in the ongoing conflict along the Lebanon-Israel border, with tensions escalating in recent weeks. The Israeli military said that "numerous projectiles and suspicious aerial targets" entered its territory from Lebanon, many of which were intercepted. There were no immediate reports of casualties.This was the Catch-Up on the 3 Things by The Indian Express.Preparing for Civil Services? The Indian Express content that keeps you ahead of the curve is now available also on IAS Saathi. This new AI-driven app provides you credible information and aims to keep a balance of study & health. Download today on Google PlayStore and Apple Appstore.https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.iassathi.IASsathi&hl=en 

This is the Catch Up on 3 Things for the Indian Express and I'm Shashank Bhargava.It's the 1st of July and here are today's headlines.A ruckus ensued in the Lok Sabha during the first speech of Leader of Opposition (LoP) and Congress MP Rahul Gandhi in the 18th Lok Sabha. The commotion began when Gandhi gestured toward the Treasury Bench and remarked, “those who call themselves Hindus talk about violence.” This statement triggered an uproar in the Lower House, prompting intervention from Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah. The BJP has since demanded an apology from him.The National Investigation Agency (NIA) has consented to jailed Kashmir leader Sheikh Abdul Rashid, also known as Engineer Rashid, taking his oath as an MP on the 5th of July. Tomorrow, Additional Sessions Judge Chander Jit Singh will rule on the interim bail plea of Rashid, who is currently lodged in Tihar Jail, Delhi, in connection with a 2017 terror funding case. Rashid won the 2024 Lok Sabha elections as an Independent candidate from the Baramulla constituency in Jammu and Kashmir, defeating his nearest rival, Omar Abdullah, by over 200,000 votes.A Delhi court today sentenced activist Medha Patkar to five months' imprisonment in the defamation case filed against her in 2001 by Vinai Kumar Saxena, now the Delhi Lieutenant Governor. In 2000, Saxena had published an advertisement against Patkar's Narmada Bachao Andolan, which opposed the construction of dams on the river. Following this, Patkar allegedly issued a “press notice” against Saxena. In 2001, a defamation suit was filed against Patkar in an Ahmedabad court, which was later transferred to Delhi on the Supreme Court's directions.Union Home Minister Amit Shah urged the Opposition to refrain from politicizing the new criminal laws that came into effect today and appealed to them for holding dialogue before resorting to protests. The three new criminal laws – Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), and Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam (BSA) – were approved by Parliament last December to replace the Indian Penal Code, the Criminal Procedure Code, and the Indian Evidence Act respectively.The Russian Defence ministry has reported that the country's forces have taken over two villages in Ukraine's eastern Donetsk region. The ministry, in a brief statement on the Telegram messaging app, said its forces have also improved their positions along the frontline around the villages. Meanwhile, Ukraine's General Staff said that "heavy fighting" was taking place in the area around the villages.This was the Catch-Up on the 3 Things by The Indian Express.Preparing for Civil Services? The Indian Express content that keeps you ahead of the curve is now available also on IAS Saathi. This new AI-driven app provides you credible information and aims to keep a balance of study & health. Download today on Google PlayStore and Apple Appstore.https://play.google.com/store/apps/details?id=com.iassathi.IASsathi&hl=en

By Adam Turteltaub Traditionally, explains, Tanya Ganguli (LinkedIn), Principal Associate, Law Offices of Panag & Babu, India's criminal law framework revolved around the Indian Penal Code, The Code of Criminal Procedure and the Indian Evidence Act, two of which dated back to the 19th century. That changed with the passage of three new laws: the Bharatiya Nyaya (Second) Sanhita, 2023, the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha (Second) Sanhita, 2023 and the Bharatiya Sakshya (Second) Bill, 2023. Together they seek to bring criminal law into the 21st century and build off of long-established precedents. They are designed, she reports, to address loopholes, enhance efficiency and ensure justice. The laws are now more victim centric, but may not be too transformative, according to Tanya, for most compliance and ethics programs. Nonetheless, there are changes. New rules for searches and seizures will likely require updated training on dawn raids. Summons can now be delivered electronically. There is much greater need to digitize and consolidate records. Having the right tone at the top will be more important than ever. However, the change is likely to come relatively slowly with many aspects of the law expected to be implemented in stages. So keep your eye on the horizon in India, and be sure to listen to this discussion. Also, don't miss the first ever SCCE Basic Compliance & Ethics Academy in India.

Section 302 podcast Case 6: இந்திராணி முகர்ஜி !!Tune in to "Section 302" and immerse yourself in the gripping tale of the Indrani Mukerjea case.  A complex legal saga that revolves around Section 302 of the Indian Penal Code. Indrani Mukerjea, a former media executive, stands accused of committing a heinous crime that led to charges under Section 302, dealing with murder. Join us as we unravel the layers of this compelling case, examining the evidence, legal proceedings, and the intricate details that surround this high-profile trial. Tune in for a thought-provoking exploration of the Indrani Mukerjea case and its implications under Section 302. Available now on all major podcast platforms. Don't miss this journey into the heart of darkness, where truth is often stranger than fiction.Produced by Human PodiumExecutive Producer: Deepika ArunSponsors : Pakka Ltd  & Maiya PublishingScript: Kalachakram NarasimhaNarrators: Deepika Arun, DharanyaSound Design, Foley, Recording, Mixing and Mastering: L. Baba Prasad at Digi Sound Studio, ChennaiMusic: DakshinDirection Team: Bavya Keerthivasan & Srinithya Sundar#TrueCrime #JusticeForVictims #CrimePodcast #LegalInvestigation #CrimeStory #PodcastAlert #CrimeJustice #TrueCrimeCommunity #LegalSystem #crimepodcast #truecrimepodcast #PodcastBuzz #Truecrimepodcast #truecrimeseries #TrueCrimeSeries #humanpodium #crime #truecrime #tamilpodcast #womenserialkiller #IndraniMukerjeaCase #TrueCrimeIndia #MysteryUncovered #SheenaBora #TamilTrueCrime #CrimeAndJustice #IndianLegalDrama #UnsolvedMysteries #PodcastLovers #IndraniMukerjea

This is the story of the man who created India's first crime show: every week he was on television screens around the nation narrating the exploits of the most devious criminals of the time, until January 10, 2000, when he found himself at the center of a criminal investigation. The difference was, he was no longer researching or hosting this case, but instead living it – in the eyes of the police, the man that covers murder for a living, had just covered up the murder of his own wife. This is the story of how the host of India's Most Wanted, became one of the most Wanted Men in india. This is the story of Suhaib Ilyasi.   Join our Desi Family on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/thedesistudiosJoin our Desi Family on YouTube (for INR payments): https://youtube.openinapp.link/member   Buy Our Merch: https://kadakmerch.com/collections/desi-studios Sources: Suhaib Ilyasi vs State on 5 October, 2018 Section 498A in The Indian Penal Code, 1860 Section 304B in The Indian Penal Code, 1860 Section 201 in The Indian Penal Code, 1860 No longer India's Most Wanted: The rise and fall of Suhaib Ilyasi Suhaib Ilyasi - Wikipedia Suhaib Ilyasi Court Says TV Host Betrayed Not Just His Wife's Faith But Public Too Suhaib Ilyasi v. State.. | Delhi High Court | Judgment | Law | CaseMine Rukma Singh And Another v. Suhaib Ilyasi. | Delhi High Court | Judgment | Law | CaseMine Life Sentence To "Most Wanted" Host Suhaib Ilyasi For Murdering Wife - YouTube Ex-TV Anchor Suhaib Ilyasi Acquitted By Delhi High Court In Wife's Murder - YouTube Suhaib Ilyasi Of ‘India's Most Wanted' Fame Found Guilty Of Wife's Murder - YouTube Former TV producer Suhaib Ilyasi sentenced to life imprisonment for murder of his wife - YouTube Court to announce quantum of sentence for India's Most Wanted anchor Suhaib Ilyasi - YouTube Crime show ‘India's Most Wanted' anchor Suhaib Ilyasi gets life imprisonment - YouTube Former TV Anchor Suhaib Ilyasi Acquitted By Delhi High Court In Wife's Murder Case | ABP News - YouTube Sansani: Know all about India's Most Wanted anchor Suhaib Ilyasi's case - YouTube India's Most Wanted - Doordarshan National (DD1) - video Dailymotion

First, Indian Express' Apurva Vishwanath discusses the major highlights of the three bills poised to replace India's colonial-era criminal laws—the Indian Penal Code, the Code of Criminal Procedure, and the Indian Evidence Act. From bringing terrorism and organised crime under the ambit of ordinary criminal law to expanding detention in police custody, she explains the concerns raised by some of these proposed changes.Next, Indian Express' Diplomacy Editor Shubhajit Roy provides insights into the recent missile and drone attacks in the Red Sea. This includes incidents involving two cargo ships carrying Indian nationals, shedding light on the security concerns these attacks pose for the country (14:40).And in the, we give you a quick update on Defense Minister Rajnath Singh's visit to Jammu and Kashmir, where he met with the families of the three civilians allegedly killed after interrogation by security forces in the region (21:36).Further reading: https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-law/indian-penal-code-to-nyaya-sanhita-whats-new-what-is-out-what-changes-9078213/Hosted by Shashank BhargavaProduced by Shashank Bhargava and Niharika NandaEdited and mixed by Suresh pawar

In August this year, the Union government introduced three Bills to overhaul the country's criminal justice system. The were – the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), 2023 to replace the Indian Penal Code, 1860; Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS), 2023 to replace the Criminal Procedure Code, 1973; and the Bharatiya Sakshya Bill, 2023 to replace the Indian Evidence Act, 1872. Last week, the government withdrew these three bills and reintroduced newer versions of them. It has said claimed the recommendations of a Parliamentary Standing Committee have been incorporated in the newer versions. There has been little public debate or consultations on such a large scale legislative move to alter the base of the criminal justice system. What are the major changes envisaged in these bills? Do they enhance or curtail civil liberties? Is there merit in the fears that they seek to weaponise the police by expanding their powers? 

The proposed Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita or BNS, may soon replace the Indian Penal Code or IPC, a piece of legislation that has dealt with crimes and their punishments since 1860. One of the clauses under the BNS, clause 69, has recently sparked off a debate. Clause 69 says that if a man promises to marry a woman, but does not actually intend to marry her, and still has consensual sex with her, this will amount to a criminal offence. Sex under deceitful means or false promises to marry, may be punished with a prison term that can extend up to 10 years. With this a separate section has been carved out, differentiating these cases from rape cases. Criminalising sex based on a false promise to marry is not new: the courts in India have interpreted such cases as rape for years, relying on sections 375 and 90 of the existing IPC. With the proposed clause 69 though, consensual sex can be framed as rape, if a man does not carry out his promise to marry the woman. There's another element to this: Indian courts so far have distinguished between cases where the promise to marry was false from the beginning, and a breach of promise where the man intended to marry the woman, but could not do so for “legitimate reasons”. These reasons, as per judgements can be parental opposition, or, if the parties are from different castes, the courts have indicated that the woman should have known marriage would not have been possible. But how can the intent to marry be established? What happens when the first instance of sex was forced, and subsequently, a promise is made to marry, but is then not carried out? Should criminal law play a part at all in intimate relationships? And do such provisions undermine the sexual autonomy of women or are they the only way women can claim for damages when they have been harmed in a relationship?

இந்தியாவுக்கு சுதந்திரம் கிடைச்ச அப்புறம் சென்னைல நடக்கிற முதல் கொலை வழக்கு. மெட்ராஸ் மாகாணத்தையே அதிர வச்ச வழக்கு. ரயில் பொட்டியில கிடைக்கிற மர்ம பெட்டி; பெட்டிக்குள்ள தலையில்லா உடல்; அலைல அடிச்சிட்டு வர தல.  யார் இத செஞ்சது? உலகம் முழுக்க பேசப்பட்ட இந்த வழக்க பத்தின தகவல்கள் நிறைந்த விறுவிறுப்பான கதையை Section 302 போட்காஸ்ட்ல கேளுங்க. ஒவ்வொரு வெள்ளிக்கிழமையும் ஒரு புது எபிசோட். Step into the intriguing world of post-Indian Independence Chennai as we delve into the pages of history to explore a remarkable tale. Join us in this podcast episode as we uncover the mysteries surrounding the first murder case after the implementation of the Indian Penal Code. A body discovered on a train at Manamadurai, a severed head found on the shores of Ennore Beach—bewildering the police and leaving a community in shock. Tune in to unravel the perplexing questions: Who is the victim? And who could be behind this heinous crime? Don't miss out on the suspense and drama that unfolds. Listen to the episode. New Episodes every Friday.Produced by Human PodiumExecutive Producer: Deepika ArunSponsors: Mavalli Tiffin Rooms - Malaysia & Maiya Publishing Script: Kalachakram NarasimhaNarrators: Deepika Arun, Barath Raj RavidassSound Design, Foley, Recording, Mixing and Mastering: L. Baba Prasad at Digi Sound Studio, ChennaiMusic: DakshinDirection Team: Bavya Keerthivasan & Srinithya Sundar

இந்தியாவுக்கு சுதந்திரம் கிடைச்ச அப்புறம் சென்னைல நடக்கிற முதல் கொலை வழக்கு. மெட்ராஸ் மாகாணத்தையே அதிர வச்ச வழக்கு. ரயில் பொட்டியில கிடைக்கிற மர்ம பெட்டி; பெட்டிக்குள்ள தலையில்லா உடல்; அலைல அடிச்சிட்டு வர தல.  யார் இத செஞ்சது? உலகம் முழுக்க பேசப்பட்ட இந்த வழக்க பத்தின தகவல்கள் நிறைந்த விறுவிறுப்பான கதையை Section 302 போட்காஸ்ட்ல கேளுங்க. ஒவ்வொரு வெள்ளிக்கிழமையும் ஒரு புது எபிசோட். Step into the intriguing world of post-Indian Independence Chennai as we delve into the pages of history to explore a remarkable tale. Join us in this podcast episode as we uncover the mysteries surrounding the first murder case after the implementation of the Indian Penal Code. A body discovered on a train at Manamadurai, a severed head found on the shores of Ennore Beach—bewildering the police and leaving a community in shock. Tune in to unravel the perplexing questions: Who is the victim? And who could be behind this heinous crime? Don't miss out on the suspense and drama that unfolds. Listen to the episode. New Episodes every Friday.Produced by Human PodiumExecutive Producer: Deepika ArunSponsors : Mavalli Tiffin Rooms -Singapore & Maiya Publishing Script: Kalachakram NarasimhaNarrators: Deepika Arun, Barath Raj RavidassSound Design, Foley, Recording, Mixing and Mastering: L. Baba Prasad at Digi Sound Studio, ChennaiMusic: DakshinDirection Team: Bavya Keerthivasan & Srinithya Sundar

420 Cheater... becomes 316 The incoming law which are proposed to be made in Indian Penal Code are drastic. We as an Indian system are so used to the IPC section that when we say a person is 420 it simply means that he is a cheater. Right from the hit cienema Shree 420 of Raj Kapoor we are accustom to this section. Now the same section will be 316 with some changes. So will we start to say you are 316 for a cheater instead of 420 ?? In this video the Section 420 from old IPC and the New section 316 is well explained by our Legal expert Lion adv Arun Deshmukh

The Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023 is set to replace the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 as the country's primary criminal procedural law.  In this episode of Police Chowki, Javeed Ahmad (ex IPS & ex DGP of Uttar Pradesh) and Shrikrishna Upadhyaya break down the various significant changes proposed in the Sanhita and discuss its ramifications on the right to fair and speedy trial, individual liberties and police powers. Do check out Takshashila's public policy courses: https://school.takshashila.org.in/courses We are @‌IVMPodcasts on Facebook, Twitter, & Instagram. https://twitter.com/IVMPodcasts https://www.instagram.com/ivmpodcasts/?hl=en https://www.facebook.com/ivmpodcasts/ You can check out our website at https://shows.ivmpodcasts.com/featured Follow the show across platforms: Spotify, Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, JioSaavn, Gaana, Amazon Music Do share the word with your folks!        See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

இந்தியாவுக்கு சுதந்திரம் கிடைச்ச அப்புறம் சென்னைல நடக்கிற முதல் கொலை வழக்கு. மெட்ராஸ் மாகாணத்தையே அதிர வச்ச வழக்கு. ரயில் பொட்டியில கிடைக்கிற மர்ம பெட்டி; பெட்டிக்குள்ள தலையில்லா உடல்; அலைல அடிச்சிட்டு வர தல.  யார் இத செஞ்சது? உலகம் முழுக்க பேசப்பட்ட இந்த வழக்க பத்தின தகவல்கள் நிறைந்த விறுவிறுப்பான கதையை Section 302 போட்காஸ்ட்ல கேளுங்க. ஒவ்வொரு வெள்ளிக்கிழமையும் ஒரு புது எபிசோட். Step into the intriguing world of post-Indian Independence Chennai as we delve into the pages of history to explore a remarkable tale. Join us in this podcast episode as we uncover the mysteries surrounding the first murder case after the implementation of the Indian Penal Code. A body discovered on a train at Manamadurai, a severed head found on the shores of Ennore Beach—bewildering the police and leaving a community in shock. Tune in to unravel the perplexing questions: Who is the victim? And who could be behind this heinous crime? Don't miss out on the suspense and drama that unfolds. Listen to the episode. New Episodes every Friday.Produced by Human PodiumExecutive Producer: Deepika ArunSponsors : Mavalli Tiffin Rooms -Mysore and Udupi & Maiya Publishing Script: Kalachakram NarasimhaNarrators: Deepika Arun, Barath Raj RavidassSound Design, Foley, Recording, Mixing and Mastering: L. Baba Prasad at Digi Sound Studio, ChennaiMusic: DakshinDirection Team: Bavya Keerthivasan & Srinithya Sundar

The Government of India plans to replace the Indian Penal Code, 1860, Criminal Procedure Code, 1973, and the Evidence Act, 1872 with the new  Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023, Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023, and the Bharatiya Sakshya Sanhita, 2023 respectively. In this episode, Javeed Ahmad (former IPS officer & DGP, Uttar Pradesh) and Shrikrishna Upadhyaya unpack the Nyaya Sanhita and dissect the extent of decolonisation of Indian penal laws. They discuss sedition, false promise to marry, criminalisation of satyagraha, the introduction of non-incarceration penalties like community service, and more. Do check out Takshashila's public policy courses: https://school.takshashila.org.in/courses We are @‌IVMPodcasts on Facebook, Twitter, & Instagram. https://twitter.com/IVMPodcasts https://www.instagram.com/ivmpodcasts/?hl=en https://www.facebook.com/ivmpodcasts/ You can check out our website at https://shows.ivmpodcasts.com/featured Follow the show across platforms: Spotify, Google Podcasts, Apple Podcasts, JioSaavn, Gaana, Amazon Music Do share the word with your folks!    See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

இந்தியாவுக்கு சுதந்திரம் கிடைச்ச அப்புறம் சென்னைல நடக்கிற முதல் கொலை வழக்கு. மெட்ராஸ் மாகாணத்தையே அதிர வச்ச வழக்கு. ரயில் பொட்டியில கிடைக்கிற மர்ம பெட்டி; பெட்டிக்குள்ள தலையில்லா உடல்; அலைல அடிச்சிட்டு வர தல.  யார் இத செஞ்சது? உலகம் முழுக்க பேசப்பட்ட இந்த வழக்க பத்தின தகவல்கள் நிறைந்த விறுவிறுப்பான கதையை Section 302 போட்காஸ்ட்ல கேளுங்க. ஒவ்வொரு வெள்ளிக்கிழமையும் ஒரு புது எபிசோட். Step into the intriguing world of post-Indian Independence Chennai as we delve into the pages of history to explore a remarkable tale. Join us in this podcast episode as we uncover the mysteries surrounding the first murder case after the implementation of the Indian Penal Code. A body discovered on a train at Manamadurai, a severed head found on the shores of Ennore Beach—bewildering the police and leaving a community in shock. Tune in to unravel the perplexing questions: Who is the victim? And who could be behind this heinous crime? Don't miss out on the suspense and drama that unfolds. Listen to the episode. New Episodes every Friday.Produced by Human PodiumExecutive Producer: Deepika ArunSponsors : Mavalli Tiffin Rooms -Bangalore & Maiya Publishing Script: Kalachakram NarasimhaNarrators: Deepika Arun, Barath Raj RavidassSound Design, Foley, Recording, Mixing and Mastering: L. Baba Prasad at Digi Sound Studio, ChennaiMusic: DakshinDirection Team: Bavya Keerthivasan & Srinithya Sundar

The government claims that the replacement of the Indian Penal Code, the Indian Evidence Act and the Criminal Procedure Code with new laws is the transformation the criminal justice system needs. But there is a sense of disquiet with what is being proposed. Experts and activists have issued warnings about several aspects, from provisions in the new bills being vague to the government granting itself more draconian powers to some laws not changing much except for the semantics. Please listen to the latest episode of All Indians Matter.

On August 11, 2023, Union Home Minister Amit Shah introduced three Bills in the Lok Sabha; the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita Bill to replace the Indian Penal Code, 1860, the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita Bill to replace the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973 and the Bharatiya Sakshya Bill to replace the Indian Evidence Act, 1872. The proposal raises questions on whether the existing laws were being misused for them to be changed, and what are the amendments made in the new Bills.  Here we discuss whether the existing laws need to go. Guests: Prakash Singh, a former IPS officer; Shahrukh Alam, an advocate at the Supreme Court Host: Sonam Saigal

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/indian-religions

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/religion

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/law

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/secularism

Why is religion today so often associated with giving and taking offense? To answer this question, Slandering the Sacred: Blasphemy Law and Religious Affect in Colonial India (U Chicago Press, 2023) invites us to consider how colonial infrastructures shaped our globalized world. Through the origin and afterlives of a 1927 British imperial law (Section 295A of the Indian Penal Code), J. Barton Scott weaves a globe-trotting narrative about secularism, empire, insult, and outrage. Decentering white martyrs to free thought, his story calls for new histories of blasphemy that return these thinkers to their imperial context, dismantle the cultural boundaries of the West, and transgress the borders between the secular and the sacred as well as the public and the private. Raj Balkaran is a scholar of Sanskrit narrative texts. He teaches at the Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies and at his own virtual School of Indian Wisdom. For information see rajbalkaran.com. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

India Policy Watch: Those Mind GamesInsights on issues relevant to India— RSJRegular readers might have noticed the absence of posts analysing the political economy and politics in general in our editions of late. This isn't intentional. There's not much to write about. There is a strange sense of stasis all around. Every move, every act is a chronicle of a future foretold. This inertness stems from a complete absence of ferment in the political landscape. The external factors that could impact politics, like the economy or national security, appear stable. And those directly in the fray have to contend with a political juggernaut backed by a fawning media that takes no prisoners. It is a complete mismatch. So, what can one write about except rallies, speeches and opinion pollsInto this state of ennui, this week walked the Court of chief judicial magistrate HH Verma, Surat. Here's the Mint reporting on this:“The Surat District Court sentenced Congress MP Rahul Gandhi to two years of imprisonment in the criminal defamation case filed against him over his alleged 'Modi surname' remark. The Congress leader was later granted bail by the court.The court of Chief Judicial Magistrate HH Varma, which held Gandhi guilty under Indian Penal Code sections 499 and 500, also granted him bail and suspended the sentence for 30 days to allow him to appeal in a higher court, the Congress leader's lawyer Babu Mangukiya said.The case was filed against Rahul Gandhi for his alleged “how come all the thieves have Modi as the common surname?" remarks on a complaint lodged by BJP MLA and former Gujarat minister Purnesh Modi. The Lok Sabha MP from Wayanad made the alleged remarks while addressing a rally at Kolar in Karnataka ahead of the 2019 Lok Sabha elections.”In a remarkable feat of speed and agility, the Lok Sabha Secretariat disqualified Rahul Gandhi as a member of Lok Sabha the next day. As the Hindustan Times reported:“Congress leader Rahul Gandhi has been disqualified as a member of Lok Sabha a day after the Surat court convicted him for two years in a defamation case. However, he was granted a 30-day bail in the case to allow him appeal in a higher court. The Lok Sabha secretariat said in a notification that he has been disqualified from the day of the conviction under the Constitution's Article 102(1)(e) read with Section 8 of the Representation of the People Act.As a next step, the Wayanad MP will have to appeal to the higher court seeking a stay on the conviction, in order to prevent the disqualification and the Congress said it will follow the procedure to move to a higher court.”Look, there's a tired old way of looking at all of this. And that's what the discourse has been about this over the past few days. The opposition reminds us how there's an undeclared emergency at this moment in India. Dissent is being suppressed, the slightest criticism of the PM or his party is seen as an affront to the nation, and the state machinery is fairly quick in settling scores on those not falling in line. There is also the eternal optimism of a certain section of the commentariat that suggests that Rahul Gandhi has rattled the BJP with his Bharat Jodo yatra. And this is the response to keep him in check. I'm sure there is an alternate universe where this is all true. But none among us is turning into Michelle Yeoh anytime soon to enter that multiverse. As I have mentioned earlier, there's still space for the opposition, as the response to the yatra shows. But Rahul Gandhi neither has the enterprise nor the ideas to turn that into electoral success. On the other hand, the BJP and its supporters initially argued that a sitting MP cannot make disrespectful remarks about the PM. Apparently, it is not done, especially when the PM is feted the world over for his leadership. Soon old videos popped up that showed we have a hoary tradition of calling our past PMs names. I'm old enough to remember the memorable rhyming metre of ‘gali gali mein shor hai, Rajiv Gandhi chor hai' that rented the air in 1989 when I first followed a general election in my life. The tack changed. So, now you have the charge that Rahul Gandhi was denigrating an entire OBC community with that statement and triggering possible social unrest. This is a failure to understand syllogism 101. Even if one were to accept the dubious statement that ‘all thieves have Modi surnames', it doesn't follow that ‘all with Modi surnames are thieves'. The more nuanced lot is taking the line that it is the courts that are letting the law take its own course, and we shouldn't read anything more into this. It is possible this is true, but we might again be talking of the multiverse here. Leaving that aside, we now have WhatsApp experts who look for a masterstroke in every decision of the ruling party now suggesting that this is a convoluted plan to give Rahul Gandhi a convenient leg up to be the face of the opposition in 2024 and then decimate him in the elections. If only there were a Nobel prize for politics… Beyond the noise, I see three overlapping patterns here, two of which have been strengthening over the past few years and one that is new.First, there's that interesting paradox of narrative domination that is at play here. The paradox is the more you start dominating the narrative and the media, the greater your anxiety about a single truth bomb bringing down your carefully constructed image. This is why there's only a one-way ride to ever greater control of media and opposition voices. Once your ears get used to the perfect melody of your own symphony, the slightest variation seems terribly jarring. And so you overreact reflexively to the slightest provocation because, to your ears, it sounds big. Two things follow from here. Your reaction tends to get disproportionately bigger and harsher. And you create a chilling effect that shuts more people up further. This is all been in play in the last few years. The way to look at the Rahul Gandhi episode is to confirm the anxiety of narrative dominance and also to send out a message if there was any more needed, that no one can get away with direct criticism any more. This isn't a new phenomenon in India, but the speed and the reach of social media make it a kind of dominance that will be difficult to upend, unlike in the past. Second, there's always a desire to test how far charisma can stretch the ‘reality distortion field' it creates among the collective who have subscribed to it. This is an ongoing natural process of those who have a hold on their ‘people' to see how much more of a break from convention can they (the people) rationalise in their unqualified belief in the leader. It is a useful test of the relevance of charisma, and quite interestingly, the only way to build more charisma is to put it to test with more outrageous claims on people. The more you can get away with, the more your charisma. To quote Weber on charisma:“Charisma knows only inner determination and inner restraint. The holder of charisma seizes the task that is adequate for him and demands obedience and a following by virtue of his mission. His success determines whether he finds them. His charismatic claim breaks down if his mission is not recognised by those to whom he feels he has been sent. If they recognise him, he is their master – so long as he knows how to maintain their recognition through ‘proving' himself. But he does not derive his ‘right' from their will, in the manner of an election. Rather the reverse holds: it is the duty of those to whom he addresses his mission to recognise him as their charismatically qualified leader.”   This business of ‘proving' himself becomes more difficult the longer you continue in office. Because there will be some dissatisfaction among your people on what goals you aren't achieving. Some of this is evident in how a vocal minority (with Subramanium Swamy as some kind of a patron saint) seems to be disgruntled and pushing for more wins in the ideological and cultural wars. Lastly, I sense there's a deliberate desire to take certain actions that will be picked up by western media who will bemoan the loss of liberal values in India. This will be a useful rallying point to build a narrative about how there's still an anti-India global left that's making a last attempt to sabotage a rising India. There's nothing to suggest anyone is really worrying about a rising India till we hit some threshold of a middle-income economy with the accompanying economic and political heft. But who cares to test such grand conspiracy theories? It sounds right, and it fits the narrative that our greatest enemies are our own people who are in opposition and who, for power, will derail India. It looks like a winning narrative to me in the run-up to the elections. Also, I can see that there's a desire to bring a raft of such 'western liberal' values and set them up in a false confrontation with ‘civilisational' values of India. And then use the inevitable electoral victory in 2024 to claim that the people of India have spoken and we don't need the west to judge us using their discredited liberal values. We have our long dharmic history, and we will judge ourselves on its parameters. I have written about this point in the past using the examples of others who have tried to search for this civilisational counterpoint to western enlightenment, including Aurobindo, Kosambi, Vivekananda and Hazari Prasad Dwivedi. All of them ended up with some kind of ecclesiastical or spiritual quest instead of a tangible values doctrine that could guide political, economic or social actions. I don't think those who speak in such civilisational terms today have dived as deep as these scholars of the past have. Atleast I haven't come across that kind of modern scholarship. My sense is their motivation is to continue to discredit western liberal thought for either political gains or to seek a kind of revanchist utopia with its foundations built on caste. In a way, I expect more of this desire to have an ideological battle in the run-up to 2024 and then claim a moral victory on the back of the electoral victory. I'm not sure this kind of false showdown has ever led to anything good as the experience of the 20th century or that of Turkey, Russia or China of late has shown. But there's an appeal among the ideologically driven to go down that path. To pit the past against the future and hope we will discover the glory in the past to build a future that is better and different from the past. That we will be able to rise over this and get the best of the past and dream up a future that's uniquely our own. This looks good on paper, but it gets muddied when put into action, as history has shown us over and over again. I will leave you with Kafka's parable from Hannah Arendt's 1961 book of essays, Between Past and Future:“Kafka's parable reads as follows:He has two antagonists: the first presses him from behind, from the origin. The second blocks the road ahead. He gives battle to both. To be sure, the first supports him in his fight with the second, for he wants to push him forward, and in the same way the second supports him in his fight with the first, since he drives him back. But it is only theoretically so. For it is not only the two antagonists who are there, but he himself as well, and who really knows his intentions? His dream, though, is that some time in an unguarded moment – and this would require a night darker than any night has ever been yet – he will jump out of the fighting line and be promoted, on account of his experience in fighting, to the position of umpire over his antagonists in their fight with each other.”That jumping out of the line happens only in dreams.    PolicyWTF: Fretting Over FreightsThis section looks at egregious public policies. Policies that make you go: WTF, Did that really happen?— Pranay KotasthaneThe difference in the economic trajectories of southern and northern India is an endless fountain. Every person has a different causal story to explain how this economic divergence came into being. As you would expect, some narratives are more popular than others. Some South Indian exceptionalists claim that higher investments in education and health explain the difference. Some of them seek refuge in vague arguments about cultural superiority. The opposing side, in turn, blames repeated invasions and colonial policies such as the zamindari system.It's tough to test some of these arguments. Some of them are biased intuitions masquerading as reasons. For some serious analytical work on this topic, I recommend this underrated book, The Paradox of India's North–South Divide, by Samuel Paul and Kala Sridhar. We had earlier discussed insights from this book in edition #148.Among the reasons for the divergence is a policyWTF that makes a cameo appearance in policy conversations: the Freight Equalisation Scheme (FES). Introduced at the height of its socialist fantasies in 1956, FES was a union government policy for pursuing 'balanced industrial development' (Jan Tinbergen says hello). Under this policy, the government subsidised long-distance transport of key inputs such as iron, fertilizers, cement, and steel in the hope that companies in all states would access these inputs at the same costs. The story goes that FES was detrimental to the resource-rich eastern states of Bihar, MP, Odisha, and West Bengal. These states' manufacturing output in the early years of independence was higher than that of Gujarat, Tamil Nadu, and Punjab. But FES nullified their comparative advantage over time and contributed to the economic divergence.Like other intuitions, this narrative, although compelling, needs a lot more evidence. I, for one, was biased against this explanation. I did not believe that a policy equalising freight transportation could have significant downstream effects that persist over time. And so, I have long been in search of studies that put the FES under the microscope. A recent paper Manufacturing Underdevelopment: India's Freight Equalization Scheme, and the Long-run Effects of Distortions on the Geography of Production, by John Firth and Ernest Liu, is one such analysis that helps put FES into perspective. I summarise and annotate their findings below.One, the study finds that the negative effect of FES exists for real. It did dampen the manufacturing prospects of resource-rich regions. The authors write:We find evidence consistent with these claims: FES achieved exactly the opposite of its purported goal, exacerbating inequality between western India and the resource-rich east. Specifically, we show that FES led industries using the equalized iron and steel to move farther from the bases of raw materials production in eastern India.Two, as a hat-tip to Hayek's warning against centralised design and price manipulation, the authors find evidence that FES had significant unintended consequences for downstream industries.even small geographic distortions in input prices can help one region to nose ahead of another and exploit this advantage to steal industrial activity. Over the long term, this can result in substantial effects on the geographic distribution of production.Three, the consequences of distortionary policies like FES are not immediately visible and hence might lead policymakers to underestimate the negative effects.Our results show that the transition under FES was gradual. Even though the policy had little effect over its first 10 to 15 years, it led to steady movements of iron and steel using industries out of eastern India, and significant overall effects by the time FES reached its culmination in 1990.Four, the repeal of FES in 1991 and complete abolition in 2001 had the opposite effect. Industries again went back to the resource-rich states, albeit this reversal was modulated by pre-existing input-output linkages that were built in the FES era.We find in the case of FES, though, that repealing the policy led industry to move back toward the sources of iron and steel just as quickly as it left. Indeed, the results on implementation and repeal also complement one another, with the alignment between these results building confidence that, in both cases, the distortions related to FES cause industries to move across space in the manner described.So, FES should be filed in the folder "Govenments are not omniscient". This experience should make us pause when governments make grand designs to interfere in markets. Good intentions are no guarantee for good policies.Global Policy Watch: Dil Maange More than MooreInsights on global policy issues relevant to India— Pranay KotasthaneGordon Moore, the co-founder of Fairchild Semiconductor and Intel, died this week. His eponymous prediction, once a footnote in engineering textbooks, has now become commonplace. More so today, as semiconductors have become a test bed for industrial policy and a front for geopolitical confrontation between China and the US. So, let's discuss some less-known concepts about Moore's Law.Moore's Law is actually an observation, a conjecture that has stayed true over the last 50 years. Gordon Moore, writing for the magazine Electronics in 1965, claimed that the number of transistors in the chips that Fairchild was making seemed to double every two years. He made this prediction when an IC contained 64 transistors. A testament to his foresight, an Apple A14 chip today has 134 million transistors per square millimetre.There are several versions restating this prediction. More transistors per IC implies that the cost of implementing a functionality halves roughly every two years. That's the reason that the retail prices of electronic products fall rapidly even as newer products become faster and better.Another variant of Moore's prediction has come to be known as Rock's Law. It states that the capital cost of a semiconductor chip fabrication plant doubles every four years, limiting the progression of Moore's law.That Moore's prediction became a law is a testimony to human ingenuity and decentralised innovation. For decades, it has served as a pole star for the semiconductor industry. The "law" became a benchmark that focused efforts of the entire fraternity.Several obituaries of Moore's Law have been written before. But every single time, it was defied, not just by technological improvements but also by economics. The comparative-advantage-based specialisation starting in the late 1980s was crucial for keeping Moore's Law alive. Companies kept becoming exceptionally excellent in one specific segment of the IC supply chain, leaving other parts to a different set of companies. The vertically integrated design model faded away in favour of a fabless-foundry-assembly model, unleashing unmatched creativity. This happened not because of some anti-trust regulation to break vertical integration but evolved organically as a result of market-based incentives. I wish people understood this aspect of Moore's Law better. It's not just about technological progress.I often wonder if this ethos of Moore's Law can be transported to other spheres. In recent times, Sam Altman of OpenAI makes a similar case:The best way to increase societal wealth is to decrease the cost of goods, from food to video games. Technology will rapidly drive that decline in many categories. Consider the example of semiconductors and Moore's Law: for decades, chips became twice as powerful for the same price about every two years... In the last couple of decades, costs in the US for TVs, computers, and entertainment have dropped. But other costs have risen significantly, most notably those for housing, healthcare, and higher education. Redistribution of wealth alone won't work if these costs continue to soar...“Moore's Law for everything” should be the rallying cry of a generation whose members can't afford what they want. It sounds utopian, but it's something technology can deliver (and in some cases already has). Imagine a world where, for decades, everything–housing, education, food, clothing, etc.–became half as expensive every two years.Moore's prediction was enabled by a combination of technological and economic factors. Can it become a guiding light for other fields? We hope so. Yeh Dil Maange More than Moore.HomeWorkReading and listening recommendations on public policy matters* [Podcast] On Persuasion: Yascha Mounk with Martin Wolf on the Crisis of Democratic Capitalism.* [Book] Fabless: The Transformation of the Semiconductor Industry by Daniel Nenni is a good book to understand the industry. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit publicpolicy.substack.com

We're back with our first episode of 2023, and we're talking about RRR! Join us as we learn about the Gymkhana Club, riot gear, Lala Lajpat Rai, flogging in the British Raj, and more! Sources: Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, Volume 281 (6 July 1883): https://hansard.parliament.uk/Lords/1883-07-06/debates/53f4430d-fcb5-43e2-b9e1-e478f12fb23d/India-CriminalLaw%E2%80%94PunishmentOfFlogging Sean Lang, "John Nicholson: The Sadistic British Officer Who Was Worshipped As a Living God in India," The Conversation, available at https://theconversation.com/john-nicholson-the-sadistic-british-officer-who-was-worshipped-as-a-living-god-in-india-99889 David Skuy, "Macauley and the Indian Penal Code of 1862: The Myth of the Inherent Superiority and Modernity of the English Legal System Compared to India's Legal System in the 19th Century," Modern Asian Studies 32, 3 (1998) Whipping Act of 1909, Full Text Available at https://www.indiacode.nic.in/repealed-act/repealed_act_documents/A1909-4.pdf Radhika Singha, "The Rare Infliction: The Abolition of Floggin in the Indian Army, circa 1835-1920," Law and History Review 34, 3 (2016) "Discrimination Still Alive and Well in India's Clubs," Irish Times, available at https://www.irishtimes.com/news/discrimination-still-alive-and-well-in-india-s-exclusive-clubs-1.1209302 Amrit Dhillon, "No Dogs or Indians: Colonial Britain Still Rules at India's Private Clubs," Sydney Morning Herald, available at https://www.smh.com.au/world/no-dogs-or-indians-colonial-britain-still-rules-at-indias-private-clubs-20170630-gx1vtk.html "Report of the Committee Appointed in the Government of India to Investigate the Disturbances in the Punjab," 1920, available at https://www.google.com/books/edition/Report_of_the_Committee_Appointed_in_the/u9INAAAAIAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=delhi+gymkhana+club&pg=PA2&printsec=frontcover Vinay Lal, "Hinduism," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern World edited by Peter N. Stearns (Oxford University Press, 2008).  C.V. Mathew, "Arya Samaj," in The Oxford Encyclopaedia of South Asian Christianity edited by Roger E. Hedlund, Jesudas M. Athyal, Joshua Kalapati, and Jessica Richard (Oxford University Press, 2011).  "Hindu Nationalism," in The Oxford International Encyclopedia of Legal History edited by Stanley N. Katz (Oxford University Press, 2009).  "Hindu nationalism," in A Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics and International Relations edited by Garrett W. Brown, Iain McLean, and Alistair McMillan (Oxford University Press, 2018).  Christophe Jaffrelot, "Madan Mohan Malaviya and Lala Lajpat Rai," in Hindu Nationalism: A Reader (Princeton University Press, 2007). https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7s415.9 D.P. Singh, "Lala Lajpat Rai: His Life, Times and Contributions to Indian Polity," The Indian Journal of Political Science 52, no.1 (1991): 125-36. https://www.jstor.org/stable/41855539  Vanya Bhargav, "Lala Lajpat Rai's Ideas on Caste: Conservative or Radical?" Studies in Indian Politics 6, no.1 (2018): 15-26.  J.S. Bains, "Lala Lajpat Rai's Idealism and Indian National Movement," The Indian Journal of Political Science 46, no. 4 (1985): 401-20.  S.R. Bhakshi and S.R. Bhakshl, "Simon Commission and Lajpat Rai: An Assessment," Porceedings of the Indian History Congress 50 (1989): 507-18.  Saṅgīt Mahābhāratī, "Vandé Mātaram," in The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Music of India (Oxford University Press, 2011).  Martin Thomas, "'Poying the Butcher's Bill': Policing British Colonial Protest after 1918," Crime, History & Societies 15, no.2 (2011): 55-76. https://www.jstor.org/stable/42708833   Aftab Nabi, "Consolidating the British Empire: The Structure, Orientation, and Role of Policing in Colonial Africa and Asia," Pakistan Horizon 69, no.2 (2016): 47-77. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44988203  David Arnold, "The Police and Colonial Control in South India," Social Scientist, 4, no. 12 (1976): 3-16. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3516332   Simeon Shoul, "Soldiers, Riot Control and Aid to the Civil Power in India, Egypt and Palestine, 1919-39," Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research 86, no. 346 (2008): 120-39. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44231576   Prashant Kidambi, "'The ultimate masters of the city': police, public order and the poor in colonial Bombay, c. 1893-1914," Crime, History & Societies 8, no.1 (2004): 27-47. https://www.jstor.org/stable/42708561   John Powers, "If you haven't been back to the movies yet, Indian epic 'RRR' is the reason to go," NPR (11 October 2022). https://www.npr.org/2022/10/11/1127995338/rrr-review--rajamouli-indian-epic-cult-following  Steve Rose, "Best movies of 2022 in the US: No 5 - RRR" The Guardian (19 December 2022). https://www.theguardian.com/film/2022/dec/19/best-movies-of-2022-in-the-us-no-5-rrr  Glen Weldon et al, "'RRR' is an inteRRRnational phenomenon," Pop Culture Happy Hour, NPR (11 July 2022). https://www.npr.org/2022/06/24/1107301440/rrr-is-an-interrrnational-phenomenon   Nitish Pahwa, "A Wild Indian Blockbuster is Ravishing Movie Fans, but They're Missing Its Troubling Subtext," Slate (8 June 2022). https://slate.com/culture/2022/06/rrr-review-indian-blockbuster-netflix-hindu-nationalism.html   Rotten Tomatoes, https://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/rrr 

We have come a long way since the AIDS epidemic of the 80's and 90's. Some of the groups that the HIV intervention programs focused on are men having sex with men and transgender women. In fact that is how the fight against Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code that criminalises “unnatural sexual” relationships began as liberation is key to queer people's health. Despite the advancements since, queer people are still bullied in schools and rejected by their families, resulting in them turning to high-risk activities for relief and escape. On the other hand, the intervention programs have not caught up with technological changes posed by dating apps.  We are embarking on an LGBTQ miniseries about all things queer in India today. For our first episode, reporter Suryatapa Mukherjee spoke to policy researcher Avinaba, HIV activist Firoz Khan, and a young person living with HIV, Vishwas*. Avinaba is a genderqueer person and a research fellow at the University of California, Los Angeles, and the co-founder of Pleqsus India foundation. Firoz Khan is a gay man who works with Alliance India on HIV outreach. Vishwas* is an alias for a 22-year-old bisexual man who contracted HIV as a young teen. We spoke to them about the need for a more comprehensive HIV intervention plan. Republished on December 01, 2022.See sunoindia.in/privacy-policy for privacy information.

Chitranshul Sinha is an advocate on record of the Supreme Court of India and a partner in Dua Associates, Advocates and Solicitors, who primarily practises in the courts of New Delhi. He occasionally writes articles for leading publications on topics related to law. The Indian Penal Code was formulated in 1860, three years after the first Indian revolt for independence. It was the country's first-ever codification of offences and penalties. But it was only in 1870 that Section 124A was slipped into Chapter VI ('Of Offences against the State'), defining the offence of 'Sedition' in a statute for the first time in the history of common law. When India became independent in 1947, the Constituent Assembly expressed strong reservations against sedition as a restriction on free speech as it had been used as a weapon against freedom fighters, many of whom were a part of the Assembly. Nehru vocally opposed it. And yet, not only has Section 124A survived, it has been widely used against popular movements and individuals speaking up against the establishment. Where did this law come from? How did it evolve? And what place does it have in a mature democracy? Concise, incisive and thoughtful, The Great Repression: The Story of Sedition in India (India VIking, 2019) by Chitranshul Sinha tells the story of this outdated colonial-era law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Chitranshul Sinha is an advocate on record of the Supreme Court of India and a partner in Dua Associates, Advocates and Solicitors, who primarily practises in the courts of New Delhi. He occasionally writes articles for leading publications on topics related to law. The Indian Penal Code was formulated in 1860, three years after the first Indian revolt for independence. It was the country's first-ever codification of offences and penalties. But it was only in 1870 that Section 124A was slipped into Chapter VI ('Of Offences against the State'), defining the offence of 'Sedition' in a statute for the first time in the history of common law. When India became independent in 1947, the Constituent Assembly expressed strong reservations against sedition as a restriction on free speech as it had been used as a weapon against freedom fighters, many of whom were a part of the Assembly. Nehru vocally opposed it. And yet, not only has Section 124A survived, it has been widely used against popular movements and individuals speaking up against the establishment. Where did this law come from? How did it evolve? And what place does it have in a mature democracy? Concise, incisive and thoughtful, The Great Repression: The Story of Sedition in India (India VIking, 2019) by Chitranshul Sinha tells the story of this outdated colonial-era law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

Chitranshul Sinha is an advocate on record of the Supreme Court of India and a partner in Dua Associates, Advocates and Solicitors, who primarily practises in the courts of New Delhi. He occasionally writes articles for leading publications on topics related to law. The Indian Penal Code was formulated in 1860, three years after the first Indian revolt for independence. It was the country's first-ever codification of offences and penalties. But it was only in 1870 that Section 124A was slipped into Chapter VI ('Of Offences against the State'), defining the offence of 'Sedition' in a statute for the first time in the history of common law. When India became independent in 1947, the Constituent Assembly expressed strong reservations against sedition as a restriction on free speech as it had been used as a weapon against freedom fighters, many of whom were a part of the Assembly. Nehru vocally opposed it. And yet, not only has Section 124A survived, it has been widely used against popular movements and individuals speaking up against the establishment. Where did this law come from? How did it evolve? And what place does it have in a mature democracy? Concise, incisive and thoughtful, The Great Repression: The Story of Sedition in India (India VIking, 2019) by Chitranshul Sinha tells the story of this outdated colonial-era law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

Chitranshul Sinha is an advocate on record of the Supreme Court of India and a partner in Dua Associates, Advocates and Solicitors, who primarily practises in the courts of New Delhi. He occasionally writes articles for leading publications on topics related to law. The Indian Penal Code was formulated in 1860, three years after the first Indian revolt for independence. It was the country's first-ever codification of offences and penalties. But it was only in 1870 that Section 124A was slipped into Chapter VI ('Of Offences against the State'), defining the offence of 'Sedition' in a statute for the first time in the history of common law. When India became independent in 1947, the Constituent Assembly expressed strong reservations against sedition as a restriction on free speech as it had been used as a weapon against freedom fighters, many of whom were a part of the Assembly. Nehru vocally opposed it. And yet, not only has Section 124A survived, it has been widely used against popular movements and individuals speaking up against the establishment. Where did this law come from? How did it evolve? And what place does it have in a mature democracy? Concise, incisive and thoughtful, The Great Repression: The Story of Sedition in India (India VIking, 2019) by Chitranshul Sinha tells the story of this outdated colonial-era law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/law

Chitranshul Sinha is an advocate on record of the Supreme Court of India and a partner in Dua Associates, Advocates and Solicitors, who primarily practises in the courts of New Delhi. He occasionally writes articles for leading publications on topics related to law. The Indian Penal Code was formulated in 1860, three years after the first Indian revolt for independence. It was the country's first-ever codification of offences and penalties. But it was only in 1870 that Section 124A was slipped into Chapter VI ('Of Offences against the State'), defining the offence of 'Sedition' in a statute for the first time in the history of common law. When India became independent in 1947, the Constituent Assembly expressed strong reservations against sedition as a restriction on free speech as it had been used as a weapon against freedom fighters, many of whom were a part of the Assembly. Nehru vocally opposed it. And yet, not only has Section 124A survived, it has been widely used against popular movements and individuals speaking up against the establishment. Where did this law come from? How did it evolve? And what place does it have in a mature democracy? Concise, incisive and thoughtful, The Great Repression: The Story of Sedition in India (India VIking, 2019) by Chitranshul Sinha tells the story of this outdated colonial-era law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies

Chitranshul Sinha is an advocate on record of the Supreme Court of India and a partner in Dua Associates, Advocates and Solicitors, who primarily practises in the courts of New Delhi. He occasionally writes articles for leading publications on topics related to law. The Indian Penal Code was formulated in 1860, three years after the first Indian revolt for independence. It was the country's first-ever codification of offences and penalties. But it was only in 1870 that Section 124A was slipped into Chapter VI ('Of Offences against the State'), defining the offence of 'Sedition' in a statute for the first time in the history of common law. When India became independent in 1947, the Constituent Assembly expressed strong reservations against sedition as a restriction on free speech as it had been used as a weapon against freedom fighters, many of whom were a part of the Assembly. Nehru vocally opposed it. And yet, not only has Section 124A survived, it has been widely used against popular movements and individuals speaking up against the establishment. Where did this law come from? How did it evolve? And what place does it have in a mature democracy? Concise, incisive and thoughtful, The Great Repression: The Story of Sedition in India (India VIking, 2019) by Chitranshul Sinha tells the story of this outdated colonial-era law. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In May 2022, the Delhi High Court delivered a verdict on several petitions seeking to remove the marital rape exception in the rape law. Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code excludes sexual intercourse between a married couple. The verdict was split with Justice Rajiv Shakder ruling in favour of removing the exception, and Justice C Hari Shankar dismissing the petition.   In this episode, we try to discuss our opinion on the judgement, especially the dissenting verdict which seeks to keep the marital law exception in the rape law. Suno India's Padmapriya DVL and Menaka Rao discuss the judgement threadbare, thinking aloud about the implications of this judgement  Delhi High Court marital rape judgement Independent Thought vs. Union of India and Anr. Criminalisation of marital rape | Appeal filed in Supreme Court against Delhi High Court's split verdict – The Hindu Conjugal rights before the Supreme Court | Explained News,The Indian Express National Family Health Survey (NFHS-5), 2019-21 Women and Consent Carole Pateman Political Theory, Vol. 8, No. 2. (May, 1980), pp. 149-168. See sunoindia.in/privacy-policy for privacy information.

For those who live in India or follow Indian news, you would be familiar with the Marital Rape Issue in 2022. In this episode, we discuss the concept of consent for both married and unmarried women. What does the Indian Penal Code say about this and why is it important for married women to have this right? When married women do not have this inherited right, what things happen to them? India had polarizing opinions on this issue. Listen as we break down this concept, the legal system and learn the reaction of society when it comes to a woman's consent.    Vakasha Sachdev is Associate Editor - Legal at The Quint. A graduate of National Law School of India University, Bangalore, he has worked at commercial law firms in London and Bengaluru, and is qualified to practice in India as well as England & Wales. Through his work at The Quint, Vakasha attempts to make complex legal issues accessible for everyone.  ----------------------- Do you have a story to share? DM me on social media Facebook: www.facebook.com/Sharonangeld Twitter: www.twitter.com/sharonangeltwit Instagram: www.instagram.com/sharonangelig TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@sharonangeltok YouTube: www.youtube.com/SharonAngel   This podcast is the result of my successful book, “The Courage to Identify Who You Are” (#1 New Release, 4.9 rating). Buy my book available everywhere: https://sharonangel.com/book/   THANK YOU TO ALL MY SUPPORTERS! 

In times when everyone's emphatically talking about women's rights, Deepika makes a strong case for protection of rights of men too whether it's false accusations or domestic violence or sexual crimes perpetrated upon them. Her documentary films focus on gender politics as it intersects with laws, justice, culture, society, and institutions and explores often ignored side of gender issues from a new perspective. Her films are particularly known for ground research, facts & statistics elaborated in depth.  In 2016, Deepika achieved prominence through her documentary film "Martyrs of Marriage " which is about abuse of section 498a (Anti-dowry law) of Indian Penal Code. Martyrs of Marriage got a global release on NETFLIX in 2018. Her latest documentary is India's Sons, a documentary film that traces journey, ordeals and escape of innocent men who were falsely accused of a rape charge in India. It's a first person account of men and families who bore the brunt of being called a rapist and a rapists family, only to be eventually honorably acquitted of the said crime after years of trial, on basis of credible evidence proving beyond doubt that they were falsely accused. The film brings out voices that matter, facts that are shocking and tales that are moving. Listen to Deepika Bhardwaj talk about how she recorded these events on Meri Kahani with Bhawana Somaaya.   You can follow us and leave us feedback on Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter @eplogmedia, For partnerships/queries send you can send us an email at bonjour@eplog.media. If you like this show, please subscribe and leave us a review wherever you get your podcasts, so other people can find us. You can also find us on https://www.eplog.media See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Can a cartoon stir unrest and bring down an elected government. Police in Maharashtra thought so when they had arrested Aseem Trivedi ten years ago for sedition. Then 24, Trivedi had tried to highlight corruption through his cartoons. The sedition case went on for several years before being struck down by Bombay High Court in 2015. The case was gone, but the stigma stayed. And Trivedi, a Kanpur lad, quit the profession forever. On Thursday, when the Supreme Court put the sedition law in abeyance, Trivedi heaved a sigh of relief. Not only because he was a victim of the IPC's section 124 (A), but also because he was one of the petitioners seeking scrapping of the law. From cartoonists to stand-up comedians and satirists to small political activists and opposition leaders, sedition law has been invoked by police in various states at what experts call a very low threshold. While arguing their case, experts point out the difference between treason and sedition. The first one is an act done against the state while the latter is against the government of the day. And criticising the government, they say, should not be penalised. Some even say that even a court decision should be under the purview of criticism. In 2016, the Allahabad High Court had held that criticism of the judiciary or a court ruling is not sedition. Former BJP leader and Union minister Arun Jaitley was the petitioner in the case. Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code, which is the law against sedition, was introduced in 1870 by the British government. And it was Thomas Macaulay who had introduced the law while drafting the penal codes. Its purpose was to stop Indian colonial subjects from expressing dissent against Britain's rule. At that time, sedition was also an offence under Britain's own penal code. While Macaulay's own country expunged the law in 2016, it stays in India.   In the first two hearings, the central government tried to defend the law. But on the third one, on Wednesday, it told the apex court that it was reviewing it. The next hearing will take place in July now, while one of three judges listening to the case, CJI NV Ramanna, retires in August.  So what does the law say? Under British rule, the punishment prescribed was transportation “beyond the seas for the term of his or her natural life”. This was amended to life imprisonment in 1955. It is still a harsh law and entails a maximum punishment of life imprisonment for anyone who, “by words spoken or written, or by visible representation… brings into hatred or contempt, or excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards the government established by law.” And, how did the British use it? During the Independence movement, this law was used extensively to try and crush political dissent. In fact, some of the prominent pre-independence cases where Section 124A was involved were against freedom fighters like Bal Gangadhar Tilak

Introduction: Time: 0.10 - 0.58 11 मई, 2022  वो दिन जब 2 अदालतों के 2 बड़े फैसले आये और वो भी 2 बहुत ही अहम मुद्दों पर। एक sedition यानी कि राजद्रोह पर तो दूसरा Marital Rape पर। चूँकि हमारे पास वक़्त कम और ज्ञान ज़्यादा होता है, हम आज इन दोनों में से एक मुद्दे को उठाएंगे जो है Marital Rape का मुद्दा। आखिर क्या वर्डिक्ट रहा इस पर और क्या असर पड़ेगा इस फैसले का Marital Rape पर हो रही चर्चा पर, आज जानेंगे इस एपिसोड में। Body: Time: 1.00 -  Time:तो सबसे पहले तो नमस्ते, आदाब सत्श्रीअकाल, मैं हूँ आपकी host Sahiba Khan और आप सुन रहे हैं अपना favourite ज्ञानवादी podcast - FYI यानी कि For Your Information. Delhi High Court की 2 जज की बेंच ने एक फैसला सुनाया। मुद्दा था शादी में रेप का और फैसला आया 2 तरफ़ा यानी कि Split verdict. कुछ याचिकाओं को सुनने और समझने के बाद Justice Rajiv Shakdher और Justice C Hari Shankar ने अलग अलग फैसले सुनाये और दोनों ही एक दूसरे के विपरीत। इसलिए ये केस बना Split Verdict का।   क्या था फैसला?   संविधान में Indian Penal Code की धारा 375 define करता है, परिभाषित करता है Rape को। क्या होता है Rape. अब उस Section में है एक exception यानी कि छूट एक अपवाद है. अपवाद ये है कि अगर पति पत्नी के साथ जबरन शारीरिक सम्बन्ध बनाने की कोशिश करता है तब उसे रेप नहीं मन जायेगा। इस परिस्थिति में पति गलत नहीं है। चूँकि वो उसकी पत्नी या, इसलिए वो ये कर सकता है। और इसी exception को Delhi High Court में चैलेंज किया गया था। कुछ याचिकाएं डाली गई थीं    अब आइये पूरे मुद्दे को समझते हैं    अदालत 4 याचिकाओं को सुन रही थी जिसमें धारा 375 के इस exception को चैलेंज किया गया था। कुछ NGO और संस्थानों ने याचिकाएं डाली थीं तो कुछ लोगों ने। जैसे कि एक याचिकाकर्ता थे All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA) जिनकी तरफ से Advocate Karuna Nundy ने ये केस लड़ा तो वरिष्ठ वकील Colin Gonsalves ने एक व्यक्ति के तरफ से याचिका दायर की। याचिका थी कि धारा 375 का एक्सेप्शन कि पति की पत्नी के साथ ज़बरदस्ती रेप नहीं कह लाएगी - ये कितना संवैधनिक है। इस exception की संवैधानिकता के ऊपर प्रश्न करती है ये याचिकाएं। अब इसी बीच कुछ Men's Right Organizations की दलीलें भी कोर्ट ने सुनीं। वरिष्ठ वकील Rebecca John और Rajshekhar Rao ने कोर्ट के लिए amicus curiae का काम किया। amicus curiae वो वकील होते हैं जो दोनों में से किसी भी party के लिए या उसके खिलाफ नहीं बोलते। वो सिर्फ अदालत को अपनी expertise, अनुभव और ज्ञान द्वारा किसी particular मुद्दे पर guide करने के लिए appoint किये जाते हैं।    अब आ जाते हैं अपवाद यानी कि exception पर, आख़िर प्रॉब्लम क्या है।    IPC की धारा 375 बताती है वो 7 परिस्थितियों में जब आपकी मर्ज़ी को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता है, वो 7 situations जिनमें consent को उल्लंघन होता है एक आदमी द्वारा। हालाँकि इसी धारा में एक अलावा है, एक exception यानी कि अपवाद है - “Sexual intercourse or sexual acts by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under eighteen years of age, is not rape.”   हिंदी में समझाती हूँ - "अगर आपकी पत्नी 18 साल से ऊपर है और अगर अपनी ही व्यस्क पत्नी के साथ एक पुरुष जबरन यौन संबंध या यौन कृत्य करता है, तो वो बलात्कार नहीं माना जायेगा " यह छूट basically, एक पति को ये वैवाहिक अधिकार देती है, एक कानूनी मंज़ूरी देती है कि वो अपनी पत्नी की मर्ज़ी या रज़ामंदी के बगैर उसके साथ शारीरिक सम्बन्ध सम्बन्ध बना सकता है।    इस exception को गुजरात उच्च न्यायालय के सामने इस आधार पर चुनौती दी जा रही है कि यह एक महिला की वैवाहिक स्थिति के आधार पर उसकी सहमति को कमज़ोर करता है। यानी कि अगर महिला शादीशुदा है तो क्या उसे हक़ नहीं पति द्वारा शारीरिक सम्बन्ध बनाने से मना करने का। ये तो आपकी स्वतंत्रता पर भी चोट है। और तो और, कर्नाटक हाई कोर्ट में तो इस छूट, इस exception के बावजूद जज साहब ने एक आदमी पर Marital Rape आरोप लगाने की इजाज़त देदी है। दिल्ली उच्च न्यायालय में  जो split verdict यानी कि दो-तरफ़ा फैसला आया है उसे उम्मीद की किरण माना जा रहा है। अब इसमें Supreme Court भी दखल दे सकता है।  आपको बताते हैं कि सरकार का इस पर क्या कहना है तो जी सुप्रीम Court में चल रहे देशद्रोह वाली IPC धारा 124 A की तर्ज़ पर ही इस केस में दिल्ली सरकार पहले तो रेप की धारा 375 की इस छूट पर अड़ी थी कि नहीं ये ठीक है, excpetion होना चाहिए। दिल्ली सरकार का कहना था कि इस छूट में कोई तबदीली नहीं होनी चाहिए क्योंकि इससे आदमियों को गलत तरीके से बिदाया भी जा सकता है और इससे शादी जैसे बंधन को हम ख़राब कर देंगे।  मगर अब U-turn लेकर सरकार का कहना है कि अभी इस पर और विचार-विमर्श करने की ज़रूरत है, लोगों से बात करने की ज़रूरत है, इसमें सुधार होने की ज़रूरत है। अब सरकार ने ये U-Turn क्यों लिया ये तो वही बता सकते हैं।   मगर मैं ये जो बार-बार बोल रही हूँ Split Verdict, ये क्या होता है और जब Split वर्डिक्ट आता है तब क्या होता है? Split verdict के मामले में, मामले की सुनवाई एक बड़ी बेंच को ट्रांसफर हो जाती है। यही वजह है कि ज़्यादातर judges आमतौर पर महत्वपूर्ण मामलों के लिए odd numbers में पीठ बनाते हैं जिनमें 3,5 या 7 जजस हों ताकि ऐसे split verdict से बचा जा सके। अब ये केस या तो High Court की बड़ी बेंच, शायद 3 judge वाली बेंच के पास जाएगा या फिर सीधा Supreme Court के पास भी जा सकता है क्योंकि High Court ने पहले ही इस केस को Supreme Court में ले जाने का प्रमाणपत्र दे दिया है, ये सोचकर कि केस में कानूनों को बदलने की बात हो रही है।   बुधवार यानी कि कल के Split Verdict से क्या हमें आगे का कुछ पता लगता है कि आगे क्या हो सकता है ?   तो भले ही फैसला 2 तरफ़ा आया हो मगर Justice Shakdher के फैसले ने उस चर्चा को आगे बढ़ाया है जो कई सालों से औरतों के हक़ की लड़ाई का एक अहम मुद्दा बना हुई थी। अभी पहले मैंने आपको कर्नाटक उच्च न्यायालय में एक केस की सुनवाई का उदाहरण दिया था कि कैसे जज साहब ने धारा 375 में छूट होने के बावजूद  एक आदमी पर marital rape के आरोप को तवज्जो दी है और उस पर ये charge लगाया है। और जब मामला Supreme Court में पहुंचा तो Supreme Court ने भी इस फैसले पर रोक लगाने से मना कर दिया। तो हमें तो पता है कि अगर supreme court ने कर्नाटक उच्च न्यायालय के फैसले पर stay नहीं लगाया तो शायद वो इस धारा में तबदीली लाने की बात को सुनेंगे ज़रूर। Conclusion: Time: 9.40 तो खैर कह सकते हैं कि कुछ positive आउटकम आ सकता है इन सबसे। मगर दोनों पक्षों की बातें सुनना और समझना ज़रूरी हैं। अभी तो बंटा हुआ फैसला आया है। कुछ दिन इंतज़ार करें, जब पूरा फैसला आएगा तब हम आपकी बात हमारे guest expert से कराएँगे जो दोनों ही पक्षों की बात को निष्पक्षता के साथ समझायेंगे। आखिरी फैसला आने पर चर्चा करेंगे कि अब वहां से बात कितने दूर जाएगी इस मुद्दे पर और क्या क्या और असर पड़ेगा भारत में औरतों की हक़ की लड़ाई पर। फिलहाल मैं चलती हूँ , दोबारा लौटूंगी अगले FYI में। Podcast की sound-designing  Lalit ने। अपना ख्याल रखें और सुनते रहे ABP Live Podcasts की खास पेशकश - FYI.  Host and Producer: @jhansiserani Sound designer: @lalit1121992

Introduction: Time: 0.10 - 0.58 11 मई, 2022  वो दिन जब 2 अदालतों के 2 बड़े फैसले आये और वो भी 2 बहुत ही अहम मुद्दों पर। एक sedition यानी कि राजद्रोह पर तो दूसरा Marital Rape पर। चूँकि हमारे पास वक़्त कम और ज्ञान ज़्यादा होता है, हम आज इन दोनों में से एक मुद्दे को उठाएंगे जो है Marital Rape का मुद्दा। आखिर क्या वर्डिक्ट रहा इस पर और क्या असर पड़ेगा इस फैसले का Marital Rape पर हो रही चर्चा पर, आज जानेंगे इस एपिसोड में। Body: Time: 1.00 -  Time:तो सबसे पहले तो नमस्ते, आदाब सत्श्रीअकाल, मैं हूँ आपकी host Sahiba Khan और आप सुन रहे हैं अपना favourite ज्ञानवादी podcast - FYI यानी कि For Your Information. Delhi High Court की 2 जज की बेंच ने एक फैसला सुनाया। मुद्दा था शादी में रेप का और फैसला आया 2 तरफ़ा यानी कि Split verdict. कुछ याचिकाओं को सुनने और समझने के बाद Justice Rajiv Shakdher और Justice C Hari Shankar ने अलग अलग फैसले सुनाये और दोनों ही एक दूसरे के विपरीत। इसलिए ये केस बना Split Verdict का।   क्या था फैसला?   संविधान में Indian Penal Code की धारा 375 define करता है, परिभाषित करता है Rape को। क्या होता है Rape. अब उस Section में है एक exception यानी कि छूट एक अपवाद है. अपवाद ये है कि अगर पति पत्नी के साथ जबरन शारीरिक सम्बन्ध बनाने की कोशिश करता है तब उसे रेप नहीं मन जायेगा। इस परिस्थिति में पति गलत नहीं है। चूँकि वो उसकी पत्नी या, इसलिए वो ये कर सकता है। और इसी exception को Delhi High Court में चैलेंज किया गया था। कुछ याचिकाएं डाली गई थीं    अब आइये पूरे मुद्दे को समझते हैं    अदालत 4 याचिकाओं को सुन रही थी जिसमें धारा 375 के इस exception को चैलेंज किया गया था। कुछ NGO और संस्थानों ने याचिकाएं डाली थीं तो कुछ लोगों ने। जैसे कि एक याचिकाकर्ता थे All India Democratic Women's Association (AIDWA) जिनकी तरफ से Advocate Karuna Nundy ने ये केस लड़ा तो वरिष्ठ वकील Colin Gonsalves ने एक व्यक्ति के तरफ से याचिका दायर की। याचिका थी कि धारा 375 का एक्सेप्शन कि पति की पत्नी के साथ ज़बरदस्ती रेप नहीं कह लाएगी - ये कितना संवैधनिक है। इस exception की संवैधानिकता के ऊपर प्रश्न करती है ये याचिकाएं। अब इसी बीच कुछ Men's Right Organizations की दलीलें भी कोर्ट ने सुनीं। वरिष्ठ वकील Rebecca John और Rajshekhar Rao ने कोर्ट के लिए amicus curiae का काम किया। amicus curiae वो वकील होते हैं जो दोनों में से किसी भी party के लिए या उसके खिलाफ नहीं बोलते। वो सिर्फ अदालत को अपनी expertise, अनुभव और ज्ञान द्वारा किसी particular मुद्दे पर guide करने के लिए appoint किये जाते हैं।    अब आ जाते हैं अपवाद यानी कि exception पर, आख़िर प्रॉब्लम क्या है।    IPC की धारा 375 बताती है वो 7 परिस्थितियों में जब आपकी मर्ज़ी को नज़रअंदाज़ किया जाता है, वो 7 situations जिनमें consent को उल्लंघन होता है एक आदमी द्वारा। हालाँकि इसी धारा में एक अलावा है, एक exception यानी कि अपवाद है - “Sexual intercourse or sexual acts by a man with his own wife, the wife not being under eighteen years of age, is not rape.”   हिंदी में समझाती हूँ - "अगर आपकी पत्नी 18 साल से ऊपर है और अगर अपनी ही व्यस्क पत्नी के साथ एक पुरुष जबरन यौन संबंध या यौन कृत्य करता है, तो वो बलात्कार नहीं माना जायेगा " यह छूट basically, एक पति को ये वैवाहिक अधिकार देती है, एक कानूनी मंज़ूरी देती है कि वो अपनी पत्नी की मर्ज़ी या रज़ामंदी के बगैर उसके साथ शारीरिक सम्बन्ध सम्बन्ध बना सकता है।    इस exception को गुजरात उच्च न्यायालय के सामने इस आधार पर चुनौती दी जा रही है कि यह एक महिला की वैवाहिक स्थिति के आधार पर उसकी सहमति को कमज़ोर करता है। यानी कि अगर महिला शादीशुदा है तो क्या उसे हक़ नहीं पति द्वारा शारीरिक सम्बन्ध बनाने से मना करने का। ये तो आपकी स्वतंत्रता पर भी चोट है। और तो और, कर्नाटक हाई कोर्ट में तो इस छूट, इस exception के बावजूद जज साहब ने एक आदमी पर Marital Rape आरोप लगाने की इजाज़त देदी है। दिल्ली उच्च न्यायालय में  जो split verdict यानी कि दो-तरफ़ा फैसला आया है उसे उम्मीद की किरण माना जा रहा है। अब इसमें Supreme Court भी दखल दे सकता है।  आपको बताते हैं कि सरकार का इस पर क्या कहना है तो जी सुप्रीम Court में चल रहे देशद्रोह वाली IPC धारा 124 A की तर्ज़ पर ही इस केस में दिल्ली सरकार पहले तो रेप की धारा 375 की इस छूट पर अड़ी थी कि नहीं ये ठीक है, excpetion होना चाहिए। दिल्ली सरकार का कहना था कि इस छूट में कोई तबदीली नहीं होनी चाहिए क्योंकि इससे आदमियों को गलत तरीके से बिदाया भी जा सकता है और इससे शादी जैसे बंधन को हम ख़राब कर देंगे।  मगर अब U-turn लेकर सरकार का कहना है कि अभी इस पर और विचार-विमर्श करने की ज़रूरत है, लोगों से बात करने की ज़रूरत है, इसमें सुधार होने की ज़रूरत है। अब सरकार ने ये U-Turn क्यों लिया ये तो वही बता सकते हैं।   मगर मैं ये जो बार-बार बोल रही हूँ Split Verdict, ये क्या होता है और जब Split वर्डिक्ट आता है तब क्या होता है? Split verdict के मामले में, मामले की सुनवाई एक बड़ी बेंच को ट्रांसफर हो जाती है। यही वजह है कि ज़्यादातर judges आमतौर पर महत्वपूर्ण मामलों के लिए odd numbers में पीठ बनाते हैं जिनमें 3,5 या 7 जजस हों ताकि ऐसे split verdict से बचा जा सके। अब ये केस या तो High Court की बड़ी बेंच, शायद 3 judge वाली बेंच के पास जाएगा या फिर सीधा Supreme Court के पास भी जा सकता है क्योंकि High Court ने पहले ही इस केस को Supreme Court में ले जाने का प्रमाणपत्र दे दिया है, ये सोचकर कि केस में कानूनों को बदलने की बात हो रही है।   बुधवार यानी कि कल के Split Verdict से क्या हमें आगे का कुछ पता लगता है कि आगे क्या हो सकता है ?   तो भले ही फैसला 2 तरफ़ा आया हो मगर Justice Shakdher के फैसले ने उस चर्चा को आगे बढ़ाया है जो कई सालों से औरतों के हक़ की लड़ाई का एक अहम मुद्दा बना हुई थी। अभी पहले मैंने आपको कर्नाटक उच्च न्यायालय में एक केस की सुनवाई का उदाहरण दिया था कि कैसे जज साहब ने धारा 375 में छूट होने के बावजूद  एक आदमी पर marital rape के आरोप को तवज्जो दी है और उस पर ये charge लगाया है। और जब मामला Supreme Court में पहुंचा तो Supreme Court ने भी इस फैसले पर रोक लगाने से मना कर दिया। तो हमें तो पता है कि अगर supreme court ने कर्नाटक उच्च न्यायालय के फैसले पर stay नहीं लगाया तो शायद वो इस धारा में तबदीली लाने की बात को सुनेंगे ज़रूर। Conclusion: Time: 9.40 तो खैर कह सकते हैं कि कुछ positive आउटकम आ सकता है इन सबसे। मगर दोनों पक्षों की बातें सुनना और समझना ज़रूरी हैं। अभी तो बंटा हुआ फैसला आया है। कुछ दिन इंतज़ार करें, जब पूरा फैसला आएगा तब हम आपकी बात हमारे guest expert से कराएँगे जो दोनों ही पक्षों की बात को निष्पक्षता के साथ समझायेंगे। आखिरी फैसला आने पर चर्चा करेंगे कि अब वहां से बात कितने दूर जाएगी इस मुद्दे पर और क्या क्या और असर पड़ेगा भारत में औरतों की हक़ की लड़ाई पर। फिलहाल मैं चलती हूँ , दोबारा लौटूंगी अगले FYI में। Podcast की sound-designing  Lalit ने। अपना ख्याल रखें और सुनते रहे ABP Live Podcasts की खास पेशकश - FYI.  Host and Producer: @jhansiserani Sound designer: @lalit1121992

Podcasts have the power to inspire and help make changes for the better; that is what Mission ISRO / 377 has done in India    Gaurav Vaz quit a comfortable IT job to pursue a career in music. When he set up his production company All Small Things, he was forced to pivot to podcasts during the pandemic   Hear the story of how India's space programme, with its uncommon characters and impossible odds, have inspired millions through its retelling on a podcast; while the podcast 377 has helped bring lasting positive change to the LGBTQIA+ community in India by contributing to the abolition of Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code. About Mission ISRO Born into violence, poverty and the desolation of colonial exploitation, newly independent India was a nation working hard to find its footing. But its head was held high––high as the clouds. The story of India's space programme is such an unlikely one, with so many uncommon characters, filled with such impossible odds, that it can sometimes seem like science fiction rather than science. This is that story.   About 377 377 is a scripted narrative podcast about the legal action and accompanying social movement against Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code. This anti-sodomy law was largely used to target MSM (men who have sex with men) populations in India and though rarely enforced, it was wielded as a threat against LGBTQI+ populations until 2018, when it was finally read down by the Indian Supreme Court.   About All Things Small Gaurav Vaz is the co-founder and COO of All Things Small, a media company aiming to tell true stories. The company started back in October 2019. A bunch of people who never worked together had an idea - "creating content, which is true stories focused or non-fiction focused, coming out of the Indian subcontinent, and being told to the world." Their one-line vision was ready, but they did not decide on the format of the content. They did not want to be restricted by format or by platform. The aim was to build the skill and ability to tell incredible stories from India in whatever format works best. Website: https://allthingssmall.in/ About Asia Podcast Podcast Awards For Asia by Singapore, the Asia Podcast Awards celebrate the best in Asia podcasting. By creating the platform to organise and honour the members of the Asian podcasting community, we will empower Asian voices and celebrate our voices and diversity with the rest of the world.  

Deepanshi Sethi, the founder of Legal Beast Judiciary Coaching Institute joins us for a guest lecture on the concept of Kidnapping as per the Indian Penal Code, 1860. She takes us through Section 359, 360 & 361 of IPC and explains how kidnapping is different from abduction. She has thousands of views on her YouTube channel 'Legal Beast' where she is also trying to further the cause of education, just like us. You may find her at her channel https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCAa4CF9zL_lejZ2GcClBrIA or call her institute on +91-9654646965 or send her an e-mail at deepanshisethi@gmail.com. Views and opinions expressed by the guest are their own and do not reflect the opinions of the channel or the host. None of the views are meant to malign any religion, ethnicity, caste, organization, company or individual. The contents of the show are meant to spread awareness and should not be considered legal advice. Always consult a lawyer. For any questions, suggestions or queries, you can follow and reach out to us on twitter @AbhasMishra or https://anchor.fm/abhas-mishra. You may also find us on Facebook on www.facebook.com/advocateabhasmishra or connect with us on LinkedIn on our page called 'Chambers of Abhas Mishra'. कानूनी कहानियों और व्याख्यान के लिए सुनें Kanooni Kisse

In a big development in Karnataka politics, State Minister of Rural Development and Panchayat Raj KS Eshwarappa announced his resignation from office on Thursday, 14 April, after allegations of corruption and his alleged role in the suicide of a contractor surfaced. The news of Eshwarappa's resignation is huge given that it was not expected in the days after the allegations surfaced. Eshwarappa too had been defiant on the issue and even previously stated to media that there is “no question” of him resigning as a minister. His resignation comes on the heels of the death of Santosh Patil, a contractor involved in various government projects. Patil was found dead in a hotel in Udupi on 12 April. In the final message that he purportedly sent to his friends, he named Eshwarappa as "solely responsible" for his death. Pertinently, Patil had also alleged that Eshwarappa harassed him for a bribe to clear the bills regarding some construction work, reportedly asking for a 40 percent bribe of the total cost of the project, which reportedly amounted to a whopping Rs 4 crore. The Udupi police had also registered an FIR against Eshwarappa and two of his aides under Section 306 of the Indian Penal Code, which deals with abetment to suicide. Although the minister has denied the charges, his surprise resignation throws a new twist in the entire case, with the question being: was he pushed to resign from office? We discuss the resignations and the case with The Quint's South Bureau Chief Nikhila Henry and Naheed Ataulla, a senior journalist based in Bengaluru. Host and Producer: Himmat Shaligram Editor: Nikhila Henry Music: Big Bang Fuzz Listen to The Big Story podcast on: Apple: https://apple.co/2AYdLIl Saavn: http://bit.ly/2oix78C Google Podcasts: http://bit.ly/2ntMV7S Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2IyLAUQ Deezer: http://bit.ly/2Vrf5Ng Castbox: http://bit.ly/2VqZ9ur

We have come a long way since the AIDS epidemic of the 80’s and 90’s. Some of the groups that the HIV intervention programs focused on are men having sex with men and transgender women. In fact that is how the fight against Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code that criminalises “unnatural sexual” relationships began as liberation is key to queer people’s health. Despite the advancements since, queer people are still bullied in schools and rejected by their families, resulting in them turning to high-risk activities for relief and escape. On the other hand, the intervention programs have not caught up with technological changes posed by dating apps. We are embarking on an LGBTQ miniseries about all things queer in India today. For our first episode, reporter Suryatapa Mukherjee spoke to policy researcher Avinaba, HIV activist Firoz Khan, and a young person living with HIV, Vishwas*. Avinaba is a genderqueer person and a research fellow at the University of California, Los Angeles, and the co-founder of Pleqsus India foundation. Firoz Khan is a gay man who works with Alliance India on HIV outreach. Vishwas* is an alias for a 22-year-old bisexual man who contracted HIV as a young teen. We spoke to them about the need for a more comprehensive HIV intervention plan.See sunoindia.in/privacy-policy for privacy information.

Thomas Babbington Macaulay is the author of the Indian Penal Code—the laws that govern our country. He was key to drafting the words in Section 377. He was also key in forcing Indians to learn English customs under the British rule. This connection is no accident—homophobia is not natural or part of our history, it had to be taught. What is the history of homosexuality in pre-colonial India, and what were the attitudes of people at the time? We meet Dr Ruth Vanita and Dr Jyoti Puri and learn just how carefully the British defined homosexuality, outlawed it, and taught people to react with horror and disgust at its very mention, both in India and across the British Empire. Show Notes All clips and voices used in this podcast are owned by the original creators. The following guests appeared in this episode: Siddharth Dube Dr Ruth Vanita, professor of English at the University of Montana, and author of Love's Rite: Same-Sex Marriage in India and the West (2005) and most recently, the novel, Memory of Light (2020) Anand Grover Dr. Jyoti Puri, professor of sociology at Simmons University, and author of Sexual States: Governance and the Struggle against the Antisodomy Law in India's Present (2016) Anjali Gopalan Ashley Tellis, academic and gay rights activist References Shashi Tharoor's speech at the Lok Sabha, on his proposed bill to decriminalize homosexuality, courtesy Mango News: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fxFjhiIt3Ps&t=175s ‘Angrezi Bolke Sunaao Na', courtesy Amazon Prime Video, India: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hd9ZpS98pys&t=3s Interview with Alok Gupta, November 2011, from This Alien Legacy courtesy. Envisioning Global LGBT Human Rights at York University, Canada, directed by Dr Nancy Nicol Straits Times' announcement about Singaporean High Court judge's dismissal of challenges to Section 377A: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9A9WrfOgf4g ‘Kenyan court upholds criminalisation of gay sex', courtesy AP News: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=n_QGGhd_BzI&t=47s

September 6, 2018—The Supreme Court reads down Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code, decriminalising homosexuality in India. Through the next 12 episodes, we're going to examine the long journey behind the case and learn a bit about how our legal system works. Why is this case so important and what impact has it had on the rights of LGBTQIA+ Indians? What was at stake, and where did the battle even begin? In the mid-90s, Anjali Gopalan learns that her work fighting HIV/AIDS and supporting human rights is coming up against a law—Section 377. She is trying to get medical attention to people at risk, but the police see her as enabling illegal activity. She realises the only way forward is to go to court and change the law. Show Notes All clips and voices used in this podcast are owned by the original creators. The following guests appeared in this episode: Anjali Gopalan, Naz Foundation India Trust Ritu Dalmia, chef and restaurateur Anand Grover, Founding lawyer, Lawyers' Collective References BBC News video clip of September 6, 2018 ruling: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HncUoS1OvuE NDTV news clip: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V19qcDGymDQ&t=166s ET Now clip: https://www.youtube.com/watch?t=226&v=8_pih6BTCmw&feature=youtu.be Jawaharlal Nehru's ‘Tryst with Destiny' speech, courtesy of Xplorer India: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lrEkYscgbqE India Today's ‘Gay Cure Racket' exclusive: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EVzGxEjO6bQ NewsX clip featuring Baba Ramdev: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YQ61Jc5ibZ0 Satyamev Jayate episode featuring Gautam Bhatia: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UIUQJN1B0aQ ‘How the AIDS crisis changed the LGBT movement', by NBC News: https://www.youtube.com/watch?t=99&v=zC1e9Zrb7cI&feature=youtu.be Dr. Anthony Fauci on HIV/AIDS (1984), courtesy of the National Library of Medicine: https://www.youtube.com/watch?t=1187&v=pzK3dg59TuY&feature=youtu.be

377 is a narrative show about the legal action and accompanying social movement against Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code. The anti-sodomy law was largely used to target MSM (men who have sex with men) populations in India and though rarely enforced, it was wielded as a threat against LGBTQI+ populations. It was enacted when India was still under British rule, and survived well until 2018, when it was finally read down by the Indian Supreme Court. In this show, we delve into the complex history of the law — how it came about, how it became closely intertwined with another crisis (the HIV/AIDS public health crisis), and how, in 2001, an NGO decided to contest the law's constitutionality in the Delhi High Court. The story of the fight against 377 is a great example of how a legal movement became a broader equal rights movement, but with its fair share of drama and narrative twists and turns!

Sahil (@sahil071) and Siddharth (@sidbetala) hang out and discuss various business ideas. Send us an email at theindiandream20@gmail.comJoin our WhatsApp Group. Timeline(0:36) - No Code Courses(9:05) - Sexual Wellness Industry(20:30) - Eco Friendly Personal Care Products(26:05) - Table Tennis to replace Golf for Networking(28:00) - Warehousing in IndiaBusiness IdeasNo Code Courses: We've started doing a series of lectures on how SME's can start implementing automations in their businesses using various No Code tools. We plan to build a course around this aimed at SME businesses to help them automate and improve their business processes. A few other ideas:No Code AgencyNo Code FreelancingNo Code CoursesNo Code Expert for your own business.Sexual Wellness Industry: Here are Siddharth's notes from this industryIm Besharam - Raj Armani - Custom Made Toys for India95% of the sex toys are imported2000 Cr Industry$7B in US, $25B Global Market65% increase in sales posts lockdownThatspersonal, IMBesharam, LovetreatsChina Manufactures 70% of World's Sex ToysSexual Wellness - Which includes adult toys, games and health supplements48 per cent for tier-I cities, 40 per cent for tier-II cities and 12 per cent for tier-III cities.Archaic laws, such as Section 292 of the Indian Penal Code, which talk about obscenity are still in place and pose yet another hurdle83K Users on ThatsPersonal.com - Was 300k Jan 21.129k Users on LoveTreats120k Users on Kaamstra188k Users on ImBesharamEco Friendly Personal Care Products: Sell a heavy duty glass container with large refill packs (2L or bigger) of body washed with different scents to reduce the amount of waste generated from small body wash packsSell soaps in giant batches (2kg/4kg) with a special tool for cutting. So every time your soap is over, you just cut a new piece for yourself. Reduces the amount of waste from having to buy a new soap bar each time.Table Tennis to replace Golf for Networking: The best idea we've ever had on this show. Can't get better than this. Warehousing in India: Huge topic that we want to discuss in detail on our next munchies episode. If you're a warehousing expert - please email us at theindiandream20@gmail.com or WhatsApp Us.