Podcasts about Bahrain

We visited renowned architect Bernard Khoury in his studio in Karantina, who offered a critical, unvarnished look at the reality of practicing architecture in Lebanon, contrasting it with the sugarcoated story of the "Phoenix coming out of its ashes". He discusses his career beginnings, the 2020 Beirut port explosion, and how his first project—the infamous B018 nightclub—was a radically specific and necessary response to the city's complex, macabre history and unstable political and economic context. Khoury shares his philosophical approach to architecture, which rejects stylistic gestures in favor of an obsession with specificity and a direct confrontation with Beirut's explosive nature, arguing for a practice that produces honest, if sometimes "sour" meaning in the present rather than succumbing to toxic simplifications. 00:00 The Sourness and Complexity of Beirut01:23 Bernard Khoury's Karantina Studio and the Beirut Explosion03:12 His First Project: B018 in Karantina04:01 The Illusion and Disillusion of the Post-War Era05:42 An Architect's Dilemma: Designing for an Expiry Date12:56 Solidere, Immaterial Ownership, and a New Urbanism15:44 The Cultural Significance of B01817:05 B018's Site: A Macabre History19:40 From Furniture Factory to Architecture Practice22:52 Khalil Khouri: Modern Architect with Certainties27:23 A Generational Difference in Practice28:57 Rejected Labels: What Bernard Khoury Hates to Be Called...31:41 Style vs. Specificity 36:00 Estrangement and Addiction to a Very Intense Environment42:00 Bernard Khoury's Criticism of Solidere's Historical Narrative Born in Beirut (1968), Bernard Khoury studied architecture at the Rhode Island school of Design (BFA 1990 / B.Arch 1991) and Harvard University (M.Arch 1993). He was awarded by the municipality of Rome, the Borromini Prize honorable mention given to architects under 40 years of age (2001), the Architecture + Award (2004), the CNBC Award (2008) and nominated for several awards including the Aga Khan award (2002 / 2004/ 2021), the Chernikov prize (2010) and the Mies van der Rohe Award (2021). He co-founded the Arab Center for Architecture (2008), was a visiting professor in several universities including the Ecole Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne and L'Ecole Spéciale d'Architecture in Paris. He has lectured and exhibited his work in over 150 institutions, including solo shows at the Aedes gallery in Berlin (2003), the Spazio per l'architecttura Milano (2016) and numerous group shows including YOU prison at the Fondazione Sandretto in Torino (2008), the opening show of the MAXXI museum in Roma (2010), the Frac Architecture Biennale in Orleans (2018), the Oris House of Architecture in Zagreb (2020) and the Architecture Biennale of Seoul (2021). He was the architect and co-curator of the Kingdom of Bahrain's national pavilion at the Venice Architecture Biennale (2014). Over the years he has developed an international reputation and a diverse portfolio of projects in over fifteen countries. Khoury was nominated by the French Ministry of Culture Chevalier des Arts et des Lettres (2020) Connect with Bernard Khoury

Send us a textLinking the Travel Industry is a business travel podcast where we review the top travel industry stories that are posted on LinkedIn by LinkedIn members.  We curate the top posts and discuss with them with travel industry veterans in a live session with audience members.  You can join the live recording session by visiting BusinessTravel360.comYour Hosts are Riaan van Schoor, Ann Cederhall and Aash ShravahStories covered on this podcast episode include:The popular airline seat map provider Seatguru shuts down.AirAsia might make Bahrain their Middle East hub.Travelperk becomes Perk.Ryanair has increased its profits by 42% to $2.92 billion in the first half of its financial year 2026 and grew their 12-month passenger traffic to 204.8 million, a new record.Not to be outdone, Emirates reported a profit before tax of US$ 3.1 billion and revenue of US$ 17.9 billion for the first six months of this year.Qatar Airways steps away from their investment with Cathay Pacific, with the announcement that CX will buy back QR's 9.6% shareholding for around US$897m.40 major US airports are to have their flight capacity reduced by 10% under instructions from the FAA, as a result of the ongoing government shutdown. There are also reports surfacing of major delays at security lines of many airports in the US.International Airlines Group (IAG) signs a deal with Starlink to provide high-speed internet access across British Airways, Iberia, Vueling Airlines and LEVEL Airlines.The most engaged post of the week belongs to Jake Zelman, where he talks about the heartbreaking message from the Honolulu ATC tower to another UPS flight.Extra StoriesYou can subscribe to this podcast by searching 'BusinessTravel360' on your favorite podcast player or visiting BusinessTravel360.comThis podcast was created, edited and distributed by BusinessTravel360.  Be sure to sign up for regular updates at BusinessTravel360.com - Enjoy!Support the show

In this episode, we're giving thanks to our people and diving into some fresh Porsche news and builds that caught our attention. We kick things off with the Kelly Moss GT4R build that turned heads at SEMA—this rebodied GT4 Club Sport features carbon fiber everywhere, wider wheels, a titanium exhaust, and what looks like 911 headlights. Is this the ultimate track weapon or too much of a good thing? Then we tackle the new Porsche credit card—yes, you heard that right. Is this just a cash grab, or does earning points on your service visits actually make sense for enthusiasts? We'll break down the perks and whether this is another revenue stream for Stuttgart or something worth considering. We also share our thoughts on the HSR event, including what we enjoyed and why a less crowded experience might not be a bad thing. On the racing front, we discuss Porsche's quiet exit from WEC in Bahrain without a championship after such a promising start to the season with the 963, and what their focus on US racing like the Rolex 24 means for fans stateside. We preview the 2026 EV Cayenne debuting November 20th with 350 miles of range—can it compete with the Rivian R1S and other EV SUVs, or is Porsche late to the party? Plus, a merch update you won't want to miss. Thank you for your support! Kimchi Crew  Leslie, Chris, Ken, Aaron, Matthew, Sean and Nik

Andiamo a Torino prima per le ATP Finals, con Sinner che conquista la semifinale battendo Zverev e poi per una visita a casa Conte che si è preso una settimana di riposo nella sua residenza sotto la Mole per superare gli ultimi giorni di stress. Ne parliamo con Stefano Meloccaro di Sky Sport e con Antonio Giordano della Gazzetta dello Sport.C'era una volta il Cavallo del West, oggi c'è il Cavallino del WEC, quello della Ferrari alla quale basta il quarto posto della 499P n°51 di Alessandro Pier Guidi, James Calado e Antonio Giovinazzi per conquistare il mondiale piloti, oltre a quello costruttori della classe Hypercar. Insieme a Roberto Lacorte di Cetilar Racing e a Gionata Ferroni, abbiamo convocato uno dei protagonisti del trionfo Rosso del Bahrain, Alessandro Pier Guidi.

With less than 50 days remaining of 2025, South East Asia is barrelling towards the end-of-year holiday travel season. And  there's plenty of news to talk about. This week, Gary and Hannah zoom through the region's top travel happenings, with stopovers in Thailand, Singapore, Malaysia, Cambodia and Laos, plus China and Bahrain. We begin with downbeat news about the Thailand-Cambodia peace process, and the detrimental impact this is having on Cambodia's visitor economy (remember in 2024, Cambodia was the first country in ASEAN to claim it had surpassed its 2019 visitor level). In a packed show, we also deconstruct COMAC's acquisition of a 49% stake in Lao Airlines and AirAsia's plans to establish a Middle East base in Bahrain. Plus, we look in depth at Singapore's new Sustainable Aviation Fuel Levy, which will charge differentiated rates to air travellers to fund the scaling up of SAF for flights to/from Changi Airport - and how other ASEAN countries might respond. Staying in Singapore, we ponder its newly announced SGD1 billion wellness attraction by the bay, while a social media storm greeted plans to beautify downtown Kuala Lumpur. We finish with an insider summary from Gary of Phocuswright's new 2025 South East Asia Travel Market Essentials report.

The Daily Quiz - Geography Today's Questions: Question 1: What is the capital city of Bahrain? Question 2: What is the capital city of Mauritius? Question 3: Which region of the world uses '.ch' at the end of its web addresses? Question 4: The country of Palau is on which continent? Question 5: In which US state is Mount Washington? Question 6: What is the capital city of Estonia? Question 7: What is the capital city of India? Question 8: Which Country Has The Longest Coastline? This podcast is produced by Klassic Studios Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Welcome to our motorsports podcast where we discuss F1, IndyCar, IMSA, NASCAR, our own racing adventures, and some other adventures!Lando Norris sweeps the Sprint Weekend in Brazil as Piastri has another pitiful race. Verstappen was the star of the race, however, as he put in an impressive performance to finish on the podium after starting from the pit lane.Toyota finished it's WEC season off with a 1-2 finish in Bahrain. This was not only their first win on the season but their first podium finish this year! Ferrari captured both the Driver's and Manufacturer's titles in Hypercar. In GT3, it was Manthey Porsche #92 who claimed the Driver's and Team's championships.We also discuss some news and notes that unfolded over the past week as well!Coming up this weekend: Macau Grand Prix, MotoGP in Valencia, and Supercars are at Sandown.

Nick is joined by Mirror Newsboy David Yates to discuss the latest from around the racing world. Dan Skelton joins the show to reflect on his excellent weekend, too look ahead to his fancies for the Paddy Power fixture, and for comment on the news of the moment surrounding pitiful fields for novice chases. Also today, Nick and Dave round up the action from the last few days, Ann Duffield tells us why she's handing over the reins and also details the impact of John Dance on her business. Plus, with Nick now in Bahrain, Racing Director Ed Veale joins the show to preview this Friday's big race, while Charlotte catches up with owner Phil Cunningham on his squad for Dubai.

In the final Double Stint episode, Ryan Myrehn, as a guest host, joins John Dagys to recap last weekend's FIA World Endurance Championship season-ending 8 Hours of Bahrain before diving into the news of the week, answer listener questions and preview the FIA GT World Cup and IMSA-sanctioned test at Daytona International Speedway.

Nick is joined by Mirror Newsboy David Yates to discuss the latest from around the racing world. Dan Skelton joins the show to reflect on his excellent weekend, too look ahead to his fancies for the Paddy Power fixture, and for comment on the news of the moment surrounding pitiful fields for novice chases. Also today, Nick and Dave round up the action from the last few days, Ann Duffield tells us why she's handing over the reins and also details the impact of John Dance on her business. Plus, with Nick now in Bahrain, Racing Director Ed Veale joins the show to preview this Friday's big race, while Charlotte catches up with owner Phil Cunningham on his squad for Dubai.

In this podcast, Marie-Berengère Chapoton, who was the General Manager of the award-winning Raffles Al Areen Palace in Bahrain when this podcast was recorded, describes her global career path and how she met not only challenges but opportunities that came her way.  Marie-Berengère's career path has led her toNew York, Montreal, Paris, Milan, Rome, Uruguay, The Bermudas, Rio de Janeiro, to Bahrain and now to Sao Paulo, Brazil.  In this podcast, Marie-Berengère tells our listeners about her move up the hospitality management ladder and how she has embraced the role of a General Manager in a luxury hotel.  Marie-Berengère also explains how her passion for hospitality was sparked, and how her hospitality studies in Switzerland set her on a successful career path.  She answers our questions about the evolution of women working in top hospitality management positions and why it has become easier for women to aspire to a General Manager position in hotels and resorts. Finally, Marie-Berengère shares some personal insights into working in the hospitality field and navigating a global career that requires and open mind and flexibility.  It is for this reason that she encourages young people to embrace this exciting and potentially global career path. Marie-Berengere Chapoton is a French citizen and is currently the General Manager at the Rosewood Hotel in Sao Paulo, Brazil.  She has more than 20 years of experience in the luxury hospitality industry. With a background in hotel management from a prestigious school in Switzerland and an MBA from IMHI Cornell-Essec Business School, she has managed hotel openings & repositioning projects across North & South America, Europe, Asia, and now in GCC with Sofitel, Fairmont & Raffles as well as Corporate exposure. With a global mindset, she fuses various cultures to provide unique customer experiences and her tenure at Raffles Bahrain is a testament to her dedication to excellence.  

Today on America in the MorningShutdown Flight Delays On a day when the Senate is hoping to vote later today on ending the government shutdown, today is the day that the FAA has ordered flights to be cut due to staffing shortages.  Yesterday, there were 200 canceled flights across the nation – today that number is expected to be above one thousand, with thousands more delayed.  Correspondent Ed Donahue reports that air traffic controllers and TSA agents received a zero paycheck for the second time since the government shutdown began, and Transportation Secretary Sean Duffy, speaking on Fox News, says the flight cutback is all about air safety.   Pelosi's Retirement After nearly 40 years on Capitol Hill, Nancy Pelosi is retiring from Congress.  Correspondent Clayton Neville reports.   Musk's Big Payday The world may soon have its first “Trillionaire.”  Joan Jones has the story of Elon Musk's payday approval granted by Tesla shareholders.   NFL Player's Suicide There is shock through the sports world after 24-year-old Dallas Cowboys defensive end Marshawn Kneeland took his own life after being involved in a police chase.  The story from correspondent Gethin Coolbaugh.   Senate Blocks Venezuela Measure The Senate has blocked a measure to limit military action by the Trump administration against Venezuela.   Hoagie Hurler Cleared Justice is served for a man who hurled a hoagie at a federal immigration agent in Washington.  The details from correspondent Jennifer King.     Latest On SNAP & Government Shutdown Senators appear closer to ending the government shutdown, now in its 38th day, as a vote is expected later today on a deal that could re-open the government, but it's far from certain enough Democrats are on board.  John Stolnis has more from Washington.   Virginia Teacher's Day In Court A jury awarded $10 million dollars in a civil case to a Virginia teacher who was shot by a first grade student in 2023.  As correspondent Haya Panjwani reports Abagail Zwerner still has a bullet inside her chest from that shooting, and her legal team, speaking outside the courthouse, says her long ordeal is far from over – audio courtesy of Court TV.   Heritage Foundation Fallout The fallout continues surrounding the conservative think tank The Heritage Foundation following an interview by Tucker Carlson with Nick Fuentes.  Correspondent Clayton Neville reports.   SCOTUS On Passports The Supreme Court on Thursday allowed the Trump administration to require the sex designation on US passports to align with a traveler's biological sex, a blow to transgender and non-binary Americans who have argued the policy is unconstitutional.   Trump's Drug Deal At the White House, President Trump unveiled a new deal to expand coverage and lower costs on obesity drugs including Wegovy and Zepbound.  Lisa Dwyer reports.    New Member Of Abraham Accords The White House announced that Kazakhstan will agree to normalizing relations with Israel and join the Abraham Accords, joining the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, and Morocco who formalized relations with Israel during President Trump's first term in office. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Eddie and Alastair review a great end to the year for rising Indonesian star, Janice Tjen, who won her first WTA singles title in Chennai, and even won the doubles title alongside compatriot Aldila Sutjiadi. It was very much a fitting end to a remarkable year for the Jakarta native. Thailand's Lanlana Tararudee and Taiwanese player Joanna Garland also impressed with semifinal runs. Elsewhere Alex Eala finished off her season in Hong Kong with an exciting loss to eventual champion Victoria Mboko, and Coleman Wong came up short at the Seoul Challenger with a loss to Japanese player Sho Shimabukuro. Alastair offers some interesting and at times amusing insights into what was a very successful tournament in Seoul!Also discussed are the remaining ATP Challenger Tour events coming up, including those as far afield as Pakistan and Bahrain!

Gudrun Harrer in conversation with Barak Ravid, Ebtesam El-Ketbi, Abdulaziz SagerFROM HOPE TO UNCERTAINTY - FIVE YEARS AFTER THE SIGNING OF THE ABRAHAM ACCORDS BETWEEN ISRAEL AND FOUR ARAB STATES Five years ago, in September 2020, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain signed the Abraham Accords, the agreement that established normalization of diplomatic relations with Israel. They were later joined by Morocco and Sudan (the latter never implementing the agreement). The cultural, economic and security cooperation between the Abraham Accord signatories progressed, and in 2023 the US administration of President Joe Biden increased efforts to complete the project of his predecessor Donald Trump by bringing Saudi Arabia into the pact.The 7th October 2023 brutal Hamas attack on Israel and the subsequent massive Israeli military offensive against the Gaza Strip with its heavy toll on innocent Palestinian civilians completely changed the political environment of Israeli Arab cooperation. The Abraham Accords have proved resilient but are in difficult waters, even more so since Israel recently, on September 9th, attacked a target in Qatar – which is not a member of Abraham Accords, but, together with the US and Egypt, a mediator between Hamas und Israel. The Unites Arab Emirates drew a “red line” over a possible annexation of the West Bank by Israel. The escalation not only questions Arab Israeli relations and, in concrete terms, the future of the Abraham Accords. Also the foundation of trust between the United States and its reliable Arab partners on the Gulf seemed to be shaken.A panel of distinguished experts from the region will address the question if the Abraham Accords are in acute danger or already a stable part of a new irreversible security architecture in the Middle East and North Africa. If this is the case, can they be not only maintained but expanded, geographically and thematically? What are the requirements for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to join? Is Israel – which seems to have switched from policies of national security to the goal of regional dominance – still interested in the development of the Accords? Is the European Union, as it seems, really confined to a role of passive onlooker although directly affected by all events in the MENA region? Barak Ravid, Israeli journalist who serves as a political analyst for CNN and reporter for Axios and Channel 12 News (online)Ebtesam El-Ketbi, political scientist who founded and presides over The Emirates Policy Center think tankAbdulaziz Sager, Founder and Chair of the Gulf Research Center, a global think tank based in Saudi Arabia, expert on Gulf politics and strategic issues, author and editor of numerous publications, frequent contributor to major international media channels such as Al Arabiya, the BBC, CNN, and France 24Gudrun Harrer, Senior Editor, Der Standard; Lecturer in Modern History and Politics of the Middle East at the University of Vienna and the Diplomatic Academy of Vienna

Monsoon Voyagers follows the voyage of a single dhow (sailing vessel), the Crooked, along with its captain and crew, from Kuwait to port cities around the Persian Gulf and Western Indian Ocean, from 1924 to 1925. Through his account of the voyage, Fahad Ahmad Bishara unpacks a much broader history of circulation and exchange across the Arabian Sea in the time of empire. From their offices in India, Arabia, and East Africa, Gulf merchants utilized the technologies of colonial capitalism — banks, steamships, railroads, telegraphs, and more — to transform their own regional bazaar economy. In the process, they remade the Gulf itself. Drawing on the Crooked's first-person logbooks, along with letters, notes, and business accounts from a range of port cities, Monsoon Voyagers narrates the still-untold connected histories of the Gulf and Indian Ocean. The Gulf's past, it suggests, played out across the sea as much as it did the land. Monsoon Voyagers doesn't just tell a vivid, imaginative narrative—it teaches. Each port-of-call chapter can work as a stand-alone module. And the brief “Inscription” interludes double as turn-key primary-source labs—perfect for document analysis, quick mapping, and mini-quant work with weights, measures, and credit instruments. It invites undergraduates into a connected oceanic world and the big questions of world history, while graduate students get a method—how to read vernacular archives across scales and languages to design their own transregional, archive-driven projects. A quick heads-up: Traditional local musical interludes (see below for credits and links) will punctuate our voyage as chapter markers you can use to pause and reflect—as we sail from Kuwait to the Shatt al-Arab, then out across the Gulf to Oman, Karachi, Gujarat, Bombay, and the Malabar coast. We'll return via Muscat and Bahrain, dropping anchor once more in Kuwait. Music Credits and Links: Prologue: The Logbook1. KuwaitInscription: Debts2. The Shatt Al-ʿArabInscription: Freightage3. The GulfInscription: Passage4. The Sea of OmanInscription: Guides5. Karachi to KathiawarInscription: Letters6. BombayInscription: Transfers7. MalabarInscription: Conversions8. CrossingsInscription: Maps9. MuscatInscription: Poems10. BahrainInscription: Accounts11. ReturnsEpilogue: Triumph and Loss Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Monsoon Voyagers follows the voyage of a single dhow (sailing vessel), the Crooked, along with its captain and crew, from Kuwait to port cities around the Persian Gulf and Western Indian Ocean, from 1924 to 1925. Through his account of the voyage, Fahad Ahmad Bishara unpacks a much broader history of circulation and exchange across the Arabian Sea in the time of empire. From their offices in India, Arabia, and East Africa, Gulf merchants utilized the technologies of colonial capitalism — banks, steamships, railroads, telegraphs, and more — to transform their own regional bazaar economy. In the process, they remade the Gulf itself. Drawing on the Crooked's first-person logbooks, along with letters, notes, and business accounts from a range of port cities, Monsoon Voyagers narrates the still-untold connected histories of the Gulf and Indian Ocean. The Gulf's past, it suggests, played out across the sea as much as it did the land. Monsoon Voyagers doesn't just tell a vivid, imaginative narrative—it teaches. Each port-of-call chapter can work as a stand-alone module. And the brief “Inscription” interludes double as turn-key primary-source labs—perfect for document analysis, quick mapping, and mini-quant work with weights, measures, and credit instruments. It invites undergraduates into a connected oceanic world and the big questions of world history, while graduate students get a method—how to read vernacular archives across scales and languages to design their own transregional, archive-driven projects. A quick heads-up: Traditional local musical interludes (see below for credits and links) will punctuate our voyage as chapter markers you can use to pause and reflect—as we sail from Kuwait to the Shatt al-Arab, then out across the Gulf to Oman, Karachi, Gujarat, Bombay, and the Malabar coast. We'll return via Muscat and Bahrain, dropping anchor once more in Kuwait. Music Credits and Links: Prologue: The Logbook1. KuwaitInscription: Debts2. The Shatt Al-ʿArabInscription: Freightage3. The GulfInscription: Passage4. The Sea of OmanInscription: Guides5. Karachi to KathiawarInscription: Letters6. BombayInscription: Transfers7. MalabarInscription: Conversions8. CrossingsInscription: Maps9. MuscatInscription: Poems10. BahrainInscription: Accounts11. ReturnsEpilogue: Triumph and Loss Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/islamic-studies

Monsoon Voyagers follows the voyage of a single dhow (sailing vessel), the Crooked, along with its captain and crew, from Kuwait to port cities around the Persian Gulf and Western Indian Ocean, from 1924 to 1925. Through his account of the voyage, Fahad Ahmad Bishara unpacks a much broader history of circulation and exchange across the Arabian Sea in the time of empire. From their offices in India, Arabia, and East Africa, Gulf merchants utilized the technologies of colonial capitalism — banks, steamships, railroads, telegraphs, and more — to transform their own regional bazaar economy. In the process, they remade the Gulf itself. Drawing on the Crooked's first-person logbooks, along with letters, notes, and business accounts from a range of port cities, Monsoon Voyagers narrates the still-untold connected histories of the Gulf and Indian Ocean. The Gulf's past, it suggests, played out across the sea as much as it did the land. Monsoon Voyagers doesn't just tell a vivid, imaginative narrative—it teaches. Each port-of-call chapter can work as a stand-alone module. And the brief “Inscription” interludes double as turn-key primary-source labs—perfect for document analysis, quick mapping, and mini-quant work with weights, measures, and credit instruments. It invites undergraduates into a connected oceanic world and the big questions of world history, while graduate students get a method—how to read vernacular archives across scales and languages to design their own transregional, archive-driven projects. A quick heads-up: Traditional local musical interludes (see below for credits and links) will punctuate our voyage as chapter markers you can use to pause and reflect—as we sail from Kuwait to the Shatt al-Arab, then out across the Gulf to Oman, Karachi, Gujarat, Bombay, and the Malabar coast. We'll return via Muscat and Bahrain, dropping anchor once more in Kuwait. Music Credits and Links: Prologue: The Logbook1. KuwaitInscription: Debts2. The Shatt Al-ʿArabInscription: Freightage3. The GulfInscription: Passage4. The Sea of OmanInscription: Guides5. Karachi to KathiawarInscription: Letters6. BombayInscription: Transfers7. MalabarInscription: Conversions8. CrossingsInscription: Maps9. MuscatInscription: Poems10. BahrainInscription: Accounts11. ReturnsEpilogue: Triumph and Loss Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

Einar og Goran tar den bitteliten turen til to bittesmå mikrosteder; Fasanøya, som deles mellom Frankrike og Spania hvert halvår, og Passport Island, en kunstig øy mellom Saudi-Arabia og Bahrain, en ekte øy, som dermed får sin eneste ekte landgrense pga. noe de bygde på åttitallet. Tenk det, a!Tenker du på landepisoder av gode, gamle makroformatet? De eksisterer fortsatt! Men ikke her. Kun hos Podimo (eller podimo.no/198land, hvis du er pirkete.)Produsert av Martin Oftedal, PLAN-B Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Monsoon Voyagers follows the voyage of a single dhow (sailing vessel), the Crooked, along with its captain and crew, from Kuwait to port cities around the Persian Gulf and Western Indian Ocean, from 1924 to 1925. Through his account of the voyage, Fahad Ahmad Bishara unpacks a much broader history of circulation and exchange across the Arabian Sea in the time of empire. From their offices in India, Arabia, and East Africa, Gulf merchants utilized the technologies of colonial capitalism — banks, steamships, railroads, telegraphs, and more — to transform their own regional bazaar economy. In the process, they remade the Gulf itself. Drawing on the Crooked's first-person logbooks, along with letters, notes, and business accounts from a range of port cities, Monsoon Voyagers narrates the still-untold connected histories of the Gulf and Indian Ocean. The Gulf's past, it suggests, played out across the sea as much as it did the land. Monsoon Voyagers doesn't just tell a vivid, imaginative narrative—it teaches. Each port-of-call chapter can work as a stand-alone module. And the brief “Inscription” interludes double as turn-key primary-source labs—perfect for document analysis, quick mapping, and mini-quant work with weights, measures, and credit instruments. It invites undergraduates into a connected oceanic world and the big questions of world history, while graduate students get a method—how to read vernacular archives across scales and languages to design their own transregional, archive-driven projects. A quick heads-up: Traditional local musical interludes (see below for credits and links) will punctuate our voyage as chapter markers you can use to pause and reflect—as we sail from Kuwait to the Shatt al-Arab, then out across the Gulf to Oman, Karachi, Gujarat, Bombay, and the Malabar coast. We'll return via Muscat and Bahrain, dropping anchor once more in Kuwait. Music Credits and Links: Prologue: The Logbook1. KuwaitInscription: Debts2. The Shatt Al-ʿArabInscription: Freightage3. The GulfInscription: Passage4. The Sea of OmanInscription: Guides5. Karachi to KathiawarInscription: Letters6. BombayInscription: Transfers7. MalabarInscription: Conversions8. CrossingsInscription: Maps9. MuscatInscription: Poems10. BahrainInscription: Accounts11. ReturnsEpilogue: Triumph and Loss Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/south-asian-studies

Monsoon Voyagers follows the voyage of a single dhow (sailing vessel), the Crooked, along with its captain and crew, from Kuwait to port cities around the Persian Gulf and Western Indian Ocean, from 1924 to 1925. Through his account of the voyage, Fahad Ahmad Bishara unpacks a much broader history of circulation and exchange across the Arabian Sea in the time of empire. From their offices in India, Arabia, and East Africa, Gulf merchants utilized the technologies of colonial capitalism — banks, steamships, railroads, telegraphs, and more — to transform their own regional bazaar economy. In the process, they remade the Gulf itself. Drawing on the Crooked's first-person logbooks, along with letters, notes, and business accounts from a range of port cities, Monsoon Voyagers narrates the still-untold connected histories of the Gulf and Indian Ocean. The Gulf's past, it suggests, played out across the sea as much as it did the land. Monsoon Voyagers doesn't just tell a vivid, imaginative narrative—it teaches. Each port-of-call chapter can work as a stand-alone module. And the brief “Inscription” interludes double as turn-key primary-source labs—perfect for document analysis, quick mapping, and mini-quant work with weights, measures, and credit instruments. It invites undergraduates into a connected oceanic world and the big questions of world history, while graduate students get a method—how to read vernacular archives across scales and languages to design their own transregional, archive-driven projects. A quick heads-up: Traditional local musical interludes (see below for credits and links) will punctuate our voyage as chapter markers you can use to pause and reflect—as we sail from Kuwait to the Shatt al-Arab, then out across the Gulf to Oman, Karachi, Gujarat, Bombay, and the Malabar coast. We'll return via Muscat and Bahrain, dropping anchor once more in Kuwait. Music Credits and Links: Prologue: The Logbook1. KuwaitInscription: Debts2. The Shatt Al-ʿArabInscription: Freightage3. The GulfInscription: Passage4. The Sea of OmanInscription: Guides5. Karachi to KathiawarInscription: Letters6. BombayInscription: Transfers7. MalabarInscription: Conversions8. CrossingsInscription: Maps9. MuscatInscription: Poems10. BahrainInscription: Accounts11. ReturnsEpilogue: Triumph and Loss Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Welcome to our motorsports podcast where we discuss F1, IndyCar, IMSA, NASCAR, our own racing adventures, and some other adventures!Kyle Larson takes the NASCAR Championship in a weekend that summed up, what we think, is just about everything wrong with NASCAR. We recap the championship weekend and give NASCAR its send off for the year.We discuss some news and notes from this past week and also look ahead to F1 in Brazil, WEC in Bahrain, and even Lamborghini Super Trofeo World Finals at Misano in Italy.Light week of discussions this week.Coming up this weekend: F1 in Brazil, WEC in Bahrain, and Lamborghini Super Trofeo World Finals at Misano in Italy.

Møde nr. 10 i salen 1) Besvarelse af oversendte spørgsmål til ministrene (spørgetid)Spørgetid. 1.1) Spm. nr. S 134 om en løsladelse af den danske statsborger Abdulhadi al-KhawajaSpm. nr. S 134 Til udenrigsministeren af: Trine Pertou Mach (EL): Hvilke skridt kan og bør Danmark tage for at udvirke en løsladelse af den danske statsborger Abdulhadi al-Khawaja, der har siddet som fange i Bahrain siden 2011 som følge af sit arbejde for menneskerettigheder?1.2) Spm. nr. S 111 om statsbudgettet prioriteres fornuftigtSpm. nr. S 111 Til finansministeren af: Astrid Carøe (SF): Mener ministeren, at statsbudgettet prioriteres fornuftigt, når pengene – jf. årets finanslov – bruges på at uddele skattelettelser og gøre fredagsslik billigere, samtidig med at børnefamilier i hele landet kæmper for at få enderne til at mødes i en tid med historisk høje fødevarepriser?1.3) Spm. nr. S 133 om regeringen vil hjælpe Fredericia økonomisk, hvis sagen med Ørsted tabes af statenSpm. nr. S 133 Til finansministeren af: Pelle Dragsted (EL): Vil regeringen hjælpe Fredericia økonomisk, hvis sagen med Ørsted tabes af staten, så de ikke sidder tilbage med en millionregning, der vil ramme deres ældre, børn og velfærd?1.4) Spm. nr. S 70 om at bekæmpe utryghed i nærområdetSpm. nr. S 70 Til justitsministeren af: Peter Skaarup (DD): Hvad mener regeringen om, at vold, stoffer og et enormt antal af butikstyverier er blevet hverdagen for naboer til bostedet på Granvej 12 i Bagsværd, og hvad vil regeringen gøre for at bekæmpe utrygheden i området?1.5) Spm. nr. S 71 om chikane af kandidater til byrådet i OdenseSpm. nr. S 71 Til justitsministeren af: Alex Ahrendtsen (DF): Hvad er ministerens holdning til, at Dansk Folkepartis spidskandidat til byrådet i Odense, Signe Keldorff, bliver truet, chikaneret og passet op af indvandrerbander på grund af hendes politiske tilhørsforhold, og hvad agter ministeren at gøre ved dette, så kandidater kan være politisk aktive uden at blive chikaneret?1.6) Spm. nr. S 101 om brugen af genetisk slægtsforskningSpm. nr. S 101 Til justitsministeren af: Mette Thiesen (DF): Mener ministeren, at brugen af genetisk slægtsforskning bør blive udvidet, således at metoden også skal kunne bruges til f.eks. at kunne identificere et uidentificeret lig, hittebørn eller lignende?1.7) Spm. nr. S 116 om at DR bruger fotos af alvorligt syge børn til at underbygge påstanden om, at børn dør af sult i GazaSpm. nr. S 116 Til kulturministeren af: Katrine Daugaard (LA): Når DR tilsyneladende gentagne gange bruger fotos af alvorligt syge børn til at underbygge påstanden om, at børn dør af sult i Gaza, mener ministeren så, at det er udtryk for en faktabaseret journalistisk tilgang, eller mener ministeren snarere, at det er udtryk for forsøg på bevidst manipulation?1.8) Spm. nr. S 135 om Israel bør deltage i Det Europæiske Melodi Grand Prix i Wien i 2026Spm. nr. S 135 Til kulturministeren af: Trine Pertou Mach (EL): Mener ministeren, at Israel på baggrund af den israelske regerings krigsforbrydelser i Gaza siden 2023 bør deltage i Det Europæiske Melodi Grand Prix i Wien i 2026, og vil ministeren opfordre DR til at arbejde for at udelukke Israel, når European Broadcasting Union holder generalforsamling i december 2025, og til at trække sig fra konkurrencen, medmindre Israel udelukkes i 2026?1.9) Spm. nr. S 132 om at få priserne ned på danskernes madSpm. nr. S 132 Til erhvervsministeren af: Pelle Dragsted (EL): Hvad vil ministeren gøre for at få priserne ned på danskernes mad og bekæmpe spekulation og unfair prissætning i supermarkederne?1.10) Spm. nr. S 17 om at indføre et dansk forbud mod eksport af sprøjtemidler, som det er forbudt at anvende i EUSpm. nr. S 17 Til miljøministeren af: Claus Jørgensen (SF): Vil regeringen indføre et dansk forbud mod eksport af sprøjtemidler, som det er forbudt at anvende i EU?1.11) Spm. nr. S 113 om Naturpark SvanegrundSpm. nr. S 113 Til miljøministeren af: Søren Egge Rasmussen (EL): Mener ministeren, at det er foreneligt med ambitionerne for Naturpark Svanegrund – Danmarks største naturpark – at der er fem havbrug i Horsens Fjord, som ikke kan opnå nye tilladelser, fordi de tilsammen har negativ påvirkning på Natura 2000-området i Horsens Fjord?1.12) Spm. nr. S 141 om den nye emballageafgift der trådte i kraft den 1. oktoberSpm. nr. S 141 Til miljøministeren af: Hans Kristian Skibby (DD): Hvad er ministerens holdning til den nye emballageafgift, der trådte i kraft den 1. oktober, og som volder erhvervsvirksomheder administrativt bøvl og ekstra udgifter, og som i sidste ende vælter højere priser over på landets forbrugere, og hvad vil ministeren konkret gøre for at afhjælpe konsekvenserne?1.13) Spm. nr. S 137 om at prioritere, at der gøres mere for kvinder, som oplever gener og komplikationer efter fødslenSpm. nr. S 137 Til ministeren for ligestilling af: Astrid Carøe (SF): Vil ministeren være med til at prioritere, at der gøres mere for kvinder, som oplever gener og komplikationer efter fødslen – såsom nedsunket underliv, bækkenproblemer, delte mavemuskler, bristninger og inkontinens – og som i dag alt for ofte står uden hjælp, f.eks. ved at arbejde for landsdækkende efterfødselsklinikker, så alle kvinder uanset bopæl kan få adgang til den nødvendige behandling og genoptræning?1.14) Spm. nr. S 142 om at danske vognmænd og transportvirksomheder nu tanker diesel i SverigeSpm. nr. S 142 Til skatteministeren af: Hans Kristian Skibby (DD): Hvad er ministerens holdning til, at danske vognmænd og transportvirksomheder nu tanker diesel i Sverige i stedet for i Danmark på grund af den forhøjede dieselafgift og indførelse af godstransportafgift, begge pr. 1. januar 2025, med det resultat, at statskassen står til at miste over 0,5 mia. kr. årligt, og mener ministeren, at en forhøjet brændstofafgift og indførelse af en godstransportafgift har været fornuftig?1.15) Spm. nr. S 76 om at elever med særlige behov skal søge om hjælp til hver enkelt prøve de aflægger i folkeskolenSpm. nr. S 76 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Sigurd Agersnap (SF): Mener ministeren, at det er rimeligt, at elever med særlige behov, herunder elever med ordblindhed, skal søge om særlige vilkår for at få hjælp til hver enkelt prøve, de aflægger i folkeskolen?1.16) Spm. nr. S 146 om ufrivilligt skolefraværSpm. nr. S 146 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Sigurd Agersnap (SF): Mener ministeren, at problemerne med ufrivilligt skolefravær var mindre i 1980'erne?1.17) Spm. nr. S 124 om at nedlægge Danmarks Evalueringsinstitut (EVA)Spm. nr. S 124 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Sofie Lippert (SF): Vil ministeren forklare det fuldstændig ubegribeligt ulogiske i at koble forskning sammen med administrative besparelser i staten og dernæst beslutte at nedlægge Danmarks Evalueringsinstitut (EVA), som vil være et farvel til 25 års videnproduktion og videnindsamling og en reduktion af midler til evalueringer i en tid, hvor regeringen har vedtaget store reformer af både folkeskolen, gymnasierne og de videregående uddannelser?1.18) Spm. nr. S 143 om at Kolding Kommune pålægger alle dagtilbud styrings- og datakonceptet »Læringsledelse«Spm. nr. S 143 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Lotte Rod (RV): Hvad er ministerens holdning til, at Kolding Kommune ved at pålægge alle dagtilbud styrings- og datakonceptet »Læringsledelse« forbryder sig mod dagtilbudsaftalen fra 2017, hvoraf det fremgår, at staten og kommunerne som udgangspunkt ikke skal pålægge dagtilbuddene tiltag som lokale læreplaner, mål eller koncepter, der rækker ud over den pædagogiske læreplan, og hvad vil ministeren gøre for at indskærpe, at kommuner skal stoppe med at pålægge koncepter?1.19) Spm. nr. S 82 om stigning i antallet af ikkevestlige indvandrere og efterkommere på førtidspensionSpm. nr. S 82 Til beskæftigelsesministeren af: Nick Zimmermann (DF): Har de socialdemokratisk ledede regeringers udlændinge- og beskæftigelsespolitik fejlet, når antallet af ikkevestlige indvandrere og efterkommere på førtidspension er steget med 32 pct. siden 2019, svarende til en stigning på mere end 10.000 personer?1.20) Spm. nr. S 131 om afskaffelsen af støtten til særlig vanskeligt stillede borgere med høje boligudgifterSpm. nr. S 131 Til beskæftigelsesministeren af: Victoria Velasquez (EL): Hvordan vurderer ministeren de individuelle og samfundsmæssige konsekvenser af afskaffelsen af støtten til særlig vanskeligt stillede borgere med høje boligudgifter, som regeringen har fået gennemført, og hvordan kan regeringen forsvare, at familier med børn, der i forvejen har svært ved at få økonomien til at hænge sammen, mister støtten til at betale deres husleje?1.21) Spm. nr. S 138 om regeringens kontanthjælpsreformSpm. nr. S 138 Til beskæftigelsesministeren af: Victoria Velasquez (EL): Mener ministeren stadig, at regeringens kontanthjælpsreform »ikke vil føre til flere hjemløse« nu, hvor udenrigsminister Lars Løkke Rasmussen erkender, at reformen »lader de allermest udsatte havne i en situation, hvor de ikke kan blive skrevet op til en bolig, fordi de ikke kan betale den«, og Venstre selv erkender, at reformen »gør, at nogle kan have svært ved at betale huslejen«, og agter ministeren nu at gøre noget, så udsatte borgere og børnefamilier ikke er hjemløse?1.22) Spm. nr. S 136 om at sikre elektrificering af jernbanen nord for AalborgSpm. nr. S 136 Til transportministeren af: Peder Hvelplund (EL): Vil ministeren sikre elektrificering af jernbanen nord for Aalborg – både af hensyn til borgerne i Vendsyssel og for at sikre mulighed for elektrificeret godstransport på skinner fra Skandinavien til resten af Europa – som foreslået af BRN-netværket (Business Region North Denmark)?1.23) Spm. nr. S 140 om den planlagte motorvej mellem Næstved og RønnedeSpm. nr. S 140 Til transportministeren af: Peter Skaarup (DD): Er det ministerens holdning, at den planlagte motorvej mellem Næstved og Rønnede skal etableres i sin helhed som en fuldt tosporet motorvej?1.24) Spm. nr. S 145 om en mindre grad af løbende statslig opfølgning og evaluering af reformer og politiske aftalerSpm. nr. S 145 Til uddannelses- og forskningsministeren af: Sofie Lippert (SF): Er ministeren i lyset af nedlæggelsen af Danmarks Evalueringsinstitut (EVA) enig med børne- og undervisningsministeren i, at det er godt for udviklingen af vores samfund med en mindre grad af løbende statslig opfølgning og evaluering af reformer og politiske aftaler?1.25) Spm. nr. S 139 om at reglerne for korttidsudlejning i praksis omgås på systematisk visSpm. nr. S 139 Til ministeren for byer og landdistrikter af: Lisbeth Bech-Nielsen (SF): Hvordan kan ministeren acceptere, at reglerne for korttidsudlejning i praksis omgås på så systematisk vis, at et enkelt firma uden problemer kan leje 170 lejligheder ulovligt ud på Airbnb, og hvornår vil regeringen tage ansvar og sikre en reel indberetningspligt for udlejningsplatforme som Airbnb, sådan som vi i SF allerede har foreslået i vores beslutningsforslag, så vi kan få sat en stopper for disse systematiske lovovertrædelser?1.26) Spm. nr. S 127 om, at Haderslev Kommune har fået hjælp fra en imam i det kommunale forebyggelsesarbejdeSpm. nr. S 127 Til udlændinge- og integrationsministeren af: Peter Kofod (DF): Hvad mener ministeren om, at Haderslev Kommune har fået hjælp fra en imam i det kommunale forebyggelsesarbejde? 1.27) Spm. nr. S 128 om, at Haderslev Kommune har fået hjælp fra en imam i det kommunale forebyggelsesarbejdeSpm. nr. S 128 Til udlændinge- og integrationsministeren af: Peter Kofod (DF): Hvad mener ministeren om, at Socialdemokratiets borgmesterkandidat i Haderslev, Marie Skødt, på kommunalbestyrelsesmødet den 28. oktober udtaler følgende om kommunens brug af en imam i forebyggelsesarbejdet: »Skal vi virkelig afvise sådan en hjælp, bare fordi den kommer fra en muslim? Det er ikke danske værdier – det er frygt forklædt som politik«? 2) 1. behandling af L 17 om delvis udmøntning af aftale om reform af professionsbachelor- og erhvervsakademiuddannelser i Danmark m.v.Forslag til lov om ændring af lov om erhvervsakademiuddannelser og professionsbacheloruddannelser og lov om akkreditering af videregående uddannelsesinstitutioner. (Nye praksisrettede professionsmasteruddannelser og andre elementer fra aftale om reform af professionsbachelor- og erhvervsakademiuddannelser i Danmark m.v.). Af uddannelses- og forskningsministeren (Christina Egelund).3) 1. behandling af L 18 om forskellige ændringer for Danmarks Frie ForskningsfondForslag til lov om ændring af lov om Danmarks Forsknings- og Innovationspolitiske Råd og Danmarks Frie Forskningsfond. (Begrænsning af visse ansøgninger til Danmarks Frie Forskningsfond, fondens samarbejde med andre offentlige og private bevillingsgivere samt forlængelse af fondens strategiperiode). Af uddannelses- og forskningsministeren (Christina Egelund).4) 1. behandling af L 8 om fremtidens S-bane, støj fra jernbaneaktiviteter, ekspropriation m.v.Forslag til lov om ændring af jernbaneloven og lov om DSB. (Fremtidens S-bane, støj fra jernbaneaktiviteter, ekspropriation m.v.). Af transportministeren (Thomas Danielsen).5) 1. behandling af L 47 om de færøske myndigheders etapevise overtagelse af sagsområdet luftfart m.v.Forslag til lov om ændring af lov om luftfart. (De færøske myndigheders etapevise overtagelse af sagsområdet luftfart m.v.). Af transportministeren (Thomas Danielsen).

Møde nr. 10 i salen 1) Besvarelse af oversendte spørgsmål til ministrene (spørgetid)Spørgetid. 1.1) Spm. nr. S 134 om en løsladelse af den danske statsborger Abdulhadi al-KhawajaSpm. nr. S 134 Til udenrigsministeren af: Trine Pertou Mach (EL): Hvilke skridt kan og bør Danmark tage for at udvirke en løsladelse af den danske statsborger Abdulhadi al-Khawaja, der har siddet som fange i Bahrain siden 2011 som følge af sit arbejde for menneskerettigheder?1.2) Spm. nr. S 111 om statsbudgettet prioriteres fornuftigtSpm. nr. S 111 Til finansministeren af: Astrid Carøe (SF): Mener ministeren, at statsbudgettet prioriteres fornuftigt, når pengene – jf. årets finanslov – bruges på at uddele skattelettelser og gøre fredagsslik billigere, samtidig med at børnefamilier i hele landet kæmper for at få enderne til at mødes i en tid med historisk høje fødevarepriser?1.3) Spm. nr. S 133 om regeringen vil hjælpe Fredericia økonomisk, hvis sagen med Ørsted tabes af statenSpm. nr. S 133 Til finansministeren af: Pelle Dragsted (EL): Vil regeringen hjælpe Fredericia økonomisk, hvis sagen med Ørsted tabes af staten, så de ikke sidder tilbage med en millionregning, der vil ramme deres ældre, børn og velfærd?1.4) Spm. nr. S 70 om at bekæmpe utryghed i nærområdetSpm. nr. S 70 Til justitsministeren af: Peter Skaarup (DD): Hvad mener regeringen om, at vold, stoffer og et enormt antal af butikstyverier er blevet hverdagen for naboer til bostedet på Granvej 12 i Bagsværd, og hvad vil regeringen gøre for at bekæmpe utrygheden i området?1.5) Spm. nr. S 71 om chikane af kandidater til byrådet i OdenseSpm. nr. S 71 Til justitsministeren af: Alex Ahrendtsen (DF): Hvad er ministerens holdning til, at Dansk Folkepartis spidskandidat til byrådet i Odense, Signe Keldorff, bliver truet, chikaneret og passet op af indvandrerbander på grund af hendes politiske tilhørsforhold, og hvad agter ministeren at gøre ved dette, så kandidater kan være politisk aktive uden at blive chikaneret?1.6) Spm. nr. S 101 om brugen af genetisk slægtsforskningSpm. nr. S 101 Til justitsministeren af: Mette Thiesen (DF): Mener ministeren, at brugen af genetisk slægtsforskning bør blive udvidet, således at metoden også skal kunne bruges til f.eks. at kunne identificere et uidentificeret lig, hittebørn eller lignende?1.7) Spm. nr. S 116 om at DR bruger fotos af alvorligt syge børn til at underbygge påstanden om, at børn dør af sult i GazaSpm. nr. S 116 Til kulturministeren af: Katrine Daugaard (LA): Når DR tilsyneladende gentagne gange bruger fotos af alvorligt syge børn til at underbygge påstanden om, at børn dør af sult i Gaza, mener ministeren så, at det er udtryk for en faktabaseret journalistisk tilgang, eller mener ministeren snarere, at det er udtryk for forsøg på bevidst manipulation?1.8) Spm. nr. S 135 om Israel bør deltage i Det Europæiske Melodi Grand Prix i Wien i 2026Spm. nr. S 135 Til kulturministeren af: Trine Pertou Mach (EL): Mener ministeren, at Israel på baggrund af den israelske regerings krigsforbrydelser i Gaza siden 2023 bør deltage i Det Europæiske Melodi Grand Prix i Wien i 2026, og vil ministeren opfordre DR til at arbejde for at udelukke Israel, når European Broadcasting Union holder generalforsamling i december 2025, og til at trække sig fra konkurrencen, medmindre Israel udelukkes i 2026?1.9) Spm. nr. S 132 om at få priserne ned på danskernes madSpm. nr. S 132 Til erhvervsministeren af: Pelle Dragsted (EL): Hvad vil ministeren gøre for at få priserne ned på danskernes mad og bekæmpe spekulation og unfair prissætning i supermarkederne?1.10) Spm. nr. S 17 om at indføre et dansk forbud mod eksport af sprøjtemidler, som det er forbudt at anvende i EUSpm. nr. S 17 Til miljøministeren af: Claus Jørgensen (SF): Vil regeringen indføre et dansk forbud mod eksport af sprøjtemidler, som det er forbudt at anvende i EU?1.11) Spm. nr. S 113 om Naturpark SvanegrundSpm. nr. S 113 Til miljøministeren af: Søren Egge Rasmussen (EL): Mener ministeren, at det er foreneligt med ambitionerne for Naturpark Svanegrund – Danmarks største naturpark – at der er fem havbrug i Horsens Fjord, som ikke kan opnå nye tilladelser, fordi de tilsammen har negativ påvirkning på Natura 2000-området i Horsens Fjord?1.12) Spm. nr. S 141 om den nye emballageafgift der trådte i kraft den 1. oktoberSpm. nr. S 141 Til miljøministeren af: Hans Kristian Skibby (DD): Hvad er ministerens holdning til den nye emballageafgift, der trådte i kraft den 1. oktober, og som volder erhvervsvirksomheder administrativt bøvl og ekstra udgifter, og som i sidste ende vælter højere priser over på landets forbrugere, og hvad vil ministeren konkret gøre for at afhjælpe konsekvenserne?1.13) Spm. nr. S 137 om at prioritere, at der gøres mere for kvinder, som oplever gener og komplikationer efter fødslenSpm. nr. S 137 Til ministeren for ligestilling af: Astrid Carøe (SF): Vil ministeren være med til at prioritere, at der gøres mere for kvinder, som oplever gener og komplikationer efter fødslen – såsom nedsunket underliv, bækkenproblemer, delte mavemuskler, bristninger og inkontinens – og som i dag alt for ofte står uden hjælp, f.eks. ved at arbejde for landsdækkende efterfødselsklinikker, så alle kvinder uanset bopæl kan få adgang til den nødvendige behandling og genoptræning?1.14) Spm. nr. S 142 om at danske vognmænd og transportvirksomheder nu tanker diesel i SverigeSpm. nr. S 142 Til skatteministeren af: Hans Kristian Skibby (DD): Hvad er ministerens holdning til, at danske vognmænd og transportvirksomheder nu tanker diesel i Sverige i stedet for i Danmark på grund af den forhøjede dieselafgift og indførelse af godstransportafgift, begge pr. 1. januar 2025, med det resultat, at statskassen står til at miste over 0,5 mia. kr. årligt, og mener ministeren, at en forhøjet brændstofafgift og indførelse af en godstransportafgift har været fornuftig?1.15) Spm. nr. S 76 om at elever med særlige behov skal søge om hjælp til hver enkelt prøve de aflægger i folkeskolenSpm. nr. S 76 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Sigurd Agersnap (SF): Mener ministeren, at det er rimeligt, at elever med særlige behov, herunder elever med ordblindhed, skal søge om særlige vilkår for at få hjælp til hver enkelt prøve, de aflægger i folkeskolen?1.16) Spm. nr. S 146 om ufrivilligt skolefraværSpm. nr. S 146 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Sigurd Agersnap (SF): Mener ministeren, at problemerne med ufrivilligt skolefravær var mindre i 1980'erne?1.17) Spm. nr. S 124 om at nedlægge Danmarks Evalueringsinstitut (EVA)Spm. nr. S 124 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Sofie Lippert (SF): Vil ministeren forklare det fuldstændig ubegribeligt ulogiske i at koble forskning sammen med administrative besparelser i staten og dernæst beslutte at nedlægge Danmarks Evalueringsinstitut (EVA), som vil være et farvel til 25 års videnproduktion og videnindsamling og en reduktion af midler til evalueringer i en tid, hvor regeringen har vedtaget store reformer af både folkeskolen, gymnasierne og de videregående uddannelser?1.18) Spm. nr. S 143 om at Kolding Kommune pålægger alle dagtilbud styrings- og datakonceptet »Læringsledelse«Spm. nr. S 143 Til børne- og undervisningsministeren af: Lotte Rod (RV): Hvad er ministerens holdning til, at Kolding Kommune ved at pålægge alle dagtilbud styrings- og datakonceptet »Læringsledelse« forbryder sig mod dagtilbudsaftalen fra 2017, hvoraf det fremgår, at staten og kommunerne som udgangspunkt ikke skal pålægge dagtilbuddene tiltag som lokale læreplaner, mål eller koncepter, der rækker ud over den pædagogiske læreplan, og hvad vil ministeren gøre for at indskærpe, at kommuner skal stoppe med at pålægge koncepter?1.19) Spm. nr. S 82 om stigning i antallet af ikkevestlige indvandrere og efterkommere på førtidspensionSpm. nr. S 82 Til beskæftigelsesministeren af: Nick Zimmermann (DF): Har de socialdemokratisk ledede regeringers udlændinge- og beskæftigelsespolitik fejlet, når antallet af ikkevestlige indvandrere og efterkommere på førtidspension er steget med 32 pct. siden 2019, svarende til en stigning på mere end 10.000 personer?1.20) Spm. nr. S 131 om afskaffelsen af støtten til særlig vanskeligt stillede borgere med høje boligudgifterSpm. nr. S 131 Til beskæftigelsesministeren af: Victoria Velasquez (EL): Hvordan vurderer ministeren de individuelle og samfundsmæssige konsekvenser af afskaffelsen af støtten til særlig vanskeligt stillede borgere med høje boligudgifter, som regeringen har fået gennemført, og hvordan kan regeringen forsvare, at familier med børn, der i forvejen har svært ved at få økonomien til at hænge sammen, mister støtten til at betale deres husleje?1.21) Spm. nr. S 138 om regeringens kontanthjælpsreformSpm. nr. S 138 Til beskæftigelsesministeren af: Victoria Velasquez (EL): Mener ministeren stadig, at regeringens kontanthjælpsreform »ikke vil føre til flere hjemløse« nu, hvor udenrigsminister Lars Løkke Rasmussen erkender, at reformen »lader de allermest udsatte havne i en situation, hvor de ikke kan blive skrevet op til en bolig, fordi de ikke kan betale den«, og Venstre selv erkender, at reformen »gør, at nogle kan have svært ved at betale huslejen«, og agter ministeren nu at gøre noget, så udsatte borgere og børnefamilier ikke er hjemløse?1.22) Spm. nr. S 136 om at sikre elektrificering af jernbanen nord for AalborgSpm. nr. S 136 Til transportministeren af: Peder Hvelplund (EL): Vil ministeren sikre elektrificering af jernbanen nord for Aalborg – både af hensyn til borgerne i Vendsyssel og for at sikre mulighed for elektrificeret godstransport på skinner fra Skandinavien til resten af Europa – som foreslået af BRN-netværket (Business Region North Denmark)?1.23) Spm. nr. S 140 om den planlagte motorvej mellem Næstved og RønnedeSpm. nr. S 140 Til transportministeren af: Peter Skaarup (DD): Er det ministerens holdning, at den planlagte motorvej mellem Næstved og Rønnede skal etableres i sin helhed som en fuldt tosporet motorvej?1.24) Spm. nr. S 145 om en mindre grad af løbende statslig opfølgning og evaluering af reformer og politiske aftalerSpm. nr. S 145 Til uddannelses- og forskningsministeren af: Sofie Lippert (SF): Er ministeren i lyset af nedlæggelsen af Danmarks Evalueringsinstitut (EVA) enig med børne- og undervisningsministeren i, at det er godt for udviklingen af vores samfund med en mindre grad af løbende statslig opfølgning og evaluering af reformer og politiske aftaler?1.25) Spm. nr. S 139 om at reglerne for korttidsudlejning i praksis omgås på systematisk visSpm. nr. S 139 Til ministeren for byer og landdistrikter af: Lisbeth Bech-Nielsen (SF): Hvordan kan ministeren acceptere, at reglerne for korttidsudlejning i praksis omgås på så systematisk vis, at et enkelt firma uden problemer kan leje 170 lejligheder ulovligt ud på Airbnb, og hvornår vil regeringen tage ansvar og sikre en reel indberetningspligt for udlejningsplatforme som Airbnb, sådan som vi i SF allerede har foreslået i vores beslutningsforslag, så vi kan få sat en stopper for disse systematiske lovovertrædelser?1.26) Spm. nr. S 127 om, at Haderslev Kommune har fået hjælp fra en imam i det kommunale forebyggelsesarbejdeSpm. nr. S 127 Til udlændinge- og integrationsministeren af: Peter Kofod (DF): Hvad mener ministeren om, at Haderslev Kommune har fået hjælp fra en imam i det kommunale forebyggelsesarbejde? 1.27) Spm. nr. S 128 om, at Haderslev Kommune har fået hjælp fra en imam i det kommunale forebyggelsesarbejdeSpm. nr. S 128 Til udlændinge- og integrationsministeren af: Peter Kofod (DF): Hvad mener ministeren om, at Socialdemokratiets borgmesterkandidat i Haderslev, Marie Skødt, på kommunalbestyrelsesmødet den 28. oktober udtaler følgende om kommunens brug af en imam i forebyggelsesarbejdet: »Skal vi virkelig afvise sådan en hjælp, bare fordi den kommer fra en muslim? Det er ikke danske værdier – det er frygt forklædt som politik«? 2) 1. behandling af L 17 om delvis udmøntning af aftale om reform af professionsbachelor- og erhvervsakademiuddannelser i Danmark m.v.Forslag til lov om ændring af lov om erhvervsakademiuddannelser og professionsbacheloruddannelser og lov om akkreditering af videregående uddannelsesinstitutioner. (Nye praksisrettede professionsmasteruddannelser og andre elementer fra aftale om reform af professionsbachelor- og erhvervsakademiuddannelser i Danmark m.v.). Af uddannelses- og forskningsministeren (Christina Egelund).3) 1. behandling af L 18 om forskellige ændringer for Danmarks Frie ForskningsfondForslag til lov om ændring af lov om Danmarks Forsknings- og Innovationspolitiske Råd og Danmarks Frie Forskningsfond. (Begrænsning af visse ansøgninger til Danmarks Frie Forskningsfond, fondens samarbejde med andre offentlige og private bevillingsgivere samt forlængelse af fondens strategiperiode). Af uddannelses- og forskningsministeren (Christina Egelund).4) 1. behandling af L 8 om fremtidens S-bane, støj fra jernbaneaktiviteter, ekspropriation m.v.Forslag til lov om ændring af jernbaneloven og lov om DSB. (Fremtidens S-bane, støj fra jernbaneaktiviteter, ekspropriation m.v.). Af transportministeren (Thomas Danielsen).5) 1. behandling af L 47 om de færøske myndigheders etapevise overtagelse af sagsområdet luftfart m.v.Forslag til lov om ændring af lov om luftfart. (De færøske myndigheders etapevise overtagelse af sagsområdet luftfart m.v.). Af transportministeren (Thomas Danielsen).

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As recently as 1928, a vast swathe of Asia—India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Burma, Nepal, Bhutan, Yemen, Oman, the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait—were bound together under a single imperial banner, an entity known officially as the “Indian Empire,” or more simply as the British Raj. And then, in just fifty years, the Indian Empire shattered. Five partitions tore it apart, carving out new nations, redrawing maps, and leaving behind a legacy of war, exile and division.A new book the author Sam Dalrymple, Shattered Lands: Five Partitions and the Making of Modern Asia, presents the unknown back story of how the Indian Empire was unmade. Sam is a historian and award-winning filmmaker who grew up in Delhi. He graduated from Oxford University as a Persian and Sanskrit scholar. In 2018, he co-founded Project Dastaan, a peace-building initiative that reconnects refugees displaced by the 1947 Partition of India. His debut film, Child of Empire, premiered at the Sundance Film Festival in 2022, and he runs the history Substack @ travelsofsamwise.To talk more about his new book, Sam joins Milan on the podcast this week. They discuss Sam's personal journey with the Partition of the subcontinent, the forgotten separation of Burma from the Indian Empire, and Delhi's dismissiveness of its Gulf outposts. Plus, the two talk about the creation of Pakistan, the twin genocides of 1971, and the special resonance of the princely state of Junagadh in modern-day Gujarat.Episode notes:1. Sam Dalrymple, “The Gujarati Kingdom That Almost Joined Pakistan,” Travels of Samwise (Substack), July 5, 2025.2. Nishad Sanzagiri, “Shattered Lands by Sam Dalrymple review – the many partitions of southern Asia,” The Guardian, July 1, 2025.3. “Ramachandra Guha Revisits India After Gandhi,” Grand Tamasha, April 19, 2023.4. Preeti Zacharia, “Interview with historian Sam Dalrymple, author of Shattered Lands,” Hindu, July 8, 2025.5. Sam Dalrymple, “The Lingering Shadow of India's Painful Partition,” TIME, July 14, 2025.

F1TV expert James Hinchcliffe and former F1 driver Esteban Gutiérrez join Tom Clarkson in the paddock to dissect a chaotic Mexico City Grand Prix. A dominant Lando Norris converted pole into victory to lead the World Championship for the first time since Bahrain. He's now a point clear of Oscar Piastri with four races and two F1 Sprints to go, so how will the mentality of both McLaren drivers change now they've swapped positions in the standings? Max Verstappen finished third to score his sixth podium in a row, but having said Red Bull would need to be ‘perfect' for the rest of the season if he's to complete a sensational comeback in this title race, will Max leave Mexico the least satisfied out of the three championship contenders? Ferrari had a mixed weekend, with Charles Leclerc securing back-to-back podiums and Lewis Hamilton unable to convert his best ever qualifying for the team into his first podium. The guys discuss his 10-second penalty for leaving the track and gaining an advantage, and whether Lewis will have learnt any lessons from his battle with Max. Plus, how did Haas rookie Ollie Bearman deliver a career-best finish of P4? And could Mercedes have fought for a podium had they let George Russell pass Kimi Antonelli earlier in the race?  Listen to more official F1 podcasts In-depth interviews with F1's biggest stars on F1 Beyond The Grid Your F1 questions answered by the experts on F1 Explains Experience the 2025 F1 title fight Book your seat for a Grand Prix this season at tickets.formula1.com

Hvorfor gør regeringen ikke mere for at få udleveret dansk statsborger der sidder fængslet i Bahrain på 15. år? Hvad betyder det højrefløjspolitiske begreb 'remigration'? Og hvordan skal budskabet på Frie Grønnes valgplakat forstås? Dagens værter: Anne Kirstine Hermann og Ole Brink.

In this episode, recorded during a media briefing, Richard Pater speaks with Shiri Fein-Grossman about the evolution of the Abraham Accords on their five-year anniversary. Shiri reflects on the foundations of Israel's normalisation with the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco. She outlines the mechanics that made the accords resilient through conflict and discusses the prospects for future expansion to Saudi Arabia and parts of Africa. Shiri Fein-Grossman is the CEO of the Israel-Africa Relations Institute and a board member of the Forum Dvorah. She previously served in a number of positions at Israel's National Security Council culminating as the Head of the Foreign Policy Branch for Regional Affairs, where she played a central role in advancing Israel's relations with the Abraham Accords countries.

In this conversation, Ingy Alireza shares her journey as a behaviour analyst in Bahrain, discussing the challenges and evolution of autism support services in the region. She highlights the cultural influences on education, the role of parents in advocating for their children, and the need for more practitioners and training in behaviour analysis. Ingy emphasizes the importance of mental health in autism support and the potential of technology to enhance services. The discussion also touches on the current projects she is involved in, including the development of NUMUW, a new platform providing multidisciplinary services for families. Watch on YouTube: https://youtu.be/Pn0cGKKBA2w Continuing Education Credits (https://www.cbiconsultants.com/shop) BACB: 1.0 Ethics IBAO:  1.0  Cultural QABA: 1.0  General CBA:    1.0  Cultural Diversity  Follow us! Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/behaviourspeak/ LinkedIn:  https://www.linkedin.com/in/behaviourspeak/ Contact: NUMUW   https://numuw.com/?lang=en Ingy Alireza https://www.linkedin.com/in/ingyalireza/ https://thinkinc.me/meet-the-team-2/   Articles Mentioned: Kelly, M.P., Alireza, I., Azzaam, S. et al. Applied Behavior Analysis and Autism Spectrum Disorder in the Gulf Region in the Middle East. J Dev Phys Disabil 36, 591–614 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10882-023-09931-7 Related Behaviour Speak Episodes Episode 228 The Nubian Egyptian Behaviour Analyst with Nehal Siam https://www.behaviourspeak.com/e/episode-228-the-nubian-egyptian-behaviour-analyst-with-nehal-siam-mped-bcba-rba-ont/ Episode 149 Behaviour Analysis in Saudi Arabia with Dr. Shahad Alsharif https://www.behaviourspeak.com/e/episode-149-behaviouranalysis-in-saudi-arabia-with-dr-shahad-alsharif/ Episode 94: Behaviour Analysis in Lebanon and Qatar with Rola El-Annan https://www.behaviourspeak.com/e/ep-94-behaviour-analysis-in-lebanon-and-qatar-with-rola-el-annan-med-bcba/  

How did the Israeli economy react to the war against Hamas?  Hear from a major player on the ground – Dr. Eugene Kandel, former economic adviser and Chairman of the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange, discusses Israel's financial resilience after the war against Hamas. Having made aliyah from the Soviet Union in 1977 with his family, Dr. Kandel covers the stock market rebound, missed economic opportunities with Jordan and Egypt, and the success of the Abraham Accords.  *The views and opinions expressed by guests do not necessarily reflect the views or position of AJC. Take Action: Elected Leaders: Demand Hamas Release the Hostages  Key Resources: AJC's Efforts to Support the Hostages Listen – AJC Podcasts: Architects of Peace The Forgotten Exodus People of the Pod Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript of the Interview: Manya Brachear Pashman:   Professor Eugene Kandel served as economic adviser to the Prime Minister of Israel from 2009 to 2015, and with Ron Sor is a co-founder of Israel's Strategic Futures Institute. He is also chairman of the Tel Aviv stock exchange, the only public stock exchange in Israel, known locally as the Bursa. He is with us now to talk about the impact of Israel's war against Hamas in Gaza on Israel's economy, the potential and impact so far of the Abraham Accords, and how history could one day view October 7 as a turning point for Israel's democracy.  Dr. Kandel, welcome to People of the Pod. Eugene Kandel:   Thank you. Thank you for having me.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   Before we begin, your family came to Israel in 1977. Can you share your family's Aliyah story? Eugene Kandel:   Yeah, when I was 14, my family was living very comfortably in the Soviet Union. My father was a quite known writer, playwright, a script writer. And around him was a group of Jewish people of culture that were quite known in their domains, mostly Jewish. And so at some point in 67 he sort of had this vision and started studying Hebrew. But 1970 and then by ‘73 when I was 14 years old, he came to me and said, Look, your mom and I decided to immigrate to Israel. What do you think about it, and I said, I don't know what I think about it. Okay, you know, if we want to immigrate, let's immigrate. I never felt too much belonging there. So unfortunately, Soviet authorities had other ideas about that. So we spent four years as refuseniks. My father, together with Benjamin Fine, were the editors of the underground publication called Tarbut. And for people who did not live there, they put their names on it. So this was, these were typewritten copies of Jewish culture monthly. And there were two names on it. You could go to jail for this. My father was always pretty brave man for his petite size, because during the Second World War, he was very, very hungry, to say the least. So he didn't really grow very much. But he's very big inside.  And so the following four years were pretty tough on them, because he couldn't work anywhere. Just like in McCarty years in this country, people would give work to their friends and then publish it under their own name. That's what he did for his friends, and they would share the money with him, or give him most of the money. There were very, very brave people. And then, you know, there was an incident where they wanted to send a message to my father to be a little less publicly outspoken. And so two KGB agents beat me up.  And that started a whole interesting set of events, because there was an organization in Chicago called Chicago Action for Soviet Jewry. Pamela Cohen. And I actually met Pamela when I was studying at the University of Chicago. And thanked her. So they took upon themselves to harass Soviet cinema and theater and culture officials. And so they were so successful that at some point, the writers league from Hollywood said that nobody will go to Moscow Film Festival unless they release us because they do not want to associate with people who beat up children. I wasn't a child, I was 17 years old, but still. And that sort of helped. At least, that's how we think about it.  So it's worthwhile being beaten up once in a while, because if it lets you out, I would take it another time. And then we came to Israel in a very interesting time. We came to Israel four hours after Anwar Sadat left. So we came to a different Israel. On the brink of a peace agreement with Egypt. And so that was it.  We came to Mevaseret Zion, which was an absorption center. A small absorption center. Today I actually live probably 500 yards from where we stayed. Sort of full circle.  And today, it's a significant, it's about 25,000 people town. And that's the story, you know, in the middle, in between then and now, I served in the military, did two degrees at Hebrew University, did two degrees at the University of Chicago, served as professor at the University of Rochester, and then for 28 years, served as professor of economics and finance at the Hebrew University. So I keep doing these circles to places where I started. Manya Brachear Pashman:   You say you arrived four hours after Sadat's visit to Israel on the brink of a peace agreement with Egypt. Did that peace agreement live up to expectations? Eugene Kandel:   Well, it depends what are your expectations. If your expectation will continue in the war, it definitely did, because, you know, for the last, you know, whatever, 48 years, we didn't have any military activity between Israel and Egypt. And we even have security collaboration to some extent. But if you're thinking about real peace, that would translate into people to people peace, business to business peace, it did not generate that at all. Because there was a very, very strong opposition on the street level and on the intellectuals level.  It actually started to break a little bit, because today you can find analysts on Egyptian television that are saying that we are, we are stupid because we don't collaborate with Israel. It is allowed today, It's allowed to be said in, you know, 20-30, years [ago], that person would have been ostracized and would never be allowed to speak.  So there is some progress, but unfortunately, it's a huge loss for the Egyptian economy. For Israeli economy, it is probably also a loss, but Israeli economy has a lot of alternatives in other countries. But Egyptians don't seem to be able to implement all the things that Israelis implemented a long time ago. You know, whether it's water technologies, whether it's energy technologies. Lots of lots of stuff, and it's really, really unfortunate that we could have helped Egyptian people, the same people who rejected any relations with us. And that's a pity. Manya Brachear Pashman:   The next peace agreement that came was with Jordan in 1994, quite some time later. Did that peace agreement live up to expectations, and where were you in 1994? Eugene Kandel:   1994, I was a professor at the University of Rochester, so I wasn't involved at all. But again, it was a very, very similar story. It was the peace that was sort of forced from above. It was clearly imposed on the people despite their objections, and you saw demonstrations, and you still see. But it was clear to the leadership of Jordan that Israel is, in their case, is absolutely essential for the survival of the Hashemite Dynasty. In the end the Israeli intelligence saved that dynasty, many, many times.  But again, it wasn't translated into anything economic, almost anything economic, until in the early 2000s there were some plants in Jordan by Israeli businessmen that were providing jobs, etc. But I was privileged to be the first to go to Jordan together with American officials and negotiate the beginning of the gas agreement.  We were selling gas to Jordan, because Jordan was basically going bankrupt because of the high energy costs. Jordan doesn't have its own energy, apart from oil shale. Sorry, shale oil. And for some reason they weren't able to develop that. But Israeli gas that we are selling to them as a result of what we started in 2012 I believe. Actually very important for the Jordanian economy. And if we can continue that, then maybe connect our electrical grid, which is now in the works, between the water-energy system.  And now maybe there is a possibility to connect the Syrian grid. If we have an agreement with Syria, it will help tremendously these countries to get economic development much faster. And it will help Israel as well, to balance its energy needs and to maybe get energy, provide energy, you know, get electricity, provide gas. You know, there's all these things where we can do a lot of things together. If there is a will on the other side. There's definitely will on the Israeli side. Manya Brachear Pashman:   In addition to gas, there's also water desalination agreements, as well, right? Eugene Kandel:   Yeah, there was a Red to Dead project, which was to pump the water all the way from the Red Sea along the Arava Valley. And then there is a 400 meter, 500 meter drop. And so to generate electricity through that desalinate that water that you pump, and then send that water to Egypt, send the electricity that was generated and not needed to Israel and then dump this salt stuff into the Dead Sea. Frankly, I don't know where this project is. Nobody talks about it for the last seven, eight years. I haven't heard.  Now there are different projects where you would get energy generated in Jordan and sold to Israel in Eilat, for example, because it's difficult for us to bring electricity all the way South. And so if the Jordanians have large fields of photovoltaic energy they can sell, they can satisfy the needs of a lot, and then in return, we can desalinate water and send it to them. So there's all kinds of projects that are being discussed. Manya Brachear Pashman:   But Israel does provide water to Jordan, correct? Eugene Kandel:   There are two agreements. One agreement, according to our peace agreement, we are supposed to provide them with a certain amount of water. I don't remember the exact amount. But that's not enough, and so we also sell them water. So think about it. There is a sweet water reservoir called Tiberius, Kinneret, in the north, and we sending water from there into two directions according to the agreement. We're sending it to Amman, pumping it up to the mountains, and then we're sending it throughout the Jordan Valley, all the way along the Jordan River, to the Jordanian side. So it's quite striking when I used to go between Jerusalem and Amman, it's actually an hour and a half drive. That's it. You go down, you go up, and you're there.  And so when you're passing the Israeli side, you see the plantations of date palms that are irrigated with drip irrigation. So very, very economically, using the brackish salt water that is pumped out of the ground there. You cross two miles further, you see banana plantations that are flood irrigated at 50-centigrade weather, and the water that comes from them comes on an open canal. So basically, 50% of the water that we send this way evaporates. Growing bananas in that climate and using so much water, it's probably, if you take into account the true cost of water, it's probably money losing proposition, but they're getting the water. The people that are the settlements on that Bank of Jordan River, are getting it for free. They don't care. And if somebody would just internalize that, and instead of sending the water down in an open canal, would send the whole water up to Amman, where there is a shortage of water, enormous shortage of water. And then you would take the gravity and use that water to generate electricity, to clean that water, the sewage, clean it and drip irrigate plantations, everybody would make enormous amounts of money. Literally enormous amounts of money. And everybody's lives would be better, okay? And I'm not talking about Israelis. It's within Jordan. And you can't say that there's no technology for that, because the technology is two miles away. You can see it.  And it just puzzles me. Why wouldn't that be done by some entrepreneurs, Jordanian entrepreneurs. We could really help with that. We could even help by buying the water from them back. The water that we give them, we can buy it back. Because in Israel, the water is very expensive. So we could finance that whole thing just by sending the water back, but that would be probably politically unacceptable, I don't know. But it's really, really . . . for an economist, it's just a sad story. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Missed opportunities. Well, let's go back. I introduced you as the chair of the Tel Aviv stock exchange, the Bursa. And I am curious. Let's talk about the economy. Does Israel treat its stock market the same way we do? In other words, are there opening and closing bells at the beginning and end of every day? How does the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange work compared to the United States? Eugene Kandel:   Well, we do have the opening bell, but it's usually reserved for some events. We don't have the events every day. Usually, if there's a new listing, or there's somebody celebrating, like, 20 years of listing, we have all kinds. Recently, we had Mr. Bill Ackman came and gave a speech and opened the trading together with us.  There are events around Jeffries Conference. But it's much more, you know, ceremony, I mean, it's not really connected to anything. Trading starts whether you press the button or don't. But Israeli stock exchange is unique in the following sense: it is an open limit book. What means that there is, you know, buyers meet sellers directly, and it works like that, not only in stocks, which is similar to what it is everywhere, but it's also in bonds, government bonds, corporate bonds, and in derivatives.  So in that sense, we do have our ceremonies, but the interesting thing is, what is happening with the exchange in the last two years. Accidentally, I joined two years ago as the chairman, and over the last two years, the stock exchange, the indices of Israeli Stock Exchange were the best performing out of all developed countries, by far. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Did that have something to do with the war? Eugene Kandel:   Well, it should have been, you know, in the opposite direction, but, the war is, not this length of war, not this intensity of war . . . but if you look back over at least 25 years, the Israeli economy responds very robustly to military conflict. Usually they're much shorter. If you look at even quarterly returns of the stock exchange, you would not know that there was a war in the middle, definitely not annual. If you look over the last 25 years, and you look at this stock, annual returns of the indices, you would not know that there was anything wrong, apart from our 2003 crisis, and Corona. Even the great financial crisis, you would not see it. I mean it was basically past us, because we didn't have a financial crisis in Israel. We had repercussions from, you know, the rest of the world's financial crisis, but we didn't get our own. And so we do have resilience built in, because we're just so used to it. However, having said that, it's the first time that we have such a long and intensive war on seven, whatever fronts. So it is quite surprising that just like any other time, it took about three months for the stock market to rebound after October 8. It was a big question whether to open the market on October 8. We struggled with it, and we decided that we do not want to give anybody the right to disrupt the Israeli economy.  I mean, it was a really tough decision, because there was certain people were saying, Well, how can you do that? It's a national tragedy. And of course, it was a national tragedy. But closing the market would have meant two things.  First of all, it would have shown the world that our economy can be interrupted. It would have given the benefit to those people that did these atrocities, that they managed to do more damage than they already did. And we didn't want to do that. And it didn't collapse. It went down, of course, but it rebounded within less than three months. By the end of that year, it was back on the same level. And then it did this comeback, which was quite phenomenal. And it's an interesting question, how come? Because during that time, we had some cases where Israel was boycotted by investors, very few, by the way, but we also saw many, many new investors coming in.  You could look at the war from the negative side. Of course, huge costs. But with all that, it was about 10% of annual GDP, because we are, you know, we're a big economy, and we borrowed that very easily because we had a very strong macro position before that. So we now 76% debt to GDP ratio. It's much lower than majority of developed countries. But we still had to borrow that. It was a lot of money, and then the defense budget is going to go up. So there is this cost.  But vis a vis that, A, Israeli technology has been proven to be unmatched, apart from maybe us technology in certain cases, but in some cases, even there, we have something to share. And so we have huge amounts of back orders for our defense industries. During the war, and they were going up when some of the countries that are making these purchases were criticizing us. They were learning from what we did, and buying, buying our equipment and software, etc.  And the second thing, we removed the huge security threat. If you look before October 7, we were quite concerned about 150,000 missiles, some of them precise missiles in Hezbollah's hands, an uninterrupted path from Iran through Syria to Hezbollah, constantly replenishing. We would bomb them sometimes in Syria, but we didn't catch all of them. We had Hamas, we had Hezbollah, we had Syrians, we had Iranians. We had, you know, not, you know, Iraqi militia. So, Hezbollah doesn't exist. Well, it exists, but it's nowhere near where it where was at. And the Lebanese Government is seriously attempting to disarm it. Syria, we all know what happened in Syria. We didn't lift a finger to do that. But indirectly, from what happened in Hezbollah, the rebels in Syria became emboldened and did what they did. We know what happened with Hamas. We know what happened with Iran. Okay, Iran, even Europeans reimposed the sanctions. So that's the side effect.  So if you look at the Israeli geopolitical and security situation, it's much, much better. And in that situation, once the war is over and the hostages are returned, and hopefully, we will not let this happen again, ever, to work hard so we remember that and not become complacent. It's an enormous, enormous boost to Israeli economy, because this security premium was quite big.  So that is on the positive side, and if we play smart, and we play strategically, and we regain sort of good relations with some of the countries which are currently very critical of us, and somehow make them immune to this anti Israeli antisemitism propaganda, we can really get going. Manya Brachear Pashman:   You mentioned investors. There were more investors after the war. Where were those investors coming from, internally or from other countries?  Eugene Kandel:   It's interesting that you asked this question, because in 2020, early 2024 a lot of Israeli institutions and individuals moved to S&P 500, and they got really hammered. Twice. Because A, S&P 500 was lagging behind the Tel Aviv Stock Exchange. So there was some other players coming in, because otherwise, when you move money, usually, you should see a drop, but you saw an increase. That meant that there are others came in. But the more interesting thing is that shekel was very weak when they bought dollars, and now shekel is about 15% stronger, so they lost 15% just on the exchange rate. And so a lot of money that went to S&P came back in the last six, eight months. So the internal money came back.  But on top of internal money, we looked at the behavior of foreign investors right after October 7. They didn't flee the country. Some of them sold stocks, bought bonds. And then so Israeli institutions made money on that, because Israeli institutions bought stocks from them at about 10%, 15% discount, and then when it rebounded, they made money. But that money didn't leave, it stayed in Israel, and it was very costly to repatriate it, because the shekel was very weak. And so buying dollars back was expensive. And the money slowly went into stocks. And then people made quite a lot of money on this. Manya Brachear Pashman:   The last topic I want to cover with you is external relations. You mentioned Syria, the potential of collaborating with Syria for water, gas. Eugene Kandel:   Electricity. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Electricity. And I presume that you're referring to the possibility of Syria being one of the next members to join the Abraham Accords. That has been mentioned as a possibility. Eugene Kandel:   Maybe. But we can, we can do something much less. Manya Brachear Pashman: Outside of the Accords. Eugene Kandel:   Outside of the Accords, or pre-Accord, or we can, we can just create some kind of collaboration, just we had, like as we had with UAE for for 15 years before the Accord was signed. Was a clear understanding.  Maybe. But we can, we can do something much less outside of the Accord, or pre-Accord, or we can, we can just create some kind of collaboration, just we had, like as we had with UAE for for 15 years before the Accord was signed. Was a clear understanding.  You know, I was in UAE, in Dubai on the day of signing of the Accord. I landed in Dubai when they were signing on the on the green loan, on the White House lawn. And we landed. It was amazing. It was the degree of warmth that we received from everybody, from ministers in the economy to ministers that came to speak to us, by the dozen to people in the hotel that were just meeting us. They issued, for example, before signing the Accord, there was a regulation passed by by UAE that every hotel has to have kosher food. We don't have that in Israel. I mean, hotels mostly have kosher food, but not all of them, and, and it's not by law.  This was, like, clear, we want these people to feel comfortable. It was truly amazing. I've never, I could never imagine that I would come to a country where we didn't have any relations until today, and suddenly feel very, very welcome. On every level, on the street, in restaurants. And that was quite amazing, and that was the result of us collaborating below the surface for many, many years. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Parity of esteem, yes? Suddenly. Eugene Kandel:   Yeah, they didn't feel they did exactly the important part when the UAE businessman or or Ambassador order you feel completely no chip on the shoulder whatsoever. They feel very proud of their heritage. They feel very proud of their achievements. They feel and you feel at the same level. They feel at the same level, just like you would with the Europeans. We always felt that there was something like when, when, Arab delegations, always tension. I don't know whether it was superiority or inferiority. I don't know. It doesn't matter, but it was always tension in here. I didn't feel any tension. Was like, want to do business, we want to learn from you, and you'll to learn from us. And it was just wow. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Same in Bahrain and Morocco? Eugene Kandel:   I haven't been to Bahrain and Morocco. I think Bahrain wants to do business. They were very even, sort of some of, we sent the delegation to Bahrain to talk about sort of Israeli technology and how to build an ecosystem in the same with Morocco. I think it's a bit different. I think it's a bit different because we didn't see much going on from from these two countries. Although Morocco is more advancing much faster than Bahrain. There are a lot of interesting proposals coming out of it.  There's a genuine desire there. In the last two years, of course, it was difficult for for anybody to do anything in those but interestingly, when almost no European airlines or American airlines were flying to us, Etihad and Emirates were flying to Israel. They were flying. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Past two years? Eugene Kandel:   Yeah, they would not stop. And you're just like, wow. Manya Brachear Pashman:   So would you say the Abraham Accords have had a significant impact on Israel's economy at all? Eugene Kandel:   I do not know. I mean, I don't have data on that by the sheer number. I mean, the the number of Israeli tourists Sue UAE, it's probably 10 or 20 to one to the vice versa. So we've been Israelis flooding UAE. In terms of investments, there are some technology investments. There's some, some more infrastructural investors, like they bought 20% of our gas field. There are collaborations between universities and research centers. So it's hard to measure, but you have to remember that there was a huge amount of trade and collaboration under the surface. So it surfaced. But that doesn't mean that there was an effect on the economy, just people suddenly saw it. So you don't know what the Delta was. If the same amount of business was suddenly coming out of Jordan, we would have seen, you know, big surge. So I'm not sure how much . . . I don't mean to say that there was no impact. I'm just saying that the impact was much more gradual, because there was so much already, right? But I'm sure that it is continuing, and the fact that these airlines were continuing to fly, indicates that there is a demand, and there's a business. Initially a lot of Israelis thought that there was, this was a money bag, and they would go there and try to raise money and not understanding culture, not understanding. That period is over. I mean, the Emiratis conveyed pretty clearly that they not. They're very sophisticated investors. They know how to evaluate so they do when they make investments, these investments make sense, rather than just because you wanted to get some money from somebody. Manya Brachear Pashman:   Well, thank you so much.  Eugene Kandel:   Thank you.  Manya Brachear Pashman:   If you missed our last episode, be sure to tune in for my conversation with AJC's Director of Congressional Affairs Jessica Bernton. We spoke shortly after receiving the news that a deal had been reached and the hostages from the October 7 Hamas terror attack might finally come home after two years in captivity. That dream was partially realized last week when all the living hostages returned and the wait began for those who were murdered.  

The fourth edition of the Race Rotax RMC US Trophy Final was contested over the October 17-19 weekend at the New Castle Motorsports Park. A record high entry total surpassing the 100 driver mark saw five Rotax categories battling over the three days at the New Castle, Indiana facility. A total of five tickets to the 2025 Rotax Max Challenge Grand Finals in Bahrain were awarded following the action, going to drivers from Costa Rica, UK, and the United States. Rob Howden and David Cole recap the action from New Castle in this episode of the Debrief – presented by Odenthal Racing Products. The show begins with the Sodi Racing USA Paddock Pass before getting into all the details of the weekend with the Stilo USA Race Report. The EKN Trackside Live Race Calendar presented by OTK USA completes the podcast.

The Gaza “ceasefire” lasted only until Hamas refused to return the bodies of the deceased Israeli hostages. Since then, Hamas sent civilians to violate the IDF lines, has forsworn disarmament, and has been murdering Palestinians in the streets of Gaza. Some people – including in Saudi Arabia and Bahrain – are becoming nervous. As they should. And the US position appears to need modification. Join us for a conversation with Or Yissachar, Executive Director of the David Institute for Policy and Strategy, an arm of the Israel Defense and Security Forum (IDSF-Habithonistim).

Support the Show: Patreon.com/PreacherBoys✖️✖️✖️Reah Bravo is an American speechwriter currently living in Brussels. Earlier in her career, she worked in broadcast journalism producing political and other news segments for the PBS program Charlie Rose—a stint that ended in 2008, when she joined the nearly half of all sexually harassed women in America who leave their jobs. She holds a master's degree in international affairs from Columbia University and was a Fulbright Fellow in Bahrain.Grab a copy of Reah's book here*, Complicit: How Our Culture Enables Misbehaving Men.*As an Amazon associate, I receive a small commission from purchases made through the above link.✖️✖️✖️If you or someone you know has experienced abuse, visit courage365.org/need-help✖️✖️✖️CONNECT WITH THE SHOW:preacherboyspodcast.comhttps://www.youtube.com/@PreacherBoyshttps://www.facebook.com/preacherboysdoc/https://twitter.com/preacherboysdochttps://www.instagram.com/preacherboyspodhttps://www.tiktok.com/@preacherboyspodTo connect with a community that shares the Preacher Boys Podcast's mission to expose abuse in the IFB, join the OFFICIAL Preacher Boys Facebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/groups/1403898676438188/✖️✖️✖️The content presented in this video is for informational and educational purposes only. All individuals and entities discussed are presumed innocent until proven guilty through due legal process. The views and opinions expressed are those of the speakers.✖️✖️✖️Music by Lou Ridley — “Bible Belt” | Used with permission under license.This episode is sponsored by/brought to you by BetterHelp. Give online therapy a try at betterhelp.com/PreacherBoys and get on your way to being your best self.Support this podcast at — https://redcircle.com/preacher-boys-podcast/donationsAdvertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

Jill returns this week after a two-show absence to participate in the 2025 edition of the Rebelle Rally. After Jill wraps up her thoughts on the event, Tom shares news regarding Toyota launching a new premium brand to be positioned above Lexus in the maker's corporate portfolio. Tom goes onto complain about/fawn over the new steering wheel controls in the 2025 Ford Expedition. Tom describes the new interface as “i-Pod-like,” and appreciates the aesthetic appeal of the simple design. Listen in for details. Still in the first segment, Jill reviews the sporty Volkswagen Golf R. The car is pricey for a Golf, but is it worth the money? In the second segment, the hosts welcome Stephanie Brinley of S&P Global Mobility to the show. Stephanie breaks down recent news from Stellantis regarding significant investment in U.S. manufacturing. The news is both extensive and nuanced. Listen in for details. In the last segment, Jill is subjected to Tom's “Is it a Buick?” quiz. Stay tuned for a bonus question about the McDonald's menu in Bahrain. The hosts wrap up the show by talking about the new Jeep Cherokee—to be built in Belvidere, Illinois—and its potential in the market place. 

Here's your glimpse at news headlines from this past week, with more details to be had when you review the audio of this Crosstalk broadcast. --President Trump issued a blunt threat to Hamas saying in a Truth Social post that, "...if Hamas continues to kill people in Gaza, which was not the Deal, we will have no choice but to go in and kill them." --Hamas has called on mediators to push for the next steps under the cease-fire. --Due to what was described as the mediators' leniency regarding Hamas' refusal to disarm, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain have issued warnings that the effort to end the war is at risk of collapsing. --The FBI has arrested a suspect in Louisiana who allegedly participated in Hamas in the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel. --Demonstrators will be taking to the streets across America Saturday against the Trump administration as they participate in "No Kings" protests. --Federal officials are warning that Saturday's nationwide "No Kings" demonstrations could attract extremist elements linked to the Antifa movement, seeking to insight violence and disrupt public order. --A New Mexico County judge and his wife were indicted last week after they were caught housing illegal immigrants, including a suspected Tren De Aragua gang member. --Virginia's Republican Attorney General, Jason Miyares, kicked off a debate on Thursday with text messages in which his Democratic opponent, Jay Jones, wished death on a political rival. --Border "Czar" Tom Homan said his family has been in hiding due to death threats while reporters try to find out where his family is located.

Here's your glimpse at news headlines from this past week, with more details to be had when you review the audio of this Crosstalk broadcast. --President Trump issued a blunt threat to Hamas saying in a Truth Social post that, "...if Hamas continues to kill people in Gaza, which was not the Deal, we will have no choice but to go in and kill them." --Hamas has called on mediators to push for the next steps under the cease-fire. --Due to what was described as the mediators' leniency regarding Hamas' refusal to disarm, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Bahrain have issued warnings that the effort to end the war is at risk of collapsing. --The FBI has arrested a suspect in Louisiana who allegedly participated in Hamas in the October 7, 2023, attack on Israel. --Demonstrators will be taking to the streets across America Saturday against the Trump administration as they participate in "No Kings" protests. --Federal officials are warning that Saturday's nationwide "No Kings" demonstrations could attract extremist elements linked to the Antifa movement, seeking to insight violence and disrupt public order. --A New Mexico County judge and his wife were indicted last week after they were caught housing illegal immigrants, including a suspected Tren De Aragua gang member. --Virginia's Republican Attorney General, Jason Miyares, kicked off a debate on Thursday with text messages in which his Democratic opponent, Jay Jones, wished death on a political rival. --Border "Czar" Tom Homan said his family has been in hiding due to death threats while reporters try to find out where his family is located.

Corruption defines both the perception and reality of government, eroding trust and even threatening national security. Today, the safeguards meant to keep our government accountable are failing. From the mass firing of inspectors general to congressional stock trading and Supreme Court ethics scandals, abuses of power are weakening public trust and raising fears that the U.S. could slide toward kleptocracy.In this episode, host Simone Leeper speaks with Mark Lee Greenblatt, former Inspector General of the U.S. Department of the Interior; Jodi Vittori, Georgetown University professor and expert on corruption and national security; and Kedric Payne, Vice President and General Counsel at Campaign Legal Center. Together, they trace America's long fight against corruption — from the founders' earliest fears to Watergate reforms — and examine how today's failures of accountability threaten American democracy. The episode closes with solutions for restoring integrity, eliminating conflicts of interest and rebuilding trust in American government. Timestamps:(00:05) — Why did Trump fire 17 inspectors general?(07:36) — How has corruption shaped U.S. history?(11:14) — What reforms followed Watergate?(18:22) — Why does corruption feel worse in daily life now?(23:01) — How did Trump weaken watchdog offices and ethics enforcement?(28:47) — Why does congressional stock trading undermine trust?(33:58) — What do Supreme Court ethics scandals reveal?(39:59) — Could the U.S. slide toward kleptocracy?(46:04) — How does corruption threaten national security?(56:57) — What reforms could restore accountability and integrity? Host and Guests:Simone Leeper litigates a wide range of redistricting-related cases at Campaign Legal Center, challenging gerrymanders and advocating for election systems that guarantee all voters an equal opportunity to influence our democracy. Prior to arriving at CLC, Simone was a law clerk in the office of Senator Ed Markey and at the Library of Congress, Office of General Counsel. She received her J.D. cum laude from Georgetown University Law Center in 2019 and a bachelor's degree in political science from Columbia University in 2016.Mark Lee Greenblatt is an expert on government ethics and compliance, an attorney and author. Most recently, he served as Inspector General for the U.S. Department of the Interior. His work bolstered the integrity of the agency's programs, rooting out waste, fraud, and abuse in the Department's $10 billion in grants and contracts and $12 billion in natural resource royalties. Mark was elected by the 74 Inspectors General to serve as the Chairman of the Council of the Inspectors General on Integrity and Efficiency in 2022. He previously served in leadership roles at the U.S. Department of Commerce Office of Inspector General and the U.S. Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations. He also served as an investigative counsel at the U.S. Department of Justice. He clerked for U.S. District Judge Anita Brody and was a litigator in two international law firms. Mark is the author of Valor, which tells untold stories of 21st century American soldiers, sailors and Marines who faced gut-wrenching decisions to overcome enormous odds. He is a frequent speaker at industry events, and he regularly appears in the news media. He graduated from Columbia University School of Law, where he was a Harlan Fiske Stone scholar, and he earned his undergraduate degree from Duke University.Jodi Vittori is an expert on the linkages of corruption, state fragility, illicit finance and U.S. national security. She is a Professor of Practice and co-chair of the Global Politics and Security program at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service. Jodi is also an associate fellow with RUSI's Centre for Finance and Security and was previously a non-resident fellow with the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. Before joining the Georgetown University faculty, she was the U.S. Research and Policy Manager for Transparency International's Defense and Security Program and a senior policy advisor for Global Witness. Jodi also served in the U.S. Air Force; her overseas service included Afghanistan, Iraq, South Korea, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain, and she was assigned to NATO's only counter-corruption task force. She was an Assistant Professor and military faculty at the US Air Force Academy and the National Defense University. Jodi is also a founder and co-moderator of the Anti-Corruption Advocacy Network (ACAN), which facilitates information exchange on corruption-related issues amongst over 1,000 participating individuals and organizations worldwide. She is a graduate of the U.S. Air Force Academy and received her PhD in International Studies from the University of Denver.Kedric Payne leads the government ethics program at Campaign Legal Center, where he works to strengthen ethics laws and hold public officials accountable at the federal, state and local levels. He conducts investigations into government corruption and initiates legal actions against officials who violate the law. At CLC, Kedric has been at the forefront of advancing reforms on issues such as congressional stock trading, Supreme Court ethics enforcement, executive branch conflicts of interest, and state ethics commission autonomy. His legal work and analysis have been featured in major media outlets. He has also testified at congressional hearings on government ethics and accountability. Before joining CLC, Kedric built a broad legal career across all three branches of the federal government and in private practice. He began as a litigator at Cravath and later practiced political law at Skadden. He went on to serve as Deputy Chief Counsel at the Office of Congressional Ethics and as a Deputy General Counsel at the U.S. Department of Energy, where he advised on federal ethics laws. Earlier in his career, he clerked for the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of New York.Links: Understanding Corruption and Conflicts of Interest in Government – CLC Holding Government Officials Accountable for Unlawful Conflict of Interest Violations – CLC Ethics Pledges by Trump Cabinet Draw Questions and Skepticism – NY Times CLC Sues to Stop Elon Musk and DOGE's Lawless, Unconstitutional Power Grab – CLC Elon Musk Stands to Gain Even More Wealth by Serving in Trump's Administration – CLC Is Musk Using the FAA to Benefit Himself and His SpaceX Subsidiary, Starlink? – CLC Have Wealthy Donors Bought the Trump Administration? – CLC How a Second Term Introduces More Conflicts of Interest for Trump – CLC CLC's Kedric Payne on Trump's Brazen Removal of Nation's Top Ethics Official – CLC The public won't get to see Elon Musk's financial disclosures. Here's why that matters.  – CBS  Justice Clarence Thomas Should Be Held Accountable Under Federal Ethics Law – CLC Judicial Conference Decision Lowers Ethics Standards for Federal Judges and U.S. Supreme Court – CLC Improving Ethics Standards at the Supreme Court – CLC The Justice Department Is In Danger Of Losing Its Way Under Trump – CLC Congress Has an Ethics Problem. Now It's Trying to Get Rid of Ethics Enforcement – CLC A Win for Ethics: CLC, Partners Succeed in Preserving Office of Congressional Conduct – CLC Crypto Political Fundraising Raises Questions About Senate Ethics Committee Efficacy – CLC Stopping the Revolving Door: Preventing Conflicts of Interest from Former Lobbyists – CLC The Trump Administration Has Opened the Door to More Corruption – CLC Solving the Congressional Stock Trading Problem – CLCAbout CLC:Democracy Decoded is a production of Campaign Legal Center, a nonpartisan nonprofit organization dedicated to solving the wide range of challenges facing American democracy. Campaign Legal Center fights for every American's freedom to vote and participate meaningfully in the democratic process. Learn more about us.Democracy Decoded is part of The Democracy Group, a network of podcasts that examines what's broken in our democracy and how we can work together to fix it. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

The EKN Trackside Live program visits multiple events throughout the karting season. Leading up to major events on the calendar, EKN is happy to provide a show as part of the EKN Radio Network. The EKN OutLap is a preview podcast show, geared at providing you with the top stories, breaking news, and championship battles going into the weekend. The RMC US Trophy Final 2025 – hosted by Race Rotax – is set to run on October 17-19 at the New Castle Motorsports Park. Five tickets to the 2025 Rotax Max Challenge Grand Finals in Bahrain this December are up for grabs with over 100 drivers competing in the five Rotax divisions at the New Castle, Indiana facility. Rob Howden and David Cole preview the weekend in Episode 97 of the OutLap, presented by AiM Sports.

Oil and gas operations rely on heavy machinery and equipment that perform critical tasks, yet most of this equipment remains disconnected from the digital landscape of cloud computing, analytics, and autonomy. This lack of connectivity leaves operators with higher costs, inefficient maintenance, and limited visibility into how their assets are really performing. The traditional approach to equipment design is no longer enough. Operators face pressure to improve efficiency, reduce emissions, and cut costs, but without better data and smarter tools, these goals remain out of reach. The industry cannot afford to keep treating its infrastructure as “dumb metal.” You might think that only big equipment suppliers can make smart metal, but IJACK, a Canadian equipment manufacturer, is proving otherwise. By embedding remote monitoring, cloud connectivity, and AI-driven analytics into its products, the company enables operators to troubleshoot issues without rolling a truck, optimize performance across entire fleets, and gain valuable insight from real-time data. In this episode, I speak with Dan McCarthy, President of IJACK, about how his team transformed compressors and pumps into intelligent assets, why the industry needs to embrace innovation, and how a small-town company from Saskatchewan is now serving customers around the world.

Crypto News: State Street finds institutional investors eye doubling their digital asset exposure within three years. Coinbase and Mastercard have each held advanced acquisition talks to buy BVNK, a fintech that builds stablecoin payment infrastructure. Ripple to bring RLUSD stablecoin to Bahrain via new partnership. Brought to you by ✅ VeChain is a versatile enterprise-grade L1 smart contract platform https://www.vechain.org/

On the sidelines of the UN General Assembly, AJC hosted a conversation with Jason Greenblatt, a key architect of the Abraham Accords, and former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro. They discussed the challenges threatening regional stability, from unilateral moves on Palestinian statehood to political pressures within Israel, and underscored what's at stake—and what it will take—to expand the Abraham Accords and advance peace. *The views and opinions expressed by guests do not necessarily reflect the views or position of AJC.  Episode lineup: Dan Shapiro (1:00) Jason Greenblatt (18:05) Full transcript: https://www.ajc.org/news/podcast/accords-of-tomorrow-architects-of-peace-episode-5 Resources: AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace - Tune in weekly for new episodes. AJC.org/AbrahamAccords - The Abraham Accords, Explained AJC.org/CNME - Find more on AJC's Center for a New Middle East Listen – AJC Podcasts: AJC.org/ForgottenExodus AJC.org/PeopleofthePod Follow Architects of Peace on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace You can reach us at: podcasts@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript: Manya Brachear Pashman: In September 2020, the world saw what had been years – decades – in the making: landmark peace agreements dubbed the Abraham Accords – normalizing relations between Israel and two Arabian Gulf states, the United Arab Emirates and the Kingdom of Bahrain. Later, in December, they were joined by the Kingdom of Morocco. Five years later, AJC is pulling back the curtain to meet key individuals who built the trust that led to these breakthroughs and turning the spotlight on some of the results. Introducing the Architects of Peace. On the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in September, American Jewish Committee hosted conversations with former Middle East envoy Jason Greenblatt, a key architect of the Abraham Accords, and former U.S. Ambassador to Israel Dan Shapiro:. Both diplomats discussed the dangers threatening peace in the region, including some countries' unilateral calls for Palestinian statehood. They shared what's at stake and what it will take to expand the Abraham Accords and make progress toward peace in the region. We're including those conversations as part of our series.  AJC's Chief Strategy and Communications Officer Belle Yoeli starts us off with Ambassador Shapiro. Belle Yoeli:  Ambassador Shapiro, thank you so much for being with us. We're going to speak primarily about unilateral recognition of Palestinian statehood, but I, of course, want to ask you a couple of questions, because you have so much to share with us before we dive in.  First and foremost, as we've said, It's been almost two years, and at AJC, we're all about optimism and playing the long game, as you know, but it does feel like the challenges for the Jewish community and the state of Israel continue to build. And of course, the war looms very large. What is your analysis of the geopolitical horizon for the war in Gaza. Dan Shapiro:  First, thanks for having me. Thank you to American Jewish Committee and to Ted and everybody for all you do. Thank you, Ruby [Chen], and the families, for the fellowship that we can share with you in this goal. I'll just say it very simply, this war needs to end. The hostages need to come home. Hamas needs to be removed from power. And aid needs to surge into Gaza and move forward with a reconstruction of Gaza for Palestinians who prepare to live in peace with Israel. This is something that is overdue and needs to happen. I think there have been a number of missed opportunities along the way. I don't say this in a partisan way. I think President Trump has missed opportunities at the end of the first ceasefire, when the first ceasefire was allowed to expire after the Iran strike, something I strongly supported and felt was exactly the right thing to do. There was an opening to create a narrative to end the war. I think there have been other missed opportunities. And I don't say in a partisan way, because the administration I served in, the Biden administration, we made mistakes and we missed opportunities. So it can be shared. that responsibility.  But what I do think is that there is a new opportunity right now, and we saw it in President Trump's meeting with Arab leaders. It's going to take very significant, deft, and sustained diplomatic effort. He's got a good team, and they need to do the follow through now to hold the Arabs to their commitments on ensuring Hamas is removed from power, on ensuring that there's a security arrangement in Gaza that does not leave Israel vulnerable to any possibility of a renewal of hostilities against it. And of course, to get the hostages released. That's pressure on the Arabs. And of course, he's got a meeting coming up with Prime Minister Netanyahu, and I do think he's going to need to lean on Prime Minister Netanyahu to overcome the resistance that he has to deal with in his cabinet, from those who want to continue the war or who those who rule out any role of any kind for the Palestinian Authority in something that will follow in the day after in Gaza.  So there is a real opportunity here. Once the war is over, then we have an opportunity to get back on the road that we were on. Two years ago at this UN General Assembly, I was serving as the Biden administration's Senior Advisor on regional integration, the first State Department position to hold that, trying to follow through on the excellent work that Jason Greenblatt and Jared Kushner and, of course, President Trump did in the first term in achieving the Abraham Accords. And we were building out the Negev Forum. And in fact, at that UNGA meeting, we had planned the next ministerial meeting of the Negev Forum. It was to take place October 19 in Marrakesh. Obviously, no one ever heard about that summit. It didn't happen. But getting back on the road to strengthening and expanding the Abraham Accords, to getting Saudi Arabia to the table as a country that will normalize relations with Israel, to expanding regional forums like the Negev Forum. Those are all still within reach, but none of them are possible until the war ends, till the hostages are home, till Hamas is removed from power.  Belle Yoeli:  Absolutely. And we look forward to talking more about the day after, in our next segment, in a segment coming up. Ambassador, you just got back from Israel. Can you tell us about your experience, the mood, what's the climate like in Israel? And any insights from your meetings and time that you think should be top of mind for us? Dan Shapiro:  I think what was top of mind for almost every Israeli I spoke to was the hostages. I spent time in the hostage square in Tel Aviv, spent time with Ruby, spent time with other hostage families, and everywhere you go as everybody who spin their nose, you see the signs, you hear the anxiety. And it's getting deeper because of the time that people are worried is slipping away for, especially for those who are still alive, but for all of those hostages to be returned to their families, so deep, deep anxiety about it, and candidly, some anger, I think we just heard a little bit of it toward a government that they're not sure shares that as the highest priority. There's a lot of exhaustion. People are tired of multiple rounds of reserve duty, hundreds of days. Families stressed by that as well the concern that this could drag on with the new operation well into next year. It's allowed to continue. It's a lot of worry about Israel's increased isolation, and of course, that's part of the subject. We'll discuss how countries who have been friends of Israel, whether in the region or in Europe or elsewhere, are responding in more and more negative ways, and Israel, and all Israelis, even in their personal lives, are feeling that pinch. But there's also some, I guess, expectant hope that President Trump, who is popular in Israel, of course, will use his influence and his regional standing, which is quite significant, to put these pieces together. Maybe we're seeing that happening this week. And of course, there's some expectant hope, or at least expectant mood, about an election next year, which will bring about some kind of political change in Israel. No one knows exactly what that will look like, but people are getting ready for that. So Israelis are relentlessly forward, looking even in the depths of some degree of anxiety and despair, and so I was able to feel those glimmers as well. Belle Yoeli:  And relentlessly resilient, absolutely resilient. And we know that inspires us. Moving back to the piece on diplomatic isolation and the main piece of our conversation, obviously, at AJC, we've been intensely focused on many of the aspects that are concerning us, in terms of unfair treatment of countries towards Israel, but unilateral recognition of Palestinian state is probably the most concerning issue that we've been dealing with this week, and obviously has gotten a lot of attention in the media. So from your perspective, what is this really all about? Obviously, this, this has been on the table for a while. It's not the first time that countries have threatened to do this, but I think it is the first time we're time we're seeing France and other major countries now pushing this forward in this moment. Is this all about political pressure on Israel? Dan Shapiro:  Well, first, I'll say that I think it's a mistake. I think it's an ill advised set of initiatives by France, by Canada, Australia, UK and others. It will change almost it will change nothing on the ground. And so to that sense, it's a purely rhetorical step that changes nothing, and probably does little, if anything, to advance toward the stated goal of some sort of resolution of the Israeli Palestinian conflict. And in many ways, it may actually set it back in part because of the way it appears to and certainly many Israelis understand it too. And I'm sorry to say, many Arabs understand it to reward Hamas. Hamas is celebrating it as an achievement of October 7, and that October 7 will find its place in the pantheon of the Palestinian Liberation story that should never be allowed to happen. So doing it this way, doing it without conditioning it on the release of hostages, on the disarming and removal of Hamas from Gaza, is a mistake. And of course, it tells Israelis that their very legitimate concerns about obviously the hostages, but also that some future Palestinian state, wherever and whatever form it might take, could become a threat to them from other parts, from parts of the West Bank, as it was from Gaza on October 7. And you cannot get to that goal unless you're willing to engage the Israeli public on those concerns, very legitimate concerns, and address them in a very forthright way.  So I think it's a mistake. I'm sure, to some degree, others have made this observation. It is motivated by some of the domestic political pressures that these leaders feel from their different constituencies, maybe their left, left wing constituencies, some right wing constituencies, and some immigrant constituencies. And so maybe they're responding to that. And I think that's, you know, leaders deal with those types of things. I think sometimes they make bad decisions in dealing with those types of pressures. I think that's the case here, but I it's also the case. I think it's just fair to say that in the absence of any Israeli Government articulated viable day after, plan for Gaza, something we were urged Israel to work with us on all the time. I was serving in the Biden administration, and I think the Trump administration has as well, but it's remained blurry. What does what is that vision of the day after? Not only when does it start, but what does it look like afterwards? And is it something that Arab States and European states can buy into and get behind and and put their influence to work to get Hamas out and to do a rebuild that meets the needs of both Israelis and Palestinians. There hasn't been that. And so that could have been a way of satisfying some of those domestic pressures, but it wasn't really available. And so I think some of the leaders turn to this ill advised move instead. Belle Yoeli:  So perhaps catering to domestic political concerns and wanting to take some sort of moral high ground on keeping peace alive, but beyond that, no real, practical or helpful outcomes, aside from setting back the cause of peace? Dan Shapiro:  I think it has limited practical effects. Fact, I think it does tell Israelis that much of the world has not internalized their legitimate concerns, and that they will be, you know, cautious at best for this. Everybody knows that there are many Israelis who have been long standing supporters of some kind of two state resolution to the Israeli Palestinian conflict. And post October 7, they've, they don't still hold that position, or at least they say, if it can happen, it's going to take a long time, it's going to look very different. And I think that actually is some a real practical takeaway, that if we are going to talk about some future establishment of a Palestinian state and some two state arrangement, certainly separation between Israelis and Palestinians, so they don't try to live intermixed in a way that they govern each other. I think that is that is desirable, but it's not necessarily going to look like two state outcomes that were envisioned in the Oslo period, in the 90s and the 2000s it's going to look different. It's going to take longer. And so that is something that I think we have to make sure is understood as people raise this initiative, that their goal is not the goal of 1993 it's going to have to look different, and it's going to have to take longer. Belle Yoeli:  So as more and more countries have sort of joined this, this move that we find to be unhelpful, obviously, a concern that we all have who are engaged in this work is that we've heard response, perhaps, from the Israelis, that there could be potential annexation of the West Bank, and that leads to this sort of very, very, even more concerning scenario that all of the work that you were discussing before, around the Abraham Accords, could freeze, or, perhaps even worse, collapse. What's your analysis on that scenario? How concerned should we be based on everything that you know now and if not that scenario? What else should we be thinking about? Dan Shapiro:  We should be concerned. I was actually in Israel, when the UAE issued their announcement about four weeks ago that annexation in the West Wing could be a red line, and I talked to a very senior UAE official and tried to understand what that means, and they aren't, weren't prepared to or say precisely what it means. It doesn't necessarily mean they're going to break off relations or end the Abraham Accords, but that they would have to respond, and there's a limited range of options for how one could respond, with moving ambassadors or limiting flights or reducing certain kinds of trade or other visits. Nothing good, nothing that would help propel forward the Abraham accords and that particular critical bilateral relationship in a way that we wanted to so I think there's risk. I think if the UAE would take that step, others would probably take similar steps. Egypt and Jordan have suggested there would be steps. So I think there's real risk there, and I think it's something that we should be concerned about, and we should counsel our Israeli friends not to go that route. There are other ways that they may respond. In fact, I think we've already seen the Trump administration, maybe as a proxy, make some kind of moves that try to balance the scales of these unilateral recognitions. But that particular one, with all of the weight that it carries about what how it limits options for future endpoints, I think would be very, very damaging. And I don't think I'm the only one. Just in the last hour and a half or so, President Trump, sitting in the Oval Office, said very publicly that he, I think you said, would not allow Netanyahu to do the Analyze annexation of the West Bank. I think previously, it was said by various people in the administration that it's really an Israeli decision, and that the United States is not going to tell them what to do. And that's perfectly fine as a public position, and maybe privately, you can say very clearly what you think is the right course, he's now said it very publicly. We'll see if he holds to that position. But he said it, and I think given the conversations he was having with Arab leaders earlier this week, given the meeting, he will have his fourth meeting. So it's obviously a very rich relationship with Prime Minister Netanyahu on Monday, I think it's clear what he believes is necessary to get to the end of this war and not leave us in a worse position for trying to get back on the road to his goals. His goals of expanding the Abraham accords his great achievement from the first term, getting Saudi Arabia to normalize relations, of course, getting hostages released and getting Arabs involved in the reconstruction of Gaza in a way that Gaza can never become the threat it was again on October 7, those are his goals. They'll be well served by the end of the war that I described earlier, and by avoiding this cycle that you're referencing. Belle Yoeli:  Putting aside the issue of unilateral recognition, I think we've seen in our work with our Israeli counterparts, sort of differences in the political establish. Around how important it is in thinking about the day after and seeing movement on the Palestinian issue. And we've seen from some that they perhaps make it out that it's not as important that the Palestinian having movement towards a political path. It's not necessarily a have to be front and center, while others seem to prioritize it. And I think in our work with Arab countries, it's very clear that there does have to be some tangible movement towards the political aspirations for the Palestinian for there to really be any future progress beyond the Abraham accords. What's your take? Dan Shapiro:  My take is that the Arab states have often had a kind of schizophrenic view about the Palestinian issue. It's not always been, maybe rarely been their highest priority. They've certainly had a lot of disagreements with and maybe negative assessments of Palestinian leaders, of course, Hamas, but even Palestinian Authority leaders. And so, you know, it's possible to ask the question, or it has been over time, you know, how high do they prioritize? It? Certainly those countries that stepped forward to join the Abraham accords said they were not going to let that issue prevent them from advancing their own interests by establishing these productive bilateral relations with Israel, having said that there's no question that Arab publics have been deeply, deeply affected by the war in Gaza, by the coverage they see they unfortunately, know very little about what happened on October 7, and they know a lot about Israeli strikes in Gaza, civilian casualties, humanitarian aid challenges, and so that affects public moods. Even in non democratic countries, leaders are attentive to the views of their publics, and so I think this is important to them. And every conversation that I took part in, and I know my colleagues in the Biden administration with Arab states about those day after arrangements that we wanted them to participate in, Arab security forces, trainers of Palestinian civil servants, reconstruction funding and so forth. They made very clear there were two things they were looking for. They were looking for a role for the Palestinian Authority, certainly with room to negotiate exactly what that role would be, but some foothold for the Palestinian Authority and improving and reforming Palestinian Authority, but to have them be connected to that day after arrangement in Gaza and a declared goal of some kind of Palestinian state in the future.  I think there was a lot of room in my experience, and I think it's probably still the case for flexibility on the timing, on the dimensions, on some of the characteristics of that outcome. And I think a lot of realism among some of these Arab leaders that we're not talking about tomorrow, and we're not talking about something that might have been imagined 20 or 30 years ago, but they still hold very clearly to those two positions as essentially conditions for their involvement in getting to getting this in. So I think we have to take it seriously. It sounds like President Trump heard that in his meeting with the Arab leaders on Tuesday. It sounds like he's taking it very seriously. Belle Yoeli:  I could ask many more questions, but I would get in trouble, and you've given us a lot to think about in a very short amount of time. Ambassador Shapiro, thank you so much for being with us. Dan Shapiro:  Thank you. Thank you everybody.  Manya Brachear Pashman: As you heard, Ambassador Shapiro served under President Obama. Now AJC's Chief Policy and Political Affairs Officer Jason Isaacson speaks with Jason Greenblatt, who served under President Trump. But don't expect a counterpoint. Despite their political differences, these two men see eye to eye on quite a bit. Jason Isaacson: Jason first, thank you for the Abraham Accords. The work that you did changed the history of the Middle East. We are so full of admiration for the work of you and your team. Jared Kushner. Of course, President Trump, in changing the realities for Israel's relationship across the region and opening the door to the full integration of Israel across the region.  It's an unfinished work, but the work that you pioneered with the President, with Jared, with the whole team, has changed the perspective that Israel can now enjoy as it looks beyond the immediate borders, Jordan and Egypt, which has had relations with a quarter a century or more, to full integration in the region. And it's thanks to you that we actually are at this point today, even with all the challenges. So first, let me just begin this conversation by just thanking you for what you've done.  Jason Greenblatt: Thank you. Thank you, and Shana Tova to everybody, thank you for all that you do. Jason Isaacson: Thank you. So you were intimately involved in negotiations to reach normalization agreements between Israel and the Kingdom of Morocco, the Kingdom of Bahrain, of course, the United Arab Emirates. Can you take us behind the scenes of these negotiations? At what point during the first term of President Trump did this become a priority for the administration, and when did it seem that it might actually be a real possibility? Jason Greenblatt: So I have the benefit, of course, of looking backward, right? We didn't start out to create the Abraham Accords. We started out to create peace between the Israelis and the Palestinians, which, as Dan knows, and so many people here know, including you Jason, seems to be an impossible task. But I would say that if I follow the breadcrumbs, my first meeting with Yousef Al Otaiba was a lunch, where it was the first time I actually ever met an Emirati, the first time I understood the psychology of the Emiratis. And others. I realized that the world had changed tremendously.  Everything that you heard about anti-Israel wasn't part of the conversation. I'll go so far as to say, when I went to the Arab League Summit that took place in Jordan in March of 2017 where I met every foreign minister. And I'm not going to tell you that I loved many of those meetings, or 85% of the conversation, where it wasn't exactly excited about Israel and what Israel stood for. There were so many things in those conversations that were said that gave me hope.  So it was multiple years of being in the White House and constantly trying to work toward that. But I want to go backwards for a second, and you touched on this in your speech, there are many parents and grandparents of the Abraham Accords, and AJC is one of those parents or grandparents. There are many people who work behind the scenes, Israeli diplomats and so many others. And I'm sure the Kingdom of Morocco, where the architecture was built for something like the Abraham Accords, everybody wanted regional peace and talked about Middle East peace. But we were fortunate, unfortunately for the Palestinians who left the table, which was a big mistake, I think, on their part, we're very fortunate to take all of that energy and all of that hard work and through a unique president, President Trump, actually create that architecture.  On a sad note, I wouldn't say that when I left the White House, I thought I'd be sitting here thinking, you know, five years out, I thought there'd be lots of countries that would already have signed and all the trips that I take to the Middle East, I thought would be much. Now they're easy for me, but we're in a very, very different place right now. I don't think I ever would have envisioned that. Jason Isaacson: Thank you. The administration has talked a great deal about expanding the Abraham Accords, of course, and as have we. Indeed, at an AJC program that we had in Washington in February with Special Envoy Steven Witkoff, he talked publicly for the first time about Lebanon and Syria joining the Accords. Obviously, with both of those countries, their new political situation presents new possibilities.  However, the ongoing war in Gaza, as we've been discussing with Ambassador Shapiro, and Israel's actions, including most recently striking Hamas in Doha, have further isolated Israel in the region and made an expansion of the accords harder to envision. At least, that's the way it seems. Given the current situation in the Middle East. Do you think the Trump administration can be successful in trying to broker new agreements, or do the current politics render that impossible in the short term? How hopeful are you? Jason Greenblatt: So I remain hopeful. First of all, I think that President Trump is a unique president because he's extremely close to the Israeli side, and he's very close to the Arab side. And he happens to have grandchildren who are both, right. I think, despite this terrible time that we're facing, despite hostage families, I mean, the terrible things that they have to live through and their loved ones are living it through right now, I still have hope. There's no conversation that I have in the Arab world that still doesn't want to see how those Abraham Accords can be expanded. Dan, you mentioned the Arab media. It's true, the Arab world has completely lost it when it comes to Israel, they don't see what I see, what I'm sure all of you see.  I'm no fan of Al Jazeera, but I will say that there are newspapers that I write for, like Arab News. And when I leave the breakfast room in a hotel in Riyadh and I look at the headlines of, not Al Jazeera, but even Arab News, I would say, Wow, what these people are listening to and reading, what they must think of us. And we're seeing it now play out on the world stage. But despite all that, and I take my kids to the Middle East all the time, we have dear friends in all of those countries, including very high level people. I've gotten some great Shana Tovas from very high level people. They want the future that was created by the Abraham Accords. How we get there at this particular moment is a big question mark. Jason Isaacson: So we touched on this a little bit in the earlier conversation with Dan Shapiro:. Your team during the first Trump administration was able to defer an Israeli proposal to annex a portion of the West Bank, thanks to obviously, the oped written by Ambassador Al Otaiba, and the very clear position that that government took, that Israel basically had a choice, normalization with the UAE or annexation. Once again, there is discussion now in Israel about annexation. Now the President, as Ambassador Shapiro just said, made a very dramatic statement just a couple of hours ago. How do you see this playing out? Do you think that annexation is really off the table now? And if it were not off the table, would it prevent the continuation of the agreements that were reached in 2020 and the expansion of those agreements to a wider integration of Israel in the region? Jason Greenblatt: To answer that, I think for those of you who are in the room, who don't know me well, you should understand my answer is coming from somebody who is on the right of politics, both in Israel and here. In fact, some of my Palestinian friends would say that sometimes I was Bibi's mouthpiece. But I agree with President Trump and what he said earlier today that Dan had pointed out, I don't think this is the time. I don't think it's the place. And I was part of the team that wrote the paperwork that would have allowed Israel to . . . you use the word annexation. I'll say, apply Israeli sovereignty. You'll use the word West Bank, I'll use Judea, Samaria.  Whatever the label is, it really doesn't matter. I don't think this is the time to do it. I think Israel has so many challenges right now, militarily, hostages, there's a million things going on, and the world has turned against Israel. I don't agree with those that are pushing Bibi. I don't know if it's Bibi himself, but I hope that Bibi could figure out a way to get out of that political space that he's in. And I think President Trump is making the right call. Jason Isaacson: So, I was speaking with Emirati diplomats a couple of days ago, who were giving me the sense that Israel hasn't gotten the message that the Palestinian issue is really important to Arab leaders. And we talked about this with Ambassador Shapiro earlier, that it's not just a rhetorical position adopted by Arab leaders. It actually is the genuine view of these Arab governments. Is that your sense as well that there needs to be something on the Palestinian front in order to advance the Abraham Accords, beyond the countries that we've established five years ago? Jason Greenblatt: You know, when I listened to Dan speak, and I told him this after his remarks, I'm always reminded that even though we disagree around the edges on certain things, if you did a Venn diagram, there would be a lot of overlap. I agree with how he sees the world. But I want to take it even back to when I was in the White House.  There are many times people said, Oh, the Arabs don't care about the Palestinians. They don't care. We could just do whatever we want. It's not true. They may care more about their own countries, right? They all have their visions, and it's important to them to advance their own visions. The Palestinian cause may not have been as important, but there is no way that they were going to abandon the Palestinians back then, and I don't think the UAE or the Kingdom of Morocco or others having entered into the Abraham Accords, abandoned the Palestinians. I think that was the wrong way to look at it, but they are certainly not going to abandon the Palestinians now. And I think that how Dan described it, which is there has to be some sort of game plan going forward. Whether you want to call it a state, which, I don't like that word, but we can't continue to live like this. I'm a grandfather now of three. I don't want my grandchildren fighting this fight. I really don't. Is there a solution?  Okay, there's a lot of space between what I said and reality, and I recognize that, but it's incumbent on all of us to keep trying to figure out, is there that solution? And it's going to include the Palestinians. I just want to close my answer with one thing that might seem odd to everybody. I'm not prone to quoting Saeb Erekat, who I disagreed with, the late Saeb Erekat, who I disagreed with just about on everything, but he used to tell me, Jason, the answer isn't in the Koran, it's not in the Torah, it's not in the Christian Bible, and the Israelis and the Palestinians are not leaving the space. So let's figure out a solution that we could all live with. So that's how I see it. Jason Isaacson: Thank you for that. One last question. I also heard in another conversation with other em righty diplomats the other day that the conflict isn't between Arabs and Israelis or Arabs and Jews, it's between moderates and extremists, and that the UAE is on the side of the moderates, and Morocco is on the side of the moderates, and the Kingdom of Bahrain is on the side of the moderates, and Israel is on the side of the moderates. And that's what we have to keep in our minds.   But let me also ask you something that we've been saying for 30 years across the region, which is, if you believe in the Palestinian cause, believe in rights for the Palestinians, you will advance that cause by engaging Israel, not by isolating Israel. Is that also part of the argument that your administration used five years ago? Jason Greenblatt: 100%. I think, I mean, I kept pushing for it and eventually they did it, for the Israelis and the Arabs to engage directly. Yes, the US plays a role, and they could play a moderating role. They could play somewhat of a coercive role. Nobody's going to force the Israelis, or frankly, even the Palestinians, to do anything they don't want to do, but getting them in the room so there are no missed signals, no missed expectations, I think, is the key part of this solution. I'm still hopeful, just to go back to your prior question, that they could get the right people in the room and somebody like President Trump, together with Emirati diplomats, Moroccan diplomats and others. They could talk rationally, and sanely, and appropriately, and we'll get somewhere good. Jason Isaacson: Ok, look ahead. We just marked the fifth anniversary of the Abraham Accords. Will there be a 10th Anniversary of the Abraham Accords, and will it look the same that it is now? Jason Greenblatt: No, I think it's going to be better. Yes, I think there's going to be a 10th Anniversary. I think there will be challenges. But maybe the best way I could answer this is, when the, I'll call it, the beeper incident in Lebanon happened. Okay, quite, quite a feat. I was in a conference room at a client of mine in the Middle East. Most of the room was filled with Lebanese Arabs, Christians and Muslims and some Druze. And it was unusual for everybody's phone to buzz at once, because I'm usually following the Israeli and American news. They're following Arab news. All the phones buzz. So somebody stopped talking, and we all picked up our phone to look at it. And I'm looking at the headlines thinking, oh, boy, am I in the wrong room, right?  And after a minute or so of people kind of catching their breath, understanding what happened, two or three of them said, wow, Jason. Like, that's incredible. Like, you know, I wasn't in the White House anymore, but they also want a different future, right? They are sick and tired of Lebanon being a failed state. Their kids are like my kids, and they're just . . . they're everything that they're building is for a different future, and I see that time and time again. So to go back to the UAE diplomats comment, which I hear all the time as well. It really is a fight of moderates against extremists. The extremists are loud and they're very bad. We know that, but we are so much better. So working together, I think we're going to get to somewhere great. Jason Isaacson: Very good. Okay. Final question. You can applaud, it's okay. Thank you for that. Out of the Abraham Accords have grown some regional cooperation agreements. I too, you too, IMEC, the India, Middle East, Europe, Economic corridor. Do you see that also, as part of the future, the creation of these other regional agreements, perhaps bringing in Japan and Korea and and other parts of the world into kind of expanding the Abraham Accords? In ways that are beneficial to many countries and also, at the same time, deepening the notion of Israelis, Israel's integration in the region. Jason Greenblatt: 100% and I know I think AJC has been very active on the IMEC front. People used to say, Oh, this is not an economic peace. It isn't an economic peace, but nor is economics not a very important part of peace. So all of these agreements, I encourage you to keep working toward them, because they will be needed. In fact, one of the fights that I used to have with Saeb Erekat and President Abbas all the time is, I know you're not an economic issue, but let's say we manage to make peace. What's going to happen the next day? You need an economic plan. Let's work on the economic plan. So whether it's IMEC or something else, just keep working at it. Go, you know, ignore the bad noise. The bad noise is here for a little while, unfortunately, but there will be a day after, and those economic agreements are what's going to be the glue that propels it forward. Jason Isaacson: Jason Greenblatt, really an honor to be with you again. Thank you.  Manya Brachear Pashman: In our next episode of the series, we will explore more of the opportunities and challenges presented by the Abraham Accords and who might be the next country to sign the landmark peace agreement.  Atara Lakritz is our producer. T.K. Broderick is our sound engineer. Special thanks to Jason Isaacson, Sean Savage, and the entire AJC team for making this series possible.  You can subscribe to Architects of Peace on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen to podcasts, and you can learn more at AJC.org/ArchitectsofPeace. The views and opinions of our guests don't necessarily reflect the positions of AJC. You can reach us at podcasts@ajc.org. If you've enjoyed this episode, please be sure to spread the word, and hop onto Apple Podcasts or Spotify to rate us and write a review to help more listeners find us. Music Credits: Middle East : ID: 279780040; Composer: Eric Sutherland Inspired Middle East: ID: 241884108; Composer: iCENTURY Mystical Middle East: ID: 212471911; Composer: Vicher

History was made five years ago when Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain sat down together to sign the Abraham Accords, and despite the ongoing war in Gaza, the agreement remains strong. This happened with American leadership pushing negotiations to get Arab nations to embrace peace with Israel. Now, many want to see an expansion of the accords to solidify a larger group of nations who could be partnered in trade and common good. FOX's Eben Brown speaks with Robert Greenway, the former president of the Abraham Accords Institute and Director of the Allison Center for National Security at The Heritage Foundation, who explains the key principles of the accords that have preserved these partnerships. Click Here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ To Follow 'The FOX News Rundown: Evening Edition' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

PREVIEW: HEADLINE: Qatar's Influence on Hamas and Abraham Accords Amidst Regional Tensions GUEST NAME: Jonathan Schanzer SUMMARY: Jonathan Schanzer discusses Qatar's achievements in hosting Hamas and its efforts to pressure Abraham Accords nations like the UAE, Bahrain, and Morocco to cut ties with Israel. He notes Qatar's success in maintaining media focus on a "failed attack on Hamas" and generating "blistering" criticism toward Israel, while a UN vote on a Palestinian state is anticipated. 1914 PALESTINE