Podcasts about Middle East Institute

In the wake of a decisive US strike on Iran's nuclear weapons facilities, many questions are being asked. Did Donald Trump make the right call? What about the intelligence? Is this the start of US military action in Iran or a one-off? And what are the implications for Gaza, the region, and Iran in the coming months?Kenneth M. Pollack, PhD., is Vice President for Policy at the Middle East Institute. Previously he was a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI), where he worked on Middle Eastern political-military affairs, focusing in particular on Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and the Gulf countries. Dr. Pollack has also worked on long-term issues related to Middle Eastern political and military affairs for the Joint Chiefs of Staff when he was a senior research professor at the Institute for National Security Studies at National Defense University.Read the transcript here.Subscribe to our Substack here.

The Trump administration bombed three Iranian nuclear sites. While the Pentagon says these facilities are severely damaged, a diplomatic end to the conflict and a nuclear disarmament agreement feel less possible than ever. Guests: ⁠Gregory Gause⁠, Visiting Scholar at the ⁠Middle East Institute⁠ and ⁠Professor Emeritus of International Affairs⁠ for the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University  ⁠David Faris⁠, ⁠political science professor⁠ at Roosevelt University, ⁠contributing writer⁠ for Slate. Want more What Next? Subscribe to Slate Plus to access ad-free listening to the whole What Next family and across all your favorite Slate podcasts. Subscribe today on Apple Podcasts by clicking “Try Free” at the top of our show page. Sign up now at slate.com/whatnextplus to get access wherever you listen. Podcast production by Ethan Oberman, Elena Schwartz, Paige Osburn, Anna Phillips, Madeline Ducharme and Rob Gunther.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Trump administration bombed three Iranian nuclear sites. While the Pentagon says these facilities are severely damaged, a diplomatic end to the conflict and a nuclear disarmament agreement feel less possible than ever. Guests: ⁠Gregory Gause⁠, Visiting Scholar at the ⁠Middle East Institute⁠ and ⁠Professor Emeritus of International Affairs⁠ for the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University  ⁠David Faris⁠, ⁠political science professor⁠ at Roosevelt University, ⁠contributing writer⁠ for Slate. Want more What Next? Subscribe to Slate Plus to access ad-free listening to the whole What Next family and across all your favorite Slate podcasts. Subscribe today on Apple Podcasts by clicking “Try Free” at the top of our show page. Sign up now at slate.com/whatnextplus to get access wherever you listen. Podcast production by Ethan Oberman, Elena Schwartz, Paige Osburn, Anna Phillips, Madeline Ducharme and Rob Gunther.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

For analysis of the U.S. strikes on Iran's nuclear sites and Tehran's response, Geoff Bennett spoke with retired Vice Admiral Kevin Donegan. He commanded the U.S. 5th Fleet based in Bahrain and is now a distinguished military fellow at the Middle East Institute. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

The Trump administration bombed three Iranian nuclear sites. While the Pentagon says these facilities are severely damaged, a diplomatic end to the conflict and a nuclear disarmament agreement feel less possible than ever. Guests: ⁠Gregory Gause⁠, Visiting Scholar at the ⁠Middle East Institute⁠ and ⁠Professor Emeritus of International Affairs⁠ for the Bush School of Government and Public Service at Texas A&M University  ⁠David Faris⁠, ⁠political science professor⁠ at Roosevelt University, ⁠contributing writer⁠ for Slate. Want more What Next? Subscribe to Slate Plus to access ad-free listening to the whole What Next family and across all your favorite Slate podcasts. Subscribe today on Apple Podcasts by clicking “Try Free” at the top of our show page. Sign up now at slate.com/whatnextplus to get access wherever you listen. Podcast production by Ethan Oberman, Elena Schwartz, Paige Osburn, Anna Phillips, Madeline Ducharme and Rob Gunther.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's often reclusive supreme leader, surfaced this week to hit back at Donald Trump's demands for an unconditional surrender.   Khamanei first came to power as President of Iran in 1981, and he was a surprise choice for supreme leader eight years later. But since then, with the help of the Revolutionary Guard he has had almost complete control of Iran and its anti-Israel and anti-American foreign policy agenda.  Sky's Tom Cheshire speaks to Alex Vatanka, founding director of the Iran program at the Middle East Institute in Washington, DC about how Khamanei is viewed inside Iran and how his policies contributed to the current crisis. Producer: Soila Apparicio Assistant producer: Araminta Parker Editor: Wendy Parker

As Israel and Iran continue to trade attacks, what role will the US play in attempting to bring the crisis to an end - and might it be dragged into the conflict? As Donald Trump weighs up his options – either to force Iran into committing to giving up its nuclear programme, or potentially deploy US bombers and bunker busting bombs to hit Iran's underground nuclear facilities – the prospect of American forces joining directly in the conflict divides the US President's MAGA movement. In the latest episode of This Is Not A Drill, Gavin Esler is joined from Cairo by Paul Salem – a senior fellow and previous president at the Middle East Institute. • This episode of This Is Not A Drill is supported by Incogni, the service that keeps your private information safe, protects you from identity theft and keeps your data from being sold. There's a special offer for This Is Not A Drill listeners – go to https://incogni.com/notadrill to get an exclusive 60% off your annual plan. • Support us on Patreon to keep This Is Not A Drill producing thought-provoking podcasts like this. Written and presented by Gavin Esler. Produced by Robin Leeburn. Original theme music by Paul Hartnoll – https://www.orbitalofficial.com. Executive Producer Martin Bojtos. Managing Editor Jacob Jarvis. Group Editor Andrew Harrison. This Is Not A Drill is a Podmasters production. www.podmasters.co.uk  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Ken Pollack, vice president of the Middle East Institute and a former CIA analyst, joins Jonah Goldberg to discuss all things Israel-Iran, including Iran's nuclear program, Mossad's success, possible U.S. involvement, and potential outcomes. Plus: their thoughts on Trump's foreign policy and the need for American-led global stability. Show Notes:—Ken's Monday Essay for The Dispatch: “One Year of Military Lessons”—TMD on latest Israel-Iran developments The Remnant is a production of The Dispatch, a digital media company covering politics, policy, and culture from a non-partisan, conservative perspective. To access all of The Dispatch's offerings—including Jonah's G-File newsletter, regular livestreams, and other members-only content—click here. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Last week, the conflict between Israel and Iran came to a head after Israel launched airstrikes attacking the Iranian regime. In a tactical move, they targeted nuclear and military facilities and their leadership. Since then, the two nations have exchanged airstrikes, escalating destruction in both countries.  Fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington, D.C. and holding a PhD in Iranian Studies from the University of St Andrews, Nazee Moinian is an Iranian-born Jewish woman with family and connections on both sides of the conflict. She describes the historical relationship between Iran and Israel and the potential for an Iranian regime change that could alter the country's course. She shares her concern for the current situation and the difficult decision that President Trump is facing.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This is a recording of an Israel Policy Forum webinar held on Wednesday, June 18, at 1pm ET.Days into its military campaign against Iran, Israel has racked up an impressive series of achievements: decimating Iran's top military echelon, setting back its nuclear program, taking out drones and rocket-launchers, and achieving freedom of operation in the skies above Tehran. Yet the war's impact on the Israeli homefront has been costly, with at least two dozen casualties and unprecedented levels of destruction in central Israel. Israel's endgame and Washington's appetite to assist in eliminating Iran's nuclear program remain unclear.Israel Policy Forum Washington Managing Director and Senior Fellow Rachel Brandenburg hosts Raz Zimmt, director of the Iran program at Israel's Institute for National Security Studies, and Kenneth Pollack, vice president for policy at the Middle East Institute, to unpack the state of the war.Support the showFollow us on Instagram, Twitter/X, and Bluesky, and subscribe to our email list here.

We're joined by professor and author Sami Al Daghistani to explore the life and thought of Al-Ghazali, a prominent figure in Islamic intellectual history. We delve into Al-Ghazali's multifaceted contributions to Islamic law, philosophy, and theology, highlighting his major works, such as "The Revival of Religious Sciences" and "Deliverance from Error and the Beginning of Guidance." We examine his ethical system of economic thought, existential crises, and his impact on modern economic theory, ethics, and the philosophical landscape. The conversation also touches upon the relevance of Al-Ghazali's ideas in today's global economy and ethical contexts.01:00 Introduction01:28 Who Was Al-Ghazali?04:04 Al-Ghazali's Journey and Spiritual Crisis07:33 Al-Ghazali's Intellectual Contributions and Influence09:59 The Philosophical Environment of Al-Ghazali's Time15:12 Al-Ghazali's Ethical Economics and Pursuit of Happiness29:24 Al-Ghazali's Views on Wealth and Economic Engagement30:49 Active Engagement in Society and Wealth31:44 Critiques of Materialism and Balance32:56 Ethical Economics and Wealth Distribution35:04 Islamic Perspectives on Capitalism and Socialism39:02 Modern Islamic Economics and Finance43:24 Connections to Western Philosophers46:52 Historical Contributions and Misconceptions51:47 Relevance of Classical Thinkers Today01:00:09 Conclusion and Contact InformationSami Al Daghistani is Associate Senior Lecturer in Contemporary Islamic Studies at Lund University, Associate Faculty at the Brooklyn Institute for Social Research, and Research Scholar at Columbia University's Middle East Institute. His research explores intersections of Islamic economics, ethics, law, and the environment through interdisciplinary and historical approaches. He is the author of The Making of Islamic Economic Thought (Cambridge, 2022) and Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī's Ethical Teachings (Anthem, 2021), among other works. Sami holds a PhD from Leiden University and previously held fellowships in Oslo and New York. Hosted by: Mikey Muhanna

On June 12th, Israel carried out overnight airstrikes targeting Iranian nuclear facilities, military infrastructure, military leaders, and nuclear scientists. While the full scope and implications of the attack are still emerging, energy markets responded immediately. Oil prices spiked in the aftermath, although they subsequently eased.  What are the regional implications of this conflict? How might Iran retaliate and how might the US respond? How will this impact ongoing negotiations between the US and Iran over Iran's nuclear program? And what are the possible impacts on energy markets? For this special episode, we pulled in two leading experts from the Center on Global Energy Policy to discuss what we know so far about Israel's attack on Iran and what could happen in the coming days and weeks. Richard Nephew is a senior research scholar at the Center on Global Energy Policy. He formerly served as the US Deputy Special Envoy for Iran under the Biden administration where he played a key role in negotiations over the Iran nuclear deal. Karen Young is a senior research scholar at the Center on Global Energy Policy and a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, where she focuses on the political economy of the Gulf states and energy policy. Karen and Richard joined host Jason Bordoff to unpack the escalating conflict in the region. They discussed the current state of Iran's nuclear program, the potential consequences of the unfolding crisis, and what key developments to watch for. Credits: Hosted by Jason Bordoff and Bill Loveless. Produced by Mary Catherine O'Connor, Caroline Pitman, and Kyu Lee. Gregory Vilfranc of Franc Village Studios engineered today's show.  

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In this episode, Daniel J. Levy speaks with Edmund Fitton-Brown, former UK Ambassador to Yemen, about the evolving Houthi threat and its implications for Israel, the Gulf states, and the broader regional balance of power. They explore the role of the Houthis in Iran's attempts to project power in the region and in ongoing talks about the Iranian nuclear programme. Edmund Fitton-Brown is a veteran British diplomat who served as the UK's Ambassador to Yemen from 2015 to 2017 and later coordinated UN expert panels on ISIL, Al-Qaeda, and the Taliban. He holds advisory or fellowship positions with the Counter Extremism Project, the Middle East Institute, The Soufan Center and New America.

US president Donald Trump most recent visit to three Gulf monarchies — Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) — saw him leave with bountiful, billion-dollar deals. According to fact sheets released by the White House, the president secured economic agreements amounting to $600 billion with Saudi Arabia, $243.5 billion with Qatar, and $200 billion with the UAE — what were deemed as “historic” levels of investment. While these reported deals illustrate Mr Trump's strong business focus, the choice of the three Gulf states reflects their global diplomatic standing and connections with the US president. The mutual adulation on display pointed to how Washington sees the Gulf states as paving the way in Middle Eastern affairs. From the Gulf-US Summit to the announcement of Syria's sanction relief, Mr Trump's programme was also marked by discussion on important regional files. The glaring omission on his itinerary, however, was Israel — sparking speculation of a Trump-Netanyahu rift. Are we witnessing a golden era in US-Gulf relations? How sustainable are the deals signed? Apart from doing business, will the Trump administration provide greater security guarantees to the Gulf states? Are we expecting more US-Gulf alignment on regional theatres such as Iran, Syria, and Gaza? The Middle East Institute hosted two experts from the region, Hasan Alhasan and Yousuf Al Bulushi, to address the above issues and more.

President Trump's recent visit to the Gulf region marked a dramatic shift from the previous administration's Middle East diplomacy. In his visit to Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar, Trump focused on securing significant investment commitments and commercial partnerships to support the region's AI and other ambitions.  The trip showcased Trump's transactional approach to foreign policy—one focused on bilateral deals rather than regional frameworks, and economic partnerships over military interventions. It also raised important questions about oil markets, geopolitical competition with China, nuclear agreements, and the future of energy prices. So what are the likely impacts of massive investment pledges from Gulf nations? Do low oil prices limit the ability to make good on them? What is the outlook for oil prices with uncertainty over OPEC+ policy, a possible Iran deal, and possible new sanctions on Russia? And what does Trump's transactional diplomacy mean for traditional alliances and regional stability?  This week, Jason Bordoff speaks with Helima Croft, Joe McMonigle, and Karen Young about how the Trump administration is reshaping U.S. relations with Middle East countries and the long- and short-term implications it will have on energy markets and geopolitics. Helima is managing director and global head of commodity strategy at RBC Capital Markets, where she leads the coverage of energy markets and geopolitical risk. Joe is a distinguished visiting fellow here at the Center on Global Energy Policy and the founder and president of the Global Center for Energy Analysis, an independent research and analysis firm. Karen is a senior research scholar here at the Center on Global Energy Policy and a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute where she focuses on the political economy of the Gulf States and energy policy. Credits: Hosted by Jason Bordoff and Bill Loveless. Produced by Mary Catherine O'Connor, Caroline Pitman, and Kyu Lee. Engineering by Sean Marquand. Stephen Lacey is executive producer.  

**Hello listeners, an earlier version of this episode contained glitches due to an upload error. If you hear breaks in the audio, please download the episode again for the corrected version. Thanks for listening, and we apologize for the mishap!** Is Trump's Middle East Policy a Break From the Past? Last week, U.S. President Donald Trump visited three countries in the Middle East—Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar—on the first scheduled foreign trip of his second term. While many of the headlines from the trip focused on the 747 jetliner Qatar donated for use as Air Force One, it's probably more notable that Trump rejected decades of Western intervention in the region and declared that there would be “no more lectures” from America. Is the Trump administration re-aligning American priorities in the region? F. Gregory Gause, visiting scholar at the Middle East Institute, joins FP Live to discuss why the Gulf monarchies are rising in importance.  Suggested reading (FP links are paywall-free): Howard W. French: What Trump Got Right in the Middle East Agathe Demarais: The U.S. Economy Is Now Trump Enterprises Michael Hirsh: A New Authoritarian Era in the Mideast? Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

As the global security landscape grows increasingly fractured, gender-based violence continues to be both a consequence and a tactic of conflict. In this IIEA event, expert panellists explore how the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda can more effectively address conflict-related sexual violence and ensure justice and support for survivors. Drawing from a range of experiences and diverse regional perspectives, from the Sahel to Latin America, and Ukraine to Northern Ireland, this discussion examines the multiple dimensions of gender-based violence in conflict settings. The panellists also consider how women can be agents of change in peacebuilding processes and reflect on what effective prevention, accountability, and survivor-centered responses look like in practice. This panel includes: Kateryna Levchenko, Ukrainian Government Commissioner for Gender Equality Policy Mary Fitzgerald, Researcher, Policy Analyst and Consultant affiliated with the Middle East Institute in Washington DC where she specialises in Libya Aisling Swaine, Professor of Peace, Security and International Law at the Sutherland School of Law, University College Dublin. Caitriona Dowd, Assistant Professor at the School of Politics and International Relations, University College Dublin.

A large contingent of Silicon Valley CEOs followed President Donald Trump to Saudi Arabia this week, where a number of them announced billions of dollars in AI-related investments and business partnerships. Mohammed Soliman, a senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, says this is the new Middle East — where the relationship with the U.S. is driven by tech and innovation, not just oil and security. On POLITICO Tech, Soliman tells host Steven Overly how this new arrangement benefits tech companies and Gulf nations — and why it's necessary if the U.S. hopes to stay ahead of China.  Steven Overly is the host of POLITICO Tech and covers the intersection of trade and technology. Nirmal Mulaikal is the co-host and producer of POLITICO Energy and producer of POLITICO Tech. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The sudden announcement of a US-Houthi ceasefire, brokered by Oman, has halted Washington's air campaign in Yemen and raised urgent questions about the future of Red Sea security. What prompted the deal, and what are its implications for maritime shipping, regional alliances, and the trajectory of Yemen's civil war? This episode explores the strategic motivations behind the ceasefire, the role of Iran and Saudi Arabia, and how the Houthis could leverage the pause to regroup and expand their influence across the Horn of Africa. Joining the program is Nadwa Al-Dawsari, associate fellow with the Middle East Institute, the Irregular Warfare Initiative, and the Center on Armed Groups. She speaks with MEI's Alistair Taylor and Matthew Czekaj.   Recorded May 12, 2025

In February, King Abdullah II of Jordan rebuffed US President Donald Trump's proposal for his country to absorb Palestinians living in Gaza — part of the now infamous “Riviera” plan. When dealing with the Trump administration, the Jordanian king is certainly caught in a bind between rejecting Palestinian displacement and restoring the flow of foreign assistance from Washington. An aid-reliant economy notwithstanding, Amman has longstanding identity issues arising from citizens of Palestinian origins, tracing back to the aftermath of the 1948 war which saw Jordan's population triple with the addition of Palestinian refugees and inhabitants of the West Bank. Domestically, Jordan's recent parliamentary elections held last September produced a strong Islamist showing, with the Islamic Action Front (IAF) — the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood — emerging as the largest bloc in the legislative body. Amman also had to navigate the succession crisis in 2021 involving Prince Hamzah bin Hussein, whose house arrest and subsequent public reconciliation with King Abdullah II revealed underlying tensions within the Hashemite royal family. The Middle East Institute hosted Steve L. Monroe and Nicolai Due-Gundersen, two newly-minted authors and experts on Jordan, to address the above issues and more.

Send us a textIsrael is calling up thousands of reservists to escalate its war on Gaza. Its vow to conquer the entirety of the Gaza Strip, rescue the hostages and eradicate Hamas comes after 19 months of a brutal assault on the Gaza Strip that has killed more than 52,000 Palestinians but has not dislodged Hamas. Khaled Elgindy discusses how a far-right ideologically driven government and a prime minister desperate to stay out of jail are prompting Israel to declare new war aims that include holding territory in the Gaza Strip indefinitely and forcing the Palestinian population into a small area in the south. The war plan approved May 4 by the Israeli cabinet comes as Israel maintains a total blockade on food, water, fuel  and humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip imposed March 2. Middle East analyst Khaled Elgindy is the author of Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians from Balfour to Trump. He teaches at Georgetown University, is a frequent commentator on the Middle East for the BBC, Al Jazeera and other news outlets and is the former  director of the program on Israeli-Palestinian Affairs at the Middle East Institute.

Charles Lister, the head of the Syria Initiative at the Middle East Institute in Washington, argues that after five months in power Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, the ultimate pragmatist, is adjusting to the complexity of governing his ethnically diverse and fractured country. This involves striking deals with the Kurds and Druze that fly in the face of the rigidly centralized model he once espoused. And contrary to popular belief he is not a "Turkish puppet,” Lister says.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Send us a textMiddle East analyst Khaled Elgindy discusses Israel's continuing bombardment and total blockade on food and humanitarian aid to Gaza, the U.S. role in the ongoing devastation there,  and what lies ahead for Palestinians and Israelis when Israel finally ceases its onslaught. Elgindy is the former director of the Middle East Institute's program on Israeli-Palestinian Affairs and the author of "Blind Spot: America and the Palestinians from Balfour to Trump." 

Americans, it's time to move to Europe! The American geo-strategist Jason Pack anticipated last week's advice from Simon Kuper and moved to London a few years ago during the first Trump Presidency. Pack, the host of the excellent Disorder podcast, confesses to be thrilled to have escaped MAGA America. He describes the esthetics of contemporary Washington DC as "post-apocalyptic" and criticizes what he sees as the Trump administration's hostile atmosphere, ideological purity tests, and institutional destruction. Contrasting this with Europe's ideological fluidity, Pack warns that Trump's isolationist policies are increasing global disorder by fundamentally undermining America's global leadership role with its erstwhile European allies. Five Key Takeaways* Pack left America because he found the "esthetics" of working in policy and media spaces increasingly distasteful, particularly during Trump's first administration.* He argues that European political systems allow for greater ideological fluidity, while American politics demands strict partisan loyalty.* Pack describes Washington DC as "post-apocalyptic" with institutions functioning like zombies - going through motions without accomplishing anything meaningful.* Unlike European populists who want to control institutions, Pack believes Trump's administration aims to destroy government institutions entirely.* Pack warns that America's deteriorating relationships with traditional allies is creating a "rudderless world" with increased global disorder and potential for conflict. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. Over the last few days, we've been focusing on the impressions of America, of Trump's America around the world. We had the Financial Times' controversial columnist, Simon Cooper, on the show, arguing that it's the end of the American dream. He had a piece in the FT this week, arguing that it's time to move to Europe for Americans. Not everyone agrees. We had the London-based FT writer Jemima Kelly on the show recently, also suggesting that she hasn't quite given up on America. She is, of course, a Brit living in the UK and looking at America from London. My guest today, another old friend, is Jason Pack. He is the host of the Excellent Disorder podcast. Jason's been on the shows lots of times before. He's an observer of the world's early 21st century disorder. And he is an American living in London. So I'm thrilled that Jason is back on the show. Jason, did you have a chance to look at Simon Cooper's piece? Is it time for Americans to move to Europe?Jason Pack: You've already moved. Well, he's just popularizing what I've believed for eight or 10 years already. So yeah, I looked at the piece. I really enjoyed your podcast with him. I don't think many Americans will move because most Americans are not particularly global in their outlook. And as disenchanted as they will be, their networks of family and of perspective are in America. Some elites in media and finance will move. But for me, I just found the aesthetics of America becoming distasteful when I worked in D.C. during the first Trump administration. And that's why I pursued a European citizenship.Andrew Keen: Jason, it's interesting that you choose the word aesthetics. Two thoughts on that. Firstly, America has never been distinguished for its aesthetics. People never came to America for aesthetics. It's never been a particularly beautiful country, a very dynamic place, a very powerful place. So why do you choose that word aesthetic?Jason Pack: Because for most upper middle class Americans, life under Trump, particularly if they're white and heterosexual, will not change tremendously. But the aesthetics of working in the policy space or in the media will change. Having to deal with all the BS that we hear when we wake up and turn on the TV in the morning, having to interact with Republican nutcase friends who say, oh, the fat is being trimmed by the doge and don't worry about all those people who've been being laid off. The aesthetics of it are ugly and mean. And I have found among some Republican colleagues and friends of mine that they love the vileness of this dog-eat-dog aesthetic.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's an interesting way of putting it. And I understand exactly what you're saying. I'm less concerned with the aesthetics as with the reality. And my sense in some ways of what's happening is that the Trump people are obsessed with what you call aesthetics. They want to appear mean. I'm not actually sure that they're quite as mean as they'd like to think they are.Jason Pack: Oh, they're pretty mean. I mean, people are running around the NIH offices, according to colleagues of mine. And if you're out to the bathroom and your card is inserted in your computer, they go in, they steal the data from your computer.Andrew Keen: Actually, I take your point. What I meant more by that is that whereas most traditional authoritarian regimes hide their crimes against migrants. They deny wrongdoing. My sense of the Trump regime, or certainly a lot of the people involved in this Trump administration, is that they actually exaggerate it because it gives them pleasure and it somehow benefits their brand. I'm not convinced that they're quite as bad as they'd like to think.Jason Pack: Oh, I agree with that. They make Schadenfreude a principle. They want to showcase that they enjoy other people's pain. It's a bizarre psychological thing. Trump, for example, wanted to show his virility and his meanness, probably because he's an inner coward and he's not that feral. But we digress in terms of the aesthetics of the individual American wanting to leave. I experienced American government, like the State Department, and then, the bureaucracy of the policy space, say think tanks, or even the government relations trade space, say working for oil companies and government relations, as already authoritarian and ass-kissing in America, and the aesthetics of those industries I have always preferred in Europe, and that's only diverging.Andrew Keen: One of the things that always struck me about Washington, D.C. It was always uncomfortable as an imperial city. It always has been since the end of the Second World War, with America dominating the world as being one of two or perhaps the only super power in the world. But Washington, DC seems to always have been uncomfortable wearing its imperial mantle cloak in comparison, I think, to cities like London or Paris. I wonder whether, I'm not sure how much time you've spent back in America since Trump came back to power. I wonder if in that sense DC is trying to catch up with London and Paris.Jason Pack: I actually was giving a briefing in Congress to staffers of the House Foreign Affairs Committee only three weeks ago, and DC seemed post-apocalyptic to me. Many of my favorite restaurants were closing. There was traffic jams at bizarre hours of the day, which I think this is because the Trump people don't know how public transport works and they just ride their cars everywhere. So, yes, it seemed very bizarre being back. You were trying to gauge the interlocutor you were speaking to, were they merely pretending to be on board with Trump's stuff, but they actually secretly think it's ridiculous, or were they true believers? And you had to assess that before you would make your comments. So there is a slide to a kind of, again, neo-authoritarian aesthetic. In my conference, it became clear that the Republican Congressional staffers thought that it was all junk and that Trump doesn't care about Libya and he doesn't understand these issues. But we needed to make lip service in how we expressed our recommendations. So, fascinatingly, various speakers said, oh, there's a transactional win. There's a way that cheaper oil can be gotten here or we could make this policy recommendation appeal to the transactional impulses of the administration. Even though everyone knew that we were speaking in a Democrat echo-chamber where the only Republicans present were anti-Trump Republicans anyway.Andrew Keen: Describe DC as post-apocalyptic. What exactly then, Jason, is the apocalypse?Jason Pack: I don't think that the Trump people who are running the show understand how government works and whether you're at state or the NIH or USAID, you're kind of under siege and you're just doing what you're supposed to do and going through the motions. I mean, there's so much of like the zombie apocalypse going on. So maybe it's more zombie apocalypse than regular apocalypse, whereby the institutions are pretending to do their work, but they know that it doesn't accomplish anything. And the Trumpian appointees are kind of pretending to kind of cancel people on DAI, but the institutions are still continuing.Andrew Keen: I'm going to vulgarize something you said earlier. You talked about Trump wanting to appear bigger than he actually is. Maybe we might call that small penis syndrome. Is that, and then that's my term, Jason, let's be clear, not yours. Maybe it's fair or not. He probably would deny it, but I don't think he'll come on this show. He's more than welcome. Is that also reflected in the people working for him? Is there a bit of a small penis syndrome going on with a lot of the Trump people? Are they small town boys coming to America, coming to D.C. And in all their raison d'état trying to smash up the world that they always envied?Jason Pack: 100%. If you look at the Tucker Carlson and the Hegset, who went to Princeton in 03, and obviously Tucker Carlsen's WASP elite background is well known, they wanted to make it conventionally and couldn't. Hegson didn't achieve the rank of lieutenant general or colonel or anything in the army. He didn't make it in finance and Vance, obviously had just a minor career in finance, they didn't make the big time except through their hate and resentment of the establishment that succeeded on merit. So, I mean, you could call that small penis syndrome. I think another thing to point out is that many of them have been selected because whether they've been accused of rape or financial crimes or just meanness, they owe the great leader their ability to be in that position. And if he would throw them overboard they're entirely exposed, so that cash patels of the world and the Hexeds of the world serve at the mercy of the great leader, because if they were thrown to the wolves, they could be devoured for their misdeeds. And I think that that makes it a place where it's all about loyalty to the boss. But maybe we could pivot to the initial topic about how I think Europe is a place where you can reinvent yourself as an individual now. Certainly in the political and ideology space, and America really hasn't been for much of my left.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting. And this is how actually our conversation you're doing. You're a much better podcast host than I am, Jason. You're reminding us of the real conversation rather than getting led down one Trumpian byway or another. I did a show recently on why I still believe in the American dream. And I was interviewed by my friend, David Maschiottra, another old friend of the show. And I suggested I originally came to America to reinvent myself and that's always been the platform with which Europeans have come to America. You're suggesting that perhaps the reverse is true now.Jason Pack: I really enjoyed that episode. I thought you were a great guest and he was a natural host. But I realized how it wasn't speaking to me. Many of my European friends who work in law, finance, tech, startup, you know, they finished their degrees in Italy or in England and they moved to America. And that's where they raised venture capital and they go on the exact success trajectory that you explained and they fetishize, oh my God, when my green card is gonna come through, I'm gonna have this big party. That never resonated with me because America was never a land of opportunity for me. And it hit me in hearing your podcast that that's because what I've aspired to is to work in government slash think tank or to be a professional expert. And if you don't ally yourself with one of the major political movements, you're always branded and you can never move ahead. I'll give a few examples if you're interested in the way that my trying to be in the center has meant that I could never find a place in America.Andrew Keen: Absolutely. So you're suggesting that your quote-unquote American dream could only be realized in Europe.Jason Pack: So I moved to the Middle East to serve my country after 9/11. If Gore had been elected president, I likely would have joined the army or the Marines or something. But Bush was president and I knew I needed to do this on my own. So, you know, I lived in Beirut, then I went to Iraq. Where did you graduate from, Jason? I graduated from Williams in 2002, but I was changing my studies as soon as the 9-11 happened. I stopped my senior thesis in biology and I pivoted to doing the Middle East. I thought the Middle East was going to be the next big thing. But I didn't realize that if you wanted to do it your own way, for example, living in Syria prior to working in government, then you couldn't get those security clearances. But in the UK, that's not really a problem. If you go to Leeds or Oxford and you got sent to study Arabic in Syria, you can work for the UK government, but not in America. If your went and did that your own way, your loyalties would be questioned. You wouldn't get your security clearance. I got an internship to work at the U.S. Embassy in Muscat, where I fell afoul of my supervisors because I was someone who wanted to speak in Arabic with Omanis and, for example, go to hear prayers at the mosque and really be a part of the society. And I was told, don't do that. But aren't we here to understand about Oman? And they're like, no, it's really important to mostly socialize with people at the embassy. But my British colleagues, they were out there in Omani society, and they were, for example, really participating in stuff because the relationship between the Omanis and the Brits and the Americans is a happy one. That's just a small example, but I wanna make the kind of further point, which is that if you wanna get promoted in think tank world in America, it doesn't matter whether it's Cato or Heritage on the right or New America Foundation or Middle East Institute on the left. You have to buy in hook, line, and sinker to the party line of those institutions. And if that party line is DEI, as it was at the Middle East Institute when I was there, and you're a white heterosexual male, you're not going to get promoted. And if, for example, you want to then interact with some Zionist think tank like FDD, the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies, I was going to a fellowship there for work that I had done about monitoring ISIS in Libya, and they had proposed a funding line for my project, which was just technically reading jihadi Facebook posts and monitoring them. And then they did some more research on me, ironically, after we had already signed the funds. And they said, oh, we're so sorry, we are going to have to pull back on this. We are going have to pay you a kill fee. We are really, really sorry. And I came to understand why that was. And it was because I had advocated that the Iranians should be allowed to get the bomb so that they could have mutually assured destruction theory with Israel.Andrew Keen: Well, Jason, I take your point, but everyone has their own narrative when it comes to why their career didn't did or didn't take off and how they know what that doesn't happen in Europe. I'm just making a contrast. Let me just come back to my argument about America, which is it isn't necessarily as straightforward as perhaps at first it seems. I think one of the reasons why America has always been a great place for reinvention is because of the absence of memory.Jason Pack: No, but what I'm saying is Google will inspire on you, and if you're not within the ideological cadre, you cannot progress at these kind of institutions.Andrew Keen: Okay, I take your point on that, but thinking more broadly, America is a place where you can, I've done so many different things in this country from being a scholar to being an internet entrepreneur to being an expert on technology to being a critic of technology to being against podcasts, to being a podcaster. And you can get away, and I've failed in practically all of them, if not all of them, but the fact is that because people don't have memory, you can keep on doing different things and people won't say, well, how can you get away with this? Last week you were doing X. My sense, and maybe correct me if I'm wrong about London or Europe, is there is much more memory. You can't get away with perpetual reinvention in Europe as you can in the U.S. and maybe that's because of the fact that in your language, living in Europe with its memory and respect for memory is more aesthetically pleasing. So I'm not suggesting this is as simple as it might appear.Jason Pack: I agree with that last point, but I think I'm trying to bring something else out. In spheres like tech or podcasting, there isn't credentialism in America. And therefore, if you're just good at it, you don't need the credentials and you can get going. And you and other Europeans who had great merit, as you do, have benefited from that. And in Europe, you might run up against credentialism, but, oh, but you didn't work at the BBC, so you don't get the job. I'm making a different point about ideological purity within the very specific realms of, say, working for an American presidential candidate or briefing a policymaker or rising up at a think tank. I have briefed labor MPs, Lib Dem MPs and Tory MPs. And they don't ask my politics. I can go in there and get a meeting with Keir Starmer's people on Libya, and they don't care about the fact that I want him to do something slightly different. Criticized him and praised him at different times on my podcast, try having an influence with some Trump people and then say, Oh, well, you know, I really think that I can help you on this Libya policy, but I happened to run a fairly anti-Trump podcast. No, you just can't get the briefing because America is about ideological purity tests and getting your ticket punch in the government and think tank and exporting professions, and therefore it's not some place you can reinvent yourself. If you're clearly an anti-Trump Republican McCainite, you can't all of a sudden become an AOC Democrat for the purpose of one meeting. But in Europe you can, because you can be a Lib Dem like Liz Truss and then be a Tory Prime Minister. And no one cares what my position on these topics are when they ask me to brief Keir Starmer's people and that's something that I find so fantastic about Europe.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting. I mean, you know this stuff better than I do. But isn't someone like Truss rooted in ideological purity? She was a Lib Dem when she was at Oxford. Yeah, but that was a long time ago. I can reverse that, Jason, and say, well, when Trump was young, he ran around with Bill and Hillary Clinton, he went to their wedding, he funded them. He never was even a Republican until 2014 or 15. So, I mean, he's an example of the very ideological fluidity that you idealize in Europe.Jason Pack: I agree with your point. I think that he's an exception there and he wouldn't have allowed it from his staffers. They now have essentially loyalty tested everything. It's not a place where if you were Democrat with ideas that would benefit the Trumpian establishment, you can be heard. I'll give an example. I like the Abraham Accords and I have a colleague who wants to help extend the Abraham Accords to Pakistan, she can only work with ideologically pure Republicans in the pitching of this idea. She can't work with someone like me because I don't have the ideological purity, even though this is a nonpartisan idea and it should be embraced if you can get the Trumpians to be interested in it. But that's not how America works and it has not been. Reagan, of course, if you said that you like taxes, and I'm someone who likes taxes and I don't believe in the Laffer curve, and neoliberalism is a sham, you couldn't be on that economic team. So there are different ideological tests. Trump was never a politician, so he's not an expert like me in the expert class where we've been litmus tested our whole careers.Andrew Keen: Interesting. Jason, yesterday I was talking to someone who was thinking of hiring me to do a speech in Europe to a business group, and we were discussing the kinds of speeches I could give, and one of the things I suggested was a defense of America, suggesting that we can believe in America and that everyone's wrong. And these people have hired me before. I've often made provocative counterintuitive arguments, there was a little bit of a silence and they said, you can't make that speech in Europe. No one will take it seriously to a business community. What's generally, I mean, you travel a lot, you talk to lots of different people. Have people really given up on the promise of America, particularly within the establishment, the business establishment, the political establishment?Jason Pack: I don't know. I think that many Europeans still think that this is a passing phase. I will comment on the fact that I do not see anti-Americanism in my daily life as a result of Trump, the way that, for example, you do see anti-Semitism as a results of Netanyahu's policy. The individual Jew is tarred by horrible things happening in Gaza, but the individual American is not tarred by the deporting and illegal detentions and sacking of people by Doge because people in Poland or London or even the Middle East understand that you're likely to not be a Trump supporter and they're not targeting you as an individual as a result of that. So I think they believe in the promise of America and they still might like to move to America. But on individual level if you want to be a political animal inside the beast of campaigns, rising up to be a David Axelrod kind of figure. America has been a place of these litmus tests. Whereas in Europe, you know, I feel that there's tremendous fluidity because in Italy they have so and so many political parties and in Germany, what's the distinction between the SPD at one moment in the CDU and the Greens and there's a tradition of coalitions that allows the individual to reinvent himself.Andrew Keen: One of the things that came up with Cooper, and he's certainly no defender of Marine Le Pen or Meloni in Italy, but he suggested that the Trump people are far to the right of Le Pen and Meloni. Would you agree with that?Jason Pack: Because they want to break down institutions, whereas Le Pen and Meloni simply want to conquer the institutions and use them. They're not full-blown, disordering neopopulists, to use the language of my disorder podcast. When Meloni is in power, she loves the Italian state and she wants it to function merely with her ideological slant. Whereas the Trumpians, they have a Bannonite wing, they don't simply wanna have a MAGA agenda, use the U.S. Government. No, they want to break the Department of Agriculture. They want to break the EPA. They simply want to destroy our institutions. And there's no European political party that wants that. Maybe on the fringe like reform, but reform probably doesn't even want that.Andrew Keen: But Jason, we've heard so much about how the Bannonites idealized Orban in Hungary. A lot of people believe that Project 2025 was cooked up in Budapest trying to model America on Orban. Is there any truth to that? I mean, are the Trump people really re-exporting Orbanism back into the United States?Jason Pack: That there is some truth, but it can be overplayed. It can go back further to Berlusconi. It's the idea that a particularly charismatic political leader can come to dominate the media landscape by either having a state media channel in the Berlusconi sense or cowing media coverage to make it more favorable, which is something that Orban has done geniusly, and then doling out contracts and using the state for patronage, say, Orban's father's construction business and all those concrete soccer stadiums. There is an attempt potentially in Trump land to, through an ideological project, cow the media and the checks and balances and have a one-party state with state media. I think it's going to be difficult for them to achieve, but Chuck Carlson and others and Bannon seem to want that.Andrew Keen: You were on Monocle recently talking about the Pope's death. J.D. Vance, of course, is someone who apparently had a last, one of the last conversations with the Pope. Pope wasn't particularly, Pope Francis wasn't particularly keen on him. Bannon and Vance are both outspoken Catholics. What's your take on the sort of this global religious movement on the part of right-wing Catholics, and how does it fit in, not only to the death of Francis, but perhaps the new Pope?Jason Pack: It's a very interesting question. I'm not a right-wing Catholic, so I'm really not in a position to...Andrew Keen: I thought you were Jason, that's why you could always come on the show.Jason Pack: I think that they don't have the theological bona fides to say that what they call Catholicism is Catholicism because obviously Jesus turned the other cheek, you know, and Jesus didn't want to punish his enemies and make poor black or Hispanic women suffer. But there is an interesting thing that has been going on since 1968, which is that there was a backlash against the student protests and free love and the condom and all the social changes that that brought about. And Catholics have been at the forefront, particularly Catholic institutions, in saying this has gone too far and we need to use religion to retake our society. And if we don't, no one will have children and we will lose out and the Muslims and Africans will rule the roost because they're having babies. And that right-wing Catholicism is caught up in the moral panic and culture wars since 1968. What I argued in the monocle interview that you referenced from earlier today is something quite different, which is that the Catholic Church has a unique kind of authority, and that that unique kind of authority can be used to stand up against Trump, Bannon, Orban, and other neopopulists in a way that, say, Mark Carney or Keir Starmer cannot, because if Mark Kearney and Keir Stormer say, you guys are not sufficiently correctly American and you're not following the American laws, blah, blah blah, the kind of Americans who support Trump are not convinced by that because they say, these are just, you know, pinko Brits and Canadians. I don't even care about Mark Kearny, but it's quite different if the next Pontiff is someone who comes not only from the school of Francis, but maybe more so is a great communicator vested in the real doctrines of the church, the Lateran Councils and Vatican too, and can say, actually this given thing that Trump has just said is not in line with the principles of Jesus. It's not inline with what the Vatican has said about, for example, migration or social equity. And I find that that is a unique opportunity because even the right-wing Catholics have to acknowledge the Pope and Christian doctrine and the ability of the Catholic hierarchy to say this is not in line with our teachings. So I think there's a very interesting opportunity right now.Andrew Keen: Perhaps that brings to mind Stalin's supposedly famous remarks to Churchill at Potsdam when they were talking about the Pope. Stalin said to Churchill, the Pope, how many divisions does he have? In other words, it's all about ideology, morality, and ultimately it doesn't really. It's the kind of thing that perhaps if some of the Trump people were as smart as Stalin, they might make the same remark.Jason Pack: That was a physical war, and the Pope didn't have divisions to sway the battles in World War II, but this is an ideological or an influence war. And the Pope, if you've just seen from media coverage over the last week, is someone who has tremendous media influence. And I do think that the new pontiff could, if he wanted to, stand up to the moral underpinnings of Trump and pull even the most right-wing Catholics away from a Trumpian analysis. Religion is supposed to be about, because Jesus didn't say punish your enemies. Don't turn the other cheek and own the libs. Jesus said something quite different than that. And it will be the opportunity of the new Catholic leader to point that out.Andrew Keen: I'm not sure if you've seen the movie Conclave, which was very prescient, made by my dear London friend, or at least produced by Tessa Ross at House Productions. But I wonder in these new conversations whether in the debates about who should the new Pope be, they'll mull over TikTok presence.Jason Pack: I hope they will. And I want to point out something that many people probably are not aware, which is that the College of Cardinals that constitutes the conclave does not have to pick one of their member to be pope. For the last six centuries, they have always chosen one of their own number, but they don't have to. So they could choose someone who has not only an ability to make great TikToks, but someone who can put forth a vision about climate change, about tax equity, for example, maybe about AI and what constitutes humanity from within the Catholic tradition, but reaching new faithful. And I think that they might actually consider we're doing this because in places like Western Europe, attendance is down, but in Eastern Europe and Latin America, it isn't. And in Africa, it's surging. So they may want to reach new millennials in Gen Z with a new message, but one which is rooted in their tradition. And I think that that would be a great counterbalance to what Trump and his ilk have done to how media coverage place things like climate change and migrants these days.Andrew Keen: Speaking of Trump and his ilk, Jason, lots of conversations here about the first cracks in his monolith. Speaking to me from London, I always look at the front page of The Telegraph, a conservative English newspaper. I refuse to give the money, so I never actually read any of the pieces. But I'm always curious as to the traditional conservative media attitude to Trump. What do not so much the Conservative Party, which seems to be in crisis in the UK, but what does Conservative media, Conservative thinkers, what's their take currently on Trump? Are you seeing a crack? Are people seeing this guy's absolutely insane and that the tariff policy is going to make all of us, everybody in the world poorer?Jason Pack: Well, Trump has always been a vote loser in the UK. So that even though Farage brags about his relationship, it isn't something that gets him more votes for reform. And whether it's Sunak or Badnak, and Badnak is the current leader of the Tory party, which is an opposition, she can't so closely associate herself with Trump because he's not popular in even right-wing British circles. However, the Tory media, like the telegraph and the spectator, they love the idea that he's owning the Libs. We talked about Schadenfreude, we talked about attacking the woke. The spectator has taken a very anti-woke turn over the last five to 10 years. And they love the ideal of pointing out the hypocrisies of the left and the effeminacy of it and all of that. And that gets them more clicks. So from a media perspective, there is a way in which the Murdoch media is always going to love the click bait, New York post bait of the Trump presidency. And that applies very much, you know, with the sun and the Daily Mail and the way that they cover media in this country.Andrew Keen: Although I was found in the U.S. That perhaps the newspaper that has been most persistently and usefully critical of Trump is the Wall Street Journal, which is owned by Murdoch.Jason Pack: Yeah, but that's a very highbrow paper, and I think that it's been very critical of the tariff policy and it said a lot of intelligent things about Trump's early missteps. It doesn't reach the same people as the New York Post or the Daily Mail do.Andrew Keen: Finally, Jason, let's go back to Disorder, your excellent podcast. You started it a couple of years ago before this new Trump madness. You were always one of the early people on this global disorder. How much more disordered can the world become? Of course, it could become more disorded in terms of war. In late April 2025, is the world more disordered than it was in April 2024, when Biden was still in power? I mean, we still have these wars in Gaza, in Ukraine, doesn't seem as if that much has changed, or am I wrong?Jason Pack: I take your point, but I'm using disorder in a particularly technical sense in a way by which I mean the inability of major powers to coordinate together for optimal solutions. So in the Biden days of last year, yes, the Ukraine and Gaza wars may be waging, but if Jake Sullivan or Blinken were smarter or more courageous, they could host a summit and work together with their French and British and Argentinian allies. Put forth some solutions. The world is more disordered today because it doesn't have a leader. It doesn't have institutions, the UN or NATO or the G7 where those solutions on things like the Ukraine war attacks could happen. And you may say, but wait, Jason, isn't Trump actually doing more leadership? He's trying to bring the Ukrainians and the Russians to the table. And I would say he isn't. They're not proposing actual solutions. They don't care about solving underlying issues. They're merely trying to get media wins. He wants the Japanese to come to Washington to have the semblance of a new trade deal, not a real trade deal. He's trying to reorder global finance in semblance, not in reality. So the ability to come to actual solutions through real coordinating mechanisms where I compromise with you is much weaker than it was last year. And on the Disorder Podcast, we explore all these domains from tax havens to cryptocurrency to cyber attacks. And I think that listeners of Keen On would really enjoy how we delve into those topics and try to see how they reflect where we're at in the global system.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's a strongly, I would strongly agree with you. I would encourage all keen on listeners to listen to Disorder and vice versa if this gets onto the Disorder podcast. What about the China issue? How structural is the tariff crisis, if that's the right word, gonna change US relations with China? Is this the new Cold War, Jason?Jason Pack: I'm not an economist, but from what I've been told by the economists I've interviewed on my podcast, it's absolutely completely game changing because whether it's an Apple iPhone or most pieces of manufactured kit that you purchase or inputs into American manufacturing, it's assembled everywhere and the connections between China and America are essential to the global economy. Work and it's not like you can all of a sudden move those supply chains. So this trade war is really a 1930s style beggar thy neighbor approach to things and that led to and deepened the great depression, right? So I am very worried. I had the sense that Trump might back off because he does seem to be very sensitive to the markets. But maybe this is such an ideological project and, you know, Andrew Ross Sorkin on CNBC was just saying, even though he's willing to back off if the T bill rate changes, he thinks that his strategy is working and that he's going to get some deals. And that terrifies me because that's not what's happening. It isn't working. And God forbid that they'll push this to its logical conclusion and cause a new recession or depression.Andrew Keen: I know you've got to run Jason. So final question, let's return to where we began with America and the changing nature of America. Your last episode of Disorder was with Corey Sharpe, who is a very, very good and one of Washington DC's, I think, smartest foreign policy analysts. She asks, what's America without allies? If this continues, what, indeed, I mean, you're happy in London, so I don't sound like you're coming back, whatever. But what will America become if indeed all these traditional allies, the UK, France, Germany, become, if not enemies, certainly just transactional relationships? What becomes of America without allies?Jason Pack: Wow, great question. I'm gonna treat this in two parts, the American cultural component and then the structural geopolitical component. I'm a proud American. Culturally, I work on Sundays. I don't take any holiday. I get angry at contractors who are not direct. I am going to be American my whole life and I want an American style work ethic and I wanna things to function and the customer to always be right. So I didn't move to Europe to get European stuff in that way, and I think America will still be great at new inventions and at hard work and at all of that stuff and will still, the NFL will still be a much better run sports league than European sports leagues. Americans are great at certain things. The problem is what if America's role in the world as having the reserve currency, coordinating the NATO allies. If that's eviscerated, we're just going to be living more and more in the global enduring disorder, as Corey Schacke points out, which is that the Europeans don't know how to lead. They can't step up because they don't have one prima inter Paris. And since the decline of the British Empire, the British haven't learned how, for example, to coordinate the Europeans for the defense of Ukraine or for making new missile technologies or dealing with the defense industry. So we're just dealing with a rudderless world. And that's very worrying because there could be major conflict. And then I just have to hope that a new American administration, it could be a Republican one, but I think it just can't be a Trumpian one, will go back to its old role of leadership. I haven't lost hope in America. I've just lost hope in this current administration.Andrew Keen: Well, I haven't lost hope in Jason Pack. He is an ally of ours at Keen On. He's the host of the Excellent Disorder podcast. Jason, it's always fun to have you on the show. So much to discuss and no doubt there will be much more over the summer, so we'll have you back on in the next month or two. Thank you so much. Keep well. Stay American in London. Thank you again.Jason Pack: It was a great pleasure. Thanks, Andrew. See you then. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

In this episode of Taking the Edge off the Middle East, Brian Katulis sits down with Toni Verstandig, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs and current board member at the Middle East Institute. Three months into the second Trump administration, they assess how the White House is reshaping US policy in the Middle East—what's changed, what's stayed the same, and what risks lie ahead. Verstandig reflects on lessons from her years working on the Israeli-Palestinian peace process during the Clinton era, offering both poignant stories and policy insights from a time when diplomacy looked very different. They also discuss how think tanks like MEI are stepping up at a moment when institutions like USIP and the Wilson Center are under fire.  Don't forget to look out for new episodes of Taking the Edge off the Middle East on its own independent channel every other Tuesday, wherever you get your podcasts.   

In this episode of GREAT POWER PODCAST, host Ilan Berman speaks with Amb. Ryan Crocker, former U.S. envoy to Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq, among other places, about how Great Power Competition intersects with a changing Middle East.BIO:Amb. Ryan Crocker served as U.S. ambassador to Lebanon (1990–1993), Kuwait (1994–1997), Syria (1998–2001), Pakistan (2004–2007), Iraq (2007–2009) and Afghanistan (2011–2012). He is a member of the Afghanistan War Commission, a Distinguished Diplomatic Fellow at the Middle East Institute, a Nonresident Senior Fellow at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, and holds the Distinguished Chair in Diplomacy and Security at RAND. He is also Chairman of the Board of the Middle East Broadcasting Networks.

A century after Kemal Atatürk galvanized the Turkish people and founded modern Turkey on the ashes of the Ottoman Empire -- and upon new principles of secularism, populism, and republicanism -- the current president is turning Turkey into an autocracy. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, 71, has been in power for 22 years and is acting like he wants to rule for the rest of his life. He is jailing political opponents and critical journalists while stuffing the judiciary with friendly judges. In this episode, the Middle East Institute's Gönül Tol delves into Erdoğan's push for complete power while reflecting on the enduring -- and now endangered -- principles of Kemalism. Further reading:  Turkey Is Now a Full-Blown Autocracy by Gönül Tol for Foreign Affairs, the official publication of the Council on Foreign Relations Erdoğan's War: A Strongman's Struggle at Home and in Syria by Gönül Tol    

On this week's episode, Israel Policy Forum Policy Advisor and Tel Aviv-based journalist Neri Zilber hosts Barbara Leaf, the former assistant secretary of state for Near Eastern affairs and distinguished diplomatic fellow at the Middle East Institute in Washington, D.C. They discuss the Biden administration on October 7 and during the Gaza war, the evolving U.S.-Israel relationship during the conflict, reflections of the prior ceasefire-hostage deal talks, the prospects for a new hostage deal and a realistic post-war plan for Gaza, Barbara's impressions after meeting new Syrian president Ahmed al-Sharaa, Washington under the Trump administration, and more. Support the showFollow us on Instagram, Twitter/X, and Bluesky, and subscribe to our email list here.

The lawyer of Istanbul's jailed mayor Ekrem Imamoglu has now been arrested, alongside several more journalists, following the country's biggest demonstrations against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan since 2013. Ten days after the arrest and subsequent jailing of Istanbul's mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu, thousands of demonstrators have continued to protest on the streets of Istanbul, despite a ban.A popular opposition politician, Imamoglu is seen as the only person capable of defeating Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan at the polls in 2028.Imamoglu was arrested last Wednesday on corruption and terror charges and remains in jail.Turkey braces for more protests over Istanbul mayor's arrestDespite this, his party, the Republican People's Party (CHP), declared him its presidential candidate in absentia, after holding a symbolic nationwide vote last weekend that saw almost 15 million people cast a ballot.On Thursday night, police raided more homes, with Imamoglu saying his lawyer Mehmet Pehlivan had been "detained on fictitious grounds," in a post published via the mayor's legal team on social media platform X (formerly Twitter).It was not immediately clear why Pehlivan had been detained, but opposition broadcaster Halk TV said his arrest was linked to allegations of "laundering assets originating from a crime".Young protestersThe Istanbul Bar Association meanwhile said 20 minors had been arrested between 22 and 25 March on charges of violating a ban on protests.Of these 20, 13 had been released but seven were still in custody, it said in a statement posted on X, adding that it was "closely following" the matter.Many of those demonstrating have only ever known Erdogan as Turkey's leader."We have the right to vote, we have the right to choose whoever we want to rule us. But he [Erdogan] is taking that right from us," one protestor, who wished to remain anonymous, told RFI.Turkey's Erdogan wins election, extending rule to third decadeAnother demonstrator who also did not want to give his name added: "We want democracy, we want the people to choose who is elected. We want the free will to choose who we want without them being imprisoned."The unrest is at a level unseen since the Gezi protests of 2013, which almost saw Erdogan ousted. Demonstrations have spread across the country since last week, even reaching the president's traditional strongholds.Students have launched a nationwide boycott of universities, and opposition leaders are warning of a new escalation in their protests.Strategy could backfireTurkey expert Gonul Tol of the Washington-based Middle East Institute think tank told RFI that Erdogan's strategy may backfire this time."In 2019, when Ekrem Imamoglu won the municipal elections in Istanbul, Erdogan didn't accept the result and called for a rerun," she explained."While in the first round, Imamoglu won by a razor-thin majority, in the second round people got so angry and frustrated that they handed Imamoglu a bigger win. So this could easily backfire, and now that there are hundreds of thousands of people on the streets, this could turn into something much bigger than Erdogan had expected."However, Erdogan has doubled down, warning that protestors will pay a heavy price."Those who are involved in treason and who set up an ambush for the brotherhood of the nation will sooner or later be held accountable to justice," he told his AK Party parliamentary deputies on Wednesday.Turkish radio ban is latest attack on press freedom, warn activistsThe president has also taken aim at the media. Turkish authorities on Wednesday detained BBC journalist Mark Lowen, then deported him on the grounds he posed "a threat to public order," the UK broadcaster said.Also on Thursday, Turkey's government-controlled regulatory authority slapped the independent Sozcu TV station with a 10-day broadcast ban and a fine, pointing to alleged violations linked to incitement to "hatred and hostility".Police also detained two Turkish journalists in dawn raids on their homes, the Turkish Journalists' Union (TGS) said on X.Deputy chairman of the CHP party Ilhan Uzgel says early elections are the only way to put an end to the crisis.He warned: "It's damaging the image of the country, it's damaging the economy, it's damaging the social structure of the society in Turkey. The judiciary is the least trusted institution in Turkey; it can't continue like this."

Really American Founder and Broadcaster Justin Horwitz and Hellenic Council Director Endy Zemenides are joined by founding Director of the Middle East Institute's Turkey Program, Gö Nül Tol to discuss the alarming rise of a dictatorship in Turkey under Erdogan, and what it means to America's struggling democracy.In this all-new episode of Not Your Daddy's America we'll draw stark parallels with the escalating political crisis in Turkey, and the rise of authoritarianism in the US. As protesters continue to flood the streets of Turkey, opposing President Erdogan's draconian policies, Horwitz and Zemenides put a spotlight on how the American corporate media is ignoring it all.Our guest shares deep insights into Erdogan's alarming consolidation of power, and explains how the situation in Turkey serves as a cautionary tale for emerging autocracies around the world. Gö Nül Tol points out the courageous spirit of Turkish protesters, particularly younger folks, who are battling against the dismantling of their democracy.We'll also talk about the alarming non-response from international powers, made worse by the lack of any reaction from the European Union or the United States. And our hosts slam the short-sightedness of how these nations are prioritizing strategic military relationships over core democratic values.Horwitz and Zemenides discuss the threats posed by leaders who disregard constitutional norms and judicial authority. They call it a worrisome reality, where democracy—once thought infallible in established powers like the U.S.—is being torn away by figures like Trump. You'll also hear our plea for all to acknowledge the bond of global democracy, and for our audiences to amplify the voices of those brave people fighting back against tyranny all over the globe. Whether in Turkey, or our own backyards. And we urge everyone to not grow complacent, and to consider the awful consequences of turning a blind eye to these struggles for democracy. Be sure to tune in next week for more one-of-its- kind analysis and powerful calls to action, as we navigate the tumultuous road ahead for modern democracy.

Israel unilaterally ended the ceasefire in Gaza, with bombs raining down on the strip this week, killing more than 400 people within hours. Many children were reportedly among the dead. By Wednesday, Israeli troops resumed ground operations to retake control of a key corridor that divides northern Gaza from the south. Palestinians in the enclave were once again plunged into a bleak reality dominated by fear, death and displacement. They had hoped that their brief respite would become permanent, as mediators tried to advance a truce agreement and hostage deal into its next phase. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said the strikes were only the start and future negotiations with Hamas “will take place only under fire”. The US said it had been consulted of Israel's intention to attack. The question is, why has the war started again. Will it ever end? In this episode of Beyond the Headlines, host Nada AlTaher hears from Unicef's Rosalia Bollen about the impact on Palestinians in Gaza. She also speaks to Taghreed El-Khodary, a Palestinian analyst, and Brian Katulis, senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, about Hamas's next moves, Israel's motives for resuming the war and where the US stands.

00:08 — Gönül Tol is a Senior Fellow at the Middle East Institute. She is the author of “Erdogan's War: A Strongman's Struggle at Home and in Syria.” 00:33 — Phyllis Bennis is Director of the New Internationalism Project at the Institute for Policy Studies. CORRECTION: Her new book “Understanding Palestine and Israel” is out now.  The post Developments in Syria and Implications for the Kurdish Forces Fighting Turkey; Plus, Trump Administration's Agenda on the Gaza Ceasefire appeared first on KPFA.

Derek welcomes back to the program Gönül Tol, senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, and Djene Bajalan, associate professor of history at Missouri State University, to talk about leader Abdullah Öcalan's call last week for the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) to disarm and disband. They talk about Öcalan's history in this conflict, the need to manage his constituencies when announcing this ceasefire, how this fits into Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's plans, whether this move could broaden rights and protections for Kurds in Turkey, the potential implications for Syria, what this means for Kurds elsewhere in the region, and more. Read Gönül's book Erdoğan's War: A Strongman's Struggle at Home and in Syria.    Listen to Djene's radio show/podcast Talking History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Derek welcomes back to the program Gönül Tol, senior fellow at the Middle East Institute, and Djene Bajalan, associate professor of history at Missouri State University, to talk about leader Abdullah Öcalan's call last week for the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) to disarm and disband. They talk about Öcalan's history in this conflict, the need to manage his constituencies when announcing this ceasefire, how this fits into Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's plans, whether this move could broaden rights and protections for Kurds in Turkey, the potential implications for Syria, what this means for Kurds elsewhere in the region, and more.Read Gönül's book Erdoğan's War: A Strongman's Struggle at Home and in Syria.   Listen to Djene's radio show/podcast Talking History. Advertising Inquiries: https://redcircle.com/brandsPrivacy & Opt-Out: https://redcircle.com/privacy

London Correspondent Tommie Mescaill, Iulia Joja, Director of the Middle East Institute's Black Sea Programme and adjunct professor at Georgetown University, and Professor Scott Lucas, from the UCD Clinton Institute

Una ricostruzione a tutto tondo che riqualifichi la zona facendola diventare addirittura un'attrazione turistica, possibilmente senza i palestinesi: è la proposta sul futuro di Gaza che Donald Trump ha presentato in conferenza stampa insieme al suo omologo israeliano Benjamin Netanyahu. Ma è fattibile un piano del genere? E, nel caso in cui venga concretizzato, quale impatto potrebbe avere sulle relazioni con i Paesi arabi? Ne parliamo con Pejman Abdolmohammadi, docente di Storia e Istituzioni del Medio Oriente all’Università di Trento, Mario Del Pero, docente a Sciences Po, Gabriella Colarusso, inviata di Repubblica a Gaza, Brian Katulis del Middle East Institute, e con Michael Milshtein, responsabile del Centro per gli studi palestinesi del Dayan Center dell'Università di Tel Aviv.

For decades the Islamic Republic of Iran used its ties to Hezbollah, Hamas and the Houthis in Yemen to create conflict and shore up its power in the Middle East and beyond. But in 2024 Iran's plans and power fell apart in spectacular fashion, from Assad's fall in Syria to Israel's devastating attacks on its proxy groups. Once able to export chaos with impunity, Tehran is now in a state of unprecedented weakness. And it faces the return to the White House of Donald Trump, who enacted a strategy of ‘maximum pressure' on Iran in his previous term.  What does 2025 hold for Iran? Gavin Esler talks to Hagai M. Segal, New York University London professor and Middle-East advisor, and Paul Salem, vice president for international engagement at the Middle East Institute. • This episode of This Is Not A Drill is supported by Incogni, the service that keeps your private information safe, protects you from identity theft and keeps your data from being sold. There's a special offer for This Is Not A Drill listeners – go to Incogni.com/notadrill to get an exclusive 60% off your annual plan. • Support us on Patreon to keep This Is Not A Drill producing thought-provoking podcasts like this. Written and presented by Gavin Esler. Produced by Robin Leeburn. Original theme music by Paul Hartnoll – https://www.orbitalofficial.com. Executive Producer Martin Bojtos. Group Editor Andrew Harrison. This Is Not A Drill is a Podmasters production. www.podmasters.co.uk  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Over the last two years, intelligence organizations and analysts failed to anticipate critical events in the Middle East that would roil the region. The sudden collapse of the Assad regime and the opening of a new chapter in Syria's conflict-ridden story is the latest in a fraught period that has seen an of escalation of tensions in Israel, Gaza, Lebanon, and Iran. What explains the Assad regime's sudden demise and the ascendance of Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and other Sunni Islamist organizations? What do these events portend for Syria's governance and the policies of Iran, Russia, Turkey, and Israel in the region? And what would be the best policy on Syria for the incoming U.S. administration?  Join Aaron David Miller as he sits down with Sanam Vakil, director of the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House, and Charles Lister, senior fellow and the director of the Syria and Countering Terrorism & Extremism programs at the Middle East Institute, to explore these and other issues.

Dopo le parole trionfanti di Donald Trump ("Un accordo epico, realizzabile solo grazie alla mia vittoria"), il premier Netanyahu ha riferito che Hamas sta rinnegando parte dell'accordo per la tregua. Il governo israeliano ha quindi rinviato la riunione per discuterne i termini. Ne parliamo con Pejman Abdolmohammadi, professore di Storia e Istituzioni del Medio Oriente all'Università di Trento, Mario Del Pero, professore di Storia internazionale a Sciences Po, Eleonora Colpo, infermiera di Emergency a Gaza, e con Brian Katulis, Senior Fellow del Middle East Institute.

“Ukrainian intelligence sent about 20 experienced drone operators and about 150 first-person-view drones to the rebel headquarters in Idlib, Syria, four to five weeks ago to help Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the leading rebel group based there, the knowledgeable sources said. The aid from Kyiv played only a modest role in overthrowing Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, Western intelligence sources believe. But it was notable as part of a broader Ukrainian effort to strike covertly at Russian operations in the Middle East, Africa and inside Russia itself.”  –From the Washington Post In this week's bonus episode, we present a recording from our special Gaslit Nation political salon on Monday, where we honored Syria. This episode offers crucial insights on navigating the complex landscape of Syria's future, highlighting who to trust—and who to be wary of—when it comes to information about the country. We also delve into the disinformation campaigns surrounding Syria and how to prepare for the challenges ahead. Additionally, this week's bonus show features answers to questions from our Democracy Defender-level members and above on voting and homelessness as well as how to protect trans people. Thank you to our Democracy Defender level supporters who help shape the show!  For a good overview of why Assad's regime collapsed so quickly, read this great analysis by Charles Lister, a senior fellow and director of the Syria and Counterterrorism and Extremism programs at the Middle East Institute: https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/12/05/syria-assad-regime-collapsing-quickly/ For a look at how many “anti-imperialists” on the Left are pro-Assad, read this 2018 piece by Leila Al Shami, co-author of ‘Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War: https://www.madamasr.com/en/2018/04/15/opinion/u/the-anti-imperialism-of-idiots/ Want to enjoy Gaslit Nation ad-free? Join our community of listeners for bonus shows, ad-free episodes, exclusive Q&A sessions, our group chat, invites to live events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Sign up at Patreon.com/Gaslit! Show Notes: Syria clip: Clarissa Ward of CNN reports from liberted Syria https://x.com/cnnipr/status/1866471510678135162 An estimated 2.5 million people were forced from their homes in the United States by weather-related disasters in 2023, according to new data from the Census Bureau. https://www.nytimes.com/2024/02/22/climate/climate-disasters-survivors-displacement.html Voting and Homelessness  https://www.nonprofitvote.org/voting-and-homelessness/  When Britain and France Almost Merged Into One Country An extraordinary near-miss of history helps explain Brexit. https://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2017/08/dunkirk-brexit/536106/ People to Follow for Syria & Other World News:  Michael Weiss (Bluesky) Oz Katerji (Bluesky) Eliot Higgins (Bluesky) Fared Al Mahlool (Bluesky) Leila Al-Shami (Bluesky) Olga Lautman (Bluesky) Philip Obaji Jr. (Bluesky) Shashank Joshi (Bluesky)   Support Trans People Erin in the Morning (Substack) Protect the LGBTQ Community: An Interview with Chase Strangio of the ACLU https://www.gaslitnationpod.com/episodes-transcripts-20/2022/5/26/chase-strangio-interview Moral Panic: Fact-Checking the War on Trans Kids https://www.gaslitnationpod.com/episodes-transcripts-20/2024/9/10/moral-panic-fact-checking-the-war-on-trans-kids

As a journalist who covers international humanitarian crises, I'm accustomed to seeing masses of refugees fleeing their homes for safer locations. But in Syria over the last several days, the reverse has happened. Thousands upon thousands of displaced people are now returning home -- the scenes of traffic jams, literally on the road to Damascus, were indicative of the fact that Syrians believe this new era to be one in which they are safe to return home. A brutal regime has been toppled, but are the new de-facto authorities going to respect the rights of Syrians and be able to undertake the basic functions of government to avoid state collapse and the chaos that would bring? I put these questions and many more to my guest today, Emma Beals, a longtime Syria analyst and reporter who is a Senior Advisor at the European Institute of Peace and a non-resident fellow at the Middle East Institute. We kick off discussing the mood on the street in Damascus before having a long discussion about Syria's political future. Support the show!  https://www.globaldispatches.org/   

The bravest person on the planet is Iranian. Her name is Ahoo Daryaei. Ahoo is a student who stripped to her underwear on the streets of Iran after the Iranian morality police accosted her for not wearing a hijab. There is an honorific title for this kind of Iranian woman: shirzan. Ahoo is shirzan: a lioness; a woman who protects herself, her family, friends, community, and country at all costs.Shirzan.Iran has many shirzans, including my guest, Nazee Moinian. Nazee was born in Iran but fled with her family for freedom. She holds a PhD in Iranian studies with a sharp understanding of the nation's rich, rich history, plus its modern-day leaders from the Shah through the Ayatollah Khomeini. Nazee currently serves as a fellow at the Middle East Institute, speaks five languages, and hosts various think tanks on this subject matter. Could a feminist uprising topple Iran's theocracy? Is the Iranian regime on the verge of collapsing? In this episode of Some Future Day, host Marc Beckman sits down with Nazee Moinian, an insightful voice on Iranian culture, history, and geopolitics. Nazee takes us on a journey through the vibrant and transformative years of 1960s and 70s Iran, recounting the country's progress under the Shah's modernization efforts and its dramatic shift following the Islamic Revolution.Delving into her personal experiences growing up in Iran, Nazee reflects on the socio-cultural evolution of the nation, the role of women as fearless change agents, and the historic bond between Iran and Israel. The conversation explores the complexities of Iran's current regime, its foreign policies, and the ongoing resistance led by courageous Iranian women.With historical depth and poignant storytelling, this episode highlights the resilience of a people yearning for freedom and the potential for a brighter future. Tune in for a riveting discussion on leadership, cultural transformation, and the enduring power of hope.Preorder Marc's new book, "Some Future Day: How AI Is Going to Change Everything"Sign up for the Some Future Day Newsletter here: https://marcbeckman.substack.com/Episode Links:Nazee on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/nazeemahnazmoinianNazee on Twitter: https://x.com/nazeemoinian?lang=enJpost Article: https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-820947To join the conversation, follow Marc Beckman here: YoutubeLinkedInTwitterInstagramTikTok

• Give or get 20% off a year's Patreon backing for TINAD in our Black Friday sale. This year marks a decade since ISIS hit the headlines with their dramatic rise to power in Iraq. It would be easy now to think it is a thing of the past. But in 2024 the group is having a resurgence in Syria, has a presence across Africa, and has morphed into a worldwide operation.  With multiple wars and a new phase of global disorder upon us, has the West forgotten about countering the threat of ISIS? Emma Beals assesses the state of ISIS worldwide and the foreign policy response to its continued threat with Charles Lister, director of the Syria and Countering Terrorism & Extremism programs at the Middle East Institute, and discusses their presence in Africa with Ryan O'Farrell, senior analyst at the Bridgeway Foundation and the co-author of The Islamic State in Africa: The Emergence, Evolution, and Future of the Next Jihadist Battlefront. This episode of This Is Not A Drill is supported by Incogni, the service that keeps your private information safe, protects you from identity theft and keeps your data from being sold. There's a special offer for This Is Not A Drill listeners – go to Incogni.com/notadrill to get an exclusive 60% off your annual plan. Support us on Patreon to keep This Is Not A Drill producing thought-provoking podcasts like this. Written and presented by Emma Beals. Produced by Robin Leeburn. Original theme music by Paul Hartnoll – https://www.orbitalofficial.com. Executive Producer Martin Bojtos. Group Editor Andrew Harrison. This Is Not A Drill is a Podmasters production. www.podmasters.co.uk  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Lawfare Foreign Policy Editor and Georgetown professor Daniel Byman sits down with Charles Lister, Director of Syria and Countering Terrorism & Extremism Programs at the Middle East Institute for an update on the Syrian opposition taking Aleppo and the prospects for the civil war going forward. They discuss the status of the Syrian conflict; the nature of the key group, Hayat Tahrir al-Sham; why conflict happened now; and what might happen going forward.You can watch a video version of their conversation here.To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/c/trumptrials.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Russian and Syrian warplanes targeted civilian areas held by opposition fighters in Syria. It comes days after rebels swept into parts of northwestern Syria that the regime had controlled for years. Nick Schifrin discussed the reignition of the civil war and its implications with Charles Lister of the Middle East Institute. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

When protests against decades of rule by the Assad family were crushed by Syrian government forces in the spring of 2011, opposition groups took up arms and the country descended into civil war. The conflict drew in Syria's Kurds, jihadi groups including Islamic State and al-Qaeda, and the international community.13 years on President Assad controls around two thirds of the country, but northern Syria remains out of the regime's grip and is highly volatile. Internal divisions, international influences and a worsening humanitarian situation may be about to further destabilise the region, with potentially serious consequences for Syria and the world. So, in this episode of The Inquiry, we're asking ‘What's the future for Syria's divided north?'Contributors Dr Burcu Ozcelik, Senior Research Fellow for Middle East Security at the Royal United Services Institute. Charles Lister, Director of the Syria and Countering Terrorism & Extremism programs, Middle East Institute. Qutaiba Idlbi, Director of the Syria Initiative at the Atlantic Council. Emma Beals, Senior Advisor at the European Institute of Peace and a non-resident scholar at the Middle East Institute in Washington.Presenter: Emily Wither Production: Diane Richardson and Matt Toulson Broadcast Co-ordinator: Ellie Dover & Liam Morrey Editor: Tara McDermott Technical Producer: Cameron Ward

For the first time in nearly 14 months, the guns along the Israel-Lebanon border are set to fall silent. The Israeli security cabinet approved a cease-fire and Lebanon's government says it will ensure Hezbollah abides by the deal. Nick Schifrin discussed the developments with Randa Slim of the Middle East Institute and Aaron David Miller of the Carnegie Endowment. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

Today on the show, Fareed is joined live by an expert panel to discuss the events unfolding in the Middle East. Randa Slim, conflict resolution director at the Middle East Institute, and Richard Haass, president emeritus at the Council on Foreign Relations, speak about the escalation in the region. They discuss Israel's war in Lebanon as well as its potential response to Iran's missile strike.   Then, Ret. Admiral James Stavridis speaks with Fareed about the other major war that rages on – in Ukraine. They discuss the prospect of NATO membership for Ukraine, and whether there is hope for peace anytime soon.   Next, acclaimed author Malcolm Gladwell joins the show to talk about his new book, “Revenge of the Tipping Point,” in which he revisits his bestselling work from more than two decades ago.   Finally, Fareed sits down with Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani to analyze his country's relationship with Iran, the progress his country has made over the course of the last two decades and the work still left to do.   GUESTS: Richard Haass (@RichardHaass), Randa Slim (@rmslim), James Stavridis (@stavridisj), Malcolm Gladwell (@Gladwell), Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani (@mohamedshia) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Israel has hit Hezbollah very hard over the past few days, killing much of its senior leadership and eroding its capabilities. It has also displaced hundreds of thousands of Lebanese and now has ground forces in Lebanon. Iran has responded with a missile barrage against Israel, to which an Israeli response is widely expected. To discuss the latest events in the expanding war, Lawfare's Editor-in-Chief Benjamin Wittes sat down with Firas Maksad of the Middle East Institute, Natan Sachs of the Brookings Institution, and Lawfare Senior Editor Scott R. Anderson.To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/c/trumptrials.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.