Podcasts about development party akp

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/islamic-studies

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/communications

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/journalism

In the 2010s, Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) began to mobilize an international media system to project Turkey as a rising player and counter foreign criticism of its authoritarian practices. In Talking Back to the West: How Turkey Uses Counter-Hegemony to Reshape the Global Communication Order (University of Illinois Press, 2024), Bilge Yesil examines the AKP's English-language communication apparatus, focusing on its objectives and outcomes, the idea-generating framework that undergirds it, and the implications of its activities. She also analyzes the decolonial and pan-Islamist messages AKP-sponsored outlets deploy to position Turkey as a burgeoning great power opposed to imperialism and claiming to be the voice of oppressed Muslims around the world. As the AKP wields this rhetoric to further its geopolitical and economic goals, media outlets pursue their own objectives by obfuscating facts with identity politics, demonizing the West to aggrandize the East and rallying Muslims under Turkey's purportedly benevolent leadership. Insightfully exploring the crossroads of communications and authoritarianism, Talking Back to the West illuminates how the Erdogan government and its media allies use history, religion, and identity to pursue complementary agendas and tighten the AKP's grip on power. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The recent local elections in Turkey did not go to plan for President Erdogan. The voters sent a clear message to the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) party and the strongman president, when they voted in unprecedented numbers for the opposition Republican People's Party (CHP). The CHP took control of Turkey's biggest cities and also managed to make significant headway into provinces that had been traditional AKP territory. Additionally, the AKP also lost out to the New Welfare Party (YRP), and Islamist party, who collected former AKP voters, who were angered by Erdogan's Gaza policy. The recent vote raises some big questions about the future of Turkey and Erdogan. This week on The New Arab Voice, we look at the recent Turkish elections. Why did the AKP and Erdogan do so badly? How big was the CHP victory? Has the path been set for Ekrem İmamoğlu to rise to the presidency? Can and will Erdogan run again? Will Erdogan start another crackdown? And what is the state of Turkish democracy?Joining us this week, we speak with Gönül Tol (@gonultol), the founding director of the Middle East Institute's (@MiddleEastInst) Turkey programme and a senior fellow with the Black Sea Program. Gönül's new book, Erdogan's War: A Strongman's Struggle at Home and in Syria, is out now. Also, Soner Cagaptay (@SonerCagaptay), the Beyer Family Senior Fellow and director of the Turkish Research Program at The Washington Institute for Near East Policy (@WashInstitute), and the author of A Sultan in Autumn.his podcast is written and produced by Hugo Goodridge (@hugogoodridge). Theme music by Omar al-Fil. To get in touch with the producers, follow then tweet us at @TNAPodcasts or email podcast@newarab.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In May 2023, Turkey held its national elections, where Recep Tayyip Erdogan secured a third term in office, until 2028. The local elections may give the mistaken impression that they are less important in outcome than the national. This could not be further than the truth, as Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) suffered a resounding defeat across the entire country. The main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) delivered its best electoral performance since 1977, and denied Erdogan the ability to win back major cities across the country, including Istanbul and Ankara. Moreover, the result can be interpreted as a personal repudiation of Erdogan by voters, and the launching of Ekrem Imamoglu's national political career. It is now widely assumed that Imamoglu, the current CHP mayor of Istanbul, is the presumptive nominee who will seek to succeed Erdogan at the next presidential election (2028). Questions following Sunday's elections are clear: are the results of the local elections the beginning of the end of Erdogan's time in office? To what extent is Erdogan politically wounded? Are we witnessing a democratic revival in Turkey? What course will Erdogan chart in response to Sunday's results?To discuss the election results and its immediate to long term implications, FDD hosts a panel featuring Guldem Atabay, Economist at Istanbul Analytics; Sinan Ciddi, Non-Resident Senior Fellow at FDD; Howard Eissenstat, Associate Professor of Middle East History at St. Lawrence University; and Atilla Yesilada, President at Istanbul Analytics. The panel will be moderated by journalist Yavuz Baydar, and feature introductory remarks by FDD Senior Vice President for Research, Jonathan Schanzer.Read more and watch the conversation here:https://www.fdd.org/events/2024/04/03/turkeys-local-elections-outcome-and-implications/

Today, Jess, John, Bishop, and Morgan discuss Turkey's upcoming local elections on March 31st, where Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AKP) seek to regain the key cities lost in 2019 of Istanbul and Ankara. If the AKP regains control, President Erdogan has pledged further constitutional reform. How will these local elections impact Turkish foreign policy? What is the Biden Administration's role in working with transactional powers such as Turkey? What are the impacts of conflicts such as the war in Ukraine and the war in Gaza on these local elections?Check out the answers to these questions and more in this episode of Fault Lines.Check out the sources that helped shape our expert's discussion!https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/03/13/turkey-erdogan-elections-istanbul-ankara-local-akp/https://nationalinterest.org/feature/will-us-turkey-relations-survive-wars-gaza-and-ukraine-210040https://www.timesofisrael.com/erdogan-says-turkey-firmly-backs-terror-group-hamas-compares-netanyahu-to-hitler/ https://www.politico.eu/article/turkey-president-erdogan-upcoming-local-election-last/ Follow our experts on Twitter: @BishopGarrison@morganlroach@NotTVJessJones@JohnCLipseyLike what we're doing here? Be sure to rate, review, and subscribe. And don't forget to follow @masonnatsec on Twitter!We are also on YouTube, watch today's episode here: https://youtu.be/1bnn5y9P9Ig Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Organized Muslim Women in Turkey: An Intersectional Approach to Building Women's Coalitions This talk explores the politics of organized Muslim women in Turkey and analyzes their coalitions with other – secular feminist, Kurdish etc. – women's movements from an intersectional perspective. It provides empirical evidence for significant changes in Muslim women's politics under the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and points to the increasing difficulty to build cross-movement women's coalitions in the face of rising religious conservatism and authoritarianism. Ayse Dursun studied Political Science and English Studies at Goethe University, Frankfurt am Main und graduated in 2010. Following her graduation, she started a PhD on the topic “Muslim Women's Movements in Turkey: An Intersectional Approach to Coalition Building” at the Department of Political Science of the University of Vienna. During her PhD, she worked as a research assistant at the same Department for the following projects: “Fördert Föderalismus Frauen? Föderalisierte Gleichstellungspolitik in Österreich und Deutschland” (Does Federalism Promote Gender Equality? Federalized Gender Equality Policies in Austria and Germany) (duration: 2012-2014) as well as “In Whose Best Interests? Exploring Unaccompanied Minors‘ Rights through the Lens of Migration and Asylum Processes” (MinAs) (duration: July 2014-December 2015). In May 2018, she received her PhD. From January until September 2019 she was working as a researcher for the research project Migrant Communities and Children in a Transforming Europe (MiCREATE) at the Department for Political Science. Since October 2019 she is Post Doc Assistant with research focus on Gender and Politics at the Department of Political Science. She is Steering Committee member of the Standing Group “Gender and Politics” of the European Consortium for Political Research (ECPR). The Talking Gender in Europe lecture series is organized by the Center for West European Studies and the Jean Monnet Center of Excellence with support from the Lee and Stuart Scheingold European Studies Fund, the EU Erasmus+ Program, the Ellison Center for Russian, East European and Central Asian Studies, and the Center for Global Studies.

On May 28, Turkey's President Recep Tayyip Erdogan won the run-off elections, extending his rule for another five years. Erdogan has been president since 2003. Over the past twenty years, he's used religion to come to power, and maintain it, in a country where popular politics previously had a largely secular flavour. Erdogan, and his Development Party (AKP), used religious nationalism to create the new Islamic Turkey. In this episode, The Hindu speaks to Sathish Deshpande, to understand, how much of this is a result of Erdogan and his policies, and identify the similarities between Turkey's trajectory and what we are seeing in India.

On this week's episode Alistair Taylor, MEI's editor-in-chief, is joined by Gönül Tol, the founding director of MEI's Turkey Program and the author of "Erdogan's War: A Strongman's Struggle at Home and in Syria," to discuss Turkey's critical upcoming elections. After two decades in power, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Justice and Development Party (AKP) are facing unprecedented challenges, including an economy in shambles, the ongoing impact of the devastating early February earthquakes, and a united opposition.

The earthquakes that struck south-eastern Turkey and northern Syria on 6 February were deadly and devastating. Tens of thousands have died - many more are unaccounted for. It's not the first time that Turkey has been blindsided by a major earthquake. In 1999 the Turkish government was caught off-guard by an earthquake that killed more than 17,000 people. It sparked major public outcry that helped bring Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his conservative Justice and Development Party (AKP) into power for the first time in 2003. Back then Erdoğan blamed poor governance and corruption for the huge number of casualties. But now he is the one in power - and this earthquake is even deadlier still. There has been criticism of the speed and effectiveness of the Turkish government's response to the earthquake and anger at periodic building amnesties that legalised poorly built homes - despite Turkey's history of earthquakes. So could Turkey's response to the earthquake have been better and what were the limiting factors? With elections on the horizon and an economy in trouble, will the shock of this earthquake loosen President Erdoğan's grip on power? President Erdoğan has cast himself as a key player on the international stage so what might all of this mean for the wider region? Ritula Shah is joined by: Sinan Ülgen, a former Turkish diplomat and director of the Centre for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies, an independent think tank based in Istanbul. Tarık Oğuzlu, a Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Istanbul Aydin University. Ayla Jean Yackley, a freelance journalist who has been covering the earthquake for the Financial Times. Also featuring: Ilnur Cevik, special advisor to President Erdoğan Ilan Kelman, Professor of Disasters and Health and University College London Photo: Turkish President Erdogan visits Hatay province in the aftermath of a deadly earthquake / Credit: Murat Cetinmuhurdar/Presidential Press Office/Handout via REUTERS Producers: Imogen Wallace and Pandita Lorenz

In today's episode, seven people, contacts, of Cyprus' first monkeypox case, were vaccinated on Sunday, a day after a quantity of the jabs arrived on the island. Cyprus detected two more cases of monkeypox over the weekend and just as 1,260 vaccines arrived on the island on Saturday. Elsewhere, landowners from the Akamas community of Ineia say they will block the roads in and out of the Lara area next Sunday as part of measures they've planned to oppose the government's local plan for the environmentally sensitive region. In other news, Turkey's resolve in the eastern Mediterranean should not be tested, the leader of Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) said on Sunday. Referring to the new mission of Turkey's latest drillship Abdulhamid Han, Omer Celik said Ankara would not "give anyone a pebble, a drop of water, or a breath of air" of thier country. All this and more in the Cyprus Beat briefing brought to you by the Cyprus Mail.

Turkey has experienced a severe erosion of democratic principles. Democratic institutions have been changed, the media heavily influenced and controlled by government forces, and opposition politicians are intimidated and persecuted. With Esra İşsever-Ekinci I discuss Turkey's democratic backsliding. She explains what steps the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP) took to secure their power grab. Changing the democratic institutions was an essential part of preserving power, so that now it looks unlikely that the opposition forces are able to seriously challenge this power in the upcoming elections in the 2023 general elections. To name just two setbacks, a presidential system was introduced in 2017, that concentrates more power in the executive, and the media have become heavily controlled by the government so that the opposition has mostly lost its voice. Esra İşsever-Ekinci is a postdoctoral researcher at Koç University in Istanbul. She got her PhD in Political Science and Government from the Maxwell School at Syracuse University in the U.S. in 2019. Her research is in Comparative Politics, Comparative Political Institutions and Electoral Systems, focusing especially on issues of electoral reform and gender. CORRIGENDUM: 8:33 Democrat Party instead of Democratic Party; 13:20 1970s instead of 1960s; 19:47 15 million votes, it may sound like 50 million. Show notes with a full transcript and links to all material discussed: https://rulesofthegame.blog/turkeys-democratic-backsliding/ Schedule: 0:00 Introduction / 3:07 Personal questions / 5:34 main discussion / 40:29 Recommendations by Esra İşsever-Ekinci Find more information about Esra İşsever-Ekinci's research: https://gsssh.ku.edu.tr/en/departments/international-relations-and-political-science/faculty/show/esraekinci/ Follow Esra on Twitter: https://twitter.com/es_ekinci Please send feedback to stephan.kyburz@gmail.com. Please enjoy this wide ranging conversation with Esra İşsever-Ekinci.

This panel explored the interconnectedness of Turkey's domestic and foreign politics over the past two decades. How do geopolitical histories and imaginaries affect Turkey's foreign policy? What are the links between everyday culture and Turkey's foreign policy? To what extent have global and regional developments impacted on and informed domestic politics? In what ways has foreign policy been used as a technique of governance? Evren Balta is Professor of International Relations and chair of the International Relations Department at Özyeğin University. She is the author of 'The American Passport in Turkey: National Citizenship in the Age of Transnationalism' (with O Altan-Olcay, UPenn, 2020), 'Age of Uneasiness' (İletisim, 2019) and 'Global Security Complex' (İletisim, 2012). She is the editor of 'Neighbors with Suspicion: Dynamics of Turkish-Russian Relations' (with G. Ozcan and B. Besgul, İletisim, 2017); 'Introduction to Global Politics' (Iletisim, 2014) and 'Military, State and Politics in Turkey' (with I. Akca, Bilgi University Press, 2010). She served as a research fellow at the Institute for Human Sciences/Russia in Global Dialogue Program (Vienna, Austria 2017) and as a Fulbright visiting associate professor at New York University, Program in International Relations during the 2017-2018 academic year. Balta is a senior scholar at Istanbul Policy Center, a member of the Global Relations Forum and co-editor of International Relations Journal. She was appointed as the academic coordinator of TÜSİAD Global Politics Forum in 2021. Lisel Hintz is an Assistant Professor of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies. She was a postdoctoral fellow at Cornell University and was visiting assistant professor at Barnard College, Columbia University. She studies the arenas in which struggles over various forms of identity – e.g., national, ethnic, religious, gender – take place. Her regional focus is on Turkey and its relations with the Middle East, Europe, and the US. Her 2018 book 'Identity Politics Inside Out: National Identity Contestation and Foreign Policy in Turkey' (Oxford University Press) examines how Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) used foreign policy gambits to weaken its domestic obstacles and open up space for disseminating its own Ottoman Islamist understanding of Turkish national identity and, ultimately, the ways in which contestation over national identity spills over to shape and be shaped by foreign policy. Her current book project, under contract with Cambridge University Press, investigates Turkey's state-society struggles over identity in the pop culture sphere. Her work also appears in journals and news outlets contributing to discussions on Turkey's increasing authoritarianism, opposition dynamics, foreign policy shifts, and identity-related topics including Kurdish, Alevi, and gender issues. Spyros A. Sofos is a Researcher at the LSE Middle East Centre. Spyros has been a member of the Fragmentation of peacemaking and peacebuilding: Non-Western dynamics of peace and transition management project team, funded by the FCDO and the PeaceRep Consortium. His research explores the intersection of societal insecurity, identity, and collective action and, to date, it has focused on Turkish politics and society, nationalism, populism and Islamism in Europe and the Middle East, urban citizenship, and European Muslim identities and politics. His latest book Turkish Politics and ‘The People': Mass Mobilisation and Populism (Edinburgh University Press) – explores the emergence of populism in Turkey and its genealogy as a tradition of action and discourse. His other publications include 'Nation and Identity in Contemporary Europe' (Routledge), 'Tormented by History: Nationalism in Greece and Turkey' (Oxford University Press), 'Islam in Europe: Public Spaces and Civic Networks' (Palgrave).

Turkey's ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has utilised its youth organisations to dominate the public discourse and to intimidate the political opposition through social media in Turkey, Süleyman Özeren, a Turkish scholar from George Mason University and a fellow at the Orion Policy Institute, said. Özeren was interviewed by journalist Nervana Mahmoud in an Ahval podcast.

The accusations levelled by the exiled mafia boss Sedat Peker regarding the Turkish deep state activities, political assassination of a Cypriot journalist and many other shocking revelations paint a very complicated picture for Turkey regarding its ruling coalition.The series of video revelations by Peker indicate that the Turkish state apparatus has been overtaken by several crime rings and mafia bosses at the same time, Ahval editor-in-chief Yavuz Baydar said in his Hot Pursuit podcast on Thursday.More than 100 million people, in Turkey and abroad, have locked eyes on the seven hour-long videos Peker released throughout May to understand both the current clash between the mob boss and Turkish interior minister Süleyman Soylu, and some of the past mysterious events Peker appears to be spilling beans on.Baydar said that Soylu had been instrumental in recent years in a plot to rise within the party with the help of “certain people tied to the underground world” including ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) deputy Tolga Ağar, whose father Mehmet Ağar served as both the chief of police and interior minister in previous governments. Peker promised to set off further waves of political tsunami in a series of tweets on Wedneesday. The mobster’s allegations and threats seem to have rattled Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government, as Peker starts to show signs that he could change direction and target the president directly.

The accusations levelled by the exiled mafia boss Sedat Peker regarding the Turkish deep state activities, political assassination of a Cypriot journalist and many other shocking revelations paint a very complicated picture for Turkey regarding its ruling coalition. The series of video revelations by Peker indicate that the Turkish state apparatus has been overtaken by several crime rings and mafia bosses at the same time, Ahval editor-in-chief Yavuz Baydar said in his Hot Pursuit podcast on Thursday. More than 100 million people, in Turkey and abroad, have locked eyes on the seven hour-long videos Peker released throughout May to understand both the current clash between the mob boss and Turkish interior minister Süleyman Soylu, and some of the past mysterious events Peker appears to be spilling beans on. Baydar said that Soylu had been instrumental in recent years in a plot to rise within the party with the help of “certain people tied to the underground world” including ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) deputy Tolga Ağar, whose father Mehmet Ağar served as both the chief of police and interior minister in previous governments. Peker promised to set off further waves of political tsunami in a series of tweets on Wedneesday. The mobster’s allegations and threats seem to have rattled Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his government, as Peker starts to show signs that he could change direction and target the president directly.

On January 1, 2021, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced his appointment of Melih Bulu, a long-time affiliate of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), as the new rector of Isatnbul’s Boğaziçi University, one of Turkey’s most prestigious universities. The appointment trampled a long-standing tradition of electing rectors from within the university. Three days later, thousands of students gathered in front of the university to protest Erdoğan’s top-down decision aimed at controlling one of the few universities previously able to maintain some degree of institutional autonomy and academic freedom. In spite of governments’ heavy handed response, resistance to the government’s actions has continued. To understand the government’s actions at Bogazici University, the ruling party’s strategy for institutions of higher education, the ramifications of this strategy as well as the resistance by the students, the faculty and the staff of these institutions, we turn to Ayça Alemdaroğlu and Elif Babül, whose auricle entitled “Resists Authoritarian Control of the Academy in Turkey”was published on MERIP.org in February.

As Turkey’s government works to shrink the space for dissent against it, artists in the country have come under increased pressure to not antagonise authorities with their work. President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s ruling Justice & Development Party (AKP) has shown time and again that it is unwilling to countenance criticism from across civil society. Artists in Turkey are among the voices currently being suffocated by authorities. According to Freemuse, a nonprofit devoted to protecting artistic expression, released their annual report that detailed the troubles facing Turkey’s artists and the country holds the inglorious honor of being one of Europe’s violators of this right. “Turkey is part of a wider trend of countries where there is an overall shrinking of alternative expressions that go against those propagated by the authorities,” said Paige Collings, Freemuse’s Global Advocacy and Campaigns Coordinator, in a recent podcast interview with Ahval News.

Today that may be surprising given the deep religiosity that has come to characterise President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his ruling Justice & Development Party (AKP). The extent to which Erdogan’s Islamist leanings has filtered into public life has caused many Turks to chafe, but the president has persisted in his imposition of a more religious character onto Turkey. Dr. Gökhan Bacık explained in a recent podcast interview with Ahval News’ Editor-in-Chief Yavuz Baydar that traditionally the state has long used religion to help govern Turkey. However, the relationship was traditionally more asymmetric than it may be today. “What we call Turkish state tradition has been more or less the same since the thirteenth century,” said Bacik, who teaches political science at Palacky University in the Czech Republic and is an expert on Turkish and Middle Eastern politics. Rulers in Turkey during the Seljuk, Ottoman and republican era have all used Islamic groups in different ways as part of their governance. As the host of the caliphate and while controlling Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem, Islam’s three holiest cities, Ottoman rulers relied especially on Islam to cement its legitimacy as the centre of the Muslim world. Once the Ottoman Empire collapsed, the new Turkish republic under Mustafa Kemal Ataturk underwent a process of reducing the power of Islam vis-a-vis the state, but not removing it completely. To this end, the Ministry of Religious Affairs was established in 1924 “to administrate the affairs related to faith and worship of the religion of Islam”. Bacik acknowledges that Islam in Turkish politics was frequently used as an “ideology of justification” and was not always a “dynamic paradigm.” To this end, Turkey’s government would be content to work with religious groups, but only so long as it was the dominant player. “When a group becomes too powerful to challenge the power elite, the state is quick to purge it,” said Bacik. This has been a defining feature in the story of President Erdogan’s rise to power and take-over of the state. For years, Erdogan was a member of numerous Islamist parties that were suppressed by the republican authorities, but once he became prime minister in 2003, Erdogan found a ready ally in the movement of Fethullah Gulen. Together, they took over numerous posts in the government and worked together to defang the military, who saw itself as the protector of state secularism. This partnership began crumbling after the Gezi Park protests and corruption investigations against the AKP in 2013. The drift reached a climax in 2016 after the failed coup attempt against Erdogan that he blamed on Gulen and his followers. Today they are regarded by terrorists by the Turkish state. In some sense, Erdogan is a part of both trends; using religion as an ideology of justification and increasing pressure on it when religious forces opposed to him becomes a force in its own right. “Erdogan has always been a part of this network, but skeptical of these religious orders,” Bacik explained.

Canan Kaftancioglu, the mastermind behind Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's biggest electoral defeat now has her sights set on ousting Erdogan himself. Provided she can stay out of jail.   Addressing a vast crowd of delirious supporters celebrating the end of Erdogan's nearly three-decade dominance of Istanbul, newly elected mayor Ekrem Imamoglu standing arm in arm, paid tribute to Canan Kaftancioglu. Kaftancioglu, as head of Istanbul's Republican People's Party (CHP), is credited as the architect of Imamoglu's 2019 victory. But two years on from masterminding Turkey's most prominent political shock in decades, Kaftancioglu is now eyeing a bigger prize ousting Erdogan himself. Kaftancioglu receives a warm welcome as she arrived in Istanbul's Sultangazi district, a poor city suburb and an election stronghold of Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP). The district is mostly made up of migrants to the city that traditionally support the AKP. Erdogan, himself from a family migrating from Turkey's impoverished Black Sea region, portrays himself as a man who represents the underdog and is ready to stand up to the country's elite. A mantra that once belonged to Kaftancioglu's CHP. A broad message of inclusion, openness Touring Sultangazi's shops, small businesses, and a local market, Kaftancioglu advocates her inclusivity message. A woman wearing a religious headscarf thanks Kaftancioglu and says she loves her for what she's done. Kaftancioglu's CHP is a fiercely pro-secular party and is portrayed by Erdogan as anti-religious because of its past support of a ban on religious dress in state buildings.  But Kaftancioglu is leading her party's efforts to reach out across deep political divides to the religious and the country's Kurdish minority, which also traditionally views the CHP with suspicion if not hostility. Kaftancioglu sees her warm reception in a traditional stronghold of the AKP as proof of her strategy that she dubs as 'radical love'. "After winning the metropolitan elections here, people have started to view the CHP with hope," Kaftancioglu said. Successful strategy of 'radical love'  "Five years ago, it wouldn't have been easy to come to this part of the city and talk so easily with people. Even though people here vote for other parties, they're interested in us." Kaftancioglu is a success story of Turkey's republic. She came from a humble background in the Black Sea region when she secured a place at one of Turkey's top universities in medicine, becoming a forensic doctor. She says she uses the skills of a forensic doctor in her preparations for national elections, expected to be held earlier than the scheduled 2023.  "In terms of ballot box security, we want the model we used in Istanbul to be transferred to all our branches across the country," Kaftancioglu explained. "It's vital that our entire organization is trained in ballot box security," she added. "I'm a forensic doctor, which means I know it's important to work methodically. It's what we need to do." CHP faced widespread criticism for being disorganized and inefficient, especially when it comes to ballot security. In the 2018 general election, the party's election monitoring ended in humiliation when its computer system collapsed on polling night. Unprecedented effort behind Istanbul victory But the Istanbul mayoral election saw the CHP carry out unprecedented monitoring, all quarterbacked by Kaftancioglu. However, changing attitudes in Turkey's oldest party has not been straightforward. "When you're working with men, you constantly hear that they know better, that they can do better," she said. "As a woman in politics, you have to work two, three, four times harder than men. In Turkey, there's this attitude that, yes, women can work, they can produce, but they can't manage. There's this prevalent misconception that when it comes to management, men do better." But with political prominence comes the threat of prison. In the aftermath of the Istanbul victory, Kaftancioglu was sentenced to ten years in jail for spreading terrorist propaganda through social media postings eight years ago. She is appealing the verdict. Erdogan, in January, labeled her a terrorist and accused her of being behind ongoing student protests. The growing legal and government attacks on Kaftancioglu are a sign of her success. She's stong and capable, therefore she's a threat "There are attacks on her; we can understand from this reaction she is seen as a threat because she is strong and capable of doing things in the party," said Nazli Okten of Istanbul's Galatasaray University. "I think she is one of the most important figures in Turkish politics throughout this ten years," Okten added, "that's why some people saw her quote-unquote as dangerous because she wants to change things." With family members and friends of victims of political murders, Kaftancioglu is aware of the risk faced by people who seek change in Turkey. "There are threats, and many things are coming my way. The judicial sword is always over my head. But what's the most they can do? A fanatic can come my way and take aim at my life. But there are thousands of people in this country who've lost their lives because of what they believed in. And I have one life like them. But I tell you this, and I say it very clearly: Erdogan will be defeated. Three years ago, when I said we would give Istanbul back to the people again, nobody believed me."  

Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) is working to use a new law regulating social media to constrain the remaining space for dissent on the internet. On July 29, 2020, the Turkish parliament updated its law governing social media known as Internet Law No. 5651 that updated its regulation of social media. The most notorious part of the law requires social media companies to appoint a representative to Turkey who will respond to requests from the authorities to remove or moderate content on their platforms. Dr. Asli Telli, a research fellow at the University of Siegen, explained that the recent update to Internet Law No. 5651 was simply a continuation of creeping government control over the internet inside Turkey. The defining moment that saw these efforts increase according to Telli was the aftermath of the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016. “The impact of this on digital rights and freedoms was very costly and devastating for the whole society, especially digital rights defenders and civil society,” Telli told Turkey Abroad.

The vaccination programme began only recently which has fueled a certain amount of frustration from Turks who wonder why Turkey has fallen behind other countries on distributing doses. Right now, Turkey’s vaccination rate per capita is presently lower than its counterparts in the West at 1.4 per 100 people of a population of 82 million. Haluk Özdalga, a former member of the ruling Justice & Development Party (AKP), described how the Turkish vaccination has been the victim of government mismanagement. “The coronavirus vaccine program has been a complete failure in Turkey,” Özdalga told Turkey Abroad in a recent podcast. “There are not enough doses, delivery time for these doses is too late, and they only have one single company supplying it which has raised many risks.”

In this episode of Zeitgeist Turkey, Duvar English Editor-in-chief Cansu Çamlıbel and pollster Can Selçuki weigh the resignation of Bülent Arınç, a founding member of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), days after he urged the release of Osman Kavala and Selahattin Demirtaş. Although Arınç's comments initially fit in with the president's promises of reforms, they seemingly crossed boundaries for President Erdoğan's alliance partner.

In 2002, Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (AKP) won a sweeping victory in the country’s general elections, dominating and shaping domestic and foreign policies of Turkey for nearly two decades to this date. Outwardly, under Erdogan’s and AKP’s leadership, Turkey has transformed from a country with a stated and acclaimed foreign policy seeking “zero problems with neighbors” to one that is actively engaged in economic, political and military rivalry with its Middle East and other regional neighbors, as well as balancing global players. Armenia is deeply affected by the quality of relationships that Turkey conducts with each of its neighbors.In this first part of our Conversation on Groong about Turkey, we explore Continuity and Change in Political Culture and Foreign Policy in Turkey covering transition from Kemalism to Islamism, as defined by the AKP. We look at how recent events fit together within the framework of continuous, yet changing, state policies. We also discuss Turkey’s foreign policy in the Middle East and Eastern Mediterranean.Topics:Turkey’s Transformation in Historical PerspectiveHow has Turkey transformed in the last several decades moving from Kemalism to Islamism? Change and Continuity of Turkish Political CultureHow has the political culture in Turkey changed in the past two decades? How have those changes influenced Turkey’s policies domestically (minorities, political parties, etc) as well as in its Foreign policy?Turkey’s Foreign PolicyTurkey has been pursuing a more active foreign policy. What are the driving forces behind this foreign policy? How can we explain Turkish expanding influence from its immediate neighborhood to the larger mediterranean?Host: Asbed KotchikianPanelists:Varuzhan GeghamyanAra SanjianVahram Ter-MatevosyanDiana YayloyanProduced by:Hovik ManucharyanAsbed Bedrossian

Duvar English's editor-in-chief Cansu Çamlıbel and pollster Can Selçuki are joined by former Turkish diplomat Aydın Selcen to discuss the latest foreign policy moves of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. While analyzing the consequences of Turkey's military involvement in Libya, they look for answers whether Ankara could manage to turn its “military success” into viable polities. They also debate if a new Turkish military intervention into Syria looms on the horizon.

Since free elections were introduced in Turkey, no other party has been able to retain its incumbency as much as the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Given incumbents’ tendency to lose support over time, what are the factors which explain the electoral durability of the party? In this event, Dr Luca will explore the rising consolidation of power by the AKP through the lens of distributive politics, aiming to assess how the ruling party has deployed the geographical distribution of public monies towards distinct political ends. Throughout the 2000s, Turkey was portrayed as a model of social and economic success for other countries in the Middle East and North Africa region. Yet, the incumbent government and its economic development model face increasing criticism for corrupt and discretionary practices and arbitrary decision-making. The talk will ultimately argue that the AKP has skilfully used public monies and abused state resources to cement its power and develop its populist, electoral authoritarian regime. Registered on 23 May. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Davide Luca is a Visiting Fellow at the Middle East Centre and a Research Associate at Cambridge University. His research combines Geography, Political Economy, and Public Economics to focus on the politics of policy delivery and development at the local level. Çağatay Bircan is a Senior Research Economist at the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) in London. His current research is on the effects of international trade, private equity, and banking on innovation and productivity. Ece Kocabıçak is currently working as Fellow of Globalisation, Gender and Development in the Department of Gender Studies at London School of Economics and Political Science. Her teaching and research engage with the contemporary debates in international development, comparative political economy, political sociology, and social inequalities. Image: An AKP supporter. Source: Leonie Balci

In this episode, I am hosting Didem Şalgam, a Ph.D. candidate at the Department of Gender Studies, CEU. We will talk about neoliberal and neoconservative politics of intimacy in Turkey. Didem will make a compelling case for the need to challenge Global North-dominated narratives around the sexuality of heterosexual cisgender women in general and Muslim women in particular. First, she will discuss how neoliberal politics of individualization and self-management clashes with Turkey’s neoconservative politics of re-inventing traditions through strict control over women’s bodies and their sexualities. She will argue that the tendency and demand for the individualization among young, educated middle-class adults in Turkey subvert the dominant norms of intimacy, gender, and sexual morality.Didem will also argue that sexting has become a practice among young urban university students to resist the neoliberal and neoconservative politics of intimacy that has been fiercely promoted by the current government for more than fifteen years. Sexting here refers to exchanging sexually explicit written text or visual and audio recordings. Didem will demonstrate that sexting can become a medium through which restrictions around sexuality can be negotiated. Didem will also complicate the understanding of sexuality as mere penetrative acts. And finally, Didem will share many obstacles and preconceptions she has faced as a woman researching sexuality in Turkey. Her own experience is very telling of conservative norms surrounding sexuality in Turkey.The “New Turkey” Didem refers to is a dominant narrative of the current ruling party of Turkey, Justice and Development Party (AKP). AKP has been promoting the idea that they have initialized a “progressive break” from the secular republican era. This break has been enacted through many cultural, social and material changes in the society and in the state structure. These changes include slow but steady erosion of independence of state apparatuses, shift from a parliamentary system to a presidential system, cultural wars over important symbols of the Republican Era, the attacks on Istiklal Street and Gezi Park, the transfer of capital to a Muslim elite and to those who are in direct alliance with the government and so on. 

Turkish voters went to the polls on 31 March, casting votes for local elected leaders. The outcome in Istanbul and Ankara, Turkey's two largest cities, have rocked Turkish politics, and galvanized the political opposition to President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's Justice and Development Party (AKP). To discuss the election, Aaron speaks with Selim Koru, an analyst at TEPAV, a Turkish think tank in Ankara.Related Links: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/02/opinion/turkey-erdogan-election-defeat.htmlhttps://www.fpri.org/article/2018/11/the-resiliency-of-turkey-russia-relations/

This week, we bring you the second part of an in depth conversation about the presidential election and the ruling Justice and Development party or AKP in Turkey with sinan Birdal, a visiting assistant professor of International Relations and Middle East Studies at the University of Southern California In the second part of the conversation, we speak about the base of support for President Ardogan and his ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) . We also discuss about the impact of government's economic policies, the ongoing state of emergency as well as Turkey’s military intervention in Syria on the country’s political landscape and the June 24 elections. We will also speak with award winning director Gianfranco Rosi about his documentary film Fire at Sea. It explores the human cost of refugee crisis. https://www.theguardian.com/film/2016/jun/09/fire-at-sea-review-masterly-and-moving-look-at-the-migrant-crisis

Two world leaders, in two key elections, 10,000 km apart: One is a political novice, whose election last Sunday threatens to undo a historic and hard won peace deal. The other has been criticised for authoritarian tendencies after 15 years in charge of his country. Tom Hennigan reports from Colombia where Iván Duque, the conservative political newcomer, was elected as the country's president last Sunday. Meanwhile in Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, leader of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), is running for the presidency again this weekend. Stephen Starr has the latest from there.

Episode 358with Hikmet Kocamanerhosted by Chris GratienDownload the podcastFeed | iTunes | GooglePlay | SoundCloudDiscourses surrounding the family and morality have played an important role in modern political debates. In this episode, we discuss the politics of family in Turkey and its relationship to both religion and government policy. Our guest Hikmet Kocamaner discusses how the Turkish Directorate of Religious Affairs--the Diyanet--oversees a range of activities concerning the family as part of the project of a "New Turkey" championed by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). In particular, we discuss family-oriented television programming related to Diyanet. While distinctively Islamic in their rhetoric, these programs in fact serve as a fascinating meeting point for various expert approaches to social issues and the family, demonstrating the complex entanglement of Islamic and secular institutions in modern Turkey.« Click for More »

The Justice and Development Party (AKP) government, dominated by President Erdogan, has governed Turkey for more than a decade. Its initial democratisation agenda, however, has taken an authoritarian turn - with minimal tolerance for dissent. The lecture by Professor Umut Azak (Okan University, Istanbul) investigates the shifts in state-Islam relations within the context of a shrinking pluralist democracy in Turkey and the broader Middle East. The AKP’s state-led Islamisation and commitment towards creating a ‘devout generation’ are examined by locating the institutionalisation of ‘state Islam’ within the foundations established by the secular Kemalist Republic. More info: http://sydney.edu.au/sydney_ideas/lectures/2016/professor_umut_azak.shtml

World Policy Institute — The Turkish elections last weekend yielded a surprising win for President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and prompted accusations of unfairness at the polls. Author, World Policy Institute fellow, and co-founder of Foreign Policy Interrupted Elmira Bayrasli joins host David Alpern on today's podcast to discuss the results and the curious role the Kurdish vote played in the AKP victory.

A 61-year-old mailman from Florida was detained by U.S. Capitol Police after piloting and landing a small helicopter on the west lawn of the Capitol in a staged protest of campaign finance laws. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11408 An Asiana Airlines jet came in too low on approach to Hiroshima airport, where it appeared to rip through a communications gantry and came to rest off the runway, injuring more than 20 passengers. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11418 Former NFL Patriots star, Aaron Hernandez, has been found guilty of first-degree murder. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11404 The Bay County Sheriff's Office said a third person has been arrested in the case of an alleged spring break gang rape that was videotaped on a crowded stretch of Panama City Beach. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11413 Supreme Court Chief Justice John Roberts got a first-hand look at life on the other side of the bench, reporting for jury duty in Rockville, Md. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11416 Michael Phelps told reporters he is using this week's Arena Pro Swim Series in Arizona as the first step on his road back to the Olympics in 2016. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11415 Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu has accused Pope Francis of “joining the conspiracy” of an “evil front” targeting Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP). http://www.infobitt.com/b/11406 Police video dramatically shows a patrol car crashing directly and bodily into armed robber Mario Valencia, after Valencia's day-long crime spree. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11401 The European Union has filed a complaint against Google over its alleged anti-competitive behaviour. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11398 Researchers have discovered the oldest known stone tools in Kenya, dating to 3.3 million years ago. http://www.infobitt.com/b/11399 http://infobitt.com http://www.facebook.com/groups/infobitt http://twitter.com/infobitt

On today's show, Shahram Aghamir speaks with Erdem Yörük, a sociologist at Koç University in Turkey about workers' rights and safety in Turkey. On May 13th, Turkey witnessed what has been characterized as the deadliest mining accident in Turkish modern history. This tragedy has raised questions about the impact of neo-liberal and privatization policies of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and its far reaching impact on the lives of millions of workers in Turkey. Later in the program, Malihe Razazan hosts a conversation with John Lee, Associate Professor of history at UC Santa Barbara and Dr. Jaleh Niazi of HistoryAdvocates, about a new campagin to bring radical change in the way ancient Persian civilization is being taught in K-12 public education.  The post Voices of the Middle East and North Africa – ” Coal mine tragedy in Turkey and correcting ancient Persian history in schools” appeared first on KPFA.