Podcasts about ozel

Few analysts are more familiar with the politics of both contemporary Turkey and the United States than my old friend , the distinguished Turkish political scientist Soli Ozel. Drawing on his decades of experience in both countries, Ozel, currently a senior fellow at the Institut Montaigne, explains how democratic institutions are similarly being challenged in Trump's America and Erdogan's Turkey. He discusses the imprisonment of Istanbul's popular mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, restrictive speech in American universities, and how economic decline eventually undermines authoritarian regimes. Ozel emphasizes that effective opposition requires both public discontent and compelling leadership alternatives, which Turkey has developed but America currently sorely lacks. Most intriguingly, he suggests that Harvard's legal battle against Trump could be as significant as the 1925 Scopes trial which marked the end of another bout of anti-scientific hysteria in America. 5 Key Takeaways* Populist authoritarianism follows a similar pattern regardless of left/right ideology - controlling judiciary, media, and institutions while claiming to represent "the people" against elites.* Academic freedom in America has declined significantly, with Ozel noting he experienced more classroom freedom in Turkey than at Yale in 2019.* Economic pain combined with a crisis of legitimacy is crucial for challenging authoritarian regimes, but requires credible opposition leadership to succeed.* Istanbul mayor Imamoglu has emerged as a powerful opposition figure in Turkey by appealing across political divides and demonstrating practical governance skills.* Turkey's strategic importance has increased due to its position between war zones (Syria and Ukraine) and Europe's growing need for security partners as American support becomes less certain. Full TranscriptAndrew Keen: Hello, everybody. It's not great news these days that the U.S. Brand has been, so to speak, tarnished as a headline today on CNN. I'm quoting them. CNN, of course, is not Donald Trump's biggest fan. Trump tarnishes the U S brand as a rock of stability in the global economy. I'm not sure if the US was ever really a rock of stability for anything except itself. But we on the show as. As loyal viewers and listeners know, we've been going around the world, taking stock of the US brand, how it's viewed around the word. We did a show last week with Simon Cooper, the Dutch-based Paris writer of the Financial Times, who believes it's time for all Americans to come and live in Europe. And then with Jemima Kelly, another London-based correspondent. And I thought we would broaden. I asked european perspective by visiting my old friend very old friend Soli Ozel. iVve known him for almost forty years he's a. Senior fellow of international relations and turkey at the montane institute he's talking to us from vienna but he is a man who is born and spends a lot of his time thinking about. Turkey, he has an interesting new piece out in the Institute Montaigne. Turkey, a crisis of legitimacy and massive social mobilization in a regional power. I want to talk to Soli later in this conversation about his take on what's happening in Turkey. But first of all, Soli, before we went live, you noted that you first came to America in September 1977. You were educated here, undergraduate, graduate, both at uh, sized in Washington DC and then at UC Berkeley, where you and I studied together at the graduate program. Um, how do you feel almost 50 years, sorry, we're dating ourselves, but how did you feel taking off your political science cap, your analyst cap, how did you feel about what's happening in America as, as a man who invested your life in some ways in the promise of America, and particularly American education universities.Soli Ozel: Yeah, I mean, I, yes, I came to the States or I went to the States in September of 1977. It was a very different America, post Vietnam. And I went through an avant garde college liberal arts college.Andrew Keen: Bennington wasn'tSoli Ozel: Bennington College, and I've spent about 11 years there. And you and I met in 1983 in Berkeley. And then I also taught at American universities. I taught at UC Santa Cruz, Northwestern, SAIS itself, University of Washington, Yale, and had fellowships in different parts. Now, of course, in those years, a lot has changed in the US. The US has changed. In fact, I'm writing a piece now on Christopher Lash. And reading Christopher Lasch work from the 60s and the 1970s, in a way, you wonder why Trumpism has not really emerged a bit earlier than when it did. So, a lot of the... Dynamics that have brought Donald Trump to power, not once, but twice, and in spite of the fact that, you know, he was tried and found guilty and all that. Many of those elements have been there definitely since the 1980s, but Lascch identified especially this divergence between educated people and less educated people between brainies and or the managerial class and the working class in the United States. So, in a way, it looks like the Trumpism's triumph came even a bit late, although there were a couple of attempts perhaps in the early 1990s. One was Pat Buchanan and the other one, Ross Perot, which we forget that Ross Perot got 19% of the vote against in the contest when Bill Clinton. Won the election against George H.W. Bush. So underground, if you will, a lot was happening in the United States.Andrew Keen: All right. And it's interesting you bring up Lash, there's that sort of whole school Lasch Daniel Bell, of course, we had Daniel Bell's son, David Bell, on the show recently. And there's a lot of discussion, as I'm sure you know, about the nativism of Trump, whether it's uniquely American, whether it was somehow inevitable. We've done last week, we did a show about comparing what's happening now in America to what happened after the First World War. Being less analytical, Solé, my question was more an emotional one to you as someone who has built their life around freedom of expression in American universities. You were at Bennington, you were at SICE, you're at UC Berkeley, as you know, you taught at UC Santa Cruz and Yale and many other places. You come in and out of this country giving lectures. How do you personally feel about what's happening?Soli Ozel: Yeah, okay. I mean, in that sense, again, the United States, by the way, I mean the United States has been changing independently of Mr. Trump's presidency. It was much more difficult to be, I mean when I went to college in Bennington College, you really did not bite your tongue when you were going to speak either as a student or a professor. And increasingly, and especially in my last bout at Yale in 2019, I felt that, you know, there were a lot of constraints on what you could say or how you could say it, whether you would call it walkism, political correctness, whatever it was. It was a much, the atmosphere at the university was much more constrained in terms of what transpired in the classroom and that I mean, in Turkey, I had more freedom in terms of how we debated things in class that I felt that...Andrew Keen: That is astonishing. So you had more freedom in...Soli Ozel: As well, you did in Yale in 1990. I'm talking about not the political aspect of things, but how you debate something, okay, whether or not, I mean, there would be lots of views and you could you could present them without insulting anyone, however you presented them was fine, and this is how what the dynamics of the classroom had been when I was a student. So, in that sense, I guess it wasn't just the right that constrained speech, but also the left that constrained the speech, because new values were added or new norms were invented to define what can and cannot be said. And of course, that goes against the grain of what a university education ought to be. I mean, I had colleagues. In major universities who told me that they really were biting their tongue when they were giving their lectures. And that is not my understanding of education or college education and that certainly has not been my experience when I came to the States and for my long education here for 11 years.Andrew Keen: Solit, you and I have a long history of thinking about the Middle East, where back in the early 80s, we TA'd a class on the Arab-Israeli conflict with Yaya Sadowski, who at that time was a very independent thinker. I know he was a close friend of yours. I was always very influenced by his thinking. You're from Izmir, from a Jewish family in Turkey. So you're all too familiar with the complexity of anti-Semitism, Israel, the Middle East, Turkey. What do you personally make of this hysteria now on campus about anti-semitism and throwing out anyone, it seems, at least from the Trump point of view, who are pro-Palestinian? Is this again, I mean, you went back to Christopher Lasch and his thinking on populism and the dangers of populism in America. Or is this something that... Comes out of the peculiarities of American history. We have predicted this 40 years ago when you and I were TAing Sadowski's class on Arab-Israeli conflict at Berkeley.Soli Ozel: The Arab-Israeli conflict always raises passions, if you will. And it's no different. To put it mildly, Salvador, I think. Yeah, it is a bit different now. I mean, of course, my hunch is that anti-Semitism is always present. There is no doubt. And although I followed the developments very closely after October 7. I was not in there physically present. I had some friends, daughters and sons who were students who have reported to me because I'm supposed to know something about those matters. So yeah, antisemitism is there. On the other hand, there is also some exaggeration. We know that a lot of the protesters, for instance, were Jews themselves. But my hunch is that the Trump administration, especially in their attack against elite universities, are using this for political purposes. I'm sure there were other ways of handling this. I don't find it very sincere. And a real problem is being dealt with in a very manipulative political way, I think. Other and moreover So long as there was no violence and I know there were instances of violence that should be punished that I don't have any complaints about, but partially if this is only related to what you say, I'm not sure that this is how a university or relations between students at the university ought to be conducted. If you're not going to be able to say what you think at the university, then what else are you going to say? Are you going be able say it? So this is a much more complicated matter than it is being presented. And as I said, my view or based on what I follow that is happening at colleges, this is being used as an excuse. As somebody I think Peter Beinhart wrote today in the New York Times. He says, No, no, no. It is not really about protecting Jewish students, but it is protecting a certain... Type of Jewish students, and that means it's a political decision, the complaints, legitimate complaints, perhaps, of some students to use those against university administrations or universities themselves that the Trump administration seems to be targeting.Andrew Keen: Yeah, it's interesting you bring up Beinart. He was on the show a year or two ago. I think he notes that, I mean, I don't want to put words into his mouth, but he seems to be suggesting that Jews now have a responsibility almost to speak out, not just obviously about what's happening in the U.S., but certainly about what is happening in Gaza. I'm not sure what you think on.Soli Ozel: He just published a book, he just published the book being Jewish in the US after Gaza or something along those lines. He represents a certain way of thinking about what had happened in Gaza, I mean what had happened to Israel with the attack of Hamas and what had happened afterwards, whether or not he represents the majority. Do you agree with him? I happen to be. I happen to be sympathetic to his views. And especially when you read the book at the beginning, it says, look, he's a believer. Believer meaning he is a practicing Jew. So this is not really a question about his own Jewishness, but how he understands what being a Jew actually means. And from that perspective, putting a lot of accent to the moral aspects of Jewish history and Jewish theological and secular thinking, He is rebelling, if you will, against this way of manipulative use. On the part of some Jewish organizations as well of what had gone on and this is this he sees as a along with others actually he also sees this as a threat to Jewish presence in the United States. You know there is a simultaneous increase in in anti-semitism. And some people argue that this has begun even before October 7. Let us not forget Charlottesville when the crowds that were deemed to be nice people were chanting, Jews will not replace us, and those people are still around. Yeah, a lot of them went to jail.Andrew Keen: Yeah, I mean Trump seemed to have pardoned some of them. And Solly, what do you make of quote-unquote the resistance to Trump in the U.S.? You're a longtime observer of authoritarianism, both personally and in political science terms. One of the headlines the last few days is about the elite universities forming a private collective to resist the Trump administration. Is this for real and is it new? Should we admire the universities or have they been forced into this position?Soli Ozel: Well, I mean, look, you started your talk with the CNN title. Yeah, about the brand, the tarnishing of the U.S. Whatever the CNN stands for. The thing is, there is no question that what is happening today and what has been happening in my judgment over the last two years, particularly on the issue of Gaza, I would not... Exonerate the Biden administration and the way it actually managed its policy vis-a-vis that conflict. There is, of course, a reflection on American policy vis a vis that particular problem and with the Trump administration and 100 days of storm, if you will, around the world, there is a shift in the way people look at the United States. I think it is not a very favorable shift in terms of how people view and understand the United States. Now, that particular thing, the colleges coming together, institutions in the United States where the Americans are very proud of their Madisonian institutions, they believe that that was there. Uh, if you will, insurance policy against an authoritarian drift in their system. Those institutions, both public institutions and private institutions actually proved to be paper tigers. I mean, look at corporations that caved in, look at law firms that arcade that have caved in, Look at Columbia university being, if you will the most egregious example of caving in and plus still not getting the money or not actually stopping the demands that are made on it. So Harvard after equivocating on this finally came up with a response and decided to take the risk of losing massive sums of grants from the federal government. And in fact, it's even suing. The Trump administration for withholding the money that was supposed to go to them. And I guess there is an awakening and the other colleges in order to protect freedom of expression, in order, to protect the independence of higher education in this country, which has been sacrosanct, which is why a lot of people from all around the world, students... Including you and I, right? I mean, that's why we... Yeah, exactly. By the way, it's anywhere between $44 and $50 billion worth of business as well. Then it is there finally coming together, because if you don't hang together, you'll hang separately, is a good American expression that I like. And then trying to defend themselves. And I think this Harvard slope suit, the case of Harvard, is going to be like the Stokes trial of the 1920s on evolution. It's going to be a very similar case, I believe, and it may determine how American democracy goes from now.Andrew Keen: Interesting. You introduced me to Ece Temelkuren, another of your friends from someone who no longer lives in Turkey. She's a very influential Turkish columnist, polemicist. She wrote a famous book, How to Lose a Country. She and you have often compared Turkey. With the rest of the world suggesting that what you're going through in Turkey is the kind of canary in the coal mine for the rest the world. You just came out with a piece, Turkey, a crisis of legitimacy, a massive social mobilization and regional power. I want to get to the details of what's happening in Turkey first. But like Ece, do you see Turkey as the kind of canary and the coalmine that you got into this first? You're kind of leading the narrative of how to address authoritarianism in the 25th century.Soli Ozel: I don't think Turkey was the first one. I think the first one was Hugo Chavez. And then others followed. Turkey certainly is a prominent one. But you know, you and I did other programs and in an earlier era, about 15 years ago. Turkey was actually doing fine. I mean, it was a candidate for membership, still presumably, formally, a candidate for membership in the European Union, but at the time when that thing was alive. Turkey did, I mean, the AKP government or Erdogan as prime minister did a lot of things that were going in the right direction. They certainly demilitarized Turkish politics, but increasingly as they consolidated themselves in power, they moved in a more authoritarian path. And of course, after the coup attempt in 2016 on the 15th of July, that trend towards authoritarianism had been exacerbated and but with the help of a very sui generis if you will unaccountable presidential system we are we find ourselves where we are but The thing is what has been missed out by many abroad was that there was also a very strong resistance that had remained actually unbowing for a long time. And Istanbul, which is, of course, almost a fifth of Turkey's population, 32 percent of its economy, and that's where the pulse of the country actually beats, since 2017 did not vote for Mr Erdogan. I mean, referendum, general election, municipal election. It hasn't, it hasn't. And that is that really, it really represents the future. And today, the disenchantment or discontent has now become much broader, much more broadly based because conservative Anatolia is also now feeling the biting of the economy. And this sense of justice in the country has been severely damaged. And That's what I think explains. The kinds of reaction we had throughout the country to the first arrest and then incarceration of the very popular mayor of Istanbul who is a national figure and who was seen as the main contender for the presidency in the elections that are scheduled to take place in.Andrew Keen: Yeah, and I want to talk more about Turkey's opposition and an interesting New York Times editorial. But before we get there, Soli, you mentioned that the original model was Chavez in Venezuela, of course, who's always considered a leftist populist, whereas Erdogan, Trump, etc., and maybe Netanyahu are considered populists of the right. Is that a useful? Bifurcation in ideological terms or a populist populism that the idea of Chavez being different from Trump because one's on the left and right is really a 20th century mistake or a way of thinking about the 21st century using 20th-century terms.Soli Ozel: Okay, I mean the ideological proclivities do make a difference perhaps, but at the end of the day, what all these populist movements represent is the coming of age or is the coming to power of country elites. Suggests claiming to represent the popular classes whom they say and who are deprived of. Uh, benefits of holding power economically or politically, but once they get established in power and with the authoritarian tilt doesn't really make a distinction in terms of right or wrong. I mean, is Maduro the successor to Chavez a rightist or a leftist? I mean does it really make a difference whether he calls himself a leftists or a rightists? I is unaccountable, is authoritarian. He loses elections and then he claims that he wins these elections and so the ideology that purportedly brought them to power becomes a fig leaf, if you will, justification and maybe the language that they use in order to justify the existing authoritarianism. In that sense, I don't think it makes a difference. Maybe initially it could have made a difference, We have seen populist leaders. Different type of populism perhaps in Latin America. For instance, the Peruvian military was supposed to be very leftist, whereas the Chilean or the Brazilian or the Argentinian or the Uruguayan militaries were very right-wing supported by the church itself. Nicaragua was supposed to be very Leftist, right? They had a revolution, the Sandinista revolution. And look at Daniel Ortega today, does it really matter that he claims himself to be a man of the left? I mean, He runs a family business in Nicaragua. And so all those people who were so very excited about the Nicaraguan Revolution some 45 years ago must be extraordinarily disappointed. I mean, of course, I was also there as a student and wondering what was going to happen in Nicaragua, feeling good about it and all that. And that turned out to be an awful dictatorship itself.Andrew Keen: Yeah, and on this sense, I think you're on the same page as our mutual friend, Moises Naim, who wrote a very influential book a couple of years ago. He's been on the show many times about learning all this from the Latin American playbook because of his experience in Venezuela. He has a front row on this. Solly, is there one? On this, I mean, as I said, you just come out with a piece on the current situation in Turkey and talk a little bit more detail, but is America a few stops behind Turkey? I mean you mentioned that in Turkey now everyone, not just the urban elites in Istanbul, but everyone in the country is beginning to experience the economic decline and consequences of failed policies. A lot of people are predicting the same of Trump's America in the next year or two. Is there just one route in this journey? Is there's just one rail line?Soli Ozel: Like by what the root of established wow a root in the sense of youAndrew Keen: Erdogan or Trump, they come in, they tell lots of lies, they promise a lot of stuff, and then ultimately they can't deliver. Whatever they're promising, the reverse often happens. The people they're supposed to be representing are actually victims of their policies. We're seeing it in America with the consequences of the tariff stuff, of inflation and rise of unemployment and the consequences higher prices. It has something similar. I think of it as the Liz Truss effect, in the sense that the markets ultimately are the truth. And Erdogan, I know, fought the markets and lost a few years ago in Turkey too.Soli Ozel: There was an article last week in Financial Times Weekend Edition, Mr. Trump versus Mr. Market. Trump versus, Mr. Market. Look, first of all, I mean, in establishing a system, the Orban's or Modi's, they all follow, and it's all in Ece's book, of course. You have to control the judiciary, you have to control the media, and then all the institutions. Gradually become under your thumb. And then the way out of it is for first of all, of course, economic problems, economic pain, obviously makes people uncomfortable, but it will have to be combined with the lack of legitimacy, if you will. And that is, I don't think it's right, it's there for in the United States as of yet, but the shock has been so. Robust, if you will, that the reaction to Trump is also rising in a very short period, in a lot shorter period of time than it did in other parts of the world. But economic conditions, the fact that they worsen, is an important matter. But there are other conditions that need to be fulfilled. One of those I would think is absolutely the presence of a political leader that defies the ones in power. And I think when I look at the American scene today, one of the problems that may, one of problems that the political system seems to have, which of course, no matter how economically damaging the Trump administration may be, may not lead to an objection to it. To a loss of power in the midterms to begin with, is lack of leadership in the Democratic Party and lack of a clear perspective that they can share or program that they present to the public at large. Without that, the ones that are in power hold a lot of cards. I mean, it took Turkey about... 18 years after the AKP came to power to finally have potential leaders, and only in 2024 did it become very apparent that now Turkey had more than one leader that could actually challenge Erdogan, and that they also had, if not to support the belief in the public, that they could also run the country. Because if the public does not believe that you are competent enough to manage the affairs of the state or to run the country, they will not vote for you. And leadership truly is an extraordinarily important factor in having democratic change in such systems, what we call electoral authoritarian.Andrew Keen: So what's happened in Turkey in terms of the opposition? The mayor of Istanbul has emerged as a leader. There's an attempt to put him in jail. You talk about the need for an opposition. Is he an ideological figure or just simply younger, more charismatic? More attractive on the media. What do you need and what is missing in the US and what do you have in Turkey? Why are you a couple of chapters ahead on this?Soli Ozel: Well, it was a couple of chapters ahead because we have had the same government or the same ruler for 22 years now.Andrew Keen: And Imamo, I wanted you to pronounce it, Sali, because my Turkish is dreadful. It's worse than most of the other.Soli Ozel: He is the mayor of Istanbul who is now in jail and whose diploma was annulled by the university which actually gave him the diploma and the reason why that is important is if you want to run for president in Turkey, you've got to have a college degree. So that's how it all started. And then he was charged with corruption and terrorism. And he's put in zero. Oh, it's terrorism. There was.Andrew Keen: It's terrorism, they always throw the terrorist bit in, don't they, Simon?Soli Ozel: Yeah, but that dossier is, for the moment, pending. It has not been closed, but it is pending. Anyway, he is young, but his major power is that he can touch all segments of society, conservative, nationalist, leftist. And that's what makes people compare him also with Erdogan who also had a touch of appealing to different segments of the population. But of course, he's secular. He's not ideological, he's a practical man. And Istanbul's population is about anywhere between 16 and 18 million people. It's larger than many countries in Europe. And to manage a city like Istanbul requires really good managerial skills. And Imamoglu managed this in spite of the fact that central government cut its resources, made sure that there was obstruction in every step that he wanted to take, and did not help him a bit. And that still was continuing. Still, he won once. Then there was a repeat election. He won again. And this time around, he one with a landslide, 54% against 44% of his opponent, which had all theAndrew Keen: So the way you're presenting him, is he running as a technocrat or is he running as a celebrity?Soli Ozel: No, he's running as a politician. He's running a politician, he is a popular politician. Maybe you can see tinges of populism in him as well, but... He is what, again, what I think his incarceration having prompted such a wide ranging segments of population really kind of rebelling against this incarceration has to do with the fact that he has resonance in Anatolia. Because he does not scare conservative people. He aspires the youth because he speaks to them directly and he actually made promises to them in Istanbul that he kept, he made their lives easier. And he's been very creative in helping the poorer segments of Istanbul with a variety of programs. And he has done this without really being terribly pushing. So, I mean, I think I sense that the country sees him as its next ruler. And so to attack him was basically tampering with the verdict of the ballot box. That's, I, think how the Turkish public interpreted it. And for good historical reasons, the ballot box is really pretty sacred in Turkey. We usually have upwards of 80% of participation in the election.Andrew Keen: And they're relatively, I mean, not just free, but the results are relatively honest. Yeah, there was an interesting New York Times editorial a couple of days ago. I sent it over. I'm sure you'd read it anyway. Turkey's people are resisting autocracy. They deserve more than silence. I mean from Trump, who has very peculiar relations, he has peculiar relations with everyone, but particularly it seems with Turkey does, in your view, does Turkey needs or the resistance or the mayor of Istanbul this issue, need more support from the US? Would it make any difference?Soli Ozel: Well, first of all, the current American administration didn't seem to particularly care that the arrest and incarceration of the mayor of Istanbul was a bit, to say the least, was awkward and certainly not very legal. I mean, Mario Rubio said, Marco Rubio said that he had concerns. But Mr. Witkoff, in the middle of demonstrations that were shaking the country, Mr. Witkof said it to Tucker Carlson's show that there were very wonderful news coming out of Turkey. And of course, President Trump praised Erdogan several times. They've been on the phone, I think, five times. And he praised Erdogan in front of Bibi Netanyahu, which obviously Bibi Netanyah did not particularly appreciate either. So obviously the American administration likes Mr. Erdogans and will support him. And whatever the Turkish public may or may not want, I don't think is of great interest toAndrew Keen: What about the international dimension, sorry, Putin, the Ukrainian war? How does that play out in terms of the narrative unfolding in Turkey?Soli Ozel: Well, first of all, of course, when the Assad regime fell,Andrew Keen: Right, and as that of course. And Syria of course as well posts that.Soli Ozel: Yeah, I mean, look, Turkey is in the middle of two. War zones, no? Syria was one and the Ukraine is the other. And so when the regime fell and it was brought down by groups that were protected by Turkey in Idlib province of Syria. Everybody argued, and I think not wrongly, that Turkey would have a lot of say over the future of Syria. And I think it will. First of all, Turkey has about 600 miles or 911 kilometer border with Syria and the historical relations.Andrew Keen: And lots of Syrian refugees, of course.Soli Ozel: At the peak, there were about 4 million, I think it's now going down. President Erdogan said that about 200,000 already went back since the overthrow of the regime. And then of course, to the north, there is Ukraine, Russia. And of course this elevates Turkey's strategic importance or geopolitical importance. Another issue that raises Turkish geopolitical importance is, of course, the gradual withdrawal of the United States from providing security to Europe under the umbrella of NATO, North Atlantic Alliance. And as the Europeans are being forced to fetch for themselves for their security, non-EU members of NATO such as Britain, Norway, Turkey, their importance becomes more accentuated as well. And so Turkey and the European Union were in the process of at least somewhat normalizing their relations and their dialog. So what happened domestically, therefore, did not get much of a reaction from the EU, which is supposed to be this paragon of rights and liberties and all that. But But it also left Turkey in a game in an awkward situation, I would think, because things could have gone much, much better. The rapprochement with the European Union could have moved a lot more rapidly, I will think. But geopolitical advantages are there. Obviously, the Americans care a lot for it. And whatever it is that they're negotiating with the Turkish government, we will soon find out. It is a... It is a country that would help stabilize Syria. And that's what President Trump also said, that he would adjudicate between Israel and Turkey over Syria, because these two countries which have been politically at odds, but strategically usually in very good terms. Whether or not the, so to avoid a clash between the two in Syria was important for him. So Turkey's international situation will continue to be important, but I think without the developments domestically, Turkey's position and profile would have been much more solid.Andrew Keen: Comparing US and Turkey, the US military has never participated, at least overtly, in politics, whereas the Turkish military, of course, has historically. Where's the Turkish Military on this? What are they thinking about these imprisonments and the increasing unpopularity of the current regime?Soli Ozel: I think the demilitarization of the Turkish political system was accomplished by the end of the 2000s, so I don't think anybody knows what the military thinks and I'm not sure that anybody really wonders what the army thinks. I think Erdogan has certainly on the top echelons of the military, it has full control. Whether or not the cadets in the Turkish military are lower echelons. Do have political views at odds with that of the government that is not visible. And I don't think the Turkish military should be designing or defining our political system. We have an electorate. We do have a fairly, how shall I say, a public that is fairly attuned to its own rights. And believes certainly in the sanctity of the ballot box, it's been resisting for quite some time and it is defying the authorities and we should let that take its course. I don't think we need the military to do it.Andrew Keen: Finally, Soli, you've been very generous with your time from Vienna. It's late afternoon there. Let's end where we began with this supposed tarnishing of the U.S. Brand. As we noted earlier, you and I have invested our lives, if for better or worse, in the U S brand. We've always been critical, but we've also been believers in this. It's also important in this brand.Soli Ozel: It is an important grant.Andrew Keen: So how do we, and I don't like this term, maybe there is a better term, brands suggest marketing, something not real, but there is something real about the US. How do we re-establish, or I don't know what the word is, a polish rather than tarnish the US brand? What needs to happen in the U.S.Soli Ozel: Well, I think we will first have to see the reinvigoration of institutions in the United States that have been assaulted. That's why I think the Harvard case... Yeah, and I love you.Andrew Keen: Yeah, and I love your idea of comparing it to the Scopes trial of 1926. We probably should do a whole show on that, it's fascinating idea.Soli Ozel: Okay, and then the Democratic Party will have to get its act together. I don't know how long it will take for them to get their act together, they have not been very...Andrew Keen: Clever. But some Democrats will say, well, there's more than one party. The Sanders AOC wing has done its job. People like Gavin Newsom are trying to do their job. I mean, you can't have an official party. There's gonna be a debate. There already is a debate within the party between the left and the right.Soli Ozel: The thing is, debates can be endless, and I don't think there is time for that. First of all, I think the decentralized nature of American governance is also an advantage. And I think that the assault has been so forceful that everybody has woken up to it. It could have been the frog method, you know, that is... Yeah, the boiling in the hot water. So, already people have begun to jump and that is good, that's a sign of vitality. And therefore, I think in due time, things will be evolving in a different direction. But, for populist or authoritarian inclined populist regimes, control of the institutions is very important, so you've got to be alert. And what I discovered, studying these things and looking at the practice. Executive power is a lot of power. So separation of powers is fine and good, but the thing is executive power is really very... Prominent and the legislature, especially in this particular case with the Republican party that has become the instrument of President Trump, and the judiciary which resists but its power is limited. I mean, what do you do when a court decision is not abided by the administration? You cannot send the police to the White House.Andrew Keen: Well, you might have to, that's why I asked the military question.Soli Ozel: Well, it's not up to the military to do this, somehow it will have to be resolved within the civilian democratic system, no matter where. Yes, the decks are stacked against the opposition in most of these cases, but then you'll have to fight. And I think a lot hinges on how corporations are going to react from now on. They have bet on Trump, and I suppose that many of them are regretting because of the tariffs. I just was at a conference, and there was a German business person who said that he has a factory in Germany and a factory in Ohio. And he told me that within three months there would not be any of the goods that he produces on the shelves because of tariffs. Once this begins to hit, then you may see a different dynamic in the country as well, unless the administration takes a U-turn. But if it does take a U turn, it will also have weakened itself, both domestically and internationally.Andrew Keen: Yeah, certainly, to put it mildly. Well, as we noted, Soli, what's real is economics. The rest is perhaps froth or lies or propaganda. Soli Ozel: It's a necessary condition. Without that deteriorating, you really cannot get things on values done.Andrew Keen: In other words, Marx was right, but perhaps in a slightly different context. We're not going to get into Marx today, Soli, we're going to get you back on the show. Cause I love that comparison with the current, the Harvard Trump legal thing, comparing it to Scopes. I think I hadn't thought of that. It's a very interesting idea. Keep well, keep safe, keep telling the truth from Central Europe and Turkey. As always, Solia, it's an honor to have you on the show. Thank you so much.Soli Ozel: Thank you, Andrew, for having me.Keen On America is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

The Turkish opposition has vowed to fight "until the end" against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, with the leader of the CHP party accusing the head of state of staging a "coup" in arresting Istanbul's opposition mayor.  Republican People's Party (CHP) leader Ozgur Ozel has demanded a snap election that he said would serve as the "biggest no confidence vote in history" against President Erdogan, following the arrest last month of Istanbul mayor Ekrem Imamoglu, seen as the president's chief challenger."Erdogan carried out a coup against his own rival. He carried out a coup against the next president of Turkey, our presidential candidate. That is why our resistance and struggle against this will continue until the end," Ozel told French news agency AFP.Imamoglu's arrest sparked the biggest opposition protests to grip Turkey since 2013, although the demonstrations have dipped in intensity over the past 10 days amid holidays marking the end of Ramadan.To maintain momentum, the CHP is now calling for rallies in an Istanbul district every Wednesday and a rally on Sunday in the key port city of Samsun, on the Black Sea.Polls indicate that Imamoglu could end Erdogan's almost quarter-century grip on power if he was allowed to stand in Turkey's 2028 presidential electionThe Istanbul mayor was arrested on 19 March on charges related to corruption and organised crime. He appeared in court on Friday on charges of insulting a public official, with prosecutors calling for a seven-year jail sentence.Imamoglu denies all charges and claims the accusations are politically motivated.EU urges Turkey to 'uphold democratic values' after mass arrests at protestsCalls for boycottThe CHP is now also aiming to broaden the protest campaign by boycotting businesses linked to Erdogan and his supporters."Ozel realised that just inviting people to the streets is not going to help much," political consultant Atilla Yesilada of Global Source Partners told RFI."There is a large segment of Turkish society that, either because they fear the police or [for cultural reasons], are not used to protesting on the streets. Now, this boycott campaign allows everyone, whether they are CHP voters or not, to show their support by simply not buying anything."Social media videos urging the boycott identify the companies linked to Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party (AK), from supermarkets to coffee shop chains.The British rock group Muse cancelled their upcoming concerts in Turkey following calls by the opposition, as the promoter was linked to Erdogan's AK Party. "The boycott is the right decision, it is a long overdue decision that needs to be made," said one tradesman, who didn't want to be identified. "If the government continues in this way, the country will get worse. The boycott initiated by Ozgur Ozel is very relevant. We are participating as tradesmen. The shopkeepers in the area all participate."Erdoğan tightens his grip with crackdown on protests while Europe stays silentStudents releasedHowever, others have questioned the tactics. "I am totally against the boycott call," one local said. "It is our national income, and there is no point in boycotting some to cover up the theft of others. Let them [the opposition] get elected, let them take over the country, that's what I am saying."Erdogan is threatening to punish those behind the boycott campaign. "Every kind of sabotage aimed at Turkey's economy and the nation's prosperity and peace will be held accountable in court," he told parliament.Police have begun arresting people in dawn raids for social media posts supporting the boycott.Almost 2,000 people, including many students, have been arrested in the crackdown on the protests in support of Imamoglu. However, an Istanbul court on Friday ordered the release of 59 young demonstrators, on top of 107 who were detained earlier.The court explained its decision by pointing to the "risk of interruption of their studies" for the students accused.

Baris Ozel - Progressive Night Episode 073 - Loops Radio by Loops Radio

Baris Ozel - Progressive Night Episode 074 - Loops Radio Progressive by Loops Radio

Baris Ozel - NYE 2025 - Loops Radio Progressive by Loops Radio

So what's it to be in the Middle East in 2025: Mad Max style anarchy or a "Pax Hebraica" orchestrated from Israel? According to regional expert Soli Ozel, the Mad Max scenario is more likely - although, as he notes, many of us oversimplify the contemporary Middle East into false binaries such as the Sunni vs Shiite conflict or Iran vs the Arab world. That said, Ozel warns, the mostly cataclysmic 2024 history of the the region doesn't bode well for 2025. Especially given America's central role in Middle East and its unwillingness to confront the region's central tragedy - the problem of Palestine. Soli Özel is professor of International Relations at Kadir Has University in Istanbul, a fellow at the Robert Bosch Academy, a senior fellow at the Institut Montaigne as a senior fellow and a columnist for the Turkish daily Habertürk. Since 2002, Soli Özel has also contributed to Project Syndicate on different occasions, commenting on Turkish politics. He served on the board of directors of International Alert and is currently a member of the European Council on Foreign Relations. He was also an advisor to the Chairman the Turkish Industrialists' and Businessmen's Association (TÜSIAD) on foreign policy issues. He has guest lectured at Harvard, Tufts, and other US universities and has taught at UC Santa Cruz, John Hopkins School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), the University of Washington, Northwestern University, the Hebrew University, Boğaziçi University and Bilgi University (Istanbul). He also spent time as a fellow of St. Anthony's College, Oxford and was a visiting senior scholar at the EU Institute for Security Studies in Paris. He was a Fisher Family Fellow of the “Future of Diplomacy Program” at the Belfer Center of the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. In 2013, he was a Keyman fellow and a visiting lecturer at Northwestern University. Soli Özel regularly contributes to the German Marshall Fund's web site's “ON Turkey” series. His work has been printed in different publications in Turkey and abroad, including The International Spectator, Internationale Politik and the Journal of Democracy. He also occupied the position of Editor-in-Chief at Foreign Policy Turkish edition. Soli Özel holds a Bachelor in Economics from Bennington College and a Master in International Relations from Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies.Named as one of the "100 most connected men" by GQ magazine, Andrew Keen is amongst the world's best known broadcasters and commentators. In addition to presenting KEEN ON, he is the host of the long-running How To Fix Democracy show. He is also the author of four prescient books about digital technology: CULT OF THE AMATEUR, DIGITAL VERTIGO, THE INTERNET IS NOT THE ANSWER and HOW TO FIX THE FUTURE. Andrew lives in San Francisco, is married to Cassandra Knight, Google's VP of Litigation & Discovery, and has two grown children. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit keenon.substack.com/subscribe

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Turkey is positioning itself as a key player in efforts to secure a Gaza ceasefire, despite its close ties with Hamas, which have drawn criticism from Washington. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has vowed to "make every contribution" to end what he called the "massacre" in Gaza. US President Joe Biden signalled this week that Turkey could have a role in mediating peace in the Middle East."The United States will make another push with Turkey, Egypt, Qatar, Israel and others to achieve a ceasefire in Gaza," Biden told reporters.However, US officials have downplayed Turkey's mediating role due to Ankara's ties to Hamas."We don't believe the leaders of a vicious terrorist organisation should be living comfortably anywhere, and that certainly includes in ... a major city of one of our key allies and partners," US State Department spokesman Matthew Miller said earlier.Hamas tensionsHamas leaders reportedly relocated to Turkey after the collapse of ceasefire efforts in November.Erdogan, a staunch supporter of Hamas, has described the group as a "liberation movement". Following the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, Erdogan declared a national day of mourning."There are rumours, and I don't know how true they are, that many of those people have actually received Turkish citizenship as well," Soli Ozel, a lecturer at the Institute for Human Studies in Vienna told RFI.In a move seen as an attempt to placate Washington, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan stated that there are no plans for Hamas to open a political bureau in Turkey.Turkish presidential adviser Mesut Casin defended the policy: "Ankara will continue its position hosting Hamas number one. Number two, they will continue dialogue with Hamas in order to establish peace".Turkish President Erdogan ready to rekindle friendship with TrumpComplex tiesDespite tensions between Turkey and Israel, they maintain back-channel communication.In November, the head of Israel's intelligence agency Shin Bet met his Turkish counterpart in Ankara. The meeting reportedly centred on the plight of Israeli hostages held by Hamas."We have 101 hostages that are still, we don't know their fate," says Gallia Lindenstrauss, an Israeli foreign policy specialist at the Institute for National Security Studies."There are attempts to at least receive information about who's alive, who's dead, who's holding them – Hamas or Islamic Jihad."Lindenstrauss cautioned that Israel remains sceptical of Turkey's ability to act as a neutral mediator."It would be very hard for Israel in general and specifically Prime Minister Netanyahu to trust Turkey to be a mediator that will be respectful to both sides," she said.While Erdogan's public rhetoric often inflames tensions, analysts say Turkish-Israeli relations are shaped more by pragmatism than politics."Turkey and Israel have one way of dealing with one another in public and another way of dealing with one another diplomatically and in security cooperation," Ozel explains.In a possible effort to build trust, Turkish authorities recently extradited three Uzbek suspects linked to the murder of an Israeli rabbi in the United Arab Emirates.Egypt and Turkey's closer ties spark hope for peace among Libya's rival factionsChallenges remainAs Israel intensifies its military campaign against Hamas, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has rejected a Gaza ceasefire for now."The reason for having a ceasefire is to separate the fronts and isolate Hamas," Netanyahu said Tuesday."From day two of the war, Hamas was counting on Hezbollah to fight by its side. With Hezbollah out of the picture, Hamas is left on its own. We will increase our pressure on Hamas."Despite Ankara's overtures, Israel has warned that Hamas leaders are not safe from targeting, even in Turkey."They will find these Hamas leaders and target them wherever they find them," Lindenstrauss maintains.

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Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has used the United Nations General Assembly to criticise Israel and its Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. But as Erdogan tries to lead opposition to Israel, Turkey is finding itself increasingly sidelined in the region. At the UN, Erdogan again compared Israel to Hitler, calling for an "international alliance of humanity" to stop Israel as it did Hitler 70 years ago. However, such fiery rhetoric is finding a shrinking audience."It's more conveying a message to their own base", said Sezin Oney of the Turkish news portal Politikyol. "There isn't an audience that really sees Turkey or Erdogan as the vanguard of Palestine rights anymore. On the contrary, that ship sailed long ago."Erdogan attempted to boost his image as a powerful regional player by meeting with the Lebanese and Iraqi Prime Ministers on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly. But Ankara is increasingly finding itself sidelined as a regional diplomatic player."Ankara's pro-Hamas approach has only marginalised Turkey in the international arena," said international relations expert Selin Nasi of the London School of Economics. "So we see Egypt and Qatar receiving credits for their roles as mediators. And Turkey is locked out of international diplomatic efforts."Since Hamas's 7 October attack on Israel and Israel's subsequent Gaza campaign, Ankara has tried to position itself among international mediating efforts to end the fighting, given its close contacts with Hamas.Turkish youth finds common cause in protests against trade with IsraelMediation efforts"Turkey was asked by the United States to speak with Hamas people", said international relations expert Soli Ozel at Vienna's Institute for Human Studies.However, Ozel says the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Iran denied Erdogan his diplomatic trump card."One big blow to Turkey has been the murder of Haniyeh, with which Turkey did have very close relations. For all I know, he may even have had a Turkish passport", said Ozel."And I really don't think Turkey has any relations or contacts with Yahya Sinwar, who is officially and effectively the leader of Hamas".With Israel already alienated by Erdogan's fiery rhetoric along with Turkey imposing an Israeli trade embargo, Gallia Lindenstrauss of Tel Aviv's National Security Studies says Turkey has nothing to offer.Turkey flexes naval muscles as neighbours fear escalating arms race"There are two main mediators in this conflict: Egypt and Qatar. They're the two actors that have leverage over Hamas. Turkey, despite its very open support of Hamas, has very little leverage on Hamas's decisions," said Lindenstrauss."So Turkey is not effective – it doesn't have the money to push Hamas in a certain direction, it doesn't have the political leverage over Hamas to push it in the right direction. In practice ...Turkey is not very efficient."So I don't think it's a mistake that Turkey is not part of this [mediation] process."Ankara has been quick to point out that existing mediation efforts between Hamas and Israel have achieved little, with the conflict now spreading to Lebanon.However, some experts claim Ankara's diplomatic sidelining has a broader message of Arab countries pushing back against Turkey's involvement in the region."None of the Arab countries would like to get Turkey involved in this process," said international relations expert Huseyin Bagci, of Ankara's Middle East Technical University."Turkey could be considered by their views as the enemy of Israel, but it is artificial. The Middle East Arab-Israeli conflict since 1948 has been an Arab-Israeli conflict, not a Turkish-Israeli conflict."Turkey and Egypt bury the hatchet with a dozen new bilateral dealsRegional ambitionsFor more than a decade, Erdogan has sought to project Turkey's influence across the Middle East, often referring to the years of Ottoman rule as the halcyon days of peace and tranquillity.But the latest Middle East war has ended such dreams, analyst Ozel said."The Turkish government thought that they could dominate the Middle East. They played the game of hegemony seeking, and they lost it," Ozel explained."When they lost it, Turkey found itself way behind [the position] it had prior to 2011 when their grandiose scheme of creating a region which would be dominated by Turkey began."As the Israel-Hamas war threatens to escalate across the region, Erdogan's rhetoric against Israel will likely continue. But analysts warn that outside of the leader's conservative base at home, few others in the region will be receptive.

Hamza neden alyan ariyor? Korfez Bolgesi'nde Ozel Okullar Nasil?

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Facing mounting domestic tensions over Syrian refugees, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is reaching out to Syrian President Bashar Al Assad for dialogue. The initiative, reportedly supported by Moscow, is complicated by Turkey's significant military presence in Syria. Erdogan's call for talks comes after widespread riots against Syrian refugees in Turkish cities. He aims to facilitate the return of Syrians who have fled to Turkey since the Syrian civil war began in 2011.Soli Ozel, an international relations expert at Istanbul's Kadir Has University, says the situation is volatile."The country is like a tinderbox regarding refugees, especially as economic conditions deteriorate. Syrians have become easy scapegoats, and there's widespread frustration with their presence, justified or not. This has become a significant political issue," Ozel said.He also stresses that key to any solution is a credible plan for the orderly departure of Syrian refugees to reassure the Turkish public.Erdogan's party suffered losses in local elections in March, largely due to growing hostility towards over three million Syrian refugees in Turkey and rampant inflation approaching triple digits. These factors have intensified pressure on Erdogan to address the refugee situation. Turkey vows to keep borders shut despite new exodus of SyriansRussia's positionRussia, under Putin, supports Erdogan's diplomatic outreach, seeing it as a potential end to Turkish backing of Syrian rebels and a conclusion to the civil war.This aligns with Moscow's priorities, since resolving the Syrian conflict would allow Russia to redirect military resources to Ukraine.However, Turkey's extensive military presence in Syria complicates potential talks. Turkish forces are engaged in operations against Kurdish groups, which Ankara claims are linked to domestic separatists. The Turkish military also protects Syrian rebel forces along the border.Aydin Selcen, a former Turkish diplomat and now a foreign policy analyst with Medyascope, suggests that Ankara's willingness to negotiate could provide Syria with an opportunity to secure Turkish withdrawal."Assad relies heavily on external support and even internal factions" he said."Unable to forcibly remove Turkish troops, Assad's only option is to request their withdrawal as a precondition for talks."Despite this, Erdogan insists on maintaining Turkey's military presence until Syria can effectively secure its borders.Sinan Ulgen of the Istanbul-based Center for Economics and Foreign Policy Studies said: "Turkey's primary concern is preventing the border region from becoming a security threat post-withdrawal. Turkey needs assurances from Syria before considering troop removal." Turkey's Syrian refugees face local hostility as economic problems mountHumanitarian crisis?The news of Erdogan's pursuit of dialogue with Damascus sparked unrest in rebel-held northeast Syria, with protesters targeting Turkish bases out of fear of potential abandonment by Ankara.Erdogan maintains that any agreement with Damascus would safeguard returning Syrian refugees and rebels. However, Fabrice Balanche, a regional expert from Lyon University, warns of an impending humanitarian crisis."If the regime regains control of rebel areas, most residents will attempt to flee to Turkey. Turkey cannot accommodate four million additional refugees," Balanche cautions."These people are acutely aware that remaining under regime control, even with promised amnesties, puts them at risk of targeting by security forces, conscription, or worse. There's no real protection."Despite ongoing tensions in Turkey over the Syrian refugee presence, Erdogan is seeking Putin's assistance to soften Assad's stance on negotiations.The Turkish leader has proposed hosting a trilateral summit this summer, though there's been no positive response so far.The current situation highlights the complex interplay of regional politics, humanitarian concerns and diplomatic manoeuvering in addressing the Syrian conflict and its far-reaching consequences. Syria's Assyrians flee to Turkey

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Tintin aurait pu résoudre ce mystère digne de celui du Secret de la Licorne. C'est finalement Camille Perez, conservatrice au Musée national de la marine, qui a eu le fin mot de l'histoire. Avec, pour point de départ, une maquette de deux mètres de long, modèle réduit d'une galère marchande propriété de la République de Venise. Le hic ? Primo, les galères marchandes étaient des embarcations obsolètes pour le transport de marchandises au 18e siècle, époque à laquelle la maquette a été réalisée. Deuzio, cette reproduction à l'échelle 1/24 était, selon les spécialistes, totalement absurde, structurellement parlant. Une fois toutes les pièces du puzzle assemblées, la vraie histoire derrière cette galère, et sa version miniature, est encore plus incroyable qu'espérée. Marine Benoît, l'experte en archéologie du magazine Sciences et Avenir, nous la raconte au micro de Sixième Science. Bonne écoute !PS : n'ayant pas les droits sur les visuels du Musée national de la marine, et devant le peu d'illustrations de bateaux à rames sur nos différentes bases photo, nous nous sommes rabattus, de guerre lasse, sur un visuel... de vaisseau viking.

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The Turkish government has announced restrictions on Israeli trade, along with the suspension of scheduled flights to Israel. The moves come in the aftermath of a shock defeat for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's party in nationwide local elections, in which the opposition targeted trade with Israel amid growing condemnation over the war in Gaza. Turkish Airlines announced that it will not resume flights to Israel until March next year.At the same time, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan announced sanctions on Israel after aid deliveries to Gaza were blocked by Israel."We have submitted our request to join this aid operation with cargo planes belonging to our air force. We learned today that our request – which had been approved by Jordanian authorities – was rejected by Israel," Fidan told a press conference."There can be no excuse for Israel preventing our attempts to send aid from the air to our Gazan brothers who are fighting hunger. In response to this situation, we have decided to take a series of new measures against Israel," he said.Ankara has banned the export of 54 products to Israel, including aviation fuel, steel, and cement.Fidan said the export ban would remain in force until Israel declares a ceasefire and allows aid to be delivered unhindered. Turkey under fire after declaring Hamas a 'liberation' group Iran leader to visit Turkey as rapprochement continues over Gaza war'Hypocritical stance'Israel's Foreign Minister Israel Katz condemned the Turkish sanctions, accusing Ankara of supporting Hamas, and warned of retaliation.The trade restrictions come amidst growing criticism in Turkey of the ruling AKP party's stance of condemning Israel's war on Hamas but maintaining trade relations, which the opposition claims supports the Israeli military war effort.The government's stance had become untenable, argues Soli Ozel, a lecturer in international relations at Istanbul's Kadir Has University.There is "pressure from the public over this hypocritical stance on Israel", he says. "You have all these AKP-related businesses or AKP politicians very closely, intimately trading with Israel and stuff. They [the government] had to respond somewhat; they had to show that they were doing something."Suspending Turkish Airlines flights was the "best, most effective, and most visible way of doing it", according to Ozel."I think there must be over 30 daily flights, and this was supposed to be one of the most profitable lines that Turkish Airlines operate."Electoral meltdownLast month, President Erdogan's AKP suffered its worst electoral defeat to date in nationwide local elections.The Islamist Yeniden Refah Party – led by Fatih Erbakan, son of Erdogan's former political mentor Necmettin Erbakan – targeted the AKP's religious base, focusing his campaign on condemning the Turkish president for continuing to trade with Israel."Fatih Erbakan is once again an important figure apparently," observes Istar Gozaydin, a specialist on Turkish religion and state relations at Istanbul's Istinye University."I think the sort of end is near for AKP, but I guess it will be replaced by the Yeniden Refah Party," he adds.Crucial relationsProtests in Turkey are continuing against relations with Israel. However, Israeli analysts say trade and travel are vital to maintain bilateral ties at times of diplomatic tension. "It's unprecedented; there's for so long no flights from Turkey to Israel and from Israel to Turkey, and that's a damage to the relationship," warns Gallia Lindenstrauss, an expert with the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv."Also for business relationships, it's very important to have a regular transport route."  With spy raids, Turkey warns Israel not to seek Hamas revenge on Turkish soil Turkey talks tough on Israel but resists calls to cut off oil"There were things that kept the relations going, even though the political relations were in crisis," she explains."And one element was the economic relations, and part of this was also the travel connections and the transport connections between Turkey and Israel, and the fact that people-to-people relations were enabled."All eyes on GazaEven when Israeli forces in 2010 killed 10 Turkish citizens delivering aid by ship to Gaza, flights and trade between the countries were unaffected.But analysts warn given the magnitude of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and Israel's ongoing war against Hamas, this time could be different."This is a goddamn massacre that's going on for six months that people are watching live," says international relations expert Ozel."People are watching live, and this is truly unconscionable; that's why the level of protest on this particular issue of trading with Israel has increased as the devastation became even worse."With Israeli forces poised to launch a new offensive into Gaza, protests against ongoing Turkish trade with Israel are predicted to grow – and add further pressure on Erdogan.

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Melinda Ozel is an Expression Scientist, Consultant and Educator of all things face related.  Before pioneering a career path in expression science, she worked as a Researcher at Meta and Affective where she used her expression expertise to advise the tracking and simulation of facial behavior. She now helps companies in film, game and tech create compelling animated characters and build high-fidelity face tracking technology. In this Podcast, Allan McKay interviews Expression Scientist Melinda Ozel about neuroscience, neuro-marketing and psychology; her contribution to the FACS system and working as an educator; as well as tips for building your own consulting business and the importance of coding, SEO and social media. For more show notes, visit www.allanmckay.com/428.

Iran's Foreign Minister visited the Turkish capital this week amid growing regional rivalry as Ankara seeks to expand its influence from the Caucasus to Central Asia. But the conflict in the Middle East is, for now, providing some common ground. At a press conference in Ankara on Wednesday, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdollahian and his Turkish counterpart, Hakan Fidan, jointly condemned Israel for its ongoing assault on Gaza. They also called for a regional conference to end the fighting.The Israel-Hamas conflict provides a shared interest as Ankara increasingly challenges Iran's regional influence."Turkey is trying to connect itself with Central Asia ... it's not a secret. So there is a simmering tension between Turkey and Iran," explains Ilhan Uzgel, an international relations analyst for the Kisa Dalga news portal."It's kind of postponed because the attention moved to the Middle East again. But we are going to see it more and more in the years ahead."Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan is working to strengthen relations with energy-rich Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan.On Friday, he visited the Kazakh capital, Astana, meeting with Central Asian leaders at a Turkic nations summit.The visit follows French President Emmanuel Macron's visit to Astana on Wednesday as competition heats up for influence and lucrative contracts.The Turkish leader also recently mended ties with Saudi Arabia, which is Iran's arch rival. France's Macron visits Uzbekistan to expand EU footprint in Central AsiaThe Azerbaijan situationAll moves will likely stoke Iranian fears of being encircled by Turkey. Still, it's Turkey's deepening military ties with Azerbaijan – which has close relations with Israel – that is causing the biggest concern."In Azerbaijan ... Israel has a very strong influence now in Baku," says Mehmet Ogutcu of the London Energy Club."They [Israel] think that this is part of the Israeli containment strategy, which is not wrong. And therefore, I think Turkey and Iran are not on good terms."In September, Azerbaijan – backed militarily by Turkey – ousted ethnic Armenians from the contested Nagorno-Karabakh enclave. Tehran strongly supports Yerevan, but ahead of Baku's attack, Turkish Foreign Minister Fidan warned Iran to stay out of any conflict. France announces sale of defensive weapons to Armenia as Turkey plays wargames with AzerbaijanAzerbaijan's victory is widely seen not only as a loss for Yerevan but also for Tehran, weakening its influence while boosting Israel's foothold in the region."Israelis have been cooperating with Azerbaijan to do lots of things in Iran, which has made Tehran furious," explains Soli Ozel of Istanbul's Kadir Has University.Ozel warns that Azeri President Ilham Aliyev's victory is also stoking Iranian fears about its Azerbaijani minority. "Iran does have a significant Azeri population ... I am sure they do have nationalist tendencies, and Aliyev today appears as a hero because the Azeris for once won the war," Ozel said."I think the Iranians are concerned that the appeal of what Azerbaijani nationalists call northern Azerbaijan may be increasing for their own population, who are unhappy living under their Islamic republic, probably for economic and social reasons."Common ground ... For nowDuring last year's nationwide Iranian protests, Aliyev – in a televised address – vowed to protect Azeris both in Azerbaijan and Iran.Azerbaijan and Iran have recently held military exercises close to their shared border.Two years ago, Ankara signed an alliance with Baku, committing it to defending Azerbaijan in the event of war.Pointing to a map of the Caucasus, Mesut Casin, a presidential advisor at Istanbul's Yeditepe University declared: "Iran fought with the Turks more than 16 times." "The Iranians, if challenged or use force against Azerbaijan, Turkey is ready to support Azerbaijan against Iran. This is absolutely 100 percent determination of Turkey," Casin told RFI.But Ankara and Tehran have found common ground in uniting to oppose Israel's Gaza assault. For now.With the Caucasus remaining tense and Erdogan continuing his bid to court Central Asian leaders with his latest visit to Kazakhstan, observers predict bilateral tensions will likely escalate as Iran and Turkey compete for regional influence.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's links to Hamas are under growing scrutiny following the group's deadly assault on Israel. Erdogan has positioned himself as a mediator in securing the release of Israeli civilians, but his connections to the Palestinian militant group are now casting a shadow over ongoing Turkish-Israeli rapprochement efforts.  On Monday, thousands of people gathered outside one of Istanbul's most important mosques to chant in support of Hamas while condemning Israel.Much of Erdogan's support base is religious and anti-Israel, but last Saturday's Hamas attack is putting the Turkish leader in a difficult position.For more than a year Erdogan has been engaged in repairing relations with Israel. In a groundbreaking event last month, the Turkish leader met for the first time with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.Erdogan is now performing an increasingly difficult balancing act, trying to keep the Israeli rapprochement alive while resisting his supporters' anger towards Israel.Erdogan's "initial reaction and his second reaction have been pretty mild given his previous reactions to such things", according to Soli Ozel, professor of international relations at Istanbul Kadir Has University."But on the other hand all his base appears to be gung-ho about what has happened, at least the initial thing. And he himself seems to be hardening his talk."Israel could be performing a similar balancing act. The Israeli embassy in Turkey released a video thanking Turkish citizens who expressed solidarity with the Israeli people through social media.For now, Israel is focusing on the positive: Israel and Turkey have shared interests in regional hot spots like the Caucasus, where both are concerned about Iran's influence.Hamas operatives in TurkeyBut Erdogan's relations with Hamas are expected to come under growing scrutiny.In July, Erdogan held talks with Hamas's political leader, Ismail Haniyeh. The two men have met many times over the years. At the same time, Israel claims that many senior Hamas members reside in Turkey."The fact that Hamas operatives are operating in Turkey is alarming from the Israeli perspective," says Gallia Lindenstrauss, an analyst at Tel Aviv's Institute for National Security Studies."Turkey, I hope, will re-evaluate the Hamas situation soon, in the future," commented Mesut Casin of Istanbul's Yeditepe University, a Turkish presidential adviser and long-time proponent of improving Israel's ties with Turkey.Erdogan argues that having close ties with Hamas allows him to play a mediating role as well as counter Iran's influence on the group.A Turkish official quoted by the Reuters news agency claims Ankara is working to win the release of more than a hundred Israelis held hostage by Hamas. Israel vows 'mighty vengeance' after Hamas surprise attackPresidential advisor Casin says Turkey is calling for Israeli restraint while expressing support for Netanyahu's demand to hold perpetrators of the Hamas attack to account. "I am supporting Mr Netanyahu on this point. They have to catch and punish this criminal action according to their sovereignty, territorial integrity and self-defence rights," Casin says."After this, if they kill children and civilian people, this turns into a kind of ethnic cleansing and other criminal actions," he continues. "How can we explain to the public? I hope Netanyahu and Israeli people will take care and listen to our advice."However, Israeli forces are stepping up their attacks on Gaza and appear to be preparing a ground assault. Israeli actions in Gaza breach international law, says EU's top diplomat"The Israeli war is going to be horrendous," warns Ozel. "We have not yet seen the pictures from Gaza about the deaths of men, women, elderly people and children that we have seen already coming out of Israel.""This will put a lot of pressure on Erdogan, and that's why I think the language seems to be toughening up compared to the first day."With the increase in protests against Israel – many supported by opposition parties – the pressure on Erdogan to harden his stance against Tel Aviv can only grow. 

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Professor Chris Impey interviews Dr. Feryal Ozel Associate Professor of Physics and Astronomy at The University of Arizona about about her research on extreme astrophysics including neutron stars and supermassive black holes.

In this podcast, author Fatih Ozel discusses his paper 'Exposure to endocrine-disrupting chemicals and implications for neurodevelopment' The paper is available to read here: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/dmcn.15551 Subscribe to our channel for more:   https://bit.ly/2ONCYiC    ___  Listen to all our episodes:  https://bit.ly/2yPFgTC   __  DMCN Journal:  Developmental Medicine & Child Neurology (DMCN) has defined the field of paediatric neurology and childhood-onset neurodisability for over 60 years. DMCN disseminates the latest clinical research results globally to enhance the care and improve the lives of disabled children and their families.    DMCN Journal - https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/journal/14698749  ___    Watch DMCN videos on our YouTube channel:  https://bit.ly/2ONCYiC    Find us on Twitter!  @mackeithpress - https://twitter.com/mackeithpress 

In a bid to quell rising anger over the handling of last month's deadly earthquakes, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan this week paid a visit to the south-eastern city of Adiyaman. He apologised and pledged a massive housing reconstruction project for survivors. In the aftermath of the 6 February deadly quakes, images across social media show survivors calling out: "Where is the state?" and "Where is help?"Anger and criticism have been growing over what many say was a slow response by the government and emergency services."It was mayhem," said Zeynep Alemdar, a political scientist at Istanbul's Okan University, describing the government's quake response."We are trying to get our heads around the enormity of the calamity," Alemdar told RFI."There are still places where they need tents. There are people who are still on the streets. All of us are just sad. We cannot believe that there are more than 40,000 dead and probably more will follow. Latest tremor heaps misery on Turkish region reeling from earlier earthquake"This is a calamity that is caused partly by the unaccountability, the corruption, the cronyism, and the way that these buildings are built," added Alemdar.With the government's response under fire in Istanbul, people mobilised to collect food, water, and urgently needed clothes, which were sent to the quake region within the first day. The main opposition CHP party coordinated the operation through its mayors in Turkey's largest cities like Istanbul and sent search and rescue teams.Out of touch"The president seemed to me that he didn't quite grasp the magnitude of the catastrophe," claimed Soli Ozel of Istanbul's Kadir Has University, suggesting that the opposition's speedy reaction made Erdogan appear out of touch."And the fact that everything emanates from the presidential palace meant that nobody could take initiatives, and saving face and rejecting blame seemed far more important than actually getting things done and saving lives.It also showed that the opposition is capable of getting things done contrary to claims by the government," added Ozel.During a visit to the quake region, Erdogan acknowledged initial shortcomings but hit out at criticism of the government and the Red Crescent, Turkey's equivalent to the Red Cross."When one comes out and asks: 'Where is Red Crescent? We haven't seen tents or food from them' ... You are immoral. You are dishonorable and you are despicable," the Turkish leader said, earning fresh condemnation across social media.With presidential elections on the horizon, Erdogan recalibrated his language during a visit to the devastated city of Adiyaman, asking for forgiveness and for the people to move on in a united fashion."Due to the devastating effect of the tremors and the bad weather, we were not able to work the way we wanted in Adiyaman for the first few days. I apologize for this," said Erdogan.Erdogan is also vowing to build more than 200,000 homes within a year for quake survivors.But the opposition claims the president is incapable of building safe homes, given so many buildings collapsed during the quakes, widely blamed on shoddy construction and lax regulations, most of which were built during his years in office. Country at a crossroadsWith the upcoming elections set to be held in the shadow of the Turkish republic's worst humanitarian crisis, the country is at a crossroads like no other."It's actually like a mirror where you see the hideous parts of your face," said Analyst Sezin Oney of the news portal Politikyol. "You understand that you cannot continue on like this anymore."You either have to change it, or you're going to be going under the rubble yourself one way or the other," added Oney. As elections loom in Turkey, Erdogan pulls plug on opposition social media"I think these elections will also be a referendum, not just about changing the system, but about the whole psychology and whole makeup of the country, the whole character of the country, and which direction to go."Even before the disaster, the Turkish president was struggling in the polls with nearly 100 percent inflation.But Erodgan is now calling for unity, claiming only he and his centralised rule can meet the challenge. As the opposition sees it, the magnitude of the disaster is a result of Erdogan's more than 20 years of mismanagement and corruption.Turkey is no stranger to acrimonious elections but analysts this year predict an unusually bitter one.

In the aftermath of Turkey's killer quakes, there is desperation among survivors and increasing anger over the government's response. But many people across the country are mobilising to help. Throughout the night, people in Istanbul, Turkey's largest city, bring supplies for earthquake survivors. Two wedding halls are now one of many distribution centres for aid donated from across the city. "We opened the wedding cocktail halls this morning. There is incredible help coming from everywhere," beamed Elif Polat, the cocktail salon manager, who is now organising the sending of aid to quake survivors.  "The aid is mostly food, blankets and duvets, as well as hygiene goods, diapers and an incredible amount of things, all top quality," added Polat."Yesterday, we had a crisis for 10 minutes or so about the number of cardboard boxes we had; we put out a message on social media, and heaps, heaps of boxes arrived immediately. It is awe-inspiring and beautiful."Hundreds of volunteers work through the night. For some, the motivation is personal.Ali Can Kocak said: "I am volunteering because my parents live in Adana, and my friends in Antakya, where the earthquakes hit the ground."And I can't go to those places. So I want to help people, and the nearest donation place to my house is here. And I will come here, and my friends will come here."Opposition efforts Istanbul mayor, Ekrem Imamoglu, from the opposition CHP party is coordinating the city's relief effort, providing trucks and the use of city buildings.During a visit to the disaster region to meet with search and rescue teams dispatched from Istanbul, he offered condolences to people irreconcilable with grief. Ankara's mayor Mansur Yavas – also a member of the opposition – sent workers to rebuild one of the airports in the stricken region.The mayors' efforts are in stark contrast with growing criticism that the Turkish government was slow to respond to the quakes.  As desperation grows, survivors criticise Turkey's earthquake response "They appeared to be competent, effective, and able to mobilise their resources much more rapidly," said political scientist Soli Ozel of Istanbul's Kadir Has University."Which shows that if you take the issue of earthquakes seriously and you make your preparations in responding to earthquakes, you can actually move mountains."It also shows that the opposition is capable of getting things done, contrary to claims on the part of the government and also to our own observations about the opposition that they can actually administer things, they can actually manage things."And in that sense, it was truly a matter of taking the quake issue seriously, and evidently, our government did not," claimed Ozel.Memories of IzmitThe government denies such criticism, arguing the disaster is a once-in-a-century event.But there was similar criticism in 1999 over the response to the Izmit earthquake just outside Istanbul, which claimed more than 18,000 lives.Memories of that disaster are still fresh in the minds of some survivors, and serve as motivation to help in this latest crisis.  "I experienced the 1999 Izmit earthquake. We lived through that disaster. It was extremely hard for us," remembers aid volunteer Yilmaz, who wanted to go by only his first name."Now I saw this earthquake and I relived those moments. That's why I couldn't sit at home and drink tea and wanted to rush here and offer help."  'We need everything': Aid workers call for urgent help for Syrian quake victims UN aid enters Syria via new border crossing as quake toll nears 40,000Diapers, antiseptic cologne and other sanitary products are priority items as Istanbul comes together to help."From the oldest to the youngest, there is an incredible unity here," said aid organiser Polat. "I can see in everyone's eyes there is huge sorrow, but they are getting strength and motivation from this sadness," he said."I have been here for the last 25 years. I understood one more time in the last few days that we Turks are very strong."A truck filled to bursting point is off to the disaster region, bringing help and hope to some of the millions of people in need. 

In this episode of Talk Nerdy, Cara is joined by Dr. Feryal Özel, chair of the School of Physics at Georgia Tech. They talk about her incredible career as a theoretical astrophysicist, her important work on the recent imaging of a black hole with the Event Horizon Telescope (EHT) Collaboration, and the critical need for representation in science.

In Turkey, the political and diplomatic fallout continues after a deadly bombing on Istiklal Avenue in Istanbul. Turkey blames Kurdish militants backed by the United States for the attack, which comes months before fraught elections. On Saturday, Bulgarian prosecutors charged five people in connection with the blast. Mourners continue to lay flowers at the site of the 13 November bombing in Istanbul's most famous shopping street. The attack killed six, including a mother and son, and a father and daughter. Dozens more were injured. Shop owners are clearing up the devastation and, like the rest of the city, trying to come to terms with this latest attack. "It has been a disaster, " said shopkeeper Lokman Kalkan. "People were fighting for their lives. There was blood everywhere, and screaming and crying. There was nothing we could do." While the country grieves for the dead, the political repercussions are already being felt. Security forces, after detaining the alleged bomber just hours after the attack, claimed it was carried out by the Kurdish militant group the Kurdistan Workers' Party or PKK, a charge it denies.  The PKK is fighting the Turkish state for greater minority rights. But Devlet Bahceli, leader of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's parliamentary coalition partner the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), has called for the closure of the political party that represents Kurds in parliament, the Peoples' Democratic Party or HDP. "We don't want to see separatists in the parliament. We cannot stand seeing terrorists. We cannot tolerate the HDP for even a second," Bahceli bellowed to cheers from his parliamentary deputies. The HDP is already facing closure, accused of having links with the PKK, a charge it denies. Many of its parliamentary deputies are jailed on terrorism charges, convictions condemned as politically motivated by the European Court of Human Rights.  Tension with the US The bombing fallout is also threatening to strain US-Turkish relations further. The police allege the bomber was trained by the Syrian Kurdish militia, the People's Defense Units (YPG), which Ankara says is affiliated with the PKK. Washington backs the Syrian Kurdish group in its fight against Islamic State extremists near the border between Syria and Turkey. Speaking at the site of the bombing, Turkish Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu said Turkey should rethink its relationship with the United States. "We refuse the condolences of the American embassy," Soylu said. "We cannot accept an alliance with a state that sends money from its own senate to these groups, feeding the terror zones in [border town] Kobani, which aims to disturb Turkey's peace. Such a state is in a contradictory situation. This is open and clear." Turkey lays the ground for a smoothing of relations with Syria Turkey and Russia closer than ever despite Western sanctions There is a large audience in Turkey for such anti-American rhetoric, argues Senem Aydin-Duzgit of the Istanbul Policy Centre. "You have the Americans' alliance with the Kurds, in particular in northern Syria. So there is this perception that America is sort of in an alliance with the PKK and the Kurdish nationalist movement. And that creates hostility," she says. "And there is a lot of anti-Americanism in Turkey as well – some of it historical, ideological, because you have anti-Americanism both on the right and the left of the political spectrum." Ghosts of 2015 election Diplomatic fallout between Ankara and Washington appears contained, at least for now. Despite strong words at home, Erdogan recently met US President Joe Biden on the sidelines of the G20 summit in Indonesia. But analysts suggest the real impact could be on Turkey's presidential elections next year. Erdogan and his Justice and Development Party, the AKP, are currently languishing in the opinion polls. Soli Ozel, a professor of international relations at Istanbul's Kadir Has University, is wary of a repeat of the 2015 general elections, when the AKP lost its absolute majority in parliament and an alternative government couldn't be formed. As elections loom in Turkey, Erdogan pulls plug on opposition social media How Turkish voters are beating internet press clampdown before polls That forced the vote to be repeated five months later, and in between violence escalated, says Ozel. "There were terrorist incidents, and one of the most awful terrorist incidents in the country's history with the largest number of deaths took place only 20 days before the repeat election," he recalls. Erdogan's AKP party eventually won the second election with a large majority. Opposition parties are already raising questions over the investigation into the Istiklal Avenue bombing, particularly the speed of the inquiry and its swift conclusions. That scrutiny is only likely to grow given the high political stakes, as many in the country look towards next year's election with increasing foreboding.

In episode 2 of Fire Away, Matt & Leslie talk about the perils of dating younger. Leslie gives a hair update; perms are coming BACK. In a stunning upset, Matt's aunt's and uncle's names (Zeniel, Zethre, Ozel, Odeva, Garnel, Imanel & Estaline) are OUTDONE by a friend's grandmother's name. And once again, they take on the big fat issue of the GEE OH DEE. *Bonus: Leslie sprinkles Christmas music throughout this episode with her self-proclaimed "voice of an angel."

Bu bolumde uzun zamandir neredeydim sorusunu ve merak ettiklerinizi yanitliyorum. Mutlulugu ve huzuru kaybedip, su siralar arayislarda olanlara ozel bir yayin sizi bekliyor.

Veto-wielding NATO member Turkey is threatening to end Swedish and Finnish membership hopes. However, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan's opposition is rekindling questions over Ankara's allegiances, given its close ties with Moscow. Erdogan doubled down on his opposition to Finland and Sweden's NATO membership application, accusing the countries of supporting terrorist organizations fighting Turkey. The Turkish president told the Scandinavian countries not to bother to send diplomatic delegations to change his mind. But NATO is seen as now paying the price for ignoring Erdogan.  "He wants the NATO leader to come to him, acknowledge that Turkey has legitimate security concerns, find ways of appeasing that, and also pay more attention to Turkey. He doesn't want to be taken for granted," said Asli Aydintasbas, a senior fellow of the European Council.  "I think that they worry the way the Ukraine war is headed to towards a long-term escalation," added Aydintasbas. "I think there is clearly some disappointment in Ankara that western leaders are not rallying behind Turkish's proposals to mediate between Ukraine and Russia." Erdogan's advisors and his foreign minister had been seeking to downplay threats of a veto. They have been calling for talks over Sweden's and Finland's arms embargo against Turkey and it harboring alleged members of the Kurdish rebel group the PKK, which is fighting Turkey.  But Erdogan's hardening stance will likely add to concerns in Nato over the Turkish president's close ties with his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin. "Turkey has very good relations with Russia, and Russia supplies defense systems. Russia is, for now and for the future, one of the biggest energy suppliers to Turkey," points out Huseyin Bagci, head of the Ankara-based Foreign Policy Institute.  Bagci argues such close ties are key to understanding Erdogan's attitude toward Finland and Sweden's bid to join the Atlantic Alliance. "The good relations between Erdogan and Putin are also the reason why Tayyip Erdogan plays this card. The second (reason), Tayyip Erdogan tries to increase the leverage of Turkish bargaining process through this," said Bagci  Turkey remains at loggerheads with NATO over its purchase of the Russian S-400 missile system, which saw the United States slap Ankara with military sanctions. In addition, Ankara risks a backlash from its NATO partners over its opposition to Sweden and Finland's membership. "There will be those who say let's expel Turkey from NATO, although to the best of my knowledge, there is no expulsion mechanism in NATO," warns International relations expert Soli Ozel of Istanbul's Kadir Has University. Turkey's internaitonal standing But relations between Turkey and its allied partners, particularly Washington, had improved with Ankara's condemnation of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Turkey has recently used goodwill over its stance on Ukraine to improve ties with its Western allies. Analyst Ozel suggests Erdogan could be just looking for a deal, but he questions his approach.  "Turkey would like to use its power to veto as leverage in order to get those two countries to do as it would please it. How wise it is, is pretty debatable in my judgment," "I don't particularly find it very advisable. Because if Turkey is on a charm offensive and it's trying to rebuild bridges that it burnt with almost everyone, you can usually make your case, but you don't have to do it so publicly," warned Ozel. But some experts, along with western diplomats, suggest Ankara wouldn't dare to use its veto, risking outrage from its western partners. But with Erdogan facing re-election next year and lagging in the polls, his legacy could be a factor in his deliberations. "Tayyip Erdogan got a historic opportunity to increase the leverage and expectation of Turkey and probably will be supported by the public, and he will go into history as someone who opposed the Americans," claims Bagci. Feverish diplomacy and the likelihood of plenty of horse-trading could well determine Sweden's and Finland's place in Nato and Turkey's relationship with its western allies.

As COVID Cases Rises, Effectiveness Of Vaccines Lessens In Kids As parts of the country continue to see waves of infection from the omicron variant of COVID-19, parents of children over age five have taken heart at the availability of vaccines—while parents of kids five and under have continued to wait for an approved dose. But even as the case numbers continue to climb, the vaccines are less effective against the more-virulent omicron variants—and, for some reason, dramatically less effective in kids. Koerth joins Ira to discuss the story, and why experts say it's still worthwhile getting vaccinated even if the vaccines don't have the dramatic performance seen at the beginning of the vaccination phase of the pandemic. They also talk about a bird flu outbreak troubling poultry farms around the world, the odd immune system of the sleepy lizard, and how scientists are trying to catch a whiff of the odors of ancient Egypt.   Meet The ‘Gentle Giant,' Your Friendly Neighborhood Black Hole It wasn't long ago that the idea of capturing an image of a black hole sounded like a joke, or an oxymoron. How do you take a picture of something so dense that it absorbs the very light around it? But three years ago, we got our first good look with help from the Event Horizon Telescope, which is actually multiple radio telescopes all linked together. That picture was a slightly blurry, red-and-orange doughnut—the best picture to date of the supermassive black hole at the center of a galaxy called Messier 87, which is called Messier 87* or M87*. (Black holes are given an asterisk after the name of their location). Today, it's possible to buy jewelry and t-shirts with that picture, drink out of a M87*-adorned coffee cup, or just make it your phone background. Now that the first picture of a black hole is practically a pop culture meme, how do you one-up that? In the past weeks, the Event Horizon Telescope team alluded to a new ‘breakthrough' hiding in the Milky Way. On Thursday, the team unveiled that breakthrough: the first image of our nearest black hole neighbor in the heart of our galaxy. Sagittarius A* is a “gentle giant,” says Feryal Ozel, a member of the global collaboration that created this image. It consumes far less of the gas swirling nearby than M87*, and is far fainter as a result. The Milky Way's black hole also lacks the galaxy-spanning jets of M87* and, due to its smaller size, the gas around it moves so fast that it took years longer to capture a clear picture. Ira talks with Ozel about what it takes to obtain such a picture, and what it can tell us about the extreme, high-temperature physics of black holes throughout the universe.   What Was It Like To Witness The End Of The Dinosaurs? 66 million years ago, a massive asteroid hit what we know today as the Yucatán Peninsula of Mexico. Many people have a general idea of what happened next: The age of the dinosaurs was brought to a close, making room for mammals like us to thrive. But fewer people know what happened in the days, weeks, and years after impact. Increased research on fossils and geological remains from this time period have helped scientists paint a picture of this era. For large, non-avian dinosaurs like Triceratops and Tyrannosaurus rex, extinction was swift following the asteroid impact. But for creatures that were able to stay underwater and underground, their post-impact stories are more complicated. Joining Ira to discuss her book The Last Days of the Dinosaurs is Riley Black, science writer based in Salt Lake City, Utah.   Transcripts for each segment will be available the week after the show airs on sciencefriday.com.

Since the Taliban seized power in Afghanistan, Turkey has been holding talks with the group's leadership. Ankara is looking to play a pivotal role in the new Taliban Afghanistan, but voices caution Turkey risks overplaying its hand. As the Taliban celebrated with gunfire, as the final refuge of NATO's twenty-year Afghan presence ended with the last American plane flying out of Kabul international airport, its leadership was already reaching out to Ankara. Taliban looks to Ankara Despite Turkey being a part of NATO's Afghan military presence, the Taliban is looking to Ankara to help reopen and run Kabul's international airport, severely damaged in NATO's rush to exit the country. As a result, Ankara believes it occupies a unique position in dealing with the group. "Well, certainly, it considers itself as a Muslim country and the only Muslim country in NATO. It has an advantage when talking to the Taliban," said retired Turkish ambassador Selim Kuneralp. "But the Taliban don't seem to see it in the same way," Kuneralp added. "They have said yes, Turkey is a valuable partner as a Muslim country, and so on. But they are still not ready to see a renewed military presence." Ankara says it talks with the Taliban remain deadlocked over its demand that the Turkish military should secure the airport rather than the Islamist hardliners.  Turkish foreign minister Mevlut Cavusolgu said earlier this month; security is key to Kabul's international airport reopening. "In my view, the Taliban or Afghan forces could ensure security outside the airport," said Cavusoglu.  "But inside, there should be a security company trusted by the international community or all other companies. Even if airlines, including Turkish Airlines, are keen to fly there, insurance companies would not allow it," the Turkish foreign minister added. But Cavusoglu, acknowledging the importance of reopening the airport, said talks would continue with the Taliban.  Kabul airport is seen as key to European countries and the United States evacuating citizens still trapped in Afghanistan and Afghans who worked for NATO, western embassies, and NGOs. Last month, German foreign minister Heiko Maas underlined the importance of Turkey reopening the airport.  During August talks with his Turkish counterpart, Maas even offered to share the airport's cost with Ankara.  Turkey - Taliban deal Turkey could yet come to a deal with the Taliban, with the Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan eyeing a diplomatic opportunity.  "Erdogan is hoping that the situation in Afghanistan and the need to have some type of engagement with the Taliban will provide some type of political leverage, benefit to Turkey," predicted Asli Aydintasbas, a Senior Fellow at the European Council. "He wants to be the conduit of dialogue, NATO and western dialogue with the Taliban."  Turkey's large construction industry - already operating in Afghanistan - could also benefit under the Taliban. In a recent interview with a Turkish newspaper, a Taliban official said Turkey could play a key role in rebuilding the country, which could be bankrolled by Turkey's close ally, energy-rich Qatar.  But could Ankara be overplaying its hand with its growing aspirations in Afghanistan? "The neighbors of Afghanistan - that is Russia, China, India, Pakistan, and Iran - all of the big countries, activist countries have very influential with inroads into Afghanistan," explains Soli Ozel teaches international relations at Istanbul's Kadir Has University.  "Can Turkey, by itself because it has historical relations with Afghanistan, be a broker or manager of the developments? I really have doubts about that," Ozel added.  But Erdogan has close ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin. And the two countries are cooperating in other regional hotspots, including Syria and the Caucasus. Zaur Gasimov, an expert on Russian Turkish affairs at Bonn University, argues Afghanistan could be another point of cooperation.  "That would forge and activate a dialogue between Ankara and Moscow with regard to security, bringing the two countries closer to each other. Afghanistan would become a new chapter  in a book that already consists of several chapters like Syria, Karabakh, and so on," said Gasimov. Erdogan is due to visit Moscow soon. NATO has already voiced concern over Turkey's deepening ties with Russia. But analysts say Erdogan could be calculating that he has room to maneuver and create a role for his country as Afghanistan's new rulers forge a relationship with the rest of the world. 

Join hosts Robert Forto and Kourosh Partow as they welcome sprint musher, Didier Ozel from France to talk about mushing with his Siberian Huskies.  In this interview we do our best with translating from French to English to talk about world class racing, training, nutrition and more. 

Join hosts Robert Forto and Kourosh Partow as they welcome sprint musher, Didier Ozel from France to talk about mushing with his Siberian Huskies.  In this interview we do our best with translating from French to English to talk about world class racing, training, nutrition and more. 

Turkey is set to be one of the thorniest issues facing US president-elect Joseph Biden. Biden has pledged to restore international alliances and traditional ties with America's friends in Europe. But Nato member Turkey's deepening relations with Moscow are casting doubt over its loyalties to Washington. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan belatedly sent Joe Biden a brief note on his success, while sending a warm message to Donald Trump thanking the out-going US leader. Under Trump, Erdogan had a free hand to confront fellow Nato members and, at the same time, cozy up to Moscow, while the US president blocked Congress calls for sanctions against Turkey. But a Biden victory is seen as ending the party for Ankara. "The message will be to Turkey, do behave like an ally," warns international relations expert Soli Ozel of Istanbul's Kadir Has University. "A lot will depend on Turkey, how Ankara actually decides to move," adds Ozel. "A Biden presidency gives you the opportunity to actually change tracks, not necessarily giving up on your interests but changing your style. But if Turkey insists on defying everyone, I don't think we can get anywhere, and the key to that is the S-400." From Russia with love The S-400 is an advanced missile system that Turkey has bought from Russia in the face of warnings from Washington, which claim it compromises Nato defense systems. In defiance of Washington, Ankara last month test-fired the system, despite the US Congress warning such a move would trigger sanctions. Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu further ratcheted up tensions, belligerently listing what Ankara expected from Biden, including dropping objections to the S-400. Cavusoglu also underlined that Turkey's strategic alignment with the United States should not be taken for granted. In the first months after assuming office Biden is likely to face calls for sanctions against Turkey, for violating US Iranian sanctions, as well as Ankara's purchase of Russia's S-400 missiles. Delicate balance between friendship and feuding But a hardline stance by Biden toward Turkey could prove counterproductive. "These hostile actions against Turkey will eventually align Turkey with the Eurasian and Asian powers like Russia and China," warns retired Turkish admiral Cem Gurdeniz. "This is going to be inevitable because they are threatening the very existence of Turkey." The legacy of the 2016 failed coup by disaffected Turkish military officers could complicate Biden's relationship with Turkey. In Ankara, suspicions linger that the Barrack Obama administration, in which Biden served, was involved in the botched military takeover, a charge strenuously denied by Washington at the time. But Biden has experience working with Erdogan, "Biden himself emerged as an Erdogan whisperer," says Asli Aydintasbas, a senior fellow of the European Council on Foreign Relations. "It was Biden who was dispatched to Turkey after the failed coup attempt in 2016 to repair the relationship...So the one-on-one relationship between the two may not be so bad." Negotiating tactic or political option? Ankara's uncompromising stance towards Washington could be a negotiating tactic, suggests Aydintasbas.  She says Erdogan is aware that Biden's presidency's likely key goal is to confront Moscow and that Ankara can play a critical role, for a price. "No doubt, there is a lot of anger (in Washington) directed at Turkey, at president Erdogan himself. But there is also the larger geopolitical issues of very uncertain rivalry going on. There will also be a tendency to see if the US can peel Turkey back from its reliance on Russia, from the larger geopolitical rivalry with Russia. And I think Erdogan knows how to play this game; he knows how to play the US against Russia and vice versa, and that will be an interesting dance to watch," says Aydintasbas.

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18 Mart Canakkale Zaferi Ozel Programi. Mustafa Kemal Ataturk onderliginde savasan gazilerimiz, sehitlerimeze saygi ve minnetle..

Müslüm Gürses Özel. Babaya Sayg? Program?, sevenini, sevmeyenini, içten içten sevenini, hepinizi Müslüm Gürses dinlemek üzere programa davet ediyoruz. Hayatta çok da kasmaya gerek yok, hepimiz ölcez bi gün be!'' diyor DJ'imiz.

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Turkey appears to be in the midst of a crisis. Much of the recent media attention has been focused upon hatred, despair and trouble. However, the good people of this country often remain unreported, undiscussed. From a musical perspective, the scene in Istanbul survives amidst a backdrop of chaos, and yet it still continues to put in a damn good shift. Ece Ozel is the latest contributor to our 'Shine A Light On' mix series as she speaks to us about the music scene in Turkey and a political backdrop which casts a dim haze over propsperity and culture. @ece-o