Podcasts about Kurdistan

In this conversation, guest Meer Awny discusses his Kurdish heritage and its significance, the political challenges of Kurdistan, and the pride and history of Kurdish people. He shares insights from his upbringing in Australia, his experiences with sports, and a pivotal car accident at 16 that shaped his perspective on life. Meer also talks about his work as a high-performance coach, the rigorous journey of building his business, the immigrant mindset, and balancing professional ambitions with personal relationships and health. The discussion touches on the importance of spirituality, nature, and maintaining integrity in daily actions.00:00 Introduction and Welcome00:04 Exploring Kurdish Heritage02:51 Life in Kurdistan vs. Australia04:59 High Performance Coaching and Upbringing06:17 The Impact of Combat Sports11:13 A Life-Changing Car Accident14:29 Gratitude and Perspective16:09 The Immigrant Mindset and Hard Work22:03 Balancing Health, Family, and Business29:08 The Realities of Business Success33:35 The Challenges of Gym Ownership34:17 Refusing to Quit: A Business Owner's Mindset38:51 The Importance of Daily Efforts44:55 High Performance Standards in Combat Sports46:30 Balancing Mental and Physical Training52:49 Spirituality and Connection to Nature01:02:13 The Impact of Technology on Youth01:03:19 Pride in Personal and Professional AchievementsFollow Meer: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/meer_awny/FOLLOW ► Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/nickbetarofficial/Sponsors: Betar Media: https://www.instagram.com/betarmedia/

Nûçegîhan Ehmed Xefûr di raporta xwe de behsa serdana Serokwezîrê Hukûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê bo Washington dike. Birêz Barzani hin peymanên bazirganiya li wir pêk anîn lê ew yeka ne bi dilê hukûmeta navendî ya Îraqê ye.

Si la guérilla kurde du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan, le PKK, est née en Turquie à la fin des années 1970, c'est au Kurdistan irakien voisin qu'elle a installé ses quartiers généraux. Les combats s'y sont déportés et même concentrés : depuis 2022, l'armée turque mène une opération militaire d'envergure dans la vallée d'Amedi en Irak, véritable occupation du territoire où les populations civiles sont prises au piège. L'officialisation, le 12 mai, de la dissolution du groupe insurgé kurde qui mettrait un terme à plus de 40 ans de lutte armée, suscite les espoirs d'un retour à la vie normale, même si beaucoup craignent que la présence militaire turque se prolonge. De notre envoyé spécial de retour d'Amedi,Deux jours après l'annonce par le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan de sa volonté à s'engager dans un processus de paix avec la Turquie, le calme règne dans le petit village de Guharzé, au Kurdistan irakien. Shayda, 19 ans, nous ouvre les portes de son jardin. Une sérénité qui contraste avec la violence de ces derniers mois : « Le 27 octobre dernier, nous étions tous en train de dîner, il n'y avait pas particulièrement de combats ce soir-là, alors, nous ne nous y attentions pas, quand soudain, il y a eu un immense fracas, nous sommes sortis précipitamment de la maison, nous ne pouvions rien voir avec la fumée et la poussière dans nos yeux. »Le père de Shayda nous emmène au fond du jardin, il désigne un cratère creusé à une dizaine de mètres de la bâtisse : « Une rocket tirée par un drone est tombée juste là. Regardez, ici, le plafond s'est effondré, les murs sont fissurés, toutes les fenêtres ont été soufflées vers l'intérieur de la maison. Nous avons vidé quatre brouettes de fragments de la bombe… »La bombe qui s'est écrasée sur le jardin de Shayda et son père a été larguée par un drone turc. Malgré la rumeur de la paix, leur ronronnement discret est incessant dans le ciel de Guharzé. Sur une pente rocailleuse à la sortie du village, nous retrouvons son chef, Ahmed, il fait paître ses 200 chèvres dans un enclos bien trop étroit : « Si l'on s'éloigne du village, on risque d'être pris pour cible. Ou les drones vont se mettre à nous tourner autour dans le ciel, ils vont nous forcer à rentrer avec nos chèvres. C'est pour ça qu'on ne quitte pas le village. On se fait tirer dessus. Avant, nous vivions plus haut dans la montagne, nous avions des vignes, des arbres fruitiers, nos fermes. Mais nous ne pouvons plus y accéder, l'armée turque occupe ces terres. »À lire aussiTurquie : le Parti des travailleurs kurdes (PKK) annonce sa dissolution après plus de 40 ans de lutte arméeDans sa lutte contre la guérilla du PKK, repliée dans un réseau de tunnels et dont les déplacements sont invisibles, depuis six ans, la Turquie a renforcé son emprise sur le territoire. Pour en prendre la mesure, nous rejoignons le village de Sergélé, situé à 20 kilomètres de la frontière. Agriculteur à la retraite, Rochavi nous invite à le suivre sur son toit : « Vous voyez, de ce côté, il y a les bases de la Turquie, toute la montagne de Matin, c'est désormais la Turquie… »À moins de cinq cents mètres, nous pouvons discerner les sacs de sables qui protègent une installation militaire posée sur un promontoire rocheux. Il y en aurait plus de 136 disséminées au Kurdistan irakien : « Nous sommes tous extrêmement soulagés que le PKK ait pris cette décision de se dissoudre, ils auraient dû la prendre il y a plus de dix ans. Si ce processus de paix est un succès et que le PKK abandonne les armes, nous pourrons retrouver nos montagnes, nos animaux, nos fermes… »Pour cela, les soldats turcs doivent quitter le Kurdistan. Les mains crispées autour de sa tasse de thé, Rochavi est habité par les doutes : « Je ne suis pas sûr que la Turquie s'en ira aussi facilement. La terre du Kurdistan, c'est de l'or. Et les Turcs ont jeté leur dévolu dessus et ont coupé tous les arbres de la région, des arbres fruitiers parfois centenaires, et ils les ont emportés en Turquie. Mais si le PKK n'existe plus, ça doit s'arrêter. »Les bruissements de la paix sont sur toutes les lèvres dans cette vallée où les civils vivent sur un fil et les bombardements ont certes diminué ces derniers jours, mais n'ont pas cessé pour autant, alors que la démobilisation du PKK est attendue ces prochains mois. À lire aussiPKK: histoire d'une lutte armée dont la fin annoncée peut recomposer le Moyen-Orient

Guhdare podcastên bernameyên SBS Kurdî yên rengîn û balkêş bike. Nûçe, hevpeyvîn, raporên ji Amed û Hewlêre û babetên cur bi cur. Di bernameya iro de mijarên derbarê helweşîna Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan hene.

Si la guérilla kurde du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan, le PKK, est née en Turquie à la fin des années 1970, c'est au Kurdistan irakien voisin qu'elle a installé ses quartiers généraux. Les combats s'y sont déportés et même concentrés : depuis 2022, l'armée turque mène une opération militaire d'envergure dans la vallée d'Amedi en Irak, véritable occupation du territoire où les populations civiles sont prises au piège. L'officialisation, le lundi 12 mai, de la dissolution du groupe insurgé kurde qui mettrait un terme à plus de 40 ans de lutte armée, suscite les espoirs d'un retour à la vie normale, même si beaucoup craignent que la présence militaire turque se prolonge malgré la fin annoncée du PKK. De notre envoyé spécial de retour d'Amedi,Deux jours après l'annonce par le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan de sa volonté à s'engager dans un processus de paix avec la Turquie, le calme règne dans le petit village de Guharzé, au Kurdistan irakien. Shayda, 19 ans, nous ouvre les portes de son jardin. Une sérénité qui contraste avec la violence de ces derniers mois : « Le 27 octobre dernier, nous étions tous en train de dîner, il n'y avait pas particulièrement de combats ce soir-là, alors, nous ne nous y attentions pas, quand soudain, il y a eu un immense fracas, nous sommes sortis précipitamment de la maison, nous ne pouvions rien voir avec la fumée et la poussière dans nos yeux. »Le père de Shayda nous emmène au fond du jardin, il désigne un cratère creusé à une dizaine de mètres de la bâtisse : « Une rocket tirée par un drone est tombée juste là. Regardez, ici, le plafond s'est effondré, les murs sont fissurés, toutes les fenêtres ont été soufflées vers l'intérieur de la maison. Nous avons vidé quatre brouettes de fragments de la bombe… »La bombe qui s'est écrasée sur le jardin de Shayda et son père a été larguée par un drone turc. Malgré la rumeur de la paix, leur ronronnement discret est incessant dans le ciel de Guharzé. Sur une pente rocailleuse à la sortie du village, nous retrouvons son chef, Ahmed, il fait paître ses 200 chèvres dans un enclos bien trop étroit : « Si l'on s'éloigne du village, on risque d'être pris pour cible. Ou les drones vont se mettre à nous tourner autour dans le ciel, ils vont nous forcer à rentrer avec nos chèvres. C'est pour ça qu'on ne quitte pas le village. On se fait tirer dessus. Avant, nous vivions plus haut dans la montagne, nous avions des vignes, des arbres fruitiers, nos fermes. Mais nous ne pouvons plus y accéder, l'armée turque occupe ces terres. »À lire aussiTurquie : le Parti des travailleurs kurdes (PKK) annonce sa dissolution après plus de 40 ans de lutte arméeDans sa lutte contre la guérilla du PKK, repliée dans un réseau de tunnels et dont les déplacements sont invisibles, depuis six ans, la Turquie a renforcé son emprise sur le territoire. Pour en prendre la mesure, nous rejoignons le village de Sergélé, situé à 20 kilomètres de la frontière. Agriculteur à la retraite, Rochavi nous invite à le suivre sur son toit : « Vous voyez, de ce côté, il y a les bases de la Turquie, toute la montagne de Matin, c'est désormais la Turquie… »À moins de cinq cents mètres, nous pouvons discerner les sacs de sables qui protègent une installation militaire posée sur un promontoire rocheux. Il y en aurait plus de 136 disséminées au Kurdistan irakien : « Nous sommes tous extrêmement soulagés que le PKK ait pris cette décision de se dissoudre, ils auraient dû la prendre il y a plus de dix ans. Si ce processus de paix est un succès et que le PKK abandonne les armes, nous pourrons retrouver nos montagnes, nos animaux, nos fermes… »Pour cela, les soldats turcs doivent quitter le Kurdistan. Les mains crispées autour de sa tasse de thé, Rochavi est habité par les doutes : « Je ne suis pas sûr que la Turquie s'en ira aussi facilement. La terre du Kurdistan, c'est de l'or. Et les Turcs ont jeté leur dévolu dessus et ont coupé tous les arbres de la région, des arbres fruitiers parfois centenaires, et ils les ont emportés en Turquie. Mais si le PKK n'existe plus, ça doit s'arrêter. »Les bruissements de la paix sont sur toutes les lèvres dans cette vallée où les civils vivent sur un fil et les bombardements ont certes diminué ces derniers jours, mais n'ont pas cessé pour autant, alors que la démobilisation du PKK est attendue ces prochains mois. À lire aussiPKK: histoire d'une lutte armée dont la fin annoncée peut recomposer le Moyen-Orient

In this episode of HOMO COSMOPOLITAN, we talk with Sara Arghwan Jameel, a Master's student in Software Engineering at the Faculty of Applied Informatics. Originally from Erbil, Kurdistan, Iraq, often called "Little Dubai", Sara shares her first impressions of Zlín, why she chose UTB for her studies, and her aspirations for the future. Tune in to hear her journey into the world of technology and her plans as a future software engineer. Ready to be inspired? Listen to our new episode!

durée : 00:04:50 - Les Cartes en mouvement - par : Delphine Papin - Dans les Cartes en mouvement, Delphine Papin revient sur l'annonce du 12 mai 2025 de la dissolution du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan – le PKK – suite à l'appel de son fondateur emblématique, Abdullah Öcalan, détenu depuis 26 ans dans une prison turque, mettant fin à un combat d'un demi-siècle.

This episode of Speaking Out of Place is being recorded on May 15, 2025, the 77th anniversary of the 1948 Nakba, which began the ongoing ethnic cleansing of Palestinians from their land. We talk with Lara Elborno, Richard Falk, and Penny Green, three members of the Gaza Tribunal, which is set to convene in Saravejo in a few days.  This will set in motion the process of creating an archive of Israel's genocide of the Palestinian people with an aim to give global civil society the tools and inspiration it needs to further delegitimize Israel, end its genocidal acts, help bring about liberation for the Palestinian people.Lara Elborno is a Palestinian-American lawyer specialized in international disputes, qualified to practice in the US and France. She has worked for over 10 years as counsel acting for individuals, private entities, and States in international commercial and investment arbitrations. She dedicates a large part of her legal practice to pro-bono work including the representation of asylum seekers in France and advising clients on matters related to IHRL and the business and human rights framework. She previously taught US and UK constitutional law at the Université de Paris II - Panthéon Assas. She currently serves as a board member of ARDD-Europe and sits on the Steering Committee of the Gaza Tribunal. She has moreover appeared as a commentator on Al Jazeera, TRTWorld, DoubleDown News, and George Galloway's MOAT speaking about the Palestinian liberation struggle, offering analysis and critiques of international law.Richard Falk is Albert G. Milbank Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University (1961-2001) and Chair of Global Law, Faculty of Law, Queen Mary University London. Since 2002 has been a Research Fellow at the Orfalea Center of Global and International Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Between 2008 and 2014 he served as UN Special Rapporteur on Israeli Violations of Human Rights in Occupied Palestine.Falk has advocated and written widely about ‘nations' that are captive within existing states, including Palestine, Kashmir, Western Sahara, Catalonia, Dombas.He is Senior Vice President of the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation, having served for seven years as Chair of its Board. He is Chair of the Board of Trustees of Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor. He is co-director of the Centre of Climate Crime, QMUL.Falk has been nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize several times since 2008.His recent books include (Re)Imagining Humane Global Governance (2014), Power Shift: The New Global Order (2016), Palestine Horizon: Toward a Just Peace (2017), Revisiting the Vietnam War (ed. Stefan Andersson, 2017), On Nuclear Weapons: Denuclearization, Demilitarization and Disarmament (ed. Stefan Andersson & Curt Dahlgren, 2019.Penny Green is Professor of Law and Globalisation at QMUL and Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences. She has published extensively on state crime theory, resistance to state violence and the Rohingya genocide, (including with Tony Ward, State Crime: Governments, Violence and Corruption, 2004 and State Crime and Civil Activism 2019). She has a long track record of researching in hostile environments and has conducted fieldwork in the UK, Turkey, Kurdistan, the Occupied Palestinian Territories, Israel, Tunisia, Myanmar and Bangladesh. In 2015 she and her colleagues published ‘Countdown to Annihilation: Genocide in Myanmar' and in March 2018 

Abdullah Öcalan, der seit Jahrzehnten inhaftierte Kurdenführer, hat die Entscheidung für die Auflösung der verbotenen Arbeiterpartei Kurdistans (PKK) begrüßt. Auch nach über einem Vierteljahrhundert in türkischer Haft bleibt dieser Mann die heimliche Inspirationsquelle seiner einst streng marxistischen Anhängerschaft. Von Ramon Schack. Dieser Beitrag ist auch als Audio-Podcast verfügbar. „Ich begrüße die aufWeiterlesen

Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan'ê PKK'ê li ser banga Abdullah Öcalan dawî têkoşîna xwe ya çekdarî anî û xwe fesix kir. Ev yek nayê wê wateyê ku wan dev ji doza xwe berdaye lê belê ewê ji niha û pê ve têkoşîna xwe bi rê û rêbazên aştiyane bimeşînin, wekî siyaset û rêxistinkirina civakî. Pisporê zanistên siyasî Dr. Cuma Çîçek paşxaneya xwe fesixkirina PKK'ê û encamên wê yên ser pêvajoya çareseriyê dinirxîne. Von Celil Kaya.

Peyamnêr Ehmed Xefûr ji Hewlêrê ji me re derbarê helwêst û berteka Hukûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê û Îraqê derbarê çekdanîna PKKê û karvedana li ser pirsa xwe-fesixkirina PKKê behs dike. Herweha di raportê de behs li ser çêkirna hevpeymeniyeke bi navê hevpeymeniya xelikê ji bo helbijartinên perlemana Îraqê jî dibe.

Following a four-decade-long conflict, the Kurdistan Workers Party or P-K-K has disbanded in Turkey, bringing hopes the country could enter a new peaceful era. However, experts say peace is not guaranteed and complex regional conflicts could now intensify. - Piştî nakokiya 40 salî, Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (PKK) xwe-fesix kir, ku ev yeka hêviyê dide Tirkiyê û PKK bikevin serdemeke nû ya aştiyane. Lê, pispor dibêjin aştî ne misogere û niha nakokiyên herêmî yên aloz dikarin dijwartir bibin.

The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), which has conducted insurgencies against Turkiye for four decades, has disbanded and surrendered its weapons. This declaration follows a request from the group's incarcerated leader, Abdullah Öcalan, for dissolution as part of a proposed agreement by the Turkish government regarding his potential release. We ask Timur Tatwan, co-chair of the Democratic Kurdish Community Centre in Australia about the future of PKK. - Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan, ku zêdeyî 40 salî li dijî Tirkiyê serhildanek kir, xwe fesix kir û çekên xwe danîn. Ev eşkerekirin piştî wê yekê tê ku rêberê zindankirî yê komê, Abdullah Öcalan, wekî beşek ji rêkeftinekê ku ji hêla hukûmeta Tirkiyeyê ve ji bo serbestberdana wî hatibû pêşkêş kirin, daxwaza hilweşandinê kiribû. Gelo dê siberoja PKK çi be, ew pirsa û pirsên din ji hevserokê Navenda Demokratîk a Civaka Kurd li Australya Tîmur Tatwan tên pirsîn.

durée : 00:12:38 - Les Enjeux internationaux - par : Guillaume Erner - Les cadres du parti ont entériné hier la dissolution du PKK, le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan. Cette décision historique a été prise lors du douzième congrès du mouvement, en réponse à l'appel lancé deux mois plus tôt par son fondateur, Abdullah Öcalan, depuis sa prison. - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Gilles Dorronsoro Professeur de science politique à l'Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne, spécialiste des conflits contemporains

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Le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan a annoncé ce lundi 12 mai sa dissolution et la fin de la lutte armée qui durait depuis plus de quarante ans. Cette décision intervient après plusieurs mois de tractations et d'annonces, tant de la part de la Turquie que du camp kurde. Le 27 février, le leader historique du parti, Abdullah Öcalan, avait appelé le PKK à se dissoudre et à déposer les armes. Le mouvement kurde avait ensuite annoncé un cessez-le-feu avec l'État turc le 1er mars, dans un conflit qui a fait plus de 40 000 morts depuis 1984. Les conséquences concrètes et politiques de cette annonce avec l'invitée de RFI Dorothée Schmid, docteure en sciences politiques, responsable du programme Turquie/Moyen-Orient de l'Ifri.

Refugees & Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) face significant challenges to their health & well-being. Caring for people in these situations requires an understanding of their unique needs as well as having realistic goals regarding what can & cannot be done for them. Our experiences in providing healthcare for the victims of in Zaire, Indonesia, Pakistan, Myanmar, Afghanistan, Honduras, Nepal, Kurdistan, Turkey, Ukraine, Haiti, Philippines, & other places – both natural & manmade – highlight the need to be well prepared when serving in these difficult situations. Speaker(s): Mitch Duininck MD, FAAFP Session webpage: https://www.medicalmissions.com/events/gmhc-2024/sessions/caring-for-victims-of-humanitarian-disaster-and-military-conflict

What's it like when you are on a long distance bike tour and things don't quite go as you'd like? Well this week I have another audio update from our intrepid bike travelling adventurer Rebecca Gross.Rebecca along with her partner Javi, left their home in Austria in March, headed for the Pamirs. This is Rebecca's first forray into long distance bike travel and she is sharing updates of her journey periodically.She and Javi have just left Turkey and have now entered Kurdistan.  Rebecca candidly shares the reality of the last few days, and a moment where she just wanted to give it all up and go home. You can follow Rebecca and Javi via their Instagram accounts - @Rebecca_GRB and @Hacker.Bikepacker Support the showBeyond the Bike - Get Your Tickets and Join Me in London! Click for tickets to May 14 Click for tickets to May 15 Buy me a coffee and help support the show!Sign up to the Seek Travel Ride NewsletterFollow us on Social Media!Instagram - @SeekTravelRideWebsite: Seek Travel RideFacebook - Seek Travel RideLeave me a voicemail message Seek Travel Ride Music Playlist available now on both Spotify or Apple Music ...

Bi sedema êrîşeke dironî li ser bingehên hêzên pêşmergeyên Herêma Kurdistanê li gûndê Belave li sînorê bajarokê Dêrelûkê li qezaya Amêdî ya parêzgeha Duhokê pênc pêşmerge birîndarbun. Encûmena Ewlehiya Herêma Kurdistanê dibêje, hin alî û kom hewl didin ku pêvajoya aştî û aramiyê li herêmê asteng bikin. Bêtir derbarê vê mijarê û mijarên din raporta Ehmed Xefûr ji Hewlêrê heye.

Roja 26'ê li Qamişlo'yê Konferenasa Yekrêzî û Yekhelwesta Kurdî hat li dar xistin û di encamê de biryar derket, ku Kurd ewê bi şandeyeke hevpar herin Şam'ê, da ku doza mafên netewî yên Kurdan lê herweha yên pêkhateyên din ên Bakur û Rojhilatê Sûrî bikin. Vê yekê li cem ne tenê xelkê Rojavayê Kurdistan'ê lê tevahiya Kurdistan'ê bi kêfxweşî hat pêşwazî kirin. Rojnameger Roj Mûsa him encamên konferansê him jî li dengvedan û karîgeriyên wê şîrove dike. Von Celil Kaya.

Shanidar Cave is a unique archaeological site in Kurdistan where scientists found the remains of 10 Neanderthal men, women, and children. Some of these individuals had survived serious injuries, and one seemed to have been buried with flowers beneath his body. The discoveries at Shanidar challenged long-standing ideas of who Neanderthals were and what separates our species from theirs. Now, more than 50 years after the original excavations, scientists have returned to Shanidar to answer lingering questions about the Neanderthals who lived and died there. Double your impact Support Origin Stories with a one-time or monthly donation. Your gift will be matched, and every dollar helps make this show possible. Go to leakeyfoundation.org/originstories to donate. Links to learn more The Shanidar Cave Project Ralph Solecki's excavations Ralph S. and Rose L. and Solecki Papers at the Smithsonian Shanidar Z: 75,000-year-old face revealed More about Shanidar Z Shanidar Cave location New Shanidar research on cooking Revisiting the flower burial Shanidar: The First Flower People (pdf of book by Ralph Solecki) Sponsors Origin Stories is a project of The Leakey Foundation, a donor-supported nonprofit dedicated to funding human origins research and sharing discoveries to advance public understanding of science.  This episode is generously sponsored by Dub and Ginny Crook. Dub and Ginny are long-time Leakey Foundation Fellows who directly support scientific research and science communication projects. They are passionate about human origins research and making science accessible for all. We are deeply grateful for their support. Are you interested in sponsoring a future episode? Email media@leakeyfoundation.org to learn more! Origin Stories is listener-supported. Additional support comes from Jeanne Newman, the Anne and Gordon Getty Foundation, and the Joan and Arnold Travis Education Fund. Credits This episode was produced and written by Ray Pang and Meredith Johnson. Sound design by Ray Pang. Our editor is Audrey Quinn. Michael Gallagher helped record the interviews at Cambridge. Our theme music is by Henry Nagle with additional music by Blue Dot Sessions and Lee Roservere. 

Emilio Radice"Oltre il confine della paura"Viaggio in moto nell'Afghanistan dei TalebaniNeos Edizioniwww.neosedizioni.it “In Afghanistan con la motocicletta. Era un sogno che avevo da quando ero ragazzo e ho capito che avrei potuto realizzarlo soltanto il 15 agosto del 2021, quando i talebani occuparono Kabul e gli americani furono costretti a una fuga convulsa”. Emilio Radice, giornalista, viaggiatore e motociclista di lungo corso, nell'aprile del 2023 decide di provare a entrare nel Paese in sella alla sua Aprilia Tuareg 660. Attraversa l'Anatolia, il Kurdistan iraniano, il Belucistan persiano, fino a Mashhad, alle porte con l'Afghanistan. Da qui, non senza difficoltà, ottiene il visto per accedere nel Paese dei talebani. In sella alla moto segue quello che resta della statale A1, l'unica strada afghana che permette oggi di attraversare un Paese reduce da quarant'anni di guerre e conflitti interni. Scoprendo, tappa dopo tappa, la storia e le bellezze millenarie di questa terra, crocevia tra cultura occidentale e orientale. Herat, con il suo castello e i minareti del Mosallah, quindi Kandahar, Bamiyan, Kabul, l'Hindukush.Nei piccoli villaggi Emilio Radice trova la povertà estrema, la discriminazione, il fondamentalismo, la diffidenza dei talebani, ma superati i primi ostacoli scopre una popolazione accogliente, mossa da una profonda dignità, un popolo orgoglioso e determinato a mostrare di sé una veste inedita.Il volume è corredato da un ampio album fotografico accessibile tramite Qrcode. Emilio Radice, romano, settantacinque anni, è stato giornalista a “Paese Sera” e poi a “La Repubblica”, attivo in specie sul sociale (manicomi, carceri, lotta alla droga). È autore di due programmi radiofonici Rai, Altrimenti insieme e Il triangolo d'oro, e ha pubblicato Rose al veleno (stalking) e Cocaparty per Bompiani. Come reporter per l'inserto “Viaggi di Repubblica” ha visitato molti Paesi del mondo, ma la sua passione sono i lunghi e solitari viaggi in motocicletta scegliendo il Medio Oriente e il Centro Asia come luoghi di predilezione. Senza tour operator e prenotazioni, fedele al principio che un buon viaggio si costruisce giorno per giorno, è stato fra l'altro nel Kurdistan iracheno, in Siria, Georgia, Armenia, Russia, Kazakhistan, Kirghizistan, Tagikistan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, più volte in Iran e, in ultimo, in un Afghanistan appena uscito dalla guerra e dominato dai talebani. IL POSTO DELLE PAROLEascoltare fa pensarewww.ilpostodelleparole.itDiventa un supporter di questo podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/il-posto-delle-parole--1487855/support.

Yekem rojnameya Kurdî ya bi navê Kurdistan, di 22ê Nîsana 1898an de li Qahîreyê ji alîyê kurê Mîr Bedirxan, Miqdat Midhet Bedirxan ve hat weşandin. Ev bûyer li Herêma Kurdisanê hat bîranîn. Li Silêmanîyê di nav bera yaneya werzişî ya Zaxo û Newroz ve şer û alozî di navbera piştevanên herdu alîyan de çê bû. Hejmarek ji kesan brîndar bûn. Zêdetir derbarê wan mijaran di raporta Ehmed Xefûr ji Hewlêrê heye.

Được biết đến với những bức hình dọc sông Mêkông, nhiếp ảnh gia, nhà báo ảnh người Pháp gốc Việt vẽ lại hành trình hơn 30 năm sự nghiệp, qua cuốn sách « Kurdistan, mon ami », kể về vùng đất xa lạ, nhưng gần gũi, khiến ông chia sẻ những đau thương với một dân tộc Kurd phải chịu nhiều mất mát vì chiến tranh, xung đột. Sinh ra tại Paksé, Lào, nhiếp ảnh gia người người Pháp gốc Việt Lâm Đức Hiền, được biết đến qua những tấm ảnh được đăng trên những tờ báo lớn của Pháp như Libération, Le Monde hay Paris Match. Ông cũng giành được nhiều giải thưởng về nhiếp ảnh tại Pháp đặc biệt là giải quán quân Word Press Photo cho bộ ảnh « Gens d'Irak » - Những người dân Irak.Vào cuối năm 2024, ông đã cho ra mắt độc giả tại Pháp cuốn « Kurdistan, mon ami » - « Kurdistan, người bạn của tôi », kể về những gắn bó của ông với mảnh đất chịu nhiều đau thương, nơi mà ông đặt chân đến cách nay 30 năm trong những ngày đầu sự nghiệp nhiếp ảnh. Với lối kể chuyện chậm rãi, tái hiện ký ức về cuộc gặp gỡ với người dân Irak, xen kẽ với những bức ảnh khó tả, cuốn sách là những đồng cảm của một « thuyền nhân » với dân tộc Kurdistan phải đi tị nạn, chốn chạy xung đột, chiến tranh, như một cách để « kể cho thế giới » về một dân tộc « chẳng ai quan tâm », về những nỗi đau ẩn giấu trong thế giới « Nghìn lẻ một đêm ».RFI Pháp ngữ đã có dịp phỏng vấn ông về cuốn sách có thể nói là đánh dấu 30 năm sự nghiệp nhiếp ảnh của người con sông Mêkông, ban Tiếng Việt  xin trích dịch.***Cuốn sách  « Kurdistan, mon ami », được giới thiệu như là một tác phẩm kể về hơn 30 năm làm nhiếp ảnh, báo ảnh của ông. Ông có thể giải thích lý do tại sao không ?Lâm Đức Hiền: Lần đầu tiên tôi đến Kurdistan cách nay hơn 30 năm. Đó là vào năm 1991, trong một chuyến đi hỗ trợ nhân đạo sau cuộc thảm sát người Kurd của Saddam Hussein. Lúc đó, tôi khám phá một dân tộc phải trả qua nhiều đau đớn, nhưng họ kiên cường và có khả năng phục hồi to lớn. Những chiến binh Peshmergas đã bảo vệ tôi, cho phép tôi làm việc, chụp ảnh họ. Tôi ở đó gần một năm, và vài năm sau đó, tôi trở thành nhiếp ảnh gia và tiếp tục quay lại thường xuyên.Tôi cũng đã suýt chết nhiều lần. Một lần trong vụ tai nạn xe hơi, nhưng người Kurd đã cứu tôi. Một lần khác, khi chế độ Hussein sụp đổ, tôi bị rơi vào giữa làn đạn của quân khủng bố al-Qaeda và quân đội Hoa Kỳ.Vào năm 2013, trong một lần đi làm phóng sự, tôi đã có một trải nghiệm đặc biệt đáng sợ, khiến tôi quyết định ngừng đưa tin về chiến tranh, và phải mất 10 năm sau, tôi mới có thể chữa lành vết thương và quay lại với nhiếp ảnh.Tuy nhiên, mối liên hệ với người Kurd vẫn mạnh mẽ, thôi thúc tôi quay lại để tìm những người tôi đã chụp ảnh vào năm 1991, tìm hiểu về họ, hiện giờ ra sao. Cuối cùng, tôi quyết định kể câu chuyện của họ thông qua một cuốn sách.Trong cuốn sách, ông đề cập đến những cuộc chạm trán quyết liệt, cũng như những cuộc gặp đáng nhớ, kết bạn với những người Kurd, mà một trong số họ đã trở thành những nhân vật quan trọng. Những mối liên hệ này đã ảnh hưởng thế nào đến công việc và tầm nhìn của ông về Kurdistan? Lâm Đức Hiền: Năm 2015, trong một lần làm việc cho tờ Le Monde, tôi vô tình đến chiến tuyến giữa người Kurd và tổ chức Nhà Nước Hồi Giáo Daech. Một chiến binh người Kurd trẻ tuổi đã hỏi tôi rằng đây có phải lần đầu tiên tôi đến Kurdistan không. Tôi cười và trả lời: "Không, trước khi cậu sinh ra, thì tôi đã ở đây rồi."Khi tôi cho cậu ấy xem những bức ảnh cũ của tôi từ năm 1991, chỉ huy của cậu ấy nhận ra rằng tôi đã chụp ảnh người đàn ông hiện trở thành bộ trưởng Quốc Phòng Kurdistan. Từ thời điểm đó, người này đã hỗ trợ tôi tất nhiều, đưa tôi đến những nơi đặc biệt, để thực hiện cuốn sách về người Kurd, về một dân tộc không được ai quan tâm. Dần dần, tôi tìm thấy những người mà tôi đã chụp ảnh nhiều thập kỷ trước. Có những người tị nạn trở thành mục sư, có những chiến binh trở thành nhà lãnh đạo. Cuốn sách này kể lại câu chuyện về họ, về những thay đổi của những người Kurd trong hơn 3 thập kỷ qua.Cuốn sách của ông không chỉ nói về những tác động của chiến tranh, mà còn về cuộc sống thường nhật của người Kurd, về sự kiên cường của dân tộc này. Ông có thể giải thích về cách tiếp cận này được không ?Lâm Đức Hiền:Tôi không muốn cuốn sách của mình thành một bản ghi chép, báo cáo về chiến tranh. Kurdistan không chỉ có chiến tranh, mà còn có những tái thiết, cuộc sống vẫn tiếp diễn.Tôi đã theo dõi một số người trong 30 năm. Ví dụ, một chiến binh Kurd đã cứu mạng tôi và nay, là một nông dân. Một người mà tôi chụp ảnh khi còn nhỏ, nay đã trở thành thủ tướng, và tổng thống. Cũng có một gia đình, vào năm 1991, họ sống trong một hang động tuyết, nay có một căn nhà và khu vườn. Đó là những câu chuyện mang lại linh hồn cho cuốn sách của tôi. Ngoài ra, tôi cũng chụp những phong cảnh của Kurdistan, những ngọn núi phủ tuyết, gợi nhớ đến Thụy Sĩ, những cánh đồng hoa,…, mà đằng sau vẻ đẹp đó, là những vùng đất bị tàn phá bởi chiến tranh, mà mỗi bước chân đều đầy rẫy những hiểm nguy.Tôi cũng muốn người Kurd đọc được cuốn sách này. Vì vậy tôi đã yêu cầu dịch sang tiếng của họ, để họ có thể nhận thấy mình trong lịch sử của Kurdistan, và nói rằng « đó là ký ức của chúng tôi ».Liệu trải nghiệm từng là thuyền nhân có ảnh hưởng đến cách tiếp cận của ông với tư cách là một nhiếp ảnh, nhà báo ảnh ?Lâm Đức Hiền:Tôi nghĩ rằng là một người tị nạn, ai cũng sẽ cảm thấy bị bỏ rơi, bị quên lãng. Bức hình đầu tiên trong cuốn sách là về một người phụ nữ, nước mắt lưng tròng, giơ tay lên, khiến lúc đầu, tôi tưởng là bà ấy không muốn bị chụp ảnh. Tôi nhìn thấy ở bà ấy hình ảnh của mẹ tôi, về khoảnh khắc mà chúng tôi phải đi tị nạn, qua sông Mêkông.Nhưng trên thực tế, bà ấy nói với tôi rằng « Hãy chụp hình tôi đi, hãy cho cả thế giới thấy rằng chúng tôi đang bị tàn sát ». Đó chính là điều thôi thúc tôi trở thành nhiếp ảnh gia. Bởi vì nếu không ai nói về thảm kịch này, thì giống như là những cảnh này không tồn tại, dân tộc này không tồn tại, khiến họ bị quên lãng. Và chính điều này đã thôi thúc tôi, cho tôi thấy sự cần thiết để chụp những bức ảnh, để làm chứng, trong suốt sự nghiệp của mình.Mở đầu cuốn sách, ông nói về Kurdistan như một « người bạn », ông có thể chia sẻ về những trải nghiệm của ông với « người bạn » này ?Lâm Đức Hiền: Phải nói rằng tình bạn và độ tin cậy không chỉ được thể hiện bằng lời nói mà có thể chứng minh qua hành động.Vào năm 1991, bạn tôi Kawa đã nói rằng : « Nếu một viên đạn bắn nhắm vào ông thì tôi sẽ đứng trước, chặn nó lại. Tôi nghĩ rằng đó chỉ là lời nói suông thôi, cho đến một ngày, ông ấy đứng chắn ở phía sau tôi, và lãnh một viên đạn vào vai. Tôi đã chở ông ấy đến bệnh viện và cứu ông ấy.Ba mươi năm sau, tôi tìm lại ông ấy. Tôi được biết là Kawai đã từng di cư đến Hà Lan trong nhiều năm, sau đó vì nhớ quê mà trở lại Kurdistan. Khi chúng tôi gặp lại, cứ như là chúng tôi chưa từng xa nhau.Khi ở với Kurd, không ai cảm thấy cô đơn cả. Khi có một vấn đề, lúc nào cũng có gia đình, cộng đồng, bạn bè giúp đỡ. Tình đoàn kết này gợi tôi nhớ đến văn hóa Á châu của mình. Sự ấm áp của tình người chính là điều mà tôi muốn truyền tải qua cuốn sách này.

In this special Geopolitics with Ghost, host Gordon McCormick (aka Ghost) draws a powerful line from the battles of Lexington and Concord to today's multipolar geopolitical landscape. Ghost begins with a sweeping retelling of the American Revolution's origins, complete with Patrick Henry's legendary “Give me liberty or give me death” speech, Paul Revere's midnight ride, and the vital role of Virginia in catalyzing a movement that would change the course of human history. But this isn't just a history lesson, it's a framework for understanding how power, sovereignty, and narrative warfare continue to play out globally. Pivoting to the present, Ghost dissects the ongoing Ukraine-Russia peace talks led by Trump envoy Steve Wyckoff, and how Putin, Iran, and even Qatar are positioning themselves as key players in a new diplomatic alliance, one that bypasses the neocon and NGO apparatus of the West. He examines tensions within MAGA foreign policy circles, the deep state's media machine, and why Russia views Trump as a trusted negotiator. With expert breakdowns of Syria, Kurdistan, Netanyahu's war posture, Trump's Middle East endgame, and the weaponized role of NGOs and narrative management, this episode is a masterclass in pattern recognition. From 1775 to 2025, the revolution never ended...it just changed battlefields.

Parlemana Iraqê roja Duşemê bi fermî Helebce wek parêzgeha 19emîn a Iraqê û 4emîn parêzgeha Herêma Kurdistanê nas kir. Di rûniştineke bi beşdariya 178 parlementeran ji 329 parlamenteran proje yasaya pesend kirin. Em derbarê vê mijarê bi peyamnêr Ehmed Xefûr ji Hewlêrê diaxafin.

Ces derniers mois, de nombreux chantiers de reconstruction à Mossoul se sont achevés et les portes de ces bâtiments emblématiques de la ville se préparent à rouvrir. Parmi eux, plusieurs églises restaurées avec l'aide d'ONG internationales. Mais la reconstruction de ces bâtiments historiques, détruit par l'organisation de l'État islamique (EI) ou lors de l'offensive pour libérer la ville, ne suffit pas à redonner vie à ce patrimoine chrétien. On estime que 90 % de la population chrétienne mossouliote n'est pas rentrée après la fin de la guerre. De notre correspondant à Bagdad,Dans la vieille ville de Mossoul, le quartier chrétien historique n'en a plus que le nom. Mahmoud est propriétaire d'une échoppe dans cette ville d'Irak. Lui est sunnite, mais il regrette la vie du quartier d'avant l'arrivée de l'organisation de l'État islamique (EI). « Leurs maisons étaient dans ce quartier-là. Avant, il y avait beaucoup de chrétiens, mais maintenant, ils sont très peu nombreux. Avant Daesh, la situation était très bonne ici. Les musulmans avec les chrétiens, c'était une seule maison pour tous », se souvient-il.Seule une trentaine de familles chrétiennes serait rentrée depuis la chute du groupe EI : elles étaient plus de 1 200 avant 2014. Pourtant, depuis six ans, le patrimoine chrétien détruit se relève progressivement avec l'aide d'organisations internationales. Le père Najeeb Musa Mikhail, archevêque de Mossoul, y voit un espoir de faire revivre la communauté chrétienne. « C'est important de préparer un lieu avant que les gens viennent, ce sont des symboles qui encouragent les gens à rentrer et qui leur donne confiance », explique-t-il en français.Mais le père Najeeb est très conscient que la reconstruction de ces lieux de culte ne suffit pas : « Quand ils commencent à rentrer, ils n'ont plus d'emplois, leur place a été occupée par d'autres. Aujourd'hui, c'est le travail du gouvernement d'avoir la possibilité de vivre et aussi la reconstruction de leurs maisons. 80 % des maisons des chrétiens sont par terre. Ils préfèrent rester à Erbil, à Dohouk ou dans le nord. En fait, c'est une question de confiance, beaucoup de familles disent tous les 10-20 ans, on recommence de nouveau à zéro », regrette-t-il.Une partie de cette communauté a trouvé refuge à 80 km de Mossoul, à Erbil, la capitale du Kurdistan irakien. Sue s'y est installée dans le quartier chrétien d'Ainkawa. Elle a fui, en 2013, un climat de violence qui ne cessait de se dégrader, selon elle, à la suite du renversement de Saddam Hussein. « À partir de 2003, beaucoup de pressions ont été exercées contre les chrétiens, on était menacés, et la violence a augmenté sous plein d'aspect. Il y avait des kidnappings, des meurtres et des menaces », se remémore-t-elle.Pendant 10 ans, elle a porté le hijab à l'extérieur pour éviter d'attirer l'attention. Avant de tout abandonner, juste avant l'entrée des jihadistes du groupe EI dans Mossoul. Une décennie plus tard, elle ne veut toujours pas rentrer. « Il y a de la peur, il y a un manque de confiance, il y a la situation économique. Ici, c'est sécurisé, les autres nous rassurent. Mais peut-être que cette mentalité ne va durer qu'un temps, mais qu'à la fin rien n'aura changé », se demande-t-elle. Elle craint que les violences reprennent un jour, mais ajoute en souriant qu'une paix durable n'est pas complètement impossible. À lire aussiMoyen-Orient: les communautés chrétiennes entre persécutions, exil et instrumentalisation

Di nav bazara Duhokê de kesekî êrîş e ser Cejna Ekîto ya 1ê Nîsanê ku bi sersala Siryanî, Aşûrî û Kildanî hatîye naskirin. Di wê hêrişê de jinek û zelamek birindar bûn. Encûmena asayişa Herêma Kurdistanê ragihandinek li ser wê êrişê belavkir, kesê êrîşkar helgirê bîr û baweriyên teroristî hene. Raporta Ehmed Xefur ji Hewlere.

Chaque année, les soutiens du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) se réunissent au printemps pour fêter le Nouvel An kurde dans les montagnes du Kurdistan irakien, où la guérilla s'est réfugiée. Alors qu'un processus de paix est en cours entre le mouvement kurde insurgé et l'État turc, les familles des combattants ont profité de l'occasion pour prendre des nouvelles de leurs proches engagés au sein du PKK. Elles espèrent que le processus de paix leur permettra de retrouver la vie civile. De notre correspondant à Qandil,L'espace d'une nuit de danse, de musique et de discours, les partisans du PKK se réunissent pour célébrer Norouz, le Nouvel An kurde. Une fois par an, la guérilla leur ouvre ses portes dans son bastion des montagnes de Qandil, au nord de l'Irak. Pour les familles des insurgés, c'est aussi l'occasion d'un discret pèlerinage, à l'image de Shaya, dont la fille est morte au combat en 2006 : « Je suis venue fêter Norouz à Qandil pour sentir le parfum de ma fille, Zilan, et de tous ses camarades qui sont morts pour la liberté des Kurdes. »Protégée par des cimes escarpées qui s'élèvent à plus de 3 000 mètres, la plaine de Qandil est une forteresse naturelle. C'est ici que le PKK a installé ses quartiers généraux dans les années 1990, ainsi que les académies militaires et politiques au sein desquelles les aspirants combattants se forment à la guérilla. « Qandil est un endroit très spécial et on sait que nos enfants sont tous passés par ici, au cœur de la révolution. Zilan a vécu presque un an à Qandil. Ces arbres qui nous entourent nous rappellent nos enfants. Ils ont poussé sous leurs pieds et ont été arrosés par leur sang », poursuit Shaya.Espoir de retrouver des prochesDe nombreux combattants du PKK sont tombés à Qandil, constamment bombardé par les drones de la Turquie. Leurs portraits juvéniles sont exposés aux regards le long de la route qui serpente dans la montagne et devant lesquelles des familles viennent se recueillir. D'autres sont à la recherche d'informations : « La plupart des mamans viennent à Qandil pour Norouz avec l'espoir d'apercevoir leurs enfants. Or, c'est possible qu'ils soient déjà morts, mais qu'elles ne le sachent pas encore. »En marge des festivités, des femmes le visage recouvert d'un voile blanc arrêtent un homme à l'allure d'officier et font défiler des photos sur leurs téléphones. Trois enfants d'Amina sont déjà morts dans les rangs du PKK et deux de ses filles sont toujours mobilisées. La maman est inquiète : « Je n'ai pas de nouvelles de mes filles. Je ne les ai pas vues ici, je ne sais pas où elles sont. J'espère qu'elles sont vivantes. »Les règles du PKK sont particulièrement strictes et les contacts avec les familles prohibés. À l'abri dans sa tente battue par la pluie, Fatima a eu plus de chance et peut se réjouir : « Cette année, je suis venue à Qandil pour la première fois. Ça fait près de 20 ans que je n'avais pas vus certains membres de ma famille. J'ai une fille ainsi que deux oncles qui se battent ici, dans les montagnes. J'ai pu voir les voir aujourd'hui, c'était formidable de pouvoir leur parler, ils m'ont tellement manqué. Je leur souhaite d'être libres bientôt. »Sur la scène principale, les discours politiques s'enchaînent. Cette année, le Nouvel An kurde s'inscrit sous le signe des négociations de paix engagées entre la guérilla du PKK et la Turquie : « Je souhaite que les prisonniers soient libérés et que nous puissions rentrer chez nous parce que nous sommes des réfugiés ici au Kurdistan irakien. »C'est dans l'exil que les enfants de Fatima ont emprunté les sentiers de la guérilla, et c'est ici, dans les montagnes de Qandil, que seront discutés ces prochains mois les détails du processus de paix par les chefs du PKK. 

Du sal li ser rawestana şandina petrola Herêma Kurdistanê di bûríyên bendera cîhanî ya Turkîyê re derbaz bûye. Li alîkî din PDK û YNK heya niha li hev nekirine ku hukûmeta nû pêk bînin. Ev di demekê da ye ku heyameke zore helbijartin hatine kirin û hîn li ser dabeşkirina postan li hev nekirine. Zêdetir di raporta Ehmed Xefûr ji Hewlêrê heye.

In this episode of The More Freedom Foundation Podcast, hosts Robert Morris and Ruairi McElhone dive deep into the complex and often overlooked history of the Kurdish people. Using David McDowall's A Modern History of the Kurds as a key reference, they explore the struggles, resilience, and geopolitical challenges faced by one of the world's largest stateless nations.From the fall of the Ottoman Empire to the present-day fight for autonomy, we break down the key events that have shaped Kurdish identity and politics. How have foreign powers influenced Kurdish aspirations? What does the future hold for Kurdistan? Join us for a fascinating discussion that connects history to today's political landscape.Tune in for thought-provoking insights, historical deep dives, and engaging political analysis—only on The More Freedom Foundation Podcast.⁠⁠⁠Patreon⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Website⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Books⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠TikTok

Rescue and patchwork relationship.B Book 3 in 18 parts, y FinalStand. Listen to the ► Podcast at Explicit Novels.Loving your enemy is easy, you know precisely where both of you stand(Right where we left off)The closest Marine had been waiting for me to finish my bonding moment with Menner before speaking. He walked and talked like an officer."You are certainly Mr. Cáel Nyilas," he nodded. "I'm Lt. Robeson, United States Marine Corps. I would like to take you and your party home. What is the situation?""Lieutenant, this young lady is Aya Ruger. She was kidnapped along-side me and managed to kill over twenty of our enemies, so be careful around her." I was deadly serious about what I said. Aya should get proper credit for all the people she sedated then drowned. Dead was dead, even if it was accidental."These two," I pointed to Zhen and Mu, "are Lúsìla ninda and Amar, Taiwanese nationals suffering some shock from the abrupt crash landing of the aircraft. They don't seem to know why they were kidnapped, but they were instrumental in aiding Aya and me making it to shore during the typhoon.""If you say so, Sir," he nodded. He did believe me, yet a soldier was taught to be skeptical of anything a civilian told him about a military situation. "The bodies?""Those are the corpses we found after the storm. I decided we should attempt to place them in your custody so you can figure out who they are," I suggested."Sir, I don't think we can let civilians keep their weapons aboard the flight," the Marine Lt. stated since I had both a pistol and submachine gun, Aya had her pistol and Zhen had her and Mu's blades. A Marine NCO sent a party to gather the dead."Marine, I am Cáel Nyilas, Irish diplomat, freebooter and Champion of the worst possible causes," I began my spiel."You probably have some orders concerning bringing me in alive. I am not so constrained and am more than willing to steal this aircraft and fly back to Hawaii without you. My team keeps their weapons, or you give me your best shot, right now," I met his gaze. He mulled over his options. Two Romanians and two Marines were starting to load the ad hoc body bags aboard the C-37B."Normally I don't take that kind of crap from a civilian and I don't want you to think I'm making an exception because of your Security Clearance. I'll let your people keep your weapons, but if something goes wrong, I'm shooting you first," he assured me."Done deal," I offered my hand and he shook it."Oh and Happy Tibetan Independence Day," he congratulated me."What?" I gasped. Rescue and patchwork relationships{6 pm, Sunday, August 17th ~ 22 Days to go}{11 pm Sunday, Aug. 17th (Havenstone Time)}{And just this once, 11am Monday, Aug. 18th Beijing Time}"Oh and Happy Tibetan Independence Day;, nice work.," the Marine congratulated me."What?""How is that possible?" muttered Mu."Yippee!! No more burning monks," Aya fist-pumped. Personally, I think she did that for the enjoyment of our guardians and to piss off Zhen and Mu just a tiny bit more.(Mandarin) "Brother," Zhen studied her brother's pained expression. "What has gone wrong?"(Mandarin) "The province of Tibet apparently has broken away," he groused. In English, to the Marine Lieutenant he repeated, "How is this possible?""I take it you didn't know Peace Talks had broken out?" he grinned. I doubted the Lt. bought my 'these are my two Taiwanese cobelligerents' story, but belief was above his pay grade, so he didn't give a shit."Yes," Mu mumbled, "we knew of the proposed cease-fire.""Yes, you mean both sides actually honored it?" I added. I really had been out things for a while."Nearly two days ago, noon, Peking Time, the People's Republic of China and the Khanate put a six month cease-fire into effect which has remained intact for forty-one," he looked at his watch, "forty-one and a half hours." He was being a cock to the petulant Mu. No one called Beijing 'Peking' anymore. I had even ordered Beijing Duck on several menus. Peking was the height of Western Imperialist thinking, or so it looked to Mu.(Mandarin) "He is yanking your chain, Mu," I explained. "You are looking pissed off at being rescued, which isn't doing my alibi for you much good.""My apology," Mu nodded to the lieutenant. "Is there any news from the Republic of China? Are they free as well?" That was nice of Mu to call Taiwan by its pet name, the ROC."Not yet," he patted Mu's unwounded leg, "but with the utter shellacking the Khanate put on the People's Navy (really the People's Liberation Army Navy, but the Marine was getting his shots in) it is only a matter of time."I had been translating in a low voice to the V nători de munte in order for them to keep up with the conversation. They all started laughing. The Marines joined in. There was a huge joke here that we had missed out on while stranded.(Romanian) "So, ask them if they know where their aircraft carrier is," Menner chuckled. Most Romanians had grown up knowing of only one China.Me: (Romanian) "What!"A Naval Corpsman who didn't know Romanian, but knew 'aircraft carrier' just fine jumped in: "Oh yeah, the missing Chinese Aircraft carrier," she chortled.Mu: "What!"I'd only been gone two and a half days. What the hell had been going on?(What had transpired in my absence and the subsequent consequences)(Notes:P R C = People's Republic of China; PLA = People's Liberation Army;P L A N = People's Liberation Army Navy;P L A A F = People's Liberation Army Air Force;R O C = the Republic of China {aka Taiwan, aka Chinese Taipei, aka the "other China"};The First Unification War {aka what the Khanate did to China in 2014};Truce lasts from August 16th 2014 until February 15th, 2015 = 183 days)There are several classic blunders grownups should know to avoid: never fight a land war in Asia, never go in against a Sicilian when death is on the line, and, if you are going to cross a master thief, first make sure you have nothing of value. For the land war in Asia, check with my partner, the Khanate. Substituting Black Hand for Sicilian ~ check with Ajax, use an Ouija board. So far, destiny was batting .500.The last blunder I created entirely on my own, but I felt it was the true and right response for the circumstances. So witness the Six Families of the Ninja and the greatest theft in all of recorded history.In the closing hours of the First Unification War, as in many wars, some serious theft was going on; mainly it was the People's Republic getting fleeced.The most obvious and immediate blows came in the Spratlys and Parcel Islands where Khanate forces (actually, elements from all the JIKIT players) seized the key island in the Parcel chain, Woody Island, and secured the P L A N base the Chinese had created there, including the 2,700 meter runway built there in the 1990's. The 1,443 Chinese civilians and 600 military inhabitants in the area were incidental complications and the survivors were about to be 'repatriated' to the mainland anyway; the Khanate didn't want them hanging around as they prepared for the inevitable end of the six-month truce.Yes, the Khanate had stolen the most important island airfield ~ an unsinkable carrier really ~ in the South China Sea. It was also the northern end of the potential People's Republic of China's stranglehold on the east-west sea lanes between East Asia and the rest of the World, i.e., roughly 25% of all global trade.The southern end? That would be the Spratlys. There are few 'real' islands in that 'island group' and only two worth having: the artificial one the P L A N was building and the one the ROC has a 1200 meter airfield on. That artificial island and every other PRC/P L A N outpost in the region was also stolen by the Khanate between 4 a.m. and noon of that final day of active conflict.Every geological feature that had been the basis for the PRC's claims to all of the South China Sea was now in Khanate hands. Considering how much the P L A N had bullied everyone else in that portion of the globe, the Khanate taking over their geopolitical position was incredibly awkward. It was going to get worse.Technically, the Khanate hadn't stolen the P L A N 'South Sea Fleet' (SSF); they'd blown the fuck out of it, including sinking the sole fully-functioning P L A N carrier Liaoning as well as five of the nine destroyers and six of the nineteen frigates in her battle group. The Liaoning and one destroyer had died in those last few hours as the SSF was racing for the relative safety of Philippine waters ~ so close, but no cigar.So the Khanate had stolen the ability of the P L A N to project power in the South China Sea until February 15th, 2015 when the U N brokered truce ended. But that was not the epic theft, though. That distinction went to the Ninja. What did they steal? A semi-functional Chinese nuclear powered super-aircraft carrier still under construction.The beast had no official name yet, but she was a 75,000 ton engine of Global Domination laid down in 2011 and clearly complete enough to float and to be steered under her own power. (To be on the safe side, the Ninja included stealing four tugboats to help in their getaway.) So, you may be asking yourself, how does one 'steal' a nuclear-powered, 1000 foot long, 275 foot wide and ten-story tall vessel?For starters, you need a plan to get on board the sucker. We had begun with the Black Lotus. They wanted to sneak onboard, exit the dockyard the ship was being built in, then sink it off the coast so it couldn't be easily salvaged. That was plan A.Enter the Khanate and their plans; they too wanted to sink this vessel, and destroy the dry docks while they were at it. That was plan B. Actually, the Khanate desire was to contaminate that whole section of the port city with fallout from shattered reactors. They knew they would have to apply overkill when they smashed that bitch of a ship because the PLAN had hurriedly put on board its defensive weaponry ~ ensuring that the Khanate couldn't easily destroy it. For their approach, Temujin's people wanted the Black Lotus' help with the on-the-ground intelligence work. But the Black Lotus didn't want to help anyone irradiate Chinese soil.Enter JIKIT as referee. All those islands the 'Khanate' was busy stealing were actually part of a larger JIKIT mission called Operation Prism. Another object that was a part of the overall plan was Operation Wo Fat, the sinking of the Liaoning ~ again GPS direction and distance to be courtesy of the Black Lotus.JIKIT absolutely needed the Black Lotus. The Black Lotus wouldn't help anyone planning on poisoning any part of China for the next thousand years. Sinking the unnamed and incomplete vessel off the coast in deep waters meant no nuclear leakage and plenty of post-war time to salvage the wreck before it did start to hemorrhage. The Khanate wanted to kill this potential strategic nightmare no matter what it cost the Chinese ecology.JIKIT went to the Ninja to help them adjudicate the issue. All the lights flared brightly in Ninja-Town when they heard of that delicate dilemma. They could make everybody happy and send a clear message to the Seven Pillars expressing how unhappy the six surviving families were about the 7P's trying to annihilate them when all of this 'unpleasantness' began.The Khanate was already going to blast the shipyards and docks, the Black Lotus was already going to sail the ship into deep waters, so why not take it one step further, sail the ship into Japanese waters and declare it Khanate property as a colossal Fuck You! to the PRC, PLAN and specifically the Seven Pillars, all at the same time?Now normally, you can't steal a ship that big. The owners will notice it is missing and come looking for it. And you can't sell or hide the damn thing. So, you steal it at the tail end of a war before the players can capture, or sink it. It just so happened the Ninja had access to a war and such a time table.The next problem: where do you put it? The Khanate's closest safe haven was 8,000 km away at the Eastern Mediterranean Seaport of Izmir.But wait!The Khanate was about to steal an island airbase with its own (albeit small) harbor. The Khanate was confident that a few weeks after the truce, an alternate port, or two, would become available for the two-to-three year process it would require to prepare the vessel so it could be commissioned as the true warship it was meant to be.So, how do you steal a well-guarded, humongous ship with its skeleton crew of 500? You need a distraction ~ a big one. Remember those Khanate airstrikes? They intended to destroy the dockyards anyway. Now all they had to do was 'miss' the carrier.They could do that. If you recall, to dissuade the Khanate from sinking the ship in the final days of the war, the PLAN had hastily put teeth on the thing by giving it all its pre-designed defensive weaponry and added jury-rigged radar and sonar systems. The carrier could defend itself if needed. With the new plan (C), the airstrikes could avoid those teeth, thus reducing the risk of losing their precious planes and pilots.A series of bombing runs and missile hits near the carrier would convince the PLAN admiral in charge to hurriedly put some distance between the ship and shore, Not out to sea. That would be stupid. Within the harbor, his weaponry could adequately defend his ship. And if she took serious damage, he could run her aground, so the vessel wouldn't really sink.The only problem was that out in the harbor, with everything exploding, he was away from the only ground security support available. That was when the Amazons, Black Lotus, Ninja and JIKIT mercenaries would make their move. How could they sneak up on such a big, important ship? By using the submarines the US Navy, the British Royal Navy and Japanese Defense Force were providing, of course.Note: As I stated earlier, Lady Fathom, Addison and Riki had wandered way off the reservation . By this time, if you were a Japanese, British, or American submarine commander in the Yellow Sea and you weren't part of this madness, you were insanely jealous of those who were.The missions JIKIT was sending them on were:-definitely Acts of War if they were ever discovered,-far more dangerous than any war game exercise they'd ever been part of, and-the ultimate test of their crews and equipment.These people weren't suicidal. They believed they were the best sneaks under the Seven Seas and now they could prove it ~ in 50 years when this stuff was declassified (if it ever was).For the one American, two British and four Japanese submarines inserting the assault teams, this whole mission had a surreal feel to it. They were transporting a packed assortment of women of Indian, Malaysian and Indonesian descent along with some very lithe Japanese ladies and gents, none of who talked a whole lot.There was a third group with the spooky women and spookier Japanese teams, and that group was scared shitless about the sudden turn their lives had taken. They were all former American and British servicewomen (to not tick off the Amazons too much) with carrier and/or nuclear reactor experience who had been RIFed (Reduction in Force, aka fired) in the past five years from their respective national navies.Around a week ago, they had all answered an advertisement by a logistics support corporation that was going to do a 'force modernization' in an unnamed country. They all knew that mean the Khanate. The job had been laid out as 'basically your old job with the addition of training the natives' and it included the promise of no combat.It was a guaranteed five year contract with an option for a year-to-year extensions for another five years if you desired to stick around. For that, you received your 'pay grade upon retirement + 20%', free room and board, private security, judicial protections and a $10,000 to $10,900 signing bonus. For many struggling military families, it was manna from Heaven and thousands were signing up.Then 72 hours ago, a different group from the same company came knocking on the women's doors. If you could come with them right then and there, they had a satchel of money, $100,000 to $109,000, tax free, and a Non-disclosure Agreement for you to sign. Sure, the deal sounded shady, but the money was very real.Twenty-four hours later those who accepted the money found themselves in a small fishing village on Ko Island, Japan. There some rather fiercely intense people outlined the job they were needed for. From a submarine, the assault teams would sneak aboard the carrier, neutralize the crew and then the new crew (them) would sail it to Jeju, Jeju Island, South Korea.At that point they would be allowed to stay with the vessel (preferred), or depart for a non-war zone of their choice. Both options came with another $100,000 to $109,000 payment. Anyone who declined this particular job would remain incognito on Ko Island for another 48 hours then be allowed to leave without the need to return their initial payment.Of the 312 job applicants, 293 volunteered for both the first and second parts of the assignment. With the technical and linguistic expertise of the Amazons and 9 Clan members that would be enough to get their prize to Jeju Island's temporary safety and then make the last leg to Woody Island and a more permanent anchorage.Besides the airstrikes to goad the carrier away from the wharves, all the Khanate had to do with the carrier was put three or four clearly Mongolian faces onboard when the various nations of the world came calling. After all, what was the public going to believe:, the Khanate had pulled off yet another daring (i.e., mostly JIKIT) Special Forces coup, just as they'd managed to do throughout this short war, or that 'Ninjas stole my Battleship, umm, carrier' stuff some PRC leaders were claiming? Forty-eight hours later the whole globe was able to watch the newly named Khanate supercarrier, the  z Beg Khan, passing through Japanese territorial waters while being escorted by South Korean and Japanese warships.The PRC did complain to the United Nations over the 'theft' of both the carrier and 'their' islands, but the Security Council, led by the UK, could and would do nothing about the 'latest round of injustices heaped upon the People of China'. By the time the UN got around to doing nothing, the next round of JIKIT diplomacy was causing the PRC even greater headaches.That greatest theft, while remarkable in its own right, was really a sideshow to the reordering of the political order in Southeast Asia. The big winner wasn't the Khanate. And it certainly wasn't the mainland Chinese. No, the nations to immediately prosper were an unlikely pair, the Republic of India and the People's Republic of Vietnam (PRV). The Republic of China (R O C) was also getting its own small boost as well.By gambling their precious navy, India had become the largest power broker in the South China Sea's resource bonanza. She went from a minimal presence to being the critical ally of the Khanate and the 'big stick' (naval-wise) of Asia's new dynamic duo. The Indians had the only two functional aircraft carriers in the region and the Khanate had Woody Island with a mega-carrier number of planes sitting on it.Their combined naval aviation was not something any of the others powers wanted to mess with. The duo then sealed their supremacy by making the duo a trio. That third member was the PRV. Vietnam was the land-based logistical anchor of the three regional powers.Not only did Vietnam gain the prestige denied it for over two centuries, it redressed the P L A N humiliating treatment of their own navy for the past thirty years. The Khanate's naval aviation would shield Vietnam's economic exploitation of the Parcel Islands. The Indian Navy could counter anything the P L A N South China fleet could come at them with.Yes, the P L A N had two other fleets, the Northern and Eastern, but both had been put through their own 1001 levels of Hell by the Khanate's air power, plus they had to protect the Chinese heartland from Russia and North Korean ambitions. The South Koreans and Japanese were suddenly a very real threat from the East too. But for the time being, the Indians had the decisive edge.The final location for the  z Beg Khan was an old familiar haunt for some Americans, Da Nang, PRV. It had the facilities, courtesy of the US military from the 1960's and 70's, to be the new base for the Khanate's Eastern Fleet and logistical hub for their naval aviation forces in the Parcel Islands.The Vietnamese were thinking with more than their testicles, as were the Indians. Sure, geopolitical clout was nice, yet that was only the icing on the economic cake that was the Parcel Island Accords. That hasty bit of JIKIT backroom dealings gave a 50% stake in the Parcels to the PRV.India got 20% of something she had 0% in a month ago. The Khanate gained a 20% stake for their audacity and the ROC gained 10% because the other three would protect its share from the PRC. Something was better than nothing and the three legitimate powers agreed to the deal because in less than six months, the PRC would be back in the game.The Indians and Vietnamese wanted the Khanate to stay interested in the region and the Taiwanese wanted to forge closer ties to the Khanate. That treaty was a 'no-brainer'. Within one week, the Vietnamese were strutting like peacocks and internal political opposition to the Indian intervention into the South China Sea in the Indian parliament was silent.The Spratly Islands was a tougher deal to work out within the six month timetable. There were more players ~ the Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Indonesia and Thailand (who had a non-functional carrier). The JIKIT deal gave everyone but the Indians a 10% piece of the huge natural gas, oil and fisheries pie and the Indians got 20% once more.The Philippines and Malaysia were both very opposed to this treaty; they believed they deserved a far larger portion of those regional resources. Indonesia and Thailand also felt they could hold out for a bigger slice and weren't happy with India getting so much for basically having a double handful of ships (34 actually) sailing about.That 'handful of ships' was the point JIKIT was trying to make. If the PRC beat the Khanate next year, did any of the players think the PRC would give them anything, even if they promised them more right now? Really? When the PLAN had the biggest guns, they hadn't respected any other claims to the region. Why would that change in the future?The reality was this: India would only stick around if they had the economic incentive to remain. Vietnam, the Khanate and the ROC were watching the clock and realized this was the best deal they would get. Brunei and the Philippines were also coming to that understanding. Brunei was tiny (thus easy to defend), very rich already and a good ally of the British.The Philippines had a very weak navy and a non-existent naval air force. They couldn't even enforce their current claims versus Brunei, much less confront the PLAN, or any other nation's current military. The Philippines was, sadly, relatively big and very poor. Its big traditional ally was the United States, and the US was currently busy doing 'not much' about the South China Sea situation.The world's biggest navy was partially taking up its traditional (and treaty bound) role of interposing itself between the North Koreans, PLAN/PLAAF and Russians arrayed near Japan and South Korea, or busily not 'ratcheting up tensions' in the region by sending more forces into the front lines.President Obama was urging dialogue and 'stepping back from the brink' even though every country in Southeast Asia felt the brink had already dissipated the moment the PRC was forced to accept the cease-fire. In this context, the Philippines had good reason to be feeling lonely at the moment.Bizarrely, both New Delhi and Hanoi were singing the praises of US Secretary of State John Kerry and the Rt. Honorable Phillip Hammond, Secretary for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs for the UK, for their deft handling of the crisis, thank you, Riki Martin and Lady Yum-Yum.Riki wasn't expecting any thanks. She was certain she'd be fired and imprisoned for the rest of her life. Lady Fathom Worthington-Burke was sure she'd get two additional knighthoods out of the deal, which would look very nice engraved on her tombstone. Javiera had long ago decided to face the music and go down with the ship, so to speak.The CIA's Addison Stuart already had her exit strategy. She was going to go work for the Khanate, building up their clandestine service when this whole mad scheme collapsed into recriminations and 'extreme sanctions'. Mehmet, Air Force Sr. Master Sgt. Billings and Agent-86 had all decided to go with her. Katrina had their escape plane on standby. Mehmet's family was already 'vacationing' in Canada.Anyway, the Republic of India, the Khanate, the Republic of China, the People's Republic of Vietnam (the Vietnamese were happy to already be getting half of the Parcel Island windfall), the Sultanate Brunei (Lady Fathom 'knew' some people and the Sultan was an autocratic Muslim ruler, just like the Great Khan) and the Philippines (because they had no other true choice) were all coming around to signing the Spratly Accords.Indonesia and Thailand were kind of waiting for a better deal. Malaysia was downright hostile, having gravitated toward the PRC over the past decade and been assured by the PRC a better apportionment would be their reward for upsetting the treaty process.The Great Khan's answer was simple. He publically threatened the Malaysian Federation in general and both the King (Sultan Abdul Halim of Kedah) and Prime Minister of Malay (Dato' Sri Najib Tun Razak) in particular with military action if they kept dragging their feet.He even told them how he'd do it. He'd butcher or expel every living thing in the states of Perlis and Kedah (~ 2.1 million people) and give those empty lands to Thailand to settle along with the added sweetener of Malaysia's 10% of the Spratlys. He would also invade Eastern Malaysia, taking the island state of Labuan for himself while giving Sarawak to Indonesia and Sabah to the Philippines if those to states agreed to the split.He'd also decimate their navy & air force before devastating every port city, just like he'd done to China. He'd already killed more than two million Chinese. What was another two million Malays to him? Also, Indonesia wanted Sarawak and the Philippines had claims on Sabah. While they were openly and publically defying the Great Khan's plan, could Malaysia really take the chance?What would India and Thailand do while this was going on? Thailand stated that it would protect its territorial integrity, whatever that meant. India wasn't returning Malaysia's phone calls while showing their populace re-runs of Malaysian violence against their Hindu minority, the bastards!To the world, the Indian Navy proclaimed it would 'defend itself and its supply lines' which was a subtle hint that they would shepherd any Khanate invasion force to their destination. Why would the Indians be so insensitive? The Malaysians were screwing up their deal to get 20% of both the Parcel and Spratlys wealth, that's why.If the Khanate went down, there was no way India could defend their claims (which they'd won by doing nothing up until now). Oh yeah, Vietnam began gathering up warplanes, warships, transport ships and troops for the quick (710 km) jaunt across the Gulf of Thailand to north-eastern Malaysia to kill Malaysians because Vietnam needed the Khanate to ensure their own economic future as well.That military prospect had a cascade effect, especially among the Indonesian military. If the Indian Navy remained active, the vastly more populous Western Malaysia couldn't reinforce the state of Sarawak. Sure, the Philippines was unlikely to conquer Sabah on their own, but all the Indonesians needed was for Sabah to be kept pre-occupied while their army took their promised territory, fulfilling a fifty year old dream of conquest/unification.The United Nations blustered. It wasn't that they didn't care, they did. They also cared about the deteriorating situations in Libya, Nigeria, Syria and Ukraine. The situation was complicated by the unwillingness of the permanent members of the Security Council, namely the PRC and Russia, to recognize the Khanate.In reverse, when those two tried to stick it to the Khanate, the UK stoically vetoed them. Why? Well, more on that later. Let's just say the Khanate was good for business in the European Union in general and the United Kingdom in particular because the Khanate was prepared to economically befriend the British. Ireland was being treated in a promising manner too. The United States,the United Nations?Let's just say that in the two months following the cease-fire, the Khanate bloodily and brutally solved the ISIS conundrum and the Donbass Crisis. When the smoke cleared, the Khanate had reintroduced the practice of impalement to the modern battlefield, driven the separatists from the Ukraine and was on the border with Israel and Jordan.Sure, the Ukrainians were stun-fucked by the Khanate's 'peace-keepers' going on a bloody rampage through the eastern rebellious regions, but they had delivered up peace by mid-September. Yes, the Russians were in an uproar about the impalements.As the Khanate spokesperson said, 'if they aren't your people, then it is not your problem' and 'there are no more Russians left alive in the Ukraine'. In fact, fewer than a thousand people, all armed insurgents, were executed in such a manner, but the terror created by the highly publicized killings had the effect of sending a hundred thousand people stampeding over the frontier into Russia proper.Next, the Khanate said it wanted to 'reexamine' the Crimean situation. There were Turcoman in that area and they weren't being treated well, or so it was claimed.Even as Russia and the Khanate were posturing in the Donbass, the Khanate struck in the Middle East. By the end of September, Syria and Lebanon had ceased to exist as organized entities. Most of those two countries as well as portions of western Iraq became Turkish provinces in the Khanate infrastructure. Northeastern Syria, southeastern Turkey and northern Iraq became the Khanate state of Kurdistan.It was a campaign reminiscent of the 13th century Mongol conquest, not a modern military struggle. Whole villages were eradicated. The entire Arab population of Mosul was exiled to the new territories in the East. The city was repopulated with Kurds from Turkey. Back in Turkey, those Kurds were replaced by Armenians from Azerbaijan, cauterizing another internal issue within the Khanate.Jordan was cautiously hopeful. Israel? "We don't seem to be having problems with Hezbollah anymore," with a shrug and "it could be worse." As for ISIS; there really was an Islamic State controlling more than half of Iraq and all of Syria now and it allowed no other pretenders to that distinction. By the time the world woke up to that reality though, the Great Hunt had happened and I was dealing with the consequences of that.A larger ideological and political matter was occurring in the United States, the United Kingdom (and to a limited extent Australia and Canada). The Ramshackle Empire (aka the Khanate) was just that ~ a Frankenstein nation fueled more by nationalistic pride and nostalgia for a Super-State (that only two living people had firsthand experience with) than an integrated armed forces and infrastructure.It may have been built upon more than a 13th century creation and two hundred years of real and imagined oppression. It did have long term planning and real genius driving it forward. Having throttled the PRC into giving them six precious months of peace to 'tidy up the backyard' (aka the Middle East and Russia) and forge a true nation, the Khanate was now hiring experts to aid them in the task.First and foremost, Temujin and the Earth & Sky had envisioned an armed state built upon military principles and discipline. Fate had delivered to them the means of their own salvation in the form of NATO's policy of disarmament and 'Reduction-In-Force' levels (RIFed).The US and UK had trained tens of thousands of male and female volunteers in their Armed Forces in infrastructure creation and management for the Afghanistan and Iraq campaigns. From 2010, those militaries had informed those experts that their services were no longer required. Unlike the shrinking militaries of the 1990's, there was no private sector to 'soak up' the majority of those personnel.The Earth & Sky had been working on the problem of nation-building on a time table and they kept coming up short. They had to fight to create their state first, so the all-important after-battle had been something their leaders dreaded. Temujin had been understanding about not everything being 100% ready. Few wars were fought that way.Then a young male Amazon of mixed Magyar ancestry talked history with the Earth & Sky representative to a seemingly inconsequential personage's funeral. A few critical E&S leaders (a minority, to be sure) immediately sought ways to cultivate this man into what was a ten year plan to open doors to the Amazons. Then that man saved the Great Khan's life and everything changed.Before the E&S had even remotely considered directly approaching the Amazons for help, the Amazons came knocking on their door. The Seven Pillars of Heaven had tried to kidnap a camp full of Amazon children ~ an assault on their future. The two secret societies were bound by one unique, fortunate idiot and a mutual thirst for vengeance.They were also directed by two incredibly foresighted, ambitious and brilliant people. In Katrina of Epona, the E&S elders found someone who equaled their hope to see the Seven Pillars humbled and humbled immediately. Moreover, these were the Amazons they were dealing with. Amazons always sought both lightning decisions and long term solutions.From the moment Iskender left his third meeting with Cáel Nyilas, Katrina put the fruits of the First Directive (the Amazons efforts to recruit militant outsider women) into overdrive. Havenstone had the apparatus in place to screen potential inductees. All they had to do was add a "can you suggest any other people who might be interested in this line of work" box to their employment forms.That brought men into the process in surprising numbers. The market was flush with military veterans having trouble readjusting to the civilian community. The Khanate wasn't hiring killers. They wanted ex-military and civilian police officers to create a national police force.They also wanted engineers and builders, cadres for their cadet corps and a whole range of specialist in jobs most of the Western World took for granted. The money came from off-shore accounts funded by Havenstone International. The employment opportunities came from Earth & Sky front companies operating in the UK and the US (and Israel, but that was another matter).They had already started hiring scores of civilian English-speaking experts to help build their newborn nation's infrastructure before the first blow landed. English hadn't been chosen out of any cultural bias. Relying on Russian and Chinese sources wasn't feasible, the Khanate wasn't overly linguistically gifted where distant tongues were concerned and, as pointed out, the English-speaking world had a glut of applicants.Now to the problem, there were people in the US and UK who weren't happy with their citizenry going to the Khanate and helping them to survive and thrive. These power groups wanted the Mongol-Turkish Empire to keep the resources flowing to the West, without any reciprocal commitment on their part.Imagine their surprise when some wonks at the State Department and Foreign Ministries found bundles of expedited passport requests to the (former) nations of Turkmenistan, Turkey, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Mongolia (and later Afghanistan and Iraq). The Department of Defense  Ministry of Defense were discovering their former military personnel and civilian contractors with Security Clearances were heading the same way.Of all those destinations, only Mongolia and Kazakhstan were under any kind of 'Restricted Travel' advisories. Barring any coherent anti-Khanate strategy from their administrations, the bureaucracies were doing their jobs, with Havenstone exerting just enough influence to get the job done while flying beneath the radar.After JIKIT was created, the group had a US Senator greasing the wheels to get the requests expedited. In England, Lady Worthington-Burke shamelessly used the people at the other end of the O'Shea hotline to get the job done overseas. She did have to sell out a teammate, but that was what good boys were for ~ taking one for the team. (That would be me, if there was any misunderstanding.)When Cáel Nyilas was kidnapped under the watchful eye of the FBI (I wasn't sure how they got that bum-wrap), the whole situation exploded. The PRC didn't have me, yet promised they might produce me if certain concessions were made. According to Addison, I was worth 5,000 barrels a day of refined fuel oil and 50 tons of coal a month, and the Great Khan agreed to pay! Woot! I was loved by somebody who was a somebody.All that attention drove home some salient points. I was a noble scion of Ireland, Romania, Georgia and Armenia (in no particular order) and they all wanted to know why the US had let me be kidnapped. Didn't my president know I was a sacred national treasure? After JIKIT tracked down the bribes and clandestine activities to Chinese shell corporations, those powers wanted to know what sanctions would be applied.'But wait, wasn't I a private citizen?' my national leaders pleaded. Then the PRC made a case which boiled down to 'I had it coming for being a fiancé to Hana Sulkanen and a brother to the Great Khan', while ignoring me being snatched in the territorial US of A. Of course, they didn't claim to have actually done the kidnapping.Javiera was waiting on that one; 'What was their excuse for kidnapping a little US girl to force my compliance?' The furious Federal authorities even found two dead adult bodies and two digits from said child to add to the media frenzy. To prove I had migrated to fantasy land, the CNN journalist got it right ~ they had tortured the girl and I had killed two of them for it. Just ask the Romanian Army how lethal I could be.In a rare comment, Temujin informed the international press that he believed I was still alive. Why did he believe that? If I wasn't, they would have been able to spot the pile of dead enemy around me and my 'boon companion' (go Aya!) from orbit. Until they discovered this carnal pit from Hell, I was surely still alive.Just at the cusp of turning publically against the Mongol barbarians, the world suddenly got angry with their enemy, the PRC. The principal two Western regimes were paralyzed with indecision until my miraculous cry for help from the middle of the Pacific showed the world I was alive, had punished my enemies and rescued others from under the opponent's cruel thumb.Clearly if I started ranting against the People's Republic of China, my government would be rather peeved with me. I hadn't screwed a dozen poli-sci majors to miss out on that obvious situation. I behaved and hoped they wouldn't make me die from an embolism, or some other equally implausible cause.(DC is a marvel. 9 pm, Monday, August 18th. 21 days)I'd been dragged to DC, to honor promises made in Rome a week ago. I had another choice; I could have justifiably said I was still getting over my kidnapping ordeal. But that choice fucked over Javiera Castello, my boss at JIKIT (Joint International Khanate Interim Task force).That was how I ended up in a 'secret and secure' meeting with Tony Blinken, Deputy National Security Advisor (DNSA) and his experts. He was someone I didn't know. The rest, I'd had a verbal run-in with them after the Romanian bloodbath. I'd been cranky. I would hardly consider us to be on good terms now.All four experts were from the US State Department. They were foregoing their usual group of flunkies because this meeting wasn't really happening. All the participants were officially somewhere else, mostly not even in D.C. Had this soiree 'really happened', the Congressional sub-committees would have been able to request the minutes of Tony's meeting with members of JIKIT and:·         Victoria Nuland, Ass. Sec. of State for European & Eurasian Affairs (ASSEEA)·         Robert O. Blake Jr., Ass. Sec. of State for S & C Asian Affairs (ASSCAA)·         Daniel R. Russel, Ass. Sec. of State for E. Asian and Pacific Affairs (ASSEAP)·         Bill A. Miller, Director of the U.S. Diplomatic Security Service (DSS) (aka Big Willy)We made stiff, formal introductions (which signaled the utter lack of trust in the room.) Javiera hadn't wanted to put me through an interrogation this soon after my near-death experience, considering my snarky nature when stressed. The White House was putting the squeeze on her. The main player was Tony, who talked with the Leader of the Free World on a weekly, if not daily, basis.The Diplomatic Security Service people had successfully peeled off Pamela and my SD Amazons only after they agreed I could keep Aya. They tolerated me keeping the nine-year old girl despite the obvious fact she had gone through worse hardships than I had endured and was still packing her Chinese QSW-06 suppressed pistol.I had already fabricated and submitted my report on how I'd overcome a plane-full of rogue delinquents from the Forumi i Rinis  Eurosocialiste t  Shqip ris  (Euro-socialist Youth Forum of Albania) bent on recruiting impressionable European socialites by accessing my Twitter account.That's right, the Albanians had it out for me. I reiterated that critical bit of data to the Department of Homeland Security when they questioned me on the veracity of my memories. The two ethnic Chinese I was found with? I thought they were from Taiwan, and they both appeared to be suffering from amnesia.I was already suffering repercussions from my pathological refusal to take life seriously. Javiera believed I was about to get a formal apology from Ferit Hoxha, Permanent Representative of Albania to the United Nations. Damn it! Now I had to do something nice for the Albanians. Maybe I'd offer them membership in the Khanate, full-statehood with an economic package to sweeten the deal.Yes, that was how Albania and Kosovo joined the Khanate, a product of my love for exaggeration and a little post-Ottoman solidarity over Tarator (cold soup made of yoghurt, garlic, parsley, cucumber, salt and olive oil with a side of fried squids), Tav  Kosi (lamb meatballs) and Flia & Kaymak (a dessert I highly recommend).We had toasted the Pillars of Kanun (Albanian oral law and tradition): ~ Nderi (honor), Mikpritja (hospitality), Sjellja (Right Conduct) and Fis (Kin Loyalty), ~ and he promised to tell his people that I had Besa which was an Albanian-ism for being a man who would honor his word of honor (despite us being brought together by my lie). The shit-ton of financial and military aid I asked the Great Khan to sweeten the pot with might have helped as well.Later, Lady Yum-Yum told me that the military leaders of NATO called it a 'master-stroke' in neutralizing Comrade Putin's Russian-backed 'Greek threat

Kurdistan gibt es nicht. Zumindest nicht als Staat. Doch Millionen Kurden im Nahen Osten sehnen sich danach. Ihr historisches Siedlungsgebiet liegt in Syrien, der Türkei, im Irak und Iran. Dort ist die kurdische Geschichte von Verfolgung geprägt. Tran, Anh

Salane li kurdistanê welatî li êvarîya newrozê di kernevaleka taybet ya agirê Newrozê heldikin û roja din diçin geşt û seyranan û cilkên kurdî li xwe dikin. Lê Newzora Akrê ji hemo Newrozên bajar û bajarokên li Herêma Kurdistanê cudaye. Akrê bi paytexta Newrozê hatîye naskirin lewra bi hezaran mêvanên navxweyî û derve li wir amade dibin. Îsal Hukûmeta Herêma Kurdistanê serperiştîya Newroza Akrê dike.

A Walk In the Park  & Aya's Finest Hour.Book 3 in 18 parts, By FinalStand. Listen to the ► Podcast at Explicit Novels.Professional, conscript, or volunteer, they all have run away from battle.A Note on terminology and the metaphor of Cael's WorldThe terms Weave of Fate and 'Weave ' are interchangeable. Weave expresses the intersection ~ the sieve that all the possible futures entered to create what we perceive as this 'now'. Fate is the keeper of the sieve. The Present is what is happening right now. It is that infinitesimal which we interpret as Reality.The Legend is what happens when the present is pulled back through the weave and becomes the past. It is called the Legend because, as the former presents fade into the past, they blur; each becomes less precise and more open to interpretations. (It is as if you were looking at one thing through a prism; as you shift your stance, what you see appears to change.) Within the Legend exist mystic creatures, divinities, demons, spirits, all the Paradises and Hells.The Endless Black Sands is the final resting place for all failed legends. It is the place where all is forgotten until even former realities break down into the Black Sands. That Alal found a way to cheat this doom and retrieved Shammuramat, was truly remarkable; even though Fate 'balanced accounts' with him by sending Ajax and his war band along that path as well.If you wonder how that was a balancing, consider this:The only people Alal cares for (in his own brutal fashion) are Shammy, now Sakura, and his only true offspring in 5,000 years, Cáel.Fate sent Ajax.With Ajax available to test Cáel, how could Alal resist the temptation to place one of the planet's greatest killer on a collision course with both of his loves in order to test Cáel?The Veil is a function of the Weave that protects sentient perception from perceiving the Weave and disguises the otherness of creatures of legend, unless they willingly allow themselves to be seen, which they usually do only so they can 'physically' interact with the Present. Some sentient minds, through horrific trauma such as the Augurs' self- poisonings, through the quirks of Fate via Holy Men, Mad Prophets and Doomsayers such as Temujin, or through the touch of legends such as Ishara, can sense the fluctuations in the Veil and the things behind it. Cáel, in truth, has been shaped by all three vehicles (Ishara, the Augurs and Temujin's legend.)Oblivion is what awaits Reality if the Weave ever fails beyond its ability to heal itself. This threat is what keeps the creatures of legend from constantly traversing the Weave. They have to weaken the Weave to do so or to use powers in Reality, the greater the distortion they create, the greater the weakening that occurs.End Note(Two days ago, with thirty days left)"That was fantastic, Lady Yum-Yum," I sighed."What did you just call me?" she panted softly. We were naked in one of our Task Force bedrooms that was actually used for sleeping, and now sex. I was still pressed against her reposed body, despite our recent exertions. She was on her stomach, arms stretched down her sides.She was sweaty and short of breath. She still had her wits about her and an awareness of our situation: victory sex, me still aroused and her fingernails scratching my thighs and buttocks. My equally sticky body was pressing down on her, even though I supported my weight with outstretched hands placed on either side of her shoulders."Lady Yum-Yum," I mumbled as I kissed the back of her head. "That was the first thing that sprang to mind when you introduced yourself." I could see her working that through her highly complex mind."When writing your memoirs, please remember to me refer to me that way," she began to flex her thighs and abdominal muscles, so that her ass was pumping against my hips."Only if this helps persuade you to give me a repeat performance.""I'll consider,," she purred, then paused to catch her breathe. "You are in phenomenal shape, young man. Do any of your other lady-loves have pet names?""Nope," I grunted as I withdrew.She had teased me with anal sex hints repeatedly, yet never delivered. She liked the game and the power she wielded. My body being on top of hers was only an illusion of a tactical advantage. She knew me pretty well already. I wasn't the kind of guy who would use physical strength to overwhelm her vulnerable position. This being so, a cerebral skirmish only excited her more.We waged a war that was based on intakes of breath, the shimmying of muscles and the trembling of fatigued flesh. The prize for me was the winning. Lady Fathom Worthington-Burke played tricky-clever, but I was better. And at times like this, she admitted it. She gave me what I wanted. I rolled her.Straight, face-to-face fucking. The Lady's pulsar gaze trapped my vision. She smiled, grudgingly at first, then more and more sensually as my glans returned to her g-spot that it had scouted out earlier. This was 'surrender by the Fathom method'. She gave me what I wanted, so I took what I wanted, and pleasured her at the same time."Mmm, you are a bad, bad boy," she lapsed into her trashy West-End Londoner accent. It was perfect and an erotic whiplash when added to her native, refined manner of speech. This wasn't a trick this time, it was a treat. It was a gift, reciprocated. The tactile sensation of her cervix becoming a soft, spongey chalice for my final penetrations was icing on an all-so-luscious cake.I tendered her a tribute worthy of my first love, Dr. Kimberly Geisler. It was strange to find a woman like her. Outside of Kimberly, I had found only one other woman who graciously offered her ultimate pleasure paean to the hundreds of lovers who had become before. That other woman, it still floored me, was Buffy Du, no, Buffy Ishara, First of my House."Oh!" and several heartbeats later, "Cáel!" several hissed series of breathes and then, "Goddess! You are better than good!"Two thoughts collided within me:A) I had never seen a more controlled orgasmic explosion in my life. I was going to have to tell Buffy about this, once we were safely in bed. If it was office talk, she'd punch me through a window and that would make Aya cry. I couldn't have that.B) Goddess? I thought she was Anglican. This needed further study. This treatment was really nice. I leaned in, kissed her. Lady Yum-Yum smiled. "Take me to the shower. Play time is over, Cáel," and she was back to all business."You are treating me like a fleshy vibrator," I pointed out."But you are a very finely-trained, fleshy vibrator, you wonderful boy," she stroked my cheek. "Shower! Now!" So, like a Good Boy, International Merchant of Death and Chosen Son of a Divine Amazon Goddess, I slid off her, then cradled her in my arms as I rose from our totally trashed mattress.I didn't smile when it was confirmed that I wasn't carrying her out of any romantic after-coitus gesture. She couldn't walk. Woot! It took a bit of effort to get us into the walk-in shower and to get the water just perfect, all while keeping her cradled. She helped out by keeping her arms tightly around my neck."Cheeky bastard," she whispered in my ear. "You are gloating." Then she nibbled on my earlobe for good measure."Damn right," I did gloat as I let her slide down to her feet. "You are pretty sweet for an Old Chick." She wasn't angry, oh no."If you were trying to get me to say, 'I'll get you next time," she licked, nipped and sucked on my nipple as if I was the one with the mammaries in this relationship, "it worked." Double-Woot! I was going to get that damn four-way! I did coax a vigorous shower-quickie out of my Lady. Afterward, she shifted herself so she could get under one of the steaming showerheads."Cáel, why didn't you use a condom," she mused. Gak!"You aren't on Birth Control?" I panicked. She laughed at me."No. I've never been a fan of hormones replacement. I like the way I am. Do you expect the women to do all the anti-pregnancy measures?""No," I gulped."Don't' be so worried," she laughed. "We had unprotected sex one time. The odds are astronomical that an 'oops' happened, right?" Yes, it was a single sexual encounter, but included three firings of the one-eyed hydra, sigh."You are asking a man who has five children on the way, Fathom," I cautioned her."Oh, I'll update my files and make an appointment to seen a local, reliable O B G Y N," she slipped back into her unflappable British resolve. "Get along. I need to get cleaned up," she cupped my scrotum, ", again. So scoot." I scooted.I had updated my condom supply despite the forbiddance Dot Ishara, my Matron Goddess, beamed to me from the Other Side. She could only complain so much. I'd upped my selection of fortune cookies and added a fresh raisin chocolate brownie for my next visit with her. I had to get over to the other side of the floor to get a fresh shirt, and boxers.Yum-Yum had ripped off my shirt (a little kinky) and boxers (a little painful). I wasn't going commando, so I decided to quick step it before something important happened that required me to yank yet another solution out of my sexually-fueled creative imagination.How Lady Yum-Yum and I ended up in bedThe Secret Societies' long awaited war had begun in Africa and in India. The Amazons couldn't effectively reinforce these two homeland regions. No, my people's edge came from my stupid stunts (e.g., the fight outside that club in Chicago), the judicious application of a few kind words and a whole lot of targeted killing on my part along with that of my Amazons.Those actions convinced the Booth-gan (aka the Thuggee, but we no longer say that because it irritates them) and the Coils of the Serpent to toss in their lot with their local Amazons. They did the whole 'hostage exchange' thing as well. Two children from each side. That was a no-brainer on my part. All three concerned parties were willing to let their adults die if necessary. Their children were another matter.In Asia, the Seven Pillars had made only minimal progress. We now suspected the 7P had planned to roll over the three of the 9 Clans that were in their Sphere of Influence, the now 6 Ninja Families, the Black Lotus and the Booth-gan in rapid succession. A preemptive strike against both the Khanate and the Ninja were supposed to cripple those two factions.Against the Khanate, that had been a dismal failure. In Nippon, the Ninja were in dire straits and would be decades recovering from the original 7P blitz. But the combination of US black ops help and the infusion of Amazons and Okinawans had staved off extinction for the moment. Strategically, these failed actions were tying down 7P resources that the largest Secret Society had planned to move elsewhere.In China, the Black Lotus exhibited the same resilience and deceptiveness they'd shown in combating the Seven Pillars by themselves for the past 65 years. The chaos gripping the PRC was a blessing from the Ancestors, the four sacred spirits (lung/dragons, phoenix, unicorn and tortoise), and the nine entities (I now really had to know this stuff.) Word that a 'dragon' had appeared in the West had only heightened their desire to aid in our new alliance.Those factors meant a reprieve for India. As the 7 Pillars began ramping up their operations; increasing racial tensions, minor terrorist action and military and industrial sabotage; the Booth-gan and Amazon united resources and purpose. The Booth-gan would assassinate 7P operatives and pawns while the Amazons would hit 7P front companies and businesses based out of the People's Republic of China. (This activity also helped ratchet up India-PRC tensions and anti-PRC public sentiment in India.)In Africa, the Condotteiri had squandered precious hours reallocating resources before launching their assaults. Like everyone but the 7P, they had been caught flat-footed by the renewal of the Secret War. The Coils of the Serpent had never been overly antagonistic toward the Condos, since their interests rarely collided. The same went for the Coils and the Amazons.Two factors inspired a deep Amazon-Coil bond. They were both groups with deep African roots and a shared Central-Western African spirituality. Added to that was the growing power of the Coils of the Serpent in the past fifty years. Their main opponents had been the Illuminati who had a Eurocentric view. Pan-Africanism was in the Coil's best interest, but ran contrary to European economic interests.Long term, allying with the African Amazons was a good investment for the Coils. The 9 Clans relationships had already proved to be advantageous on multiple occasions in the past. The leaders of the Coils knew their power was rising with the fortunes of Sub-Saharan Africa. To them, the rise of the PRC and the Seven Pillars was a looming threat in the East.They had been handed a golden opportunity to deal with this enemy before the enemy was ready to deal with them. They had been 'gifted' with over 2000 highly-skilled, fanatical Amazon warriors as stealthy muscle to add to their own, more subtle arsenal. For the Amazons, it was access to continent wide clandestine intelligence network that could unmask their enemies' hiding places.The Condotteiri wiped out an Amazon freehold in Cameroon and a few Coils safe houses in Lagos, Nigeria. In the Republic of Mali, over 250 Condo mercenaries were slaughtered at a 'secret' installation and their armory was looted. Ebola kept breaking out in the West. The dominant regional powers, the Republic of the Congo and Nigeria, were tottering as a result of decades of economic mismanagement, civic, ethnic, tribal and religious strife, corruption and unreliable militaries.The scene was ripe for a secret conflict as well as public carnage. For the Joint International Khanate Interim Taskforce (JIKIT), this presented a dilemma. They were involved with a growing global struggle that went far beyond the Khanate and Central Asia. Their secret society allies strenuously objected to bringing any more 'outsider' people into the group.Handing over covert intelligence to other governmental agencies in the US and UK, then telling them they wouldn't divulge their sources went over like scuba diving with cement goulashes. Explaining to upper level bigwigs that they had a 'trust-based' team went nowhere. Those officials didn't care about a bunch of domestic/international criminals' sensibilities.They wanted names and faces. They wanted addresses, phone taps and bank account numbers. It would all be 'Secret', 'Top Secret', or 'Eyes Only'. It would all be vulnerable to all kinds of governmental subpoenas too. No threats were made from 'my' side. They'd killed more people than the Black Death and the lives of a few thousand bureaucrats (and their families) in London and Washington D.C. didn't mean shit to them.Selena did offer to kidnap some family members to get the message across. Javiera put her hands over her ears and began singing 'la-la-la' as she stormed out of the room. Lady Fathom suggested that we arrange a private meeting with the UK Prime Minister and the US President. It took a few seconds for Mehmet and Javiera to realize she wasn't kidding.That was a nearly impossible task, which on this taskforce meant we had to give it a shot. Let's just say that the US Attorney General, Eric Holder and Chairman John Jay of the British Joint Intelligence Committee thought their respective representative had lost her God-damn mind. I went to the Khanate for help.Twenty-four hours later Azerbaijan, Turkey, Tajikistan, Armenia and Georgia (yes, two tiny Christian nations) joined the Khanate. The integration of the first two nations had been in the works since the formation of the Turkic Council in 2009. For me, Temujin upped the time table strictly for our benefit. Turkey and Azerbaijan became the two newest states within the Khanate.The third, Tajikistan was different and the shakiest addition. The unoccupied title of 'Khwarazm Shah' was created, suggesting the Iranian Tajiks had a special status inside the Khanate. 'Khwarazm' referenced the Khwarazmian dynasty that ruled the last of the great, Persian-led, Iranian Super-States and dated back to the 13th century AD. 'Shah' was Persian for King.The announced status of Armenia and Georgia was quite a bit different. They become 'Protectorates', i.e., semi-autonomous states within the Khanate who were 'vassal' states, responsible only to the Great Khan and his personal representative in the region (ah, that would be me.)So, the first three entries made sense, strong geographic, ethnic and/or religious ties, plus this was part of the Khanate's agenda anyway. But Armenia and Georgia? That was the doing of the other regional secret society, the Hashashin.The Caucasus Mountains were the backyard of the Hashashin. They knew who to blackmail, pinch and kill to make the 'take-over' possible. The main stumbling block was the long Khanate-Hashashin history: the Mongols had destroyed the historical stronghold of the Hashashin, Alamut, in 1256 CE. In a way, that disaster had transformed the sect, making it move away from their strict Nizārī Ismaili roots and into a more ethnically and religiously diverse group that was centered in the Caucasus region.Temujin made it clear to this group that he was making a deal under my auspices. Both Armenia and, Georgia (as well as the future Kurdistan, his plans for the creation of that last state were told to me under condition of secrecy) would be part of my palatinate principality (along with Hungary, if we ever got there). Riki Martin defined the terms for me: I was the voice of those three regions in the Khan's court.They wouldn't have to deal with Muslim Khanate officials. They would deal with me and 'my officials'. If the Khanate had a problem with my principality, they came to me to resolve the issue. That translated to me giving a nod to the existing regimes ruling in Armenia and Georgia (along with the infusion of a few Hashashin supporters.)Publically the future of those three political and ethnic entities would be confirmed later. The existing governments knew three things.1) I was that madman who had led the charge in Romania, clearly a man of bravery and humility. The odds were good that I was going to be a man they could rely on to adequately represent their interests with the government that currently mattered the most (aka The Khanate.)2) The Great Khan thought the world of me and in this nascent New World Order that meant way more than membership in NATO, or begging the United Nations to apply sanctions of dubious value.3) There would be a change of leadership by about 2040. Children of excellent ethnic parentage would succeed me in this ceremonial role in the region. These new princes and princesses would be the scions of the line of Nyilas and representatives of the various states (translation: I was going to be sexing it up with Georgian, Armenian and Kurdish members of the Hashashin).That would establish the three 'cadet' branches of House Ishara (Nyilas) (which I've listed because all three alphabets are so freaking beautiful) that could weave the Amazons, 9 Clans and the varying ethnic identities into a quilt that could stand together as a force in the Great Khan's inner circle. This new spate of aristocratic, 'Archer'-themed lineages would be:1.       Moisari, in Georgia.2.       Aġeġnajig, in Armenia.3.       Ram- alsham, in Kurdistan.This fiction made the key named entities happy. The combination of all these events applied another jolt to the heart of the global power structure (after all, Turkey was in NATO) and made the US and UK governments back off.By tidying up the world map, we'd brought our governmental chiefs to the chilling revelation that their sole conduit for insider information regarding the ongoing global calamity had reacted to their intransience by simply letting them be blind-sided by events. After the fact, Javiera and Lady Fathom relayed that message very clearly.

En regardant son oncle se régaler de sauce harissa, Julien Fréchette tout jeune cherche à comprendre, d'où vient cette appétence pour le feu et le piquant. C'est un autre feu, celui de la guerre, frôlé de bien trop près alors qu'il filmait des documentaires en Irak et au Kurdistan qui l'incitera à repenser à cette scène : son oncle, la harissa et le goût manifeste pour ce piment. D'où vient ce goût pour les piments ? De quelles cultures fait-il partie ? D'où vient ce plaisir de la brûlure ? Un documentaire plus tard sur ces « fous de piments », Julien Fréchette mordu, se lance, et fonde « la pimenterie », mariage en français de piment et de brasserie en français. La première sauce sera une Royal Bourbon, entre le Moyen-Orient et les Amériques : des piments habanero chocolat, des dattes, une touche de bourbon, totalement addictive.La pimenterie travaille avec des piments élevés et produits au Québec, crée des mélanges originaux -  Cari vert, Rose Flash, Kumquat crush, le temps des cerises ou vertigo – sans consigne ni injonction sur la (bonne) manière de les savourer : champ libre et pur plaisir !Avec Julien Fréchette, pimenteur en chef, passionné et grand curieux.La pimenterie est à Montréal au Québec, et sur le web.Parmi les documentaires réalisés par Julien Fréchette, il y a Chiliheads : fous de piments forts réalisé en 2021 et présenté au FIPADOC, le festival international du film documentaire en 2021. Ses autres films. Cette rencontre a été enregistrée à Montréal, lors d'un voyage effectué à l'occasion de la sortie d'une nouvelle collection de guide Hachette Tourisme intitulée Food lovers travel avec plusieurs villes à savourer en l'occurrence «Eat Montréal». Découvrez aussi les autres destinations. En images Pour aller plus loin : - François Chartier- Papilles et molécule, de François Chartier, éditions la Presse- Le répertoire des saveurs, de Nikki Segnit, éditions Marabout. Un répertoire des saveurs végétales a été publié au printemps 2024- Piments de Sophie Dupuis Gaulier, éditions Hachette Cuisine- Piments, des recettes hot hot hot, de Valérie Drouet et Pierre Louis Viel, éditions Mango- Créole et veggie, métissage végétal, de Suzy Palatin, éditions La Plage. Programmation musicale : - Mariana Froes, Gabriela, a colors show- Gabi Hartman, Lever du soleil.

Die Kurden gelten vielen Studien als die weltweit größte Ethnie ohne eigenes unabhängiges Staatsgebiet. Nachrichten über ihre Unterdrückung insbesondere in der Türkei und ihr Aufbegehren dagegen kennen die meisten von uns, seitdem sie politisch sozialisiert sind. Dass dieser Konflikt mindestens bis an den Anfang der Türkischen Republik zurückreicht, belegt unser heutiger Artikel aus dem Hamburger Echo vom 15. März 1925, der zwar durchaus einige Klischees ventiliert, die vermutlich noch von Karl May inspiriert sind, sich insgesamt aber um eine ausgewogene Berichterstattung über die ausgebrochenen Kämpfe in Südostanatolien bemüht. Aus welchen Quellen der namentlich nicht genannte Autor seine Informationen bezog und wie seriös diese waren, lässt sich nicht wirklich ermitteln. Dass, wie er glauben macht, manche Positionen in Bezug auf Fragen von politischer Kultur und Religion in den letzten Jahrhunderten, eher die Seiten gewechselt haben, macht ihn in jeden Fall zu einem interessanten Fundstück. Frank Riede hat es sich für uns angesehen.

À la suite de l'appel « historique » fin février d'Abdullah Ocalan, le fondateur de la guérilla du Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan, la Turquie et le groupe armé kurde s'engagent dans un processus de paix incertain, le second dans l'histoire de ce conflit qui dure depuis 40 ans. Si les combattants du PKK sont retranchés dans les montagnes du Kurdistan irakien, c'est en Irak également, dans le camp de Makhmour, que se sont réfugiés près de 8 000 civils, sympathisants de la guérilla et fuyant les persécutions en Turquie au mitan des années 1990. De notre envoyé spécial de retour de Makhmour,À Makhmour, où de nombreux jeunes ont rejoint le PKK, les mères des combattants espèrent que cette paix pourra faire revenir leurs enfants. Dans ce camp battu par les vents du désert irakien, la résistance à la Turquie rythme la vie des réfugiés kurdes et être mère, c'est se préparer à voir un jour partir ses enfants sur les sentiers de la guérilla. « Je me souviens bien quand il m'a annoncé son départ, se rappelle Saria, soixante ans, le visage creusé par les rides, incapable d'oublier le jour où son fils s'en est allé. Il m'a dit : "Maman, je vais rejoindre la résistance". Une maman n'oublie jamais un tel moment. J'avais une montre. Je la lui ai donnée. Je lui ai dit de la garder… C'était trop dur, mais j'étais obligée d'accepter son choix. » Le camp de Makhmour, qui compte 8 000 habitants, a donné plus de 500 de ses enfants à la cause kurde. Le dernier est mort au mois de février 2025 au cours de combats au Kurdistan irakien entre le PKK et la Turquie. Leur mémoire est célébrée dans la maison des martyrs, une pièce étouffante où les murs sont placardés de portraits. « C'est mon fils, Dyar, indique Saria, en désignant la photographie d'un homme aux traits juvéniles, ciblé par une frappe turque il y a deux ans. Personne ne souhaite apprendre la mort de ses enfants. Mais parfois, il faut accepter ce sacrifice. Le mal que nous fait la Turquie est intolérable. En tant que mamans kurdes, nous sommes obligées d'accepter que nos enfants puissent mourir pour la liberté des Kurdes. »Le deuxième fils de Saria, Baroz, a suivi les pas de son grand frère dans les montagnes du Kurdistan. Alors pour cette mère, le processus de paix fragile qui s'amorce entre la Turquie et la guérilla kurde suscite le vain espoir de voir rentrer son garçon : « Qui ne souhaiterait pas revoir son enfant ?, s'exclame-t-elle. Ocalan a appelé à la paix et je souhaite que ce processus réussisse, mais nous ne pouvons pas faire confiance à la Turquie. J'aimerais que Baroz puisse revenir, mais sans la liberté des Kurdes, ce sera trop difficile pour lui de rentrer… »À lire aussiTurquie: le chef kurde Abdullah Öcalan appelle à la dissolution du PKK« Le PKK, c'est devenu notre identité »Les enfants de Makhmour sont tous nés dans l'exil, en Irak, après que leurs parents ont abandonné leurs villages ravagés par l'armée turque dans les années 1990. Le soir, au coin du feu, ils discutent de politique… « L'appel à désarmer et dissoudre le PKK, ça ne m'a pas vraiment plu : le PKK, c'est devenu notre identité, alors c'est difficile à accepter, confie Dilan, 25 ans. Même si je pense qu'Ocalan a annoncé ça dans l'intérêt des Kurdes. »Le matin même, le camp de Makhmour était survolé par les drones turcs, de quoi susciter la méfiance de ces jeunes sympathisants du PKK : « Est-ce que la Turquie va répondre à l'appel d'Ocalan ? Le PKK a fait le premier pas, mais la Turquie souhaite-t-elle la paix ?, interroge Dilan. Parce que ça n'a pas toujours été le cas, nous attendons leur réaction. »Pour l'heure et en dépit d'un cessez-le-feu, le bruit des armes résonne toujours au Kurdistan irakien. Tous les mercredis, les mamans de Makhmour rendent hommage aux disparus en espérant que cette paix puisse aboutir et leur rendre leurs enfants. À écouter dans Grand reportageGénocide d'Anfal : le deuil impossible des Kurdes irakiens

Piştî ku Mezlûm Ebdî Fermandarê Giştî yê Hêzên Sûrya Demokratik (HSD) û Ehmed Şerii serokê demkî yê Sûryê rêdeftinek mor kirin, her weha Herêma Kurdistanê, Iraq û Tirkiyê, hemû aliyan behsa pêwîstiya kêmkirina aloziyan ji bo çareserkirina nakokiyan kirin. Li alîyekî din pênc meh li ser helbijartinên Kurdistanê derbas bûn lê heya niha kabîneya 10an ya HHK ji ber nelihevkirina herdu partiyên sereke YNK û PDK pêk nehatiye.

To reverse the dangerous and destructive trend towards religion- and ethnic-based conflicts there needs to be a concerted effort to chart a different approach that is rooted in a shared understanding of a common providential purpose for all humanity and animated by a mutual determination on the part of people of faith and goodwill to collaborate in education and action aimed at building a world of sectarian harmony and peace. This is the core purpose of the Abrahamic Peace Initiative (API), which recognizes Abraham and his family not only as the origin point of the three great monotheistic religions but also as the central figures tasked with forging a world of goodness based on enlightened hearts and minds working together for the peaceful resolution of conflicts. (API is a project of New America Initiative.) API believes that this, and not violent extremism, is the true purpose of religion and other moral and ethical systems, and that this peaceful approach is needed around the world today—from America and Europe to Africa, Asia and the Middle East. It is an approach that can inspire and guide leaders in peace-building and reconciliation relevant to communities of all religious affiliations. The API provides an ideology of inter-religious harmony that can underpin initiatives such as the Abraham Accords and other worthy peace-making efforts. This presentation will also inform the attendees about the Hizmet Movement. Hizmet (meaning “service” in Turkish) is a transnational network of education, dialogue and humanitarian initiatives. The movement is faith-inspired yet faith-neutral as it welcomes people from all backgrounds. Hizmet's foundations come from mainline Sunni Islam with a strong component of Islamic spirituality. The movement represents a school of thought that upholds personal devotion, freedom of expression, entrepreneurship, and nonviolence. Hizmet is a significant partner in the Abrahamic Peace Initiative. About the Speaker: Thomas Cromwell is co-founder of the New America Initiative and Chairman of the API. He spent 25 years in the Middle East, 18 of which as publisher and editor of the Middle East Times. During his time in the region he conducted a series of conferences that brought together Arabs and Israelis, Greeks, Turks and Iranians, to address shared challenges to their societies, from urbanization and agriculture to education and conflict resolution. He has travelled to 130 countries in the pursuit of understanding and to promote solutions to inter-religious and inter-ethnic conflicts. He has authored several books on these topics, including The Triumph of Good. Ibrahim Anli is Executive Director of the Rumi Forum and Advisor to API. He was a visiting researcher at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He later joined the Journalists and Writers Foundation (JWF), Hizmet Movement's leading organization based in Turkey, and led the foundation's diplomatic outreach as well as its intellectual dialogue programs. Ibrahim taught International Relations and Diplomacy at Tishk International University in Erbil, Kurdistan before he joined the Rumi Forum in 2019. He holds a BA in Economics and an MA in Conflict Resolution. **Learn more about IWP graduate programs: https://www.iwp.edu/academic-programs/ ***Make a gift to IWP: https://interland3.donorperfect.net/weblink/WebLink.aspx?name=E231090&id=3

Hatiye ragihand ku li Herêma Kurdistanê di meha Şibatê de ji sedî 13 xwepêşandan zêde bûne. Li gorî çalakiyên meha borî (Çile) ku hejmara wan bû 48 xwepêşandanan. Zêdetir derbarê vê mijarê û mijarên din di raporta Ehmed Xefûr ji Herêma Kurdistanê heye.

It's a volatile world these days. While Europe wonders if it's just lost its US security umbrella, while a Gaza ceasefire hangs by a thread, while Syria figures out how to hold it together after the fall of Assad, major regional player Turkey looks to get its own house in order with the announced dissolution of a 40-year-old Kurdish insurgency. Why did Recep Tayyip Erdogan and imprisoned PKK leader Abdullah Ocalan agree to open a path to peace? And why now?  Will it work this time? The pair have tried and failed before to bury the hatchet.We discuss the cross-border consequences in Iraq, where many guerrillas have their base, and in Syria, where Ankara-backed militias are openly fighting Syrian YPG Kurdish fighters, the secular Syrian Kurds who as part of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) have the backing of US troops as they take on the remnants of the Islamic State group.On that score, will that support from Washington continue? With Iran in retreat and Russia elsewhere occupied, how does the Trump administration see its role?Produced by Rebecca Gnignati, Ilayda Habib and Aurore Laborie. 

Il 1 marzo il Pkk o Partito dei lavoratori del Kurdistan ha annunciato il cessate il fuoco con la Turchia dopo 40anni di conflitto. Con Giulia Ansaldo, redattrice di Kaleydoskop e collaboratrice di Internazionale.La Fcc, la commissione federale per le comunicazioni, che è presieduta da uno stretto alleato di Donald Trump, ha lanciato una serie di indagini su diversi giornali e tv statunitensi. Con Alexander Stille, giornalista e docente di giornalismo alla Columbia University, da New YorkOggi parliamo anche di:Scienza • “Quando è cominciato il tempo” di Jon Cartwrighthttps://www.internazionale.it/magazine/jon-cartwright/2025/02/27/quando-e-cominciato-il-tempoLibri • Fammi un indovinello di Tillie Olsen (Marietti, 2024)Ci piacerebbe sapere cosa pensi di questo episodio. Scrivici a podcast@internazionale.it o manda un vocale a +39 3347063050Se ascolti questo podcast e ti piace, abbonati a Internazionale. È un modo concreto per sostenerci e per aiutarci a garantire ogni giorno un'informazione di qualità. Vai su internazionale.it/abbonatiConsulenza editoriale di Chiara NielsenProduzione di Claudio Balboni e Vincenzo De SimoneMusiche di Tommaso Colliva e Raffaele ScognaDirezione creativa di Jonathan Zenti

durée : 00:12:36 - Les Enjeux internationaux - par : Guillaume Erner - Ce 27 février, le fondateur du Parti des Travailleurs du Kurdistan, Abdallah Öcalan, a appelé l'organisation à déposer les armes et dissoudre le parti. Un appel historique lancé depuis sa prison, et vite repris par les cadres du PKK qui ont déclaré ce week-end un cessez-le-feu. - réalisation : Félicie Faugère - invités : Adel Bakawan Directeur du Centre Français de Recherche sur l'Irak, chercheur associé au Programme Turquie/Moyen-Orient de l'Institut Français des Relations Internationales (IFRI), membre de l'Institut de Recherche et d'Études Méditerranée Moyen-Orient (iReMMO)

This event was the launch of Dr Marouf Cabi's latest book 'Iranian Kurdistan Under the Islamic Republic: Change, Revolution, and Resistance' published by I.B. Tauris. Cabi presents a social, political, cultural, and socioeconomic history of Iranian Kurdistan since the 1979 Revolution. In this study, Marouf Cabi shines a spotlight on the modern history of Iranian Kurdistan – an area of Greater Kurdistan understudied in comparison to its regions in Syria and Iraq. The book provides a historical narrative and analysis of Kurdistan since the Revolution. It addresses key changes and events in detail, such as the participation of the Kurds in the Revolution, the reinvigoration of the Kurdish movements and the emergence of the women's movement, the armed struggle of the 1980s, socioeconomic and political change of the 1990s, and the emergence of civil society since 2000. Cabi draws on extensive primary sources, including oral history, various newspapers, journals, and books published during the period. Meet our speakers and chair Marouf Cabi is a Visiting Fellow at the LSE Middle East Centre. He received his PhD in History from the University of St Andrews, UK, and is a social and cultural historian of modern Iran. He is author of 'The Formation of Modern Kurdish Society in Iran: Modernity, Modernization, and Social Change 1921-1979' (2022). Kamran Matin is a Reader in International Relations in the School of Global Studies at the University of Sussex where he teaches international history, international theory, and Middle East politics. He is the author of 'Recasting Iranian Modernity: International Relations and Social Change' (Routledge, 2013) and co-editor of 'Historical Sociology and World History: Uneven and Combined Development over the Longue Durée' (Rowman & Littlefield International, 2016). Robert Lowe is Deputy Director of the LSE Middle East Centre and Co-editor of the Kurdish Studies Series, published by I.B. Tauris. His main research interest is Kurdish politics, with particular focus on the Kurdish movements in Syria.

Au Kurdistan irakien, le gel du financement de l'aide au développement étatsunienne (USAID) décrétée par Donald Trump a entraîné l'interruption de la plupart des programmes humanitaires. Dans une région qui accueille toujours des centaines de milliers de déplacés, les ONG sont sidérées.  De notre envoyé spécial au camp de Sharia,Dans les couloirs du centre psychosocial du camp de Sharia, les rires des enfants ont disparu. La suspension de l'aide humanitaire américaine a porté un coup fatal à ce sanctuaire pour les milliers de familles de la minorité Yézidie, victimes des persécutions de l'État islamique et qui vivent depuis 10 ans dans ce camp du Kurdistan irakien.Huwayda, la directrice des lieux, nous ouvre ses portes : « La situation est très triste honnêtement… Regardez le centre, c'est vide. D'habitude, nous avions beaucoup de gens qui venaient visiter le centre, demander du soutien. Mais depuis la suspension des financements, nous n'avons plus grand monde qui travaille. »Les bureaux sont désertés : sur 81 salariés, l'ONG jésuite qui gère le centre depuis 2014 a rompu du jour au lendemain la moitié des contrats. À l'étage, Ikram travaille pour cinq et s'inquiète de l'avenir d'une communauté à laquelle ce programme offrait un soutien encore trop rare en Irak : « Maintenant, sur ma liste d'attente, j'ai plus de 400 personnes qui ont besoin d'un suivi psychologique, de traitements psychiatriques, alerte-t-il. Si nous les laissons comme ça, ils penseront que nous les abandonnons et que nous n'avons rien fait pour eux. Peut-être que la confiance sera détruite. »À lire aussiIrak: dix ans après, les Yézidis toujours marqués par le génocide perpétré par l'État islamique« Ils ont dit que tout pourrait s'arrêter d'un coup, c'était un choc »Pour Zéré, déplacée depuis dix ans avec ses enfants, les visites au centre sont toujours un soulagement avant de regagner sa tente. Prise au dépourvu, elle confesse son angoisse à l'annonce de la nouvelle : « Les psychologues nous ont préparés pour nous dire que nous ne pourrions peut-être pas continuer au-delà de 90 jours. Ils ont même dit que tout pourrait s'arrêter d'un coup. J'ai d'abord pleuré, je n'arrivais plus à manger, c'était un choc. Je crains pour mon futur… »Dans l'intimité d'une salle de consultation, une maman accompagnée de sa petite fille revient sur les traumatismes qui la hantent et qu'elle essaye d'apaiser avec les équipes du centre : « Je revis les massacres que Daech nous a fait subir. Les décapitations, les tortures, je vois encore tout ça, témoigne-t-elle. Ici même, j'ai essayé de me pendre dix fois. J'ai failli réussir. Mon cou devenait bleu. J'ai encore les marques. Honnêtement, c'est grâce à ce centre que je suis encore en vie aujourd'hui. »L'ONG jésuite, financée aux trois quarts par les États-Unis, a choisi d'interrompre la plupart de ses programmes de manière à maintenir tant bien que mal les soins pour les personnes les plus fragiles, comme cette femme : « C'est tellement difficile pour nous. J'espère qu'on ne nous coupera pas l'accès à nos médicaments, qu'on nous laissera les prendre. »Mais faute de financements durables, le centre pourrait bien fermer définitivement.À lire aussiPour les Kurdes syriens réfugiés au Kurdistan irakien, l'impossible retour?

The אֱמוּנָה פְּשׁוּטָה of some of the עֵדוֹת הַמִּזְרָח re: אֶרֶץ יִשְׂרָאֵל, even when they misinterpreted rabbinic dicta

He was born early in the seventh century in the East. His birthplace is unclear: the Great Horologion says that he was born in eastern Arabia (present-day Qatar); the Synaxarion that he was born in Kurdistan. While still young he entered the Lavra of St Matthew with his brother, but after a few years of monastic life, having advanced far in obedience and the practice of prayer, he withdrew into the desert. His reputation for holiness reached the city of Nineveh, where the people prevailed on the hierarchy to consecrate him as their bishop in 670. Reluctantly but obediently, St Isaac took up the duties of shepherd of his flock in Nineveh. After a few months, he was called on to settle a dispute between two of the faithful, but they rejected his counsel and said 'Leave your Gospel out of this matter!' The holy bishop said, 'If they are not prepared to obey Our Lord's commandments, what need have they of me?', and retired to live as a hermit in the mountains of Kurdistan. Later, he settled in the monastery of Raban Shapur, where he wrote his Ascetical Homilies and other jewel-like works on the spiritual life. There he reposed in peace.   The fame of St Isaac' Homilies spread, and about one hundred years after their writing they were translated from Syriac into Greek by two monks in Palestine. In this form they spread throughout the monastic world, becoming a treasured guide to those who seek the fullness of the life of prayer. The Synaxarion says, "The book of Saint Isaac is, with the Ladder of Saint John Climacus, the indispensible guide for every Orthdox soul to journey safely toward God. Hence, not many years ago, a holy spiritual father, Jerome of Egina (d. 1966), recommended begging, if necessary, in order to be able to purchase a copy." We are blessed to have a good translation of the Ascetical Homilies available in English.   Saint Isaac is a very unusual case of an Orthodox Saint who lived outside the canonical boundaries of the Church: he was a bishop of the "Nestorian" communion, now sometimes called the "Oriental Orthodox." The purity of his own Orthodox faith is so clearly evident in his writings that the Church has nonetheless recognized his sanctity.

Episode 346: In this episode, we look into the life and mysterious murder of Annie Mae Pictou Aquash, a prominent Indigenous activist whose story continues to haunt the corridors of justice and activism alike. During the tumultuous 1970s, her journey took her from Shubenacadie, Nova Scotia, to the heart of the American Indian Movement (AIM) in the United States, where she fought for Indigenous rights. The mystery surrounding Annie Mae's death is as compelling as her life. In December 1975, she disappeared and was later found deceased on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota. Initial reports misleadingly attributed her death to exposure, but a second autopsy revealed she had been executed with a bullet to the back of her head. This revelation raised questions about who could have orchestrated such a brutal act against someone so profoundly committed to her cause. It took almost 30 years before the shocking truth was uncovered and the people responsible for Annie's murder were brought to justice. Sources: Annie Mae Aquash (1945 – 1975) Shubenacadie Wildlife Park A Warrior born... | Biography of Annie Mae Crossing the Canada-U.S. border with a status card CBP Customer Service 9.16 The 1960s Counterculture – Canadian History: Post-Confederation National Day of Mourning: A 1970 protest changed how Native Americans see Thanksgiving | CBC Radio Wounded Knee Massacre | South Dakota, Occupation, History, & Legacy | Britannica Historical Reading Room — Incident at Wounded Knee | U.S. Marshals Service Native Americans seized Wounded Knee 50 years ago. Here's what 1 reporter remembers MuckRock | Annie Mae Aquash FBI Files Annie Mae Aquash – From the US to Kurdistan: the indigenous struggle for freedom National Inquiry into Murdered and Missing Indigenous Women and Girls - Montreal. Day 2, Community Public Hearing 2, March 13, 2018. Live Feed | By National Inquiry MMIWG / Enquête nationale FFADA | Facebook American Indian Movement 2007 BCCA 345 (CanLII) | United States of America v. Graham | CanLII 2022 BCCA 47 (CanLII) | Graham v. Canada (Minister of Justice) | CanLII Justice for Annie Mae Pictou Aquash Woman Warrior Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices