Podcasts about ambazonia

In Nigeria, calls for the release of Nnamdi Kanu have intensified, with leaders arguing his imprisonment is causing unrest in southern Nigeria. It presents an interplay of human rights, stability, and legal considerations. Josey Mahachi talks to security analyst Kabiru Adamu, DW correspondent Olisa Chukwumah in Nigeria, and Capo Daniel, Capo Daniel, an Ambazonian seperatist advocate in Cameroon.

© ACN - Parochie H. Familie, Gaza Israël en Gaza Een inval in Israël door gewapende militanten van de terreurgroep Hamas schokte de wereld in oktober. Israël reageerde met bombardementen en een invasie van Gaza over land, wat verwoestende gevolgen had voor de lokale christelijke gemeenschap. Een maand na het begin van de huidige oorlog in het Heilige Land zijn de gevolgen voor de kleine christelijke gemeenschap in Gaza verwoestend geweest. Volgens een projectpartner van de katholieke hulporganisatie Kerk in Nood die verantwoordelijk is voor de Gazastrook, zijn de huizen van ten minste 53 christelijke gezinnen volledig verwoest en zijn de meeste gebouwen van christelijke instellingen beschadigd door de luchtaanvallen. Oekraïne Oekraïne voert sinds 2014 een defensieve oorlog tegen Rusland, maar het conflict escaleerde in 2022 met een volledige invasie. De Kerk begeleidt het Oekraïense volk in deze moeilijke tijden. Aartsbisschop Sviatoslav Shevchuk sprak in Lviv met vertegenwoordigers van de katholieke hulporganisatie Kerk in Nood over de belangrijkste uitdagingen waar Oekraïne vandaag de dag voor staat. Ook vertelde het hoofd van de Grieks-katholieke Kerk in Oekraïne hoe wij vanuit het westen het land het beste kunnen steunen in deze kritieke tijd. Myanmar De staatsgreep van 2021 in Myanmar leidde tot intern verzet. De militaire junta heeft de vervolging van etnische minderheden, waaronder christelijke gemeenschappen, nog verder opgevoerd. Regina Lynch, uitvoerend voorzitter van Kerk in Nood (ACN), toont zich bezorgd: “We hebben gehoord van hevige aanvallen in verschillende bisdommen. De afgelopen dagen is het geweld en de ontheemding aanzienlijk geëscaleerd. Een toenemend aantal dringende verzoeken om gebed heeft ons de afgelopen dagen vanuit dit land bereikt”. Soedan Na een eerste staatsgreep in 2019 volgde in 2021 een tweede staatsgreep in Soedan, waarbij generaal Abdel Fattah al-Burhan aan de macht kwam. In 2023 begonnen verschillende militaire facties het tegen elkaar op te nemen, wat leidde tot een burgeroorlog die de kleine christelijke gemeenschap van het land zwaar heeft getroffen. Een bom trof op vrijdag 3 november 2023 het huis van een missie van de zusters van Don Bosco in Soedan. De dubbele explosie die volgde, veroorzaakte verwondingen en ernstige schade. Pater Jacob Thelekkadan legde aan Kerk in Nood uit dat Onze-lieve-Vrouw bescherming bood. Burkina Faso Het geweld in Burkina Faso maakt deel uit van het regionale conflict in de Sahel, waar islamitische groepen strenge sociale regels hebben opgelegd die de lokale christelijke minderheden hebben getroffen. Geweld, veediefstal en verkrachting maken Burkina Faso momenteel tot een van de gevaarlijkste regio's ter wereld. Kerk in Nood sprak in augustus 2023 met pater Pierre Rouamba, algemeen overste van de Broeders Missionarissen van het Platteland (FMC) over hoe het is om er de christelijke bevolking te dienen. We beluisteren een kort stukje van dit gesprek van toen. De Democratische Republiek Congo De Democratische Republiek Congo heeft al tientallen jaren te maken met geweld, vooral in het oosten, met conflicten die teruggaan tot de jaren 90. Deze spanningen omvatten gevechten met buurland Rwanda en verschillende regionale milities. Deze spanningen omvatten gevechten met buurland Rwanda en de activiteiten van verschillende regionale milities. De etnische spanningen in verschillende regio's van het land zijn de laatste tijd toegenomen, waardoor de instabiliteit en het lijden van het Congolese volk is verergerd. Ethiopië Na het conflict in Tigray beleeft Ethiopië opnieuw een delicate periode met interne spanningen. In 2023 namen de gevechten tussen Amhara en Oromo toe, waardoor de instabiliteit en de zorgen die al in het land bestonden nog groter werden. Een Indiase bisschop die al vele jaren missionaris is in Ethiopië, hield afgelopen mei 2023 een vurig pleidooi voor de hervatting van vredesbesprekingen. Het conflict tussen de regering en rebellen heeft honderden levens gekost en tienduizenden mensen op de vlucht gejaagd. Kameroen Sinds de onafhankelijkheid heeft Kameroen te kampen met interne conflicten doordat de Engelstalige gemeenschap zich gediscrimineerd voelt door de Franstalige meerderheid van het land. Sinds 2016 is er een interne burgeroorlog aan de gang, de zogenaamde Ambazonia-oorlog, waarbij gevochten wordt voor de onafhankelijkheid van het zuiden van Kameroen. Duizenden mensen zijn gedood in het conflict en meer dan een half miljoen mensen zijn gedwongen hun huizen te ontvluchten. India Religieuze en etnische conflicten waren al geen onbekende, maar de situatie in de deelstaat Manipur verslechterde in 2023, met etnische wrok die toenam en leidde tot religieuze vervolging. Het beleid van hindoe suprematie van de regerende BJP heeft de afgelopen jaren geleid tot een toenemende intolerantie tegenover christenen. Haïti Sinds de moord op president Jovenal Moise in 2021 heerst er in Haïti steeds meer chaos, waarbij belangrijke delen van het land in handen zijn van criminele bendes. Misdaad en armoede blijven welig tieren, met een alarmerende toename van moorden, ontvoeringen en seksueel geweld, waardoor de bevolking extreem kwetsbaar is.

The longtime spokesperson of Cameroon's self-proclaimed Republic of Ambazonia says he has been elected president of the separatist movement. His election comes as the movement is flailing. VOA's James Butty spoke with Chris Anu, formerly Secretary of State for Communication.

In questa puntata- Focus: torniamo in Africa con Luca Sisto per parlare di Camerun- 100xTunnel: dalla posizione 35 alla posizione 29 della classifica dei giocatori più Tunnel di sempre

This episode is also available as a blog post: https://osazuwaakonedo.news/senator-regina-mundi-rescued-alive-from-ambazonia/01/06/2022/ --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/osazuwaakonedo/support

"On-Going War in Country BIAFRA, AMBAZONIA, BURKINA FASO, ETHIOPIA, CAMEROON, MALI, "Defunct-Bargaining-Power." by ACROSS 3 KONTINENTS". Copyright Charshee Links 2022-2082 Season 2 EPISODE 3 No More War

Our journey is taking us back to Cameroon. If you missed our previous Cameroon episode, please listen in. Our last episode explored the anglophone crisis in Cameroon. In this episode, we want to look at how things are going in Cameroon these days. Currently the two English speaking regions of Cameroon are witnessing an escalation of violence that has led to the death of several people. This is a result of violent confrontations between Cameroon's military and the defence forces of Ambazonia (an independent state in the Anglophone regions of Southern Cameroon) since AFCON, the main international men's association football competition in Africa, started. There has been a rise in kidnappings, mass arrests, detentions as well as attacks on educational establishments, just to name a few issues. To this end, we are very pleased that human rights activists Ester Oman and Agbor Bala have joined in the latest feature! We invite our two guests to share their views and reflect on the previous escalation of violence in Cameroon, advocating for the protection of the rule of law and democracy. This episode is hosted by the new host of the podcast, Masechaba Mdaka. Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom · FNF Africa · “Let's talk human rights” FNF Human Rights Podcast– Cameroon II_Season 3_Episode 1_Transcript.pdf — PDF (110.8 KB)

Our journey is taking us back to Cameroon. If you missed our previous Cameroon episode, please listen in. Our last episode explored the anglophone crisis in Cameroon. In this episode, we want to look at how things are going in Cameroon these days. Currently the two English speaking regions of Cameroon are witnessing an escalation of violence that has led to the death of several people. This is a result of violent confrontations between Cameroon's military and the defence forces of Ambazonia (an independent state in the Anglophone regions of Southern Cameroon) since AFCON, the main international men's association football competition in Africa, started. There has been a rise in kidnappings, mass arrests, detentions as well as attacks on educational establishments, just to name a few issues. To this end, we are very pleased that human rights activists Ester Oman and Agbor Bala have joined in the latest feature! We invite our two guests to share their views and reflect on the previous escalation of violence in Cameroon, advocating for the protection of the rule of law and democracy. This episode is hosted by the new host of the podcast, Masechaba Mdaka. Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom · “Let's talk human rights” FNF Human Rights Podcast– Cameroon II_Season 3_Episode 1_Transcript.pdf — PDF (110.8 KB)

https://www.radiobiafra.co, #FreeNnamdiKanu, @MaziKanuntaKanu, @EmekaGift100, #BiafraWar, #AmbazoniaWar, #EhtiopiaWar, #SyriaWar, #YemenWar. Copyright Charshee Links 2022-2082 EPISODE 6 NO MORE WAR. Visit: https://anchor.fm/enugu-adanma ACROSS 3 KONTINENTS A podcast on Anchor. Keep Love in your Heart and Brain ACROSS 3 KONTINENTS, we Never ask for Donations

#GoodNews ACROSS 3 KONTINENTS podcast, Chicago Students Full College Scholarships, New Beacon Books raised $80,000 Pounds. Information and updates on Twitter; @AloyEjimakor, @MaziKanutaKanu, @Damilare_arah, #Biafra, #IPOB, #MNK, #Lismore, #Bandjalung, #GivePeaceAChance, #Ambazonia, #ChagosIsland, #Ukraine, #Russia, #AfricansInUkraine. https://www.radiobiafra.co, https://www.newbeaconnews.com, https://www.Koorimali.com, https://www.Kooriradio.com

Dr. Isaac Zama honors us with his wisdom and knowledge as he ushers in the second season of the podcast. Dr. Isaac Zama founded Amba Farmer's Voice and through that is how I found him. His program showcase no-to-low-cost method of natural farming tailored to the people of Ambazonia. In this conversation we spoke a… Read More »Dr. Isaac Zama – Amba Farmer's Voice pt 1

¡La Balkanización de África, el caso de Southern Cameroon! ¡AMBAZONIA Y LAS AMBIZIONES DE INDEPENDENCIA! Entrevista a: *Dr. Raymond Echitchi* *Investigador y profesor de filología inglesa* Nuestro invitado, Dr Raymond Echitchi, lleva investigando la situación de su país, Camerún, y de su comunidad Anglófona, desde hace varios años; completando su doctorado sobre los paralelos entre la Declaración de Independencia Unilateral de Amabazonia y el Procés Català. Durante la entrevista el Dr. Echitchi nos adentra en sus investigaciones sobre el tema de Ambazonia/Southern Cameroon. Analizamos la composición precolonial de lo que hoy en día conocemos como Southern Cameroon, las influencias de las excolonias, y las actuales atrocidades que vemos en Cameroon debido a este conflicto sociopolítico. Contrastamos las diferentes posiciones dentro de Ambazonia (autonomía, adhesión a Nigeria o continuar peleando por la Independencia). Hablamos también de las posibles soluciones para desbloquear la situación de Ambazonia y de muchas otras naciones en África que sueñan o luchan por su independencia. No os lo perdáis, como siempre acompañado de música de la mano de #DJBLING: - Witty Minstrel - Sir TK - Kameni - Elizabeth Tekeh #Áfricadebeunirse #Ambazonia #SouthernCameroon #cameroon

For almost five years, Cameroon's western provinces have been wracked by a deadly separatist insurgency. In 2016, Anglophone protesters took to the streets angry at the increasing use of French in courtrooms and schools. The government's crackdown fuelled support for separatism and the emergence of several separatist militias calling for a new state: Ambazonia. Separatists attacked security forces and for years also enforced a school boycott, depriving hundreds of thousands of children of their education. For the most part, Paul Biya's government has refused to talk directly to separatist leaders and has waged a brutal military campaign. Violence has killed thousands of people and displaced some 700,000 more. For now, no end is in sight. In the latest episode of Hold Your Fire!, Richard Atwood and Naz Modirzadeh talk with Arrey Elvis Ntui, Crisis Group's Senior Analyst for Cameroon, about the war, its toll and prospects for a settlement. They discuss the origins of Anglophone grievances and the motives of separatists and Biya's government in Yaoundé. They also talk about the role women play in both the insurgency and peacemaking efforts. They ask what a peaceful settlement would look like, and the role Cameroon's foreign partners could play in getting the parties to the table.For more information, explore Crisis Group's analysis on our Cameroon page. Make sure to keep an eye out for our upcoming report. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

Im vierten und letzten Teil der Serie Ach, Kamerun! geht es um den andauernden Bürgerkrieg im Westen des Landes. Im Protest gegen die französische Dominanz versuchen die englischsprachigen Gebiete Kameruns mehr Freiheit und ihre Eigenständigkeit als Ambazonia (s. Foto) zu erlangen. Seit 2016 kostete die daraus resultierende anglophone Krise zwischen Rebellen und den Truppen des Ewig-Präsidenten Paul Biya mehrere Tausend Todesopfer. Dieser blutige Konflikt ist international sehr unterrepräsentiert und hat seine Wurzeln in der kolonialen Teilung des Landes nach dem ersten Weltkrieg, sowie der systematischen Abschaffung föderaler Elemente im unabhängigen Kamerun der 1970er Jahre. +++ Bei Afrika für Almans bekam in Staffel 1 jeder afrikanische Staat von A-Z seine eigene Episode. Nun geht es in Staffel 2 mit Themenfolgen rund um die Politik, Wirtschaft und Geschichte weiter. Mehr Infos auf https://afrikafueralmans.de/ +++ Dir gefällt AfA? Dann unterstütze uns und erhalte Zugang zu vielen exklusiven Podcasts! ♥ Patreon https://patreon.com/afrikafueralmans ♥ Steady https://steadyhq.com/afrikafueralmans ♥ Paypal https://paypal.me/afrikafueralmans +++ Abonniere AfA und verpasse keine Folge mehr!

Host Tiokasin Ghosthorse welcomes two guests. Konkankoh has more than 40 years of experience across social entrepreneurship development sectors in Africa and Europe. His career spans senior leadership and entrepreneurial roles in social transformation, environmental management, sustainable development and consulting. Since 1996 when Konkankoh registered Better World Cameroon (BWC), he has been leading a green revolution and youth development concept based on Systems thinking, an innovative method of resolving the cultural challenges pushing thousands of youth to migrate out of Africa. Konkankoh was evicted from his country in 2018 by the civil war and lives today in Portugal where he mentors a group of young change-makers, developing new societal platforms in the domains of education, social inclusion, healthcare, civil society governance, and livelihoods. Konkankoh’s youth development platform Ndanifor Permaculture Ecovillage that was recently burnt down by French Cameroon military included regenerative agriculture systems supported by global philanthropic collaborators. In parallel to Ecovillage design work, Konkankoh is grooming Global Ecovillage Network, Africa’s next-generation leadership engaged in developing a regenerative education system. Faced with the challenges of the Genocide in Ambazonia and COVID-19 pandemic, Konkankoh focuses his attention on reconnecting refugees to the land using Permaculture and looking for support to accompany them with seed funding. Konkankoh’s organization Better World is a not-for-profit incubator and accelerator focused on non-formal education. Konkankoh is a social Innovation advisor to Defend the Sacred Alliance. For more information, visit: https://betterworld-cameroon.com/ and https://spiritofndanifor.wordpress.com/Koh is a journalist and Communications Manager for BWC. Koh has worked in print and broadcast media in Cameroon but is now involved in freelance, digital media journalism, and activism since moving to Portugal in 2019 due to the severe crackdown on journalists reporting the atrocities happening in Southern Cameroons. Koh has been with BWC for more than 9 years and participates in the organization’s efforts to improve the lives of women and young people through regenerative education and entrepreneurship. Koh’s current work centers around creating awareness in Europe about the ongoing crisis in his country to push for international support towards an end to the war. Koh is also the co-founder of two small startup companies in Cameroon, Njangi and K and K media. Koh is passionate about storytelling, art and technology, believing they're key areas that will take Africa to the level where it is no longer portrayed in Western media narratives as a place of poverty and disease, but where Africans can tell their own stories and forge their path, void of post-colonial shackles and western exploitation.Production Credits:Tiokasin Ghosthorse (Lakota), Host and Executive ProducerLiz Hill (Red Lake Ojibwe), ProducerTiokasin Ghosthorse, Studio Engineer and Audio Editor, WIOX 91.3 FM, Roxbury, NYMusic Selections:1. Song Title: Tahi Roots Mix (First Voices Radio Theme Song)Artist: Moana and the Moa HuntersCD: Tahi (1993)Label: Southside Records (Australia and New Zealand)(00:00:44)2. Song Title: KothbiroArtist: Ayub OgadaCD: The Constant Gardener (Original Motion Picture Soundtrack) (2005)Label: Higher Octave Music(00:41:07)3. Song Title: 4R AncestorsArtist: Keith SecolaEP: Wild Band of Indians (1996)Label: AKINA Records(00:46:03)4. Song Title: Grand CanyonArtist: Mat KearneySingle: October 2020Label: N/A(00:50:25)5. Song Title: GenerationArtist: Buffy Sainte-MarieCD: Power in the Blood (2015)Label: Tr

In northwestern Cameroon, English-speaking separatists are fighting soldiers of the French-speaking government and schools are especially hard-hit. Pastor Roland Arrey wants to counter this with a recreation center that also teaches classes.

Across 3 Kontinents list the Names of Good Kontinent Kmt (Kahmat) Countries to Visit, where the Peoples are Beautiful Head to Toes, Sophisticated, Culture-Rich, highly Wise and Intelligent. Where Kmt Land Countries are Rich Water, Oil, Diamond, Gold, Coal, Copper, Bauxite WEALTH. Copyright2021 Charshee Links Ep6 Season3 January 4. All Rights Reserved.

Ugandan opposition politian Bobi Wine arrested again while campaigning+++Cameroonian Cardinal who was kinapped and released by Ambazonia separatists tells DW; only Paul Biya can bring peace to English-speaking Cameroon

I denne ukas episode starter vi med å gjennomgå noen viktige jubileer og et nytt take på det amerikanske valget, før vi begir oss ut på vår ukentlige rundtur i nyhetsbildet. FN feirer 75-årsdag, og har akkurat fått et gjennombrudd i arbeidet for å forby kjernevåpen. Vi går gjennom det, samt andre gode nyheter om en "permanent" våpenhvile i Libya. Deretter bærer turen til et grusomt angrep i Kamerun, hvor anglofone separatister kjemper for opprettelsen av sitt Ambazonia. Macron og Erdogans ordkrig tar på sin side ikke slutt, men har nådd nye lavmål den siste uken. Dessuten har det kommet nye kontroversielle rapporter fra Afghanistan, hvor USA tilsynelatende har fungert som Talibans luftvåpen i sistnevntes kamper mot IS. Vi må også innom flere urovekkende nyheter fra DR Kongo og det amerikanske konspirasjonskaosets inntog i Europa. Til slutt skal det handle om den nye avtalen mellom Sudan og Israel, hvor vi går inn i hva avtalen handler om, hvordan bakteppet ser ut, og hvorfor den ikke bare møtes med jubel.Dette og mer i denne ukas episode av Hva skjer med verden. 

Kamar yadda kuka ji a cikin labaran duniya, yanzu haka masu kokarin kafa kasar Biafra a Najeriya na ci gaba da fafutukar su wadda ta kai su kulla yarjejeniyar aiki tare da masu neman kafa kasar Ambazonia a Kamaru. Wannan na zuwa ne a daidai lokacin da wasu fitattun yan Najeriya ke kalaman da ake ganin na raba kan kasa ne. Dangane da wannan matsala Bashir Ibrahim Idris ya tattauna da dan siyasa kuma lauya Barr Abdullahi Jalo, kuma ga tsokacin da yayi akai.

Nigeria at 60+++Somali women journalists working under serious threats+++ Sisiku AyukTabe, "Republic of Ambazonia" separatist leader

I Kamerun er nesten en million mennesker drevet på flukt. Det engelskspråklige området Ambazonia ønsker å løsrive seg, og en av dem som leder kampen, sitter på hjemmekontor i Norge. Med journalist Vegard Tjørhom.

Following Germany's defeat in WW1, Cameroon was split and handed over to France and Britain - with the majority of the country under French rule alongside a small British minority. Upon reunification, this uneven split has lead to the country facing a socio-political issue involving minority English speakers and the declaration of the self-declared state Ambazonia. In this episode we discuss the history of Cameroon and how this separatist movement came to be. Don't forget to leave us a review on your podcast platform! We're on Instagram as @itsacontinentpod and Twitter @itsacontinent Music provided by Free Vibes: https://goo.gl/NkGhTg Warm Nights by Lakey Inspired: https://soundcloud.com/lakeyinspired/... Creative Commons — Attribution 3.0 Unported— CC BY 3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/... Sources for further reading: VJ Day: The forgotten African soldiers of the Burma Campaign Queen to honour Ghana's fundraising WW2 veteran Pte Joseph Hammond The Foumban Constitutional Talks and Prior Intentions of Negotiating: A Historico-Theoretical Analysis of a False Negotiation and Ramifications for Political Developments in Cameroon - Michael Fonkem Achankeng I The anglophone problem in Cameroon yesterday and today in search of a definition Why Britain was Reluctant to Annex Cameroon Cameroon: Government is secretly negotiating with the Ambazonians The Anglophone Problem in Cameroon COLONIAL BACKGROUND TO THE DEVELOPMENT OF AUTONOMIST TENDENCIES IN ANGLOPHONE CAMEROON, 1946-1961 Cameroon's Separatists Relaunch Attacks to Reject State Reconstruction Plan

Cameroon is currently embroiled in a crises over the secession of the anglophone speaking region of the country calling itself the Republic of Ambazonia.

In Cameroon, parliamentary and municipal elections take place on Sunday. There are fears of violence in the country’s minority English-speaking regions, which have been rocked by a three-year crisis. English-speaking separatists who have been fighting to create a new state called Ambazonia have vowed to disrupt the polls in the anglophone areas. Since the crisis turned into an armed conflict, nearly a million people have been forced out of their homes and more than 3000 killed. Local residents in the affected regions say their priority for now is their safety. Correspondent Alphonse Tebeck sends this report from Bamenda

Prof Lumumba Speaks To Eric Tataw On Ambazonia Meeting

The Ambazonian revolution VS Biya's Dialogue plans to to support the suffering population and refugees.

On this episode, Lagosian discusses with Mr Symon Dripa, a displaced man from the English-speaking part of Cameroon presently living in the forest with his family after his village was burnt down 2 years ago. Symon details his experiences and thoughts on the cause of the war. He chronicles the tragedies and unfortunate events that he has witnessed. He also makes a plea to the world to help bring the war to an end.  Follow Lagosian @Lagosianinnyc on Twitter and Instagram. Message me on Twitter or Instagram if you want to be a guest, suggest a topic, or place an advert. Phone:+2349034681246 (Nigeria), +16173839610 (US) Don't forget to subscribe to the podcast.  Lagosian in New York City is a Qwenu Media production. 

In Episode 27 of the CounterVortex podcast, Bill Weinberg interviews Eben Egbe and Amy Dalton of the Global Initiative to end the Cameroons Colonial Conflict (Gi3C), who discuss the independence struggle in Ambazonia—a territory that was illegally annexed by Cameroon following the end of colonial rule in 1960. The past year has seen a terrible increase in state terror in Ambazonia from the French-backed neo-colonial Cameroon authorities, with protesters fired upon by helicopter gunships, and finally villages burned by military forces, sending the residents fleeing into the bush. Some 246,000 people have been internally displaced, with a further 20,000 having crossed the border into Nigeria as refugees. Cameroon also receives military aid from the US, ostensibly for the fight against Boko Haram in the north of the country—but this same military is now being unleashed against the civilian populace in the unrelated conflict in Ambazonia in the south. The Gi3C has issued an urgent call for the UN Human Rights Council, which convenes for its 40th annual meeting this week in Geneva, to send a fact-finding delegation to the region. Listen on SoundCloud, and support our podcast via Patreon. Music: "Ekongha Ya", traditional wedding song in Bayang language, by Etando Moh Manyu https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ICV9Cv9h5HM Production by Chris Rywalt We are asking listeners to donate just $1 per episode via Patreon. A total of $30 per episode would cover our costs for engineering and producing. We are currently up to $19. https://www.patreon.com/countervortex New episodes will be produced every two weeks. We need your support.

On August 19, 2018, hundreds of people from the Cameroon Ambazonian regions gathered in front of the White House asking for U.S. intervention in restoring the independence of the former British Southern Cameroons, Ambazonia. Since peaceful protests for independence began one year ago, the government has met the Ambazonian people with violence, killing men, women, and children alike. Although the upcoming Cameroonian presidential election offers no glimpse of change, advocates Sammy Anyam and Ray Wung both plan to one day return to their beloved home free of persecution.

In Cameroon a conflict between English speaking Cameroonian rebels and the French speaking Cameroon state forces is rapidly getting worse. Whole villages are being burned, civilians are being killed, and young men are forming militias. There's little coverage in the media about this conflict so far, so we spoke to the only reporter who's been on the ground with the Anglophone militias to find out what's going on.  - patreon.com/popularfront - popularfront.co - @jake_hanrahan

Voters in Cameroon are expected to go to the polls in October for presidential elections that will challenge the 35-year-rule of incumbent President Paul Biya. And one man is hoping to bring Biya's reign to an end. Akere Muna has been described by some as the most credible possible successor to the Cameroonian leader. The former vice chair of Transparency International has already declared himself as a candidate in the race for the country's top job. He created the Now Movement aimed at “bringing together Cameroonians from all walks of life”. Muna also serves as the sanctions commissioner for the African Development Bank and served as chairman of the Ecobank board in Cameroon. Raised in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon and having developed a successful law firm in Yaoundé, Muna says he can help “bridge” the divide between Anglophones and Francophones given the ongoing crisis in the north-west and south-west of the country. However, his declared candidacy for the presidency flies in the face of the more established political opposition and he challenges an incumbent who has ruled the country since 1982. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Akere Muna… Do you really think you've got any chance in beating President Paul Biya in the elections? We're talking about someone who's been in power for 35 years. You're talking about President Paul Biya, I'm talking about Cameroonians, who really know the country's in danger of imploding. They know that their livelihood is in danger because the system doesn't work. They know that the infrastructure is at an ebb low. And they know that the justice system is not one that protects them. So I'm talking about the people, you can talk about Biya. I'm not worried about him, I'm worried about the Cameroonian people. What I'm telling them is that we can fix this. It also seems as if you're making the assumption that the elections will be free and fair. I'm a lawyer by profession, I know what the laws are. I know that the way that they're made, they're made to suit the incumbent. But that's a given and to try and think that you can change the law that you're now at elections – it's a distraction. But I think there's no fraudulent machine that can be above the will of the people. I'm telling you, I've travelled up and down the country and the will and desire for change is very high. They can try to fraud all they want, but I don't think that that can be above the will of the people. Why did you decide to go it alone in the formation of your own party? I didn't go it alone and this gives me the opportunity to set it correct. I am non-partisan and I created a movement known as the Now Movement which is not a political party and non-partisan. But there is a group of parties who created the Platform for a New Republic and they're supporting me. The Platform for a New Republic is a group of political parties, trade unions, civil society organisations and certain political personalities who support me. So I'm not going it alone and I'm a declared candidate. I think we're now trying to get people to register because the register of non-voters in the last election in 2011 were more in number than those who voted for President Paul Biya. So we're trying to get Cameroonians to register, to vote and to control and make sure their votes are counted. When we get to that point I'm sure, when all the candidates are in, the members of the opposition, we'll sit down and have a talk. We're now just making sure that Cameroonians are aware about the importance of these elections. Do you have the support of the Social Democratic Front, one of the country's main opposition parties? The Social Democratic Front has already elected its own flag bearer for the elections. I am representing a different group. But as I say, at this moment we're now getting Cameroonians sensitised, I think coalitions and alliances are sometime down the road and I think they'll happen. Who do you think you appeal to - do you appeal to Francophones? Do you appeal to Anglophones? You yourself, you're from the north-west region, but you founded your business in Yaoundé and spent a lot of time there. Yes, 40 years of legal practice. I tell you this, I appeal to Cameroonians because of my background. Many of them consider me a bridge, so I don't think that I'm really affected by this divide. There's Anglophones who feel I'm a Francophone. I'm not really bothered by that. I think that we have an Anglophone crisis in hand and I am better placed to understand it because I know what's going on and I'm a victim of it, I've been a victim of it myself. I've written extensively about the mismanagement of the diversity of our country. As it stands, I think working with Francophones, working with the government and working internationally, I've come away with experience in governance, which is really my anchor in my career. I was vice chair of TI [Transparency International] for nine years. I worked for the African Peer Review Mechanism. I was president of the Economic and Social Council of the African Union, doing governance work for the African Development Bank. Cameroon has a huge governance problem and this is exacerbating the other problems. I think I do know what our country needs. It's a good dose of resetting the country and making sure all identities are protected. And make sure that Cameroonians can actually live in a country that is working for them. You mentioned the Anglophone crisis – is it really actually a good idea trying to run an election while this crisis continues? Will it actually be possible to hold any kind of vote in the north-west and south-west regions? I'm looking for a solution to a problem and I'm saying that the solution is the ballot, not the bullet, as easy as that. If anybody has a better solution, I'm ready to listen. There's a government that's closing its ears not to see and its eyes not to hear. They don't want to deal with any of this. So what do you want me to do? I'm saying, the Francophones think it's time for a change. The Anglophones are suffering because things are not going better. The only way to move ahead is to galvanise and get ready to vote and change the government. Changing the country doesn't help [regarding the breakaway state of Ambazonia], it can't happen without bloodshed. So I'm saying, let's change the government. And this can be done, that's my message to all Cameroonian people. Let us make sure that we can see the back of this government and be able to rebuild a new republic. A country where every identity is protected, as easy as that. We're going to have elections, of course that's why I'm travelling talking to Cameroonians in the diaspora who have a very heavy influence on Cameroonians back home. Tell them to tell their brothers, sisters and other Anglophones back home that it is important to vote. The government knows this and is trying to make sure that parts of the Anglophone regions will get so tense that they don't want to vote. Of course, such an imputation of a part of the electorate will only be good for the government and not for any opposition candidate. So we can't fall into that trap, we know it's wrong, we know it's difficult, but it's important to get out and vote. That is the route towards the future. Your father was Salomon Tandeng Muna who was prime minister of West Cameroon. Not all Anglophones really agree with your father's contribution in terms of the unification of Cameroon. So given that you're in some way you're trying to follow in your father's footsteps, do you think that you're acceptable to Anglophones given those divides within the Anglophone community? I don't know if my father, who died in 2002, is running for any office. My name is Akere Muna. I have my own prerogatives. I don't know who says that I'm following in my father's footsteps. What I'm saying is simple. We're in a country where those who are the most disadvantaged are suffering and I'm trying to work for Cameroonians. Regardless of whether they're Anglophones or Francophones. It is true at this particular moment, the Anglophones are really carrying the heavy part of the burden. Their villages have been burnt, they're suffering. I'm saying that this government now is not listening. Those who want to manage my father's existence, I'll leave them to manage that. I have a simple mission that I've fixed for myself – to make sure that we can have a country that protects its own peoples. I am 66 and if people want to look at me through the prism of my father then that's their problem to deal with. I don't know who their own fathers are – it's not an argument about whose father did what. Going back to the Anglophone situation in the country – how would you solve the situation, how would you solve the problem? It is easy. I think that in any union, the best protection you can have to parts of the union, is the protection of the identity of every union. I think that a federated form of the state is one of those guarantees you have. People tend to forget that when in 1972, President Ahidjo opted out of a federal system to a unitary system. He said this, ‘the federal system has permitted us to consolidate national unity, therefore the federal system permits the individual identities to be protected and to feel part of the union'. Now what has happened is the total erosion of the cultures of the country. The microcultures – Anglophone and Francophone - eroded, judicial system eroded, education system eroded and the frustrations have increased. Everybody who wants this country to have a place in the future knows that every identity of the country has to be protected and respected. Only a federal system, as it stands, can guarantee that. That's what we're fighting for – a federal system that will protect the identity of different cultures. Secondly, make sure that refugees can come back home, make sure that all political prisoners are released. And make sure that we can start building a country for everyone. You said union there several times, so do we presume that you don't agree with the separatists, those who've self-declared so-called Ambazonia. Disagreeing is a very loose term. The government has said Cameroonians want to be indivisible, so they're putting nothing on the table. There's these Cameroonians - who feel frustrated and feel that there's nothing on offer – are now saying that they'll go to a different country. I'm saying that you don't want to change the country, you want to change the government. I'm saying that the system that will better protect the rights of all the minorities in that country is the federal system. It's not a question of agreeing or disagreeing about Ambazonia. It's a question of giving a prescription of what can fix the mess that we're in. Maybe we can be a bit more specific – what would you put on the table? A federal system, I just said that.

Voters in Cameroon are expected to go to the polls in October for presidential elections that will challenge the 35-year-rule of incumbent President Paul Biya. And one man is hoping to bring Biya’s reign to an end. Akere Muna has been described by some as the most credible possible successor to the Cameroonian leader. The former vice chair of Transparency International has already declared himself as a candidate in the race for the country’s top job. He created the Now Movement aimed at “bringing together Cameroonians from all walks of life”. Muna also serves as the sanctions commissioner for the African Development Bank and served as chairman of the Ecobank board in Cameroon. Raised in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon and having developed a successful law firm in Yaoundé, Muna says he can help “bridge” the divide between Anglophones and Francophones given the ongoing crisis in the north-west and south-west of the country. However, his declared candidacy for the presidency flies in the face of the more established political opposition and he challenges an incumbent who has ruled the country since 1982. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Akere Muna… Do you really think you’ve got any chance in beating President Paul Biya in the elections? We’re talking about someone who’s been in power for 35 years. You’re talking about President Paul Biya, I’m talking about Cameroonians, who really know the country’s in danger of imploding. They know that their livelihood is in danger because the system doesn’t work. They know that the infrastructure is at an ebb low. And they know that the justice system is not one that protects them. So I’m talking about the people, you can talk about Biya. I’m not worried about him, I’m worried about the Cameroonian people. What I’m telling them is that we can fix this. It also seems as if you’re making the assumption that the elections will be free and fair. I’m a lawyer by profession, I know what the laws are. I know that the way that they’re made, they’re made to suit the incumbent. But that’s a given and to try and think that you can change the law that you’re now at elections – it’s a distraction. But I think there’s no fraudulent machine that can be above the will of the people. I’m telling you, I’ve travelled up and down the country and the will and desire for change is very high. They can try to fraud all they want, but I don’t think that that can be above the will of the people. Why did you decide to go it alone in the formation of your own party? I didn’t go it alone and this gives me the opportunity to set it correct. I am non-partisan and I created a movement known as the Now Movement which is not a political party and non-partisan. But there is a group of parties who created the Platform for a New Republic and they’re supporting me. The Platform for a New Republic is a group of political parties, trade unions, civil society organisations and certain political personalities who support me. So I’m not going it alone and I’m a declared candidate. I think we’re now trying to get people to register because the register of non-voters in the last election in 2011 were more in number than those who voted for President Paul Biya. So we’re trying to get Cameroonians to register, to vote and to control and make sure their votes are counted. When we get to that point I’m sure, when all the candidates are in, the members of the opposition, we’ll sit down and have a talk. We’re now just making sure that Cameroonians are aware about the importance of these elections. Do you have the support of the Social Democratic Front, one of the country’s main opposition parties? The Social Democratic Front has already elected its own flag bearer for the elections. I am representing a different group. But as I say, at this moment we’re now getting Cameroonians sensitised, I think coalitions and alliances are sometime down the road and I think they’ll happen. Who do you think you appeal to - do you appeal to Francophones? Do you appeal to Anglophones? You yourself, you’re from the north-west region, but you founded your business in Yaoundé and spent a lot of time there. Yes, 40 years of legal practice. I tell you this, I appeal to Cameroonians because of my background. Many of them consider me a bridge, so I don’t think that I’m really affected by this divide. There’s Anglophones who feel I’m a Francophone. I’m not really bothered by that. I think that we have an Anglophone crisis in hand and I am better placed to understand it because I know what’s going on and I’m a victim of it, I’ve been a victim of it myself. I’ve written extensively about the mismanagement of the diversity of our country. As it stands, I think working with Francophones, working with the government and working internationally, I’ve come away with experience in governance, which is really my anchor in my career. I was vice chair of TI [Transparency International] for nine years. I worked for the African Peer Review Mechanism. I was president of the Economic and Social Council of the African Union, doing governance work for the African Development Bank. Cameroon has a huge governance problem and this is exacerbating the other problems. I think I do know what our country needs. It’s a good dose of resetting the country and making sure all identities are protected. And make sure that Cameroonians can actually live in a country that is working for them. You mentioned the Anglophone crisis – is it really actually a good idea trying to run an election while this crisis continues? Will it actually be possible to hold any kind of vote in the north-west and south-west regions? I’m looking for a solution to a problem and I’m saying that the solution is the ballot, not the bullet, as easy as that. If anybody has a better solution, I’m ready to listen. There’s a government that’s closing its ears not to see and its eyes not to hear. They don’t want to deal with any of this. So what do you want me to do? I’m saying, the Francophones think it’s time for a change. The Anglophones are suffering because things are not going better. The only way to move ahead is to galvanise and get ready to vote and change the government. Changing the country doesn’t help [regarding the breakaway state of Ambazonia], it can’t happen without bloodshed. So I’m saying, let’s change the government. And this can be done, that’s my message to all Cameroonian people. Let us make sure that we can see the back of this government and be able to rebuild a new republic. A country where every identity is protected, as easy as that. We’re going to have elections, of course that’s why I’m travelling talking to Cameroonians in the diaspora who have a very heavy influence on Cameroonians back home. Tell them to tell their brothers, sisters and other Anglophones back home that it is important to vote. The government knows this and is trying to make sure that parts of the Anglophone regions will get so tense that they don’t want to vote. Of course, such an imputation of a part of the electorate will only be good for the government and not for any opposition candidate. So we can’t fall into that trap, we know it’s wrong, we know it’s difficult, but it’s important to get out and vote. That is the route towards the future. Your father was Salomon Tandeng Muna who was prime minister of West Cameroon. Not all Anglophones really agree with your father’s contribution in terms of the unification of Cameroon. So given that you’re in some way you’re trying to follow in your father’s footsteps, do you think that you’re acceptable to Anglophones given those divides within the Anglophone community? I don’t know if my father, who died in 2002, is running for any office. My name is Akere Muna. I have my own prerogatives. I don’t know who says that I’m following in my father’s footsteps. What I’m saying is simple. We’re in a country where those who are the most disadvantaged are suffering and I’m trying to work for Cameroonians. Regardless of whether they’re Anglophones or Francophones. It is true at this particular moment, the Anglophones are really carrying the heavy part of the burden. Their villages have been burnt, they’re suffering. I’m saying that this government now is not listening. Those who want to manage my father’s existence, I’ll leave them to manage that. I have a simple mission that I’ve fixed for myself – to make sure that we can have a country that protects its own peoples. I am 66 and if people want to look at me through the prism of my father then that’s their problem to deal with. I don’t know who their own fathers are – it’s not an argument about whose father did what. Going back to the Anglophone situation in the country – how would you solve the situation, how would you solve the problem? It is easy. I think that in any union, the best protection you can have to parts of the union, is the protection of the identity of every union. I think that a federated form of the state is one of those guarantees you have. People tend to forget that when in 1972, President Ahidjo opted out of a federal system to a unitary system. He said this, ‘the federal system has permitted us to consolidate national unity, therefore the federal system permits the individual identities to be protected and to feel part of the union’. Now what has happened is the total erosion of the cultures of the country. The microcultures – Anglophone and Francophone - eroded, judicial system eroded, education system eroded and the frustrations have increased. Everybody who wants this country to have a place in the future knows that every identity of the country has to be protected and respected. Only a federal system, as it stands, can guarantee that. That’s what we’re fighting for – a federal system that will protect the identity of different cultures. Secondly, make sure that refugees can come back home, make sure that all political prisoners are released. And make sure that we can start building a country for everyone. You said union there several times, so do we presume that you don’t agree with the separatists, those who’ve self-declared so-called Ambazonia. Disagreeing is a very loose term. The government has said Cameroonians want to be indivisible, so they’re putting nothing on the table. There’s these Cameroonians - who feel frustrated and feel that there’s nothing on offer – are now saying that they’ll go to a different country. I’m saying that you don’t want to change the country, you want to change the government. I’m saying that the system that will better protect the rights of all the minorities in that country is the federal system. It’s not a question of agreeing or disagreeing about Ambazonia. It’s a question of giving a prescription of what can fix the mess that we’re in. Maybe we can be a bit more specific – what would you put on the table? A federal system, I just said that.

The various Anglophone groups in north west and south west need to come together and talk, setting aside their differences over self-declared independence, federalism or self-determination, according to a leading Anglophone lawyer. Nkongho Felix Agbor Balla, who spent 8 months in prison for organising Anglophone protests, has told Spotlight on Africa that infighting between the differing groups needs to stop. The crisis in Anglophone regions has worsened over recent months with allegations of Cameroonian security ransacking towns and villages, while armed separatist groups have continued to carry out reprisal attacks. Some groups support independence and in October 2017 declared Ambazonia as a breakaway state. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Agbor Balla, president of the Fako Lawyers Association and vice president for the central Africa region at the African Bar Association… What's the latest on the jailed Anglophone leaders? Those who were transferred from Nigeria. The latest is that there's no latest in the sense that we don't have any information. Nobody has seen them, nobody has spoken to them - their lawyers and family, nobody that I know. I've been there with a couple of lawyers twice and we were not allowed to see them. Besides from those transferred from Nigeria, do you know how many Anglophones in total are currently in custody? There are close to 1,000 that are in custody between 2 maximum prisons in Yaoundé – Kondengui principale, where I spent 8 months, and there is Kondengui centrale where Mancho Bibixy, Penn Terence and the others are. There are also some detained at the Sed [Secrétaire d'Etat à la Défense], the gendarmerie headquarters, in Yaoundé. Some are also supposed to be at the judicial police at Elig Essono. Then there are close to 409 at the central prison in Buea, others in Bamenda and scattered all over the country. These are those that we can identify. Some of them have already been convicted – Penn Terence was given 12 years, others had 11, Mancho Bibixy and Tsi Conrad were found guilty on terrorism, secession and group rebellion. So the matter has been adjourned until 8th [May] for the sentencing. Why do you think you were released from jail last year? To be sincere and honest with you, we don't really know. I don't know what was the reason that they used in deciding to release myself, Dr [Neba] Fontem, Justice [Paul] Ayah and 51 others. Do you support the violence carried out by some separatist groups? They say they're defending the people against crimes carried out by the Cameroonian security forces. It's a very tricky one. I believe in self-defence, I believe in the right for people to protect themselves, protect their people. I think it's a fundamental right – the right to self-defence. But I don't agree when you go beyond self-defence when you start doing things that are outside of the law. That's what I have a problem with. I also think the whole thing about self-defence stems from the fact that most of the people I've spoken to believe in an armed struggle. Their argument is that, the government arrests people and because they cannot protect themselves, they just kidnap some of them, take them to Yaoundé, and try them - so they're trying to protect the people. So it's a tricky balance between self-defence and committing offences also. The violence is quite close to home for you, in fact your family house in Mamfé was attacked. How did this make you feel? I felt a bit sad and a bit disappointed because I believe that for most of my adulthood I have, in one way or another, contributed or fought for our people. I've been involved - the struggle did not start in 2016, it's just that I came to the limelight in the struggle in 2016. But I have been in the struggle from the days of the All Anglophone Conference when I was a young boy. So for me to then go to jail, my dad was buried in my absence, then to see what happened, but it's not the majority of the people. So what's why I don't get dejected because I still believe that in any struggle you have people who disagree with you. You have people who don't think like you. But I caution violence and I'm urging all the groupings that we can still disagree without being disagreeable. If we have a common goal, to fight to protect the self-determination of our people, we need to understand that not everybody will think alike. You talked about diverging views there. The Anglophone movement has somewhat splintered into a number of different groups. Is it important to reconcile this? It's very important for us. It's true that it's not easy to speak with one voice. But I think it's very important for us as a people to try as much as possible not to be seen, the perception, that we're fighting each other. There are times when the leaders, the other groupings and their followers, they spend a lot of time criticising and attacking each other. Rather than focusing on the target, which is the self-determination of the people. If I had my way I would advise, I would urge, I would organise with the other leaders, let them sit down and have an Anglophone leadership forum. Where the leaders can sit and dialogue and try to agree on the things that all of them have a common interest in. Was the self-declaration of Ambazonia a bad idea? The time that it was done, I think it was precipitated, enough groundwork had not been done for the declaration. But I wasn't involved so perhaps they had more information, perhaps they had information that I didn't have. You're saying it was a bad idea? No. I would not say it was a bad or a good idea because I don't have the facts that they have. I don't know the background to which they decided to declare independence. But the situation on the ground – declaring independence – does it change anything? How can we effectively, if you have independence, how can you effectively protect it? How can you effectively live as an independent state? What are the recognitions you have from other states? So it's not just about the declaration of independence. What role have France and the UK played since the start of the crisis? I think they're doing behind-the-scenes diplomacy. I met a couple of diplomats, officially and unofficially, from both the French and the British. I personally think that they could do a lot, they could do more. They could engage, not only engage in government, but engage with both parties to try to see and find a solution. How we can get a truce from what is going on. Also to address the problems that the Anglophones have been raising. It's very important for us to look at these problems and try to find a long-lasting solution. The British and the French they should know better because this problem, in a way they're connected to the problem, in a way they're responsible for what is happening. So they cannot just claim that it's an independent state, we cannot intervene. When do you want to intervene? Do you want to intervene when there's a peacekeeping mission? I don't think it's proper. Yes they're doing something, which I appreciate, but I think that they can do more. I urge them to engage the government, to engage the other groupings also in trying to see how we can find a solution. Because the current situation on the ground, it's not helpful for anybody, it's not helpful for the country, it's not helpful for the citizens. So the earlier we find a solution where we can live in peace and harmony as we used to live prior to the uprising. Genuine peace, genuine justice, genuine harmony, not the situation where one group of persons feel they're second class. In a society that there is equality, that there is fairness for each and every one, no matter what part of the country you come from. I think it will be better. Can change for Anglophones come about through the ballot box do you think? With the forthcoming elections? There are diverging schools of thought. Some believe that an election could help the situation. It's difficult to defeat the current leadership because of everything they have, they created the constitutional council, everything, they have the money, they have the resources. The elections can never be free and fair. Electioneering is an entire process, not just voting. It starts with the entire process, from registration, access to media, campaign financing, everything, not just the voting. I don't think that they will be able to defeat the current head of state. I wish that there was a possibility that those who were vying for the highest office could come together and have a veritable candidate. So that they can give the ruling party a run for its money. But when you talk to most of them you don't have the feeling that they would come together. So the elections for you are irrelevant? I think they won't help the situation. Going for an election when a part of the country is having this kind of armed conflict - because it's a war in the south west and north west regions - I don't think it's the best solution. I think we should try and see how we can find a solution, address these issues, because elections won't solve the problem. This problem has been created by the current government, I don't think it has the ability and the capacity to solve the problem. So him [President Paul Biya] being in power – this problem will not be solved. I think the problem will be solved when he leaves power.

The various Anglophone groups in north west and south west need to come together and talk, setting aside their differences over self-declared independence, federalism or self-determination, according to a leading Anglophone lawyer. Nkongho Felix Agbor Balla, who spent 8 months in prison for organising Anglophone protests, has told Spotlight on Africa that infighting between the differing groups needs to stop. The crisis in Anglophone regions has worsened over recent months with allegations of Cameroonian security ransacking towns and villages, while armed separatist groups have continued to carry out reprisal attacks. Some groups support independence and in October 2017 declared Ambazonia as a breakaway state. Spotlight on Africa spoke to Agbor Balla, president of the Fako Lawyers Association and vice president for the central Africa region at the African Bar Association… What’s the latest on the jailed Anglophone leaders? Those who were transferred from Nigeria. The latest is that there’s no latest in the sense that we don’t have any information. Nobody has seen them, nobody has spoken to them - their lawyers and family, nobody that I know. I’ve been there with a couple of lawyers twice and we were not allowed to see them. Besides from those transferred from Nigeria, do you know how many Anglophones in total are currently in custody? There are close to 1,000 that are in custody between 2 maximum prisons in Yaoundé – Kondengui principale, where I spent 8 months, and there is Kondengui centrale where Mancho Bibixy, Penn Terence and the others are. There are also some detained at the Sed [Secrétaire d'Etat à la Défense], the gendarmerie headquarters, in Yaoundé. Some are also supposed to be at the judicial police at Elig Essono. Then there are close to 409 at the central prison in Buea, others in Bamenda and scattered all over the country. These are those that we can identify. Some of them have already been convicted – Penn Terence was given 12 years, others had 11, Mancho Bibixy and Tsi Conrad were found guilty on terrorism, secession and group rebellion. So the matter has been adjourned until 8th [May] for the sentencing. Why do you think you were released from jail last year? To be sincere and honest with you, we don’t really know. I don’t know what was the reason that they used in deciding to release myself, Dr [Neba] Fontem, Justice [Paul] Ayah and 51 others. Do you support the violence carried out by some separatist groups? They say they’re defending the people against crimes carried out by the Cameroonian security forces. It's a very tricky one. I believe in self-defence, I believe in the right for people to protect themselves, protect their people. I think it's a fundamental right – the right to self-defence. But I don’t agree when you go beyond self-defence when you start doing things that are outside of the law. That’s what I have a problem with. I also think the whole thing about self-defence stems from the fact that most of the people I’ve spoken to believe in an armed struggle. Their argument is that, the government arrests people and because they cannot protect themselves, they just kidnap some of them, take them to Yaoundé, and try them - so they’re trying to protect the people. So it's a tricky balance between self-defence and committing offences also. The violence is quite close to home for you, in fact your family house in Mamfé was attacked. How did this make you feel? I felt a bit sad and a bit disappointed because I believe that for most of my adulthood I have, in one way or another, contributed or fought for our people. I’ve been involved - the struggle did not start in 2016, it’s just that I came to the limelight in the struggle in 2016. But I have been in the struggle from the days of the All Anglophone Conference when I was a young boy. So for me to then go to jail, my dad was buried in my absence, then to see what happened, but it’s not the majority of the people. So what’s why I don’t get dejected because I still believe that in any struggle you have people who disagree with you. You have people who don’t think like you. But I caution violence and I’m urging all the groupings that we can still disagree without being disagreeable. If we have a common goal, to fight to protect the self-determination of our people, we need to understand that not everybody will think alike. You talked about diverging views there. The Anglophone movement has somewhat splintered into a number of different groups. Is it important to reconcile this? It’s very important for us. It’s true that it’s not easy to speak with one voice. But I think it’s very important for us as a people to try as much as possible not to be seen, the perception, that we’re fighting each other. There are times when the leaders, the other groupings and their followers, they spend a lot of time criticising and attacking each other. Rather than focusing on the target, which is the self-determination of the people. If I had my way I would advise, I would urge, I would organise with the other leaders, let them sit down and have an Anglophone leadership forum. Where the leaders can sit and dialogue and try to agree on the things that all of them have a common interest in. Was the self-declaration of Ambazonia a bad idea? The time that it was done, I think it was precipitated, enough groundwork had not been done for the declaration. But I wasn’t involved so perhaps they had more information, perhaps they had information that I didn’t have. You’re saying it was a bad idea? No. I would not say it was a bad or a good idea because I don’t have the facts that they have. I don’t know the background to which they decided to declare independence. But the situation on the ground – declaring independence – does it change anything? How can we effectively, if you have independence, how can you effectively protect it? How can you effectively live as an independent state? What are the recognitions you have from other states? So it’s not just about the declaration of independence. What role have France and the UK played since the start of the crisis? I think they’re doing behind-the-scenes diplomacy. I met a couple of diplomats, officially and unofficially, from both the French and the British. I personally think that they could do a lot, they could do more. They could engage, not only engage in government, but engage with both parties to try to see and find a solution. How we can get a truce from what is going on. Also to address the problems that the Anglophones have been raising. It’s very important for us to look at these problems and try to find a long-lasting solution. The British and the French they should know better because this problem, in a way they’re connected to the problem, in a way they’re responsible for what is happening. So they cannot just claim that it’s an independent state, we cannot intervene. When do you want to intervene? Do you want to intervene when there’s a peacekeeping mission? I don’t think it’s proper. Yes they’re doing something, which I appreciate, but I think that they can do more. I urge them to engage the government, to engage the other groupings also in trying to see how we can find a solution. Because the current situation on the ground, it’s not helpful for anybody, it’s not helpful for the country, it’s not helpful for the citizens. So the earlier we find a solution where we can live in peace and harmony as we used to live prior to the uprising. Genuine peace, genuine justice, genuine harmony, not the situation where one group of persons feel they’re second class. In a society that there is equality, that there is fairness for each and every one, no matter what part of the country you come from. I think it will be better. Can change for Anglophones come about through the ballot box do you think? With the forthcoming elections? There are diverging schools of thought. Some believe that an election could help the situation. It’s difficult to defeat the current leadership because of everything they have, they created the constitutional council, everything, they have the money, they have the resources. The elections can never be free and fair. Electioneering is an entire process, not just voting. It starts with the entire process, from registration, access to media, campaign financing, everything, not just the voting. I don’t think that they will be able to defeat the current head of state. I wish that there was a possibility that those who were vying for the highest office could come together and have a veritable candidate. So that they can give the ruling party a run for its money. But when you talk to most of them you don’t have the feeling that they would come together. So the elections for you are irrelevant? I think they won’t help the situation. Going for an election when a part of the country is having this kind of armed conflict - because it's a war in the south west and north west regions - I don’t think it's the best solution. I think we should try and see how we can find a solution, address these issues, because elections won’t solve the problem. This problem has been created by the current government, I don’t think it has the ability and the capacity to solve the problem. So him [President Paul Biya] being in power – this problem will not be solved. I think the problem will be solved when he leaves power.

È dell'ottobre 2017 la dichiarazione di indipendenza della Repubblica di Ambazonia dal Camerun: la scelta separatista della regione anglofona ha avuto una prima conseguenza l'11 febbraio scorso, con scontri in cui si sono contate decine di feriti da entrambe le parti. Il governo camerunese osteggia la rivendicazione di autonomia, il leader del movimento per l'indipendenza dichiara l'intenzione di ricorrere alle armi.La prospettiva è un conflitto non più latente ma reale: il giornalista Luca Attanasio racconta che «secondo l'Unhcr già circa 45.000 persone provenienti dalle regioni anglofone hanno lasciato il Camerun verso la Nigeria».

È dell'ottobre 2017 la dichiarazione di indipendenza della Repubblica di Ambazonia dal Camerun: la scelta separatista della regione anglofona ha avuto una prima conseguenza l'11 febbraio scorso, con scontri in cui si sono contate decine di feriti da entrambe le parti. Il governo camerunese osteggia la rivendicazione di autonomia, il leader del movimento per l'indipendenza dichiara l'intenzione di ricorrere alle armi.La prospettiva è un conflitto non più latente ma reale: il giornalista Luca Attanasio racconta che «secondo l'Unhcr già circa 45.000 persone provenienti dalle regioni anglofone hanno lasciato il Camerun verso la Nigeria».