Podcasts about kongo

Today on another encore edition of the Rarified Heir Podcast we are talking to Sara Karloff, daughter of the great Boris Karloff. Sara sat down with us to discuss what life was like with her father, one of, if not the most famous of the actors from the golden age of Universal Pictures monster movies along with Bela Lugosi and Lon Cheyney among a few others. Sara talked to us about her father's love of dogs, his roots in England, his favorite sport as well as his roles in films like Frankenstein, The Mummy and others that made him an icon. Sara has been tasked with guarding her father's legacy and keeping his name alive. When we spoke with her, that meant, working on a restoration of a silent film, King of the Kongo amongst other things. We even spoke with her about her father's last American film Targets and how she might looks to animate some of her father's audio recordings as well. Sara was a terrific guest as she spoke about the past, present and future of her father and his legacy. She's very much keeping it alive through film, a deal with Legendary comics and much more. So stick around and hear all the dastardly details of growing up with one of the most famous actors of all-time. Another child of a celebrity, interviewed by the child of a celebrity. Take a listen to this episode of the Rarified Heir Podcast. Everyone has a story.

Duru za pande hasimu nchini Kongo, zimesema serikali ya Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasi ya Kongo na waasi wa M23 wanajiandaa kwa mazungumzo ya ana kwa ana 9 Aprili 2025.

Can You Segway?Book 3 in 18 parts, By FinalStand. Listen to the ► Podcast at Explicit Novels.So exactly who was going to be sympathetic to their plight, who we cared about?Beyond my fevered dream of making a difference there was a pinch of reality. See, the Cabindans and the people of Zaire were both ethnic Bakongo and the Bakongo of Zaire had also once had their own, independent (until 1914) kingdom which was now part of Angola. The Bakongo were major factions in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) -(formerly for a short time known as the nation of Zaire, from here on out to be referred to as the DRC and in the running for the most fucked up place on the planet Earth, more on that later)- and Congo (the nation) yet a minority in Angola. Having an independent nation united along ethnic and linguistic lines made sense and could expect support from their confederates across international boundaries.The Liberation Air ForceThe Earth & Sky operated under one constant dilemma ~ when would Temujin make his return? Since they didn't know and it was their job to be prepared for the eventuality if it happened tomorrow, or a century down the line, they 'stockpiled', and 'stockpiled' and 'stockpiled'.That was why they maintained large horse herds and preserved the ancient arts of Asian bowyers, armoring and weapons-craft. That was why they created secret armories, and sulfur and saltpeter sites when musketry and cannons became the new ways of warfare. They secured sources of phosphates and petroleum when they became the new thing, and so on.All of this boiled over to me being shown yet again I worked with clever, creative and under-handed people. The Khanate came up with a plan for a 'Union' Air Force {Union? More on that later} within 24 hours, and it barely touched any of their existing resources. How did they accomplish this miracle? They had stockpiled and maintained earlier generation aircraft because they didn't know when Temujin would make his re-appearance.They'd also trained pilots and ground crews for those aircraft. As you might imagine, those people grew old just as their equipment did. In time, they went into the Earth & Sky's Inactive Reserves ~ the rank & file over the age of 45. You never were 'too old' to serve in some capacity though most combat-support related work ended at 67.When Temujin made his return and the E&S transformed into the Khanate, those people went to work bringing their lovingly cared for, aging equipment up to combat-alert readiness. If the frontline units were decimated, they would have to serve, despite the grim odds of their survival. It was the terrible acceptance the Chinese would simply possess so much more war-making material than they did.Well, the Khanate kicked the PRC's ass in a titanic ass-whooping no one (else) had seen coming, or would soon forget. Factory production and replacement of worn machines was in stride to have the Khanate's Air Force ready for the next round of warfare when the Cease-fire ended and the Reunification War resumed.Always a lower priority, the Khanate military leadership was considering deactivating dozens of these reserve unit when suddenly the (Mongolian) Ikh khaany khairt akh dáé (me) had this hare-brained scheme about helping rebels in Africa, West Africa, along the Gulf of Guinea coast/Atlantic Ocean, far, far away, and it couldn't look like the Khanate was directly involved.They barely knew where Angola was. They had to look up Cabinda to figure out precisely where that was. They brought in some of their 'reservist' air staff to this briefing and one of them, a woman (roughly a third of the E&S 'fighting'/non-frontline forces were female), knew what was going on. Why?She had studied the combat records and performance of the types of aircraft she'd have to utilize... back in the 1980's and 90's and Angola had been a war zone rife with Soviet (aka Khanate) material back then. Since she was both on the ball, bright and knew the score, the War Council put her in overall command. She knew what was expected of her and off she went, new staff in hand. She was 64 years old, yet as ready and willing to serve as any 20 year old believer in the Cause.Subtlety, scarcity and audacity were the watchwords of the day. The Khanate couldn't afford any of their front-line aircraft for this 'expedition'. They really couldn't afford any of their second-rate stuff either. Fortunately, they had some updated third-rate war-fighting gear still capable of putting up an impressive show in combat ~ providing they weren't going up against a top tier opponents.For the 'volunteers' of the Union Air Force, this could very likely to be a one-way trip. They all needed crash courses (not a word any air force loves, I know) in Portuguese though hastily provided iPhones with 'apps' to act as translators were deemed to be an adequate stop-gap measure. Besides, they were advised to avoid getting captured at all cost. The E&S couldn't afford the exposure. Given the opportunity ~ this assignment really was going above and beyond ~ not one of these forty-six to sixty-seven year olds backed out.No, they rolled out fifty of their antiquated aircraft, designs dating back to the 1950's through the mid-70's, and prepared them for the over 10,000 km journey to where they were 'needed most'. 118 pilots would go (72 active plus 46 replacements) along with 400 ground crew and an equally aged air defense battalion (so their air bases didn't get blown up). Security would be provided by 'outsiders' ~ allies already on the ground and whatever rebels could be scrounged up. After the initial insertion, the Indian Air Force would fly in supplies at night into the Cabinda City and Soyo Airports.The composition,14 Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21 jet fighters ~ though she entered service in 1959, these planes' electronics were late 20th century and she was a renowned dogfighter. 12 were the Mig-21-97 modernized variant and the other two were Mig-21 UM two-seater trainer variants which could double as reconnaissance fighters if needed.14 Sukhoi Su-22 jet fighter-bombers ~ the original design, called the Su-17, came out in 1970, the first 12 were variants with the 22M4 upgrade were an early-80's package. The other 2 were Su-22U two-seat trainers which, like their Mig-21 comrades, doubled as reconnaissance fighters. The Su-22M4's would be doing the majority of the ground attack missions for the Cabindans, though they could defend themselves in aerial combat if necessary.6 Sukhoi Su-24M2 supersonic attack aircraft ~ the first model rolled off the production lines in the Soviet Union back in 1974. By far the heaviest planes in the Cabindan Air Force, the Su-24M2's would act as their 'bomber force' as well as anti-ship deterrence.8 Mil Mi-24 VM combat helicopters ~ introduced in 1972 was still a lethal combat machine today. Unlike the NATO helicopter force, the Mi-24's did double duty as both attack helicopter and assault transports at the same time.4 Mil Mi-8 utility helicopters, first produced in 1967. Three would act as troop/cargo transports (Mi-8 TP) while the fourth was configured as a mobile hospital (the MI-17 1VA).4 Antonov An-26 turboprop aircraft, two to be used as tactical transports to bring in supplies by day and two specializing in electronic intelligence aka listening to what the enemy was up to. Though it entered production in 1969, many still remained flying today.2 Antonov An-71M AEW&C twin-jet engine aircraft. These were an old, abandoned Soviet design the Earth & Sky had continued working on primarily because the current (1970's) Russian Airborne Early Warning and Control bird had been both huge and rather ineffective ~ it couldn't easily identify low-flying planes in the ground clutter so it was mainly only good at sea. Since the E&S planned to mostly fight over the land,They kept working on the An-71 which was basically 1977's popular An-72 with some pertinent design modifications (placing the engines below the wings instead of above them as on the -72 being a big one). To solve their radar problem, they stole some from the Swedish tech firm Ericsson, which hadn't been foreseen to be a problem before now.See, the Russians in the post-Soviet era created a decent AEW&C craft the E&S gladly stole and copied the shit out of for their front line units and it was working quite nicely ~ the Beriev A-50, and wow, were the boys in the Kremlin pissed off about that these days. Whoops, or was that woot?Now, the Khanate was shipping two An-71's down to Cabinda and somewhere along the line someone just might get a 'feel' for the style of radar and jamming the Cabindans were using aka the Swedish stuff in those An-71's. The Erieye radar system could pick out individual planes at 280 miles. The over-all system could track 60 targets and plot out 10 intercepts simultaneously. NATO, they were not, but in sub-Saharan Africa, there were none better.Anyway, so why was any of this important?Why the old folks with their ancient machines? As revealed, since the Earth & Sky had no idea when Temüjin would return, they were constantly squirreling away equipment. World War 2 gave them unequaled access to Soviet military technology and training.Afterwards, under Josef Stalin's direction, thousands of Russian and German engineers and scientists were exiled to Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan who were then snatched up (reportedly died in the gulags/trying to escape) and the E&S began building mirror factories modeled on the 'then current' Soviet production lines.So, by the early 1950's, the E&S was building, flying and maintaining Soviet-style Antonov, Beriev, Ilyushin, Myasishchev, Mikoyan-Gurevich, Sukhoi, Tupolev and Yakovlev airplanes. First in small numbers because their pool of pilots and specialists was so small.The E&S remedied this by creating both their own 'private' flight academies and technical schools. They protected their activities with the judicious use of bribes (they were remarkably successful with their economic endeavors on both side of the Iron Curtain) and murders (including the use of the Ghost Tigers).By 1960, the proto-Khanate had an air force. Through the next two decades they refined and altered their doctrine ~ moving away from the Soviet doctrine to a more pure combined-arms approach (the Soviets divided their air power into four separate arms ~ ADD (Long Range Aviation), FA (Front Aviation), MTA (Military Transport Aviation) and the V-PVO (Soviet Air Defenses ~ which controlled air interceptors).).It wasn't until the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of the various former SSR's that the E&S program really began to hit its stride. Still, while Russia faltered, China's PLAAF (Peoples' Liberation Army Air Force) began to take off. Since the Chinese could produce so much more, the E&S felt it had to keep those older planes and crews up to combat readiness. The younger field crews and pilots flew the newer models as they rolled off the secret production lines.Then the Unification War appeared suddenly, the E&S-turned Khanate Air Force skunked their PLAAF rivals due to two factors, a surprise attack on a strategic level and the fatal poisoning of their pilots and ground crews before they even got into the fight. For those Chinese craft not destroyed on the ground, the effects of Anthrax eroded their fighting edge. Comparable technology gave the Khanate their critical victory and Air Supremacy over the most important battlefields.What did this meant for those out-of-date air crews and pilots who had been training to a razor's edge for a month now? Their assignment had been to face down the Russians if they invaded. They would take their planes up into the fight even though this most likely would mean their deaths, but they had to try.When Operation Fun House put Russia in a position where she wasn't likely to jump on the Khanate, this mission's importance faded. The Russian Air Force was far more stretched than the Khanate's between her agitations in the Baltic and her commitments in the Manchurian, Ukrainian, Chechen and Georgian theaters.With more new planes rolling off the production lines, these reservist units began dropping down the fuel priority list, which meant lowering their flight times thus readiness. Only my hare-brained scheme had short-circuited their timely retirement. Had I realized I was getting people's grandparents killed, I would have probably made the same call anyway. We needed them.The KanateThe Khanate's #1 air superiority dogfighter was the Mig-35F. The #2 was the Mig-29. No one was openly discussing the Khanate's super-stealthy "Su-50", if that was what it was, because its existence 'might' suggest the Khanate also stole technology from the Indian defense industry, along with their laundry list of thefts from South Korea, Japan, Taiwan, the PRC, Russia and half of NATO.Her top multi-role fighters were the Su-47, Su-35S and Su-30SM. The Su-30 'Flanker-C/MK2/MKI were their 2nd team with plenty of 3rd team Su-27M's still flying combat missions as well.Strike fighters? There weren't enough Su-34's to go around yet, so the Su-25MS remained the Khanate's dedicated Close Air Assault model.Medium transport aircraft? The An-32RE and An-38. They had small, large and gargantuan transports as well.Bombers? The rather ancient jet-powered Tu-160M2's and Tu-22M2's as well as the even older yet still worthwhile turboprops ~ from 1956's ~ the Tu-95M S16.Helicopters? While they still flew updated variants of the Mil Mi-8/17 as military transports, the more optimized Kamov Ka-52 and Mil Mi-28 had replaced them in the assault role.Bizarrely, the Khanate had overrun several Chinese production lines of the aircraft frames and components ~ enough to complete fairly modern PLAAF (Peoples Liberation Army Air Force) FC-1 and J-10 (both are small multi-role fighter remarkably similar to the US F-16 with the FC-1 being the more advanced model, using shared Chinese-Pakistani technology and was designed for export,).They did have nearly two dozen to send, but they didn't have the pilots and ground crews trained to work with them, plus the FC-1 cost roughly $32 million which wasn't fundage any legitimate Cabindan rebels could get their hands on, much less $768 million (and that would just be for the planes, not the weeks' worth of fuel, parts and munitions necessary for what was forthcoming).Meanwhile, except for the An-26, which you could get for under $700,000 and the An-71, which were only rendered valuable via 'black market tech', none of the turboprop and jet aircraft the Khanate was sending were what any sane military would normally want. The helicopters were expensive ~ the 'new' models Mi-24's cost $32 million while the Mi-17's set you back $17 million. The one's heading to Cabinda didn't look 'new'.The Opposition:In contrast, the Angolan Air Force appeared far larger and more modern. Appearances can be deceptive, and they were. Sure, the models of Russian and Soviet-made aircraft they had in their inventory had the higher numbers ~ the Su-25, -27 and -30 ~ plus they had Mig-21bis's, Mig-23's and Su-22's, but things like training and up-keep didn't appear to be priorities for the Angolans.When you took into account the rampant corruption infecting all levels of Angolan government, the conscript nature of their military, the weakness of their technical educational system, the complexity of any modern combat aircraft and the reality that poor sods forced into being Air Force ground crewmen hardly made the most inspired technicians, or most diligent care-takers of their 'valuable' stockpiles (which their officers all too often sold on the black market anyway), things didn't just look bleak for the Angolan Air Force, they were a tsunami of cumulative factors heading them for an epic disaster.It wasn't only their enemies who derided their Air Force's lack of readiness. Their allies constantly scolded them about it too. Instead of trying to fix their current inventory, the Angolans kept shopping around for new stuff. Since 'new'-new aircraft was beyond what they wanted to spend (aka put too much of a dent in the money they were siphoning off to their private off-shore accounts), they bought 'used' gear from former Soviet states ~ Belarus, Russia and Ukraine ~ who sold them stuff they had left abandoned in revetments (open to the elements to slowly rot) on the cheap.To add to the insanity, the Angolans failed to keep up their maintenance agreements so their newly fixed high-tech machines often either couldn't fly, or flew without critical systems, like radar, avionics and even radios. Maybe that wasn't for the worst because after spending millions on these occasionally-mobile paperweights, the Angolans bought the least technologically advanced missile, gun and rocket systems they could get to put on these flying misfortunes.On the spread sheets, Angola had 18 Su-30K's, 18 Su-27, 12 Su-25's, 14 Su-22's, 22 Mig-23's, 23 Mig-21bis's and 6 Embraer EMB 314 Super Tucano (a turboprop aircraft tailor-made for counter-insurgency operations), 105 helicopters with some combative ability and 21 planes with some airlift capacity. That equated to 81 either air superiority, or multi-role jet fighters versus the 12 Union Air Force (actually the Bakongo Uni o de Cabinda e Zaire, For as Armadas de Liberta  o, For a Area ~ Liberation Armed Forces, Air Force (BUCZ-FAL-FA) Mig-21-97's.It would seem lopsided except for the thousands of hours of flight experience the 'Unionists' enjoyed over their Angolan rivals. You also needed to take into account the long training and fanatic dedication of their ground crews to their pilots and their craft. Then you needed to take into account every Unionist aircraft, while an older airframe design, had updated (usually to the year 2000) technology lovingly cared for, as if the survival of their People demanded it.A second and even more critical factor was the element of surprise. At least the PRC and the PLAAF had contingencies for attacks from their neighbors in the forefront of their strategic planning. The Angolans? The only country with ANY air force in the vicinity was the Republic of South Africa (RSA) and they had ceased being a threat with the end of Apartheid and the rise of majority Black rule in that country nearly two decades earlier.In the pre-dawn hours of 'Union Independence Day', the FAL-FA was going to smash every Angolan Air base and air defense facility within 375 miles of Cabinda (the city). Every three hours after that, they would be hitting another target within their designated 'Exclusion Zone'. Yes, this 'Exclusion Zone' included a 'tiny' bit of DRC (Democratic Republic of Congo) territory. The DRC didn't have an air force to challenge them though, so,Inside this 'Exclusion Zone', anything moving by sea, river, road, rail, or air without Unionist governmental approval was subject to attack, which would require neutral parties to acknowledge some semblance of a free and independent B U C Z. Worse for Angola, this 'Zone' included Angola's capital and its largest port, Luanda, plus four more of their ten largest urban centers. This could be an economic, military and humanitarian catastrophe if mishandled.The Angolan Army did not have significant anti-aircraft assets. Why would they? Remember, no one around them had much of an air force to worry about. The FAL-FA in turn could hit military convoys with TV-guided munitions 'beyond line of sight', rendering what they did have useless. It got worse for the Army after dark. The FAL-FA could and would fly at night whereas the average Angolan formation had Zip-Zero-Nadda night fighting capacity.Then geography added its own mountain of woes. As far as Cabinda was concerned, there was no direct land line to their border from Angola. Their coastal road only went as far as the port of Soyo where the Congo River hit the South Atlantic Ocean. Across that massive gap was the DRC where the road was not picked back up. Far up the coast was the DRC town of Muanda (with an airport) and though they did have a road which went north, it did not continue to the Cabindan border.Nope. To get at Cabinda from the south meant a long, torturous travel through northeastern Angola, into the heart of the DRC then entailed hooking west to some point 'close' to the Cabindan frontier before finally hoofing it overland through partially cleared farmland and jungle. Mind you, the DRC didn't have a native air force capable of protecting the Angolans in their territory so,In fact the only 'road' to Cabinda came from the Republic of Congo (Congo) to the north and even that was a twisted route along some really bad, swampy terrain. This had been the pathway of conquest the Angolans took 39 years earlier. The difference being the tiny bands of pro-independence Cabindan guerillas back then couldn't hold a candle to the Amazons fighting to free Cabinda this time around in numbers, zeal, training and up-to-date equipment.Next option ~ to come by sea. They would face a few, stiff problems, such as the FAL-FA having ship-killer missiles, the Angolan Navy not being able to defend them and the Unionists having no compunction to not strike Pointe-Noire in the 'not so neutral' Republic of the Congo if they somehow began unloading Angolan troops. It seemed the Republic of the Congo didn't have much of an Air Force either.Before you think the FAL-FA was biting off more than they could chew, Cabinda, the province, was shaped somewhat like the US State of Delaware, was half the size of Connecticut (Cabinda was 2,810 sq. mi. to Conn.'s 5,543 sq. mi.) and only the western 20% was relatively open countryside where the Angolan Army's only advantage ~ they possessed armed fighting vehicles while the 'Unionists' did not (at this stage of planning) ~ could hopefully come into play.Centered at their capital, Cabinda (City), jets could reach any point along their border within eight minutes. Helicopters could make it in fifteen. To be safe, some of the FAL-FA would base at the town of Belize which was in the northern upcountry and much tougher to get at with the added advantage the Angolans wouldn't be expecting the FAL-FA to be using the abandoned airfield there, at least initially.Where they afraid attacking Angolan troops in the DRC would invite war with the DRC? Sure, but letting the Angolans reach the border unscathed was worse. Besides, the DRC was in such a mess it needed 23,000 UN Peacekeepers within her borders just to keep the country from falling apart. Barring outside, read European, intervention, did "Democratically-elected since 2001" President (for Life) Joseph Kabila want the FAL-FA to start dropping bombs on his capital, Kinshasa, which was well within reach of all their aircraft?Congo (the country), to the north, wasn't being propped up by the UN, or anything else except ill intentions. In reality, it hardly had much of a military at all. Its officer corps was chosen for political reliability, not merit, or capability. Their technology was old Cold War stuff with little effort to update anything and, if you suspected corruption might be a problem across all spectrums of life, you would 'probably' be right about that too.If you suspected the current President had been in charge for a while, you would be correct again (1979-1992 then 2001- and the 'whoops' was when he accidently let his country experiment with democracy which led to two civil wars). If you suspected he was a life-long Communist (along with the Presidents of the DRC and Angola), you'd be right about that as well. Somehow their shared Marxist-Leninist-Communist ideology hadn't quite translated over to alleviating the grinding poverty in any of those countries despite their vast mineral wealth,At this point in the region's history, little Cabinda had everything to gain by striving for independence and the vast majority of 'warriors' who could possibly be sent against her had terribly little to gain fighting and dying trying to stop them from achieving her goal. After all, their lives weren't going to get any better and with the Amazons ability ~ nay willingness ~ to commit battlefield atrocities, those leaders were going to find it hard going to keep sending their men off to die.And then, it got even worse.See, what I had pointed out was there were two oil refineries in Angola, and neither was in Cabinda. Cabinda would need a refinery to start making good on their oil wealth ~ aka economically bribe off the Western economies already shaken over the Khanate's first round of aggressions.But wait! There was an oil refinery just across the Congo River from Cabinda ~ which meant it was attached to mainland Angola. That had to be a passel of impossible news, right?Nope. As I said earlier, it seemed the people of northern Angola were the same racial group as the Cabindans AND majority Catholic while the ruling clique wasn't part of their ethnic confederacy plus the farther south and east into Angola you went, the less Catholic it became.But it got better. This province was historically its own little independent kingdom (called the Kingdom of Kongo) to boot! It had been abolished by Portugal back in 1914.The 'good' news didn't end there. Now, it wasn't as if the leadership of Angola was spreading the wealth around to the People much anyway, but these northerners had been particularly left out of this Marxist version of 'Trickle Down' economics.How bad was this? This northwestern province ~ called Zaire ~ didn't have any railroads, or paved roads, linking it to the rest of the freaking country. The 'coastal road' entered the province, but about a third of the way up ran into this river, which they'd failed to bridge (you had to use a single track bridge farther to the northeast, if you can believe it). It wasn't even a big river. It was still an obstacle though.How did the Angolan government and military planned to get around? Why by air and sea, of course. Well, actually by air. Angola didn't have much of a merchant marine, or Navy, to make sealift a serious consideration. Within hours of the 'Union Declaration of Independence' anything flying anywhere north of the Luanda, the capital of Angola, would essentially be asking to be blown out of the sky.Along the border between Zaire province and the rest of Angola were precisely two chokepoints. By 'chokepoints', I meant places where a squad (10 trained, modernly-equipped troopers) could either see everything for miles & miles over pretty much empty space along a river valley and the only bridge separating Zaire province from the south, or overlook a ravine which the only road had to pass through because of otherwise bad-ass, broken terrain.Two.Zaire Province had roughly the same population as Cabinda ~ 600,000. Unlike Cabinda, which consisted of Cabinda City plus a few tiny towns and rugged jungles, Zaire had two cities ~ Soyo, with her seventy thousand souls plus the refinery at the mouth of the Congo River, and M'banza-Kongo, the historical capital of the Kingdom of Kongo, spiritual center of the Bakongo People (who included the Cabindans) and set up in the highlands strategically very reminiscent of Điện Biàn Phủ.Of Zaire's provincial towns, the only other strategic one was N'Zeto with her crappy Atlantic port facility and 2,230 meter grass airport. The town was the northern terminus of the National Road 100 ~ the Coastal Road. It terminated because of the Mebridege River. There wasn't a bridge at N'Zeto though there was a small one several miles upstream. N'Zeto was also where the road from provinces east of Zaire ended up, so you had to have N'Zeto ~ and that tiny bridge ~ to move troops overland anywhere else in Zaire Province.So you would think it would be easy for the Angolan Army to defend then, except of how the Amazons planned to operate. They would infiltrate the area first then 'rise up in rebellion'. Their problem was the scope of the operation had magnified in risk of exposure, duration and forces necessary for success.The serious issue before Saint Marie and the Host in Africa were the first two. They could actually move Amazons from Brazil and North America to bolster their numbers for the upcoming offensive. Even in the short-short term, equipment wouldn't be a serious problem. What the Amazons dreaded was being left in a protracted slugfest with the Angolan Army which the Condottieri could jump in on. The Amazons exceedingly preferred to strike first then vanish.There was reason to believe a tiny number could have stayed behind in Cabinda to help the locals prepare their military until they could defend themselves. They would need more than a hundred Amazons if Cabinda wanted to incorporate Zaire. The answer was to call back their newfound buddy, the Great Khan. While he didn't have much else he could spare (the Khanate was ramping up for their invasion of the Middle East after all, the Kurds needed the help), he had other allies he could call on.India couldn't help initially since they were supposed to supply the 'Peace-keepers' once a cease-fire had been arranged. That left Temujin with his solid ally, Vietnam, and his far shakier allies, the Republic of China and Japan.First off ~ Japan could not help, which meant they couldn't supply troops who might very well end up dead, or far worse, captured.. What they did have was a surplus of older equipment the ROC troops were familiar with, so while the ROC was gearing up for their own invasion of mainland China in February, they were willing to help the Chinese kill Angolans, off the books, of course.The ROC was sending fifteen hundred troops the Khanate's way to help in this West African adventure with the understanding they'd be coming home by year's end. With Vietnam adding over eight hundred of her own Special Forces, the Amazons had the tiny 'allied' army they could leave shielding Cabinda/Zaire once the first round of blood-letting was over.To be 'fair', the Republic of China and Vietnam asked for 'volunteers'. It wasn't like either country was going to declare war on Angola directly. Nearly a thousand members of Vietnam's elite 126th Regiment of the 5th Brigade (Đặc cáng bộ) took early retirement then misplaced their equipment as they went to update their visas and inoculations before heading out for the DRC (some would be slipping over the DRC/Cabindan border).On Taiwan, it was the men and women of the 602nd Air Cavalry Brigade, 871st Special Operations Group and 101st Amphibious Reconnaissance Battalion who felt the sudden desire to 'seek enlightenment elsewhere, preferably on another continent'.They too were off to the Democratic Republic of Congo, man that country was a mess and their border security wasn't worth writing home about, that's for damn sure, via multiple Southeast Asian nations. Besides, they were being issued fraudulently visas which showed them to be from the People's Republic of China, not the ROC/Taiwan. If they were captured, they were to pretend to "be working for a Communist Revolution inside Angola and thus to be setting all of Africa on fire!" aka be Mainland Chinese.There, in the DRC, these Chinese stumbled across, some Japanese. These folks hadn't retired. No. They were on an extended assignment for the UN's mission in, the DRC. OH! And look! They'd brought tons of surplus, outdated Japanese Self Defense Forces' equipment with them, and there just so happened to be some Taiwanese who had experience in using such equipment (both used US-style gear).And here was Colonel Yoshihiro Isami of the Chūō Sokuō Shūdan (Japan's Central Readiness Force) wondering why he and his hastily assembled team had just unloaded,18 Fuji/Bell AH-1S Cobra Attack helicopters,6 Kawasaki OH-6D Loach Scout helicopters,12 Fuji-Bell 204-B-2 Hiyodori Utility helicopters,6 Kawasaki/Boeing CH-47JA Chinook Transport helicopters and4 Mitsubishi M U-2L-1 Photo Reconnaissance Aircraft.Yep! 46 more aircraft for the FAL-FA!Oh, and if this wasn't 'bad enough', the Chinese hadn't come alone. They'd brought some old aircraft from their homes to aid in the upcoming struggle. Once more, these things were relics of the Cold War yet both capable fighting machines and, given the sorry state of the opposition, definitely quite deadly. A dozen F-5E Tiger 2000 configured primarily for air superiority plus two RF-5E Tigergazer for reconnaissance, pilots plus ground crews, of course.Thus, on the eve of battle, the FAL-FA had become a true threat. Sure, all of its planes (and half of its pilots) were pretty old, but they were combat-tested and in numbers and experience no other Sub-Saharan African nation could match.The Liberation Ground Forces:But wait, there was still the niggling little problem of what all those fellas were going to fight with once they were on the ground. Assault/Battle rifles, carbines, rifles, pistols, PDW, SMGs as bullets, grenades and RPG's were all terrifyingly easy to obtain. The coast of West Africa was hardly the Port of London as far as customs security went. They were going to need some bigger toys and their host nations were going to need all their native hardware for their upcoming battles at home.And it wasn't like you could advertise for used IFV (Infantry Fighting Vehicles), APCs (armored personnel carriers) and tanks on e-Bay, Amazon.com, or Twitter. If something modern US, or NATO, was captured rolling around the beautiful Angolan countryside, shooting up hostile Angolans, all kinds of head would roll in all kinds of countries, unless the country,A) had an Executive Branch and Judiciary who wouldn't ask (or be answering) too many uncomfortable questions,B) wasn't all that vulnerable to international pressure,C) really needed the money and,D) didn't give a fuck their toys would soon be seen on BBC/CNN/Al Jazeera blowing the ever-living crap out of a ton of Africans aka doing what they were advertised to do and doing it very well in the hands of capable professionals.And politics was kind enough to hand the freedom-loving people of Cabinda & Zaire a winner, and it wasn't even from strangers, or at least people all that strange to their part of the Globe. If you would have no idea who to look for, you wouldn't be alone.That was the magic of the choice. See, the last three decades had seen the entire Globe take a colossal dump on them as a Nation and a People. They were highly unpopular for all sorts of things, such as Crimes Against Humanity and 'no', we were not talking about the Khanate.We would be talking about Република Србија / Republika Srbija aka Serbia aka the former Yugoslavia who had watched all their satellite minions (Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Montenegro, Kosovo and Macedonia) slip away. Despite being reduced to a tiny fraction of their former selves thus fighting two incredibly brutal and bloody World Wars for nothing, Serbia insisted on maintaining a robust armaments industry.Mind you, they didn't make the very best stuff on the planet. That didn't stop them from trying though. Of equal importance was their geographic location and the above mentioned desire for some hard currency without asking too many questions. The geography was simple, you could move even heavy gear unnoticed from central Serbia to the Montenegrin port of Bar by rail and load them up on freighters and off to the Congo you went.The Serbians produced an APC called the BVP M-80A's which weren't blowing anyone's minds away when they started rolling off the production lines back in 1982, plus some over-eager types on the Serbian Army's payroll sweetened the deal by offering 'the rebels' some BVP M-80 KC's and a KB as well.Then they slathered on the sugary-sweet Maple syrup by upgrading a few of the M-80A's to BVP M-98A's. Why would they be so generous? The KC's and KB were the Command & Control variants, so that made sense (C = company & B = battalion commander). The -98A had never been tested in the field before and they were kind of curious how the new turrets (which was the major difference) would behave. 'Our' procurement agents didn't quibble. We needed the gear.Besides, these Slavic entrepreneurs gave them an inside track on some 'disarmed/mothballed' Czech (introduced in 1963) armored mobile ambulances and Polish BWP-1 (first rolled out in 1966) APC's which were either in, or could be quickly configured into, the support variants those ground-fighters would need. The 'disarmed' part was 'fixable', thanks to both the Serbians and Finland. The 'missing' basic weaponry was something the Serbians could replace with virtually identical equipment.It just kept getting better. Unknown to me at the time, the Finnish firm, Patria Hágglunds, had sold twenty-two of their 'most excellent' AMOS turrets ~ they are a twin 120 mm mortar system ~ then the deal fell through. Whoops! Should have guarded that warehouse better. Those bitches were on a cargo plane bound for Albania inside of six hours.The ammunition for them was rather unique. Thankfully, it was uniquely sold by the Swiss, who had no trouble selling it to Serbia, thank you very much! Twenty-two BWP-1's became mobile artillery for the Unionist freedom fighters, though I understood the ship ride with the Serbian and Chinese technicians was loads of fun as they struggled to figured out how to attach those state-of-the-art death-dealing turrets to those ancient contraptions.To compensate, the Serbians added (aka as long as our money was good) two Nora B-52 155 mm 52-calibre mobile artillery pieces and one battery of Orkan CER MLRS (Multiple Launch Rocket System) for long-range artillery, two batteries of their Oganj 2000 ER MRLS for medium range carnage and six batteries of their M-94 MRLS for 'close support' as well. More field-testing new gear for the "freedom fighters" We also managed to 'purchase' ten M-84AS Main Battle tanks plus an M-84A1 armor recovery vehicle. It should have been twelve tanks, but two had 'loading issues'.Not to be deterred, our busy little procurement-beavers discovered four tanks no one was using, in neighboring Croatia. Why wasn't anyone immediately keen on their placement? They were two sets of prototypes, Croatia's improvements on the M-84; the M-95 Degman which was a 'failed redesign' and the M-84D, which was a vast up-grade for the M-84 line which had been sidelined by the 2008 Global economic collapse, after which the project stagnated.It seemed they were all in working order because late one night 'my people' exited a Croatian Army base with them, never to be seen again, until two weeks later when an intrepid news crew caught the distinctive form of the M-95 sending some sweet 125 mm loving the Angolan Army's way. Whoops yet again! At least they hit what they were aiming at and destroyed what they hit, right?By then, millions of other people would be going 'what the fuck?' right along with them as Cabinda's camouflage- and mask-wearing rebel army was laying the smack-down on the Angolans. That was okay; over a million 'free Cabindan Unionists' were in the same boat. Over a thousand Asians with their mostly-female militant translators were right there to prop up their 'Unionist Allies', but then they were the ones with the tanks, armored vehicles, planes and guns, so they were less worried than most.To pilot these tanks, APC, IFV and man this artillery, they had to go back to the Khanate. Sure enough, they had some old tankers used to crewing the T-72 from which the M-84's and -95 Degman were derived. They'd also need drivers for those BVP M-80A's and Polish BWP-1's and OT-64 SKOT's... who were, again, derived from old Soviet tech (just much better). The Serbian artillery was similar enough to Soviet stuff, but with enough new tech to make it 'more fun' for the reservists to 'figure out' how to use.More volunteers for the Liberation Armed Forces! More Apple sales, great apps and voice modulation software so that the vehicle commanders would be heard communicating in Portuguese if someone was eavesdropping. As a final offering the Turkish Navy spontaneously developed some plans to test their long range capabilities by going to, the South Atlantic.On the final leg they would have six frigates and two submarines, enough to give any navy in the region, which wasn't Brazil, something to think about. This was a show of force, not an actual threat though. If anyone called their bluff, the Khanate-Turkish forces would have to pull back. These were not assets my Brother, the Great Khan, could afford to gamble and lose.If someone didn't call that bluff, he was also sending two smaller, older corvettes and three even smaller, but newer, fast attack boats, a "gift" to the Unionists ASAP. The frigates would then race home, they had 'other' issues to deal with while the submarines would hang around for a bit. The naval gift was necessitated by the reality the Unionists would have to press their claim to their off-shore riches and that required a naval force Angola couldn't hope to counter.As things were developing, it was reckoned since a build-up of such momentous land and air power couldn't be disguised, it had to happen in a matter of days ~ four was decided to be the minimum amount of time. More than that and the government of the Democratic Republic might start asking far too many questions our hefty bribes and dubious paperwork couldn't cover. Less than that would leave the task forces launching operations with too little a chance of success.Our biggest advantage was audacity. The buildup would happen 100 km up the Congo River from Soyo, the primary target of the Southern Invasion, in the DRC's second largest port city, Boma. Though across the river was Angolan territory, there was nothing there. The city of roughly 160,000 would provide adequate cover for the initial stage of the invasion.There they grouped their vehicles & Khanate drivers with Amazon and Vietnamese combat teams. The Japanese were doing the same for their 'Chinese' counterparts for their helicopter-borne forces. Getting all their equipment in working order in the short time left was critical as was creating some level of unit dynamic. Things were chaotic. No one was happy. They were all going in anyway.What had gone wrong?While most children her age were texting their schoolmates, or tackling their homework, Aya Ruger ~ the alias of Nasusara Assiyaiá hamai ~ was getting briefings of her global, secret empire worth hundreds of billions and those of her equally nefarious compatriots. She received a very abbreviated version of what the Regents received, delivered by a member of Shawnee Arinniti's staff.When Aya hopped off her chair unexpectedly, everyone tensed. Her bodyguards' hands went to their sidearms and Lorraine (her sister by blood), also in the room on this occasion, stood and prepared to tackle her 'former' sibling to the ground if the situation escalated into an assassination attempt. No such attack was generated, so the security ratcheted down and the attendant returned her focus to her Queen. Aya paced four steps, turned and retraced her way then repeated the action three more times."How many people live in the combined areas?" she asked."The combined areas? Of Cabinda and Zaire?""Yes.""I," the woman referenced her material, "roughly 1.1 million.""What is the yearly value of the offshore oil and natural gas production?""Forty-nine billion, eighty hundred and sixty-seven million by our best estimates at this time,""How many live in Soyo City proper?""Roughly 70,000.""We take Soyo," she spoke in a small yet deliberate voice. "We take and hold Soyo as an independent city-state within the Cabindan-Zaire Union. From the maps it appears Soyo is a series of islands. It has a port and airport. It has an open border to an ocean with weaker neighbors all around.""What of the, Zairians?""Bakongo. As a people they are called the Bakongo," Aya looked up at the briefer. "We relocate those who need to work in Soyo into a new city, built at our expense, beyond the southernmost water barrier. The rest we pay to relocate elsewhere in Zaire, or Cabinda."By the looks of those around her, Aya realized she needed to further explain her decisions."This is more than some concrete home base for our People," she began patiently. "In the same way it gives our enemies a clearly delineated target to attack us, it is a statement to our allies we won't cut and run if things go truly bad.""In the same way it will provide us with diplomatic recognition beyond what tenuous handouts we are getting from Cáel Wakko Ishara's efforts through JIKIT. Also, it is a reminder we are not like the other Secret Societies in one fundamental way, we are not a business concern, or a religion. We are a People and people deserve some sort of homeland. We have gone for so long without.""But Soyo?" the aide protested. "We have no ties to it, and it backs up to, nothing.""Northern Turkey and southern Slovakia mean nothing to us now as well," Aya debated. "No place on Earth is any more precious than another. As for backing up to nothing, no. You are incorrect. It backs into a promise from our allies in the Earth & Sky that if we need support, they know where to park their planes and ships."Aya was surrounded with unhappy, disbelieving looks."The Great Khan is my mamētu meáeda," she reminded them, "and I have every reason to believe he completely grasps the concept's benefits and obligations."The looks confirmed 'but he's a man' to the tiny Queen."Aya, are you sure about this?" Lorraine was the first to break decorum."Absolutely. Do you know what he sent me when he was informed of my, ascension to the Queendom?""No," Lorraine admitted."We must go horse-riding sometime soon, Daughter of Cáel, Queen of the Amazons."More uncertain and unconvinced looks."He didn't congratulate me, or send any gifts. He could have and you would think he would have, but he didn't. He knew the hearts of me & my Atta and we weren't in the celebratory mood. No. The Great Khan sent one sentence which offered solace and quiet, atop a horse on a windswept bit of steppe."Nothing.Sigh. "I know this sounds Cáel-ish," Aya admitted, "but I strongly believe this is what we should do. We are giving the Cabindans and Bakongo in Zaire independence and the promise of a much better life than what they now face. We will be putting thousands of our sisters' lives on the line to accomplish this feat and well over two hundred million dollars.""What about governance of the city ~ Soyo?" the aide forged ahead."Amazon law," Aya didn't hesitate. "We will make allowances for the security forces of visiting dignitaries and specific allied personnel, but otherwise it will be one massive Amazon urban freehold.""I cannot imagine the Golden Mare, or the Regents, will be pleased," the attendant bowed her head."It is a matter of interconnectivity," Aya walked up and touched the woman's cheek with the back of her small hand. "We could liberate then abandon Cabinda with the hope a small band could help them keep their independence. Except we need the refinery at Soyo so the people of Cabinda can truly support that liberty.""So, we must keep Soyo and to keep Soyo, we must keep Zaire province. There is no other lesser border which makes strategic sense ~ a river, highlands, a massive river, an ocean ~ those are sustainable frontiers. You can't simply keep Soyo and not expect the enemy to strike and destroy that refinery, thus we must take Zaire province.""But the Bakongo of Zaire cannot defend themselves and will not be able to do so for at least a year, if not longer. That means we must do so, and for doing so, they will give us Soyo and we will be honest stewards of their oil wealth. We cannot expect any other power to defend this new Union and if we don't have a land stake we will be portrayed as mercenaries and expelled by hostile international forces.""So, for this project to have any chance of success, we must stay, fight and have an acknowledged presence, and if you can think of an alternative, please let me know," she exhaled."What if the Cabindans and Bakongo resist?""It is 'us', or the Angolans and they know how horrible the Angolans can be. Didn't you say the average person their lives on just $2 a day?""Yes.""We can do better than that," Aya insisted."How?" the aide persisted. "I mean, 'how in a way which will be quickly evident and meaningful?'""Oh," Aya's tiny brow furrowed. Her nose twitched as she rummaged through the vast storehouse of her brain."Get me in touch with William A. Miller, Director of the U.S. Diplomatic Security Service. He should be able to help me navigate the pathways toward getting aid and advisors into those two provinces ASAP.""I'll let Katrina know," the attendant made the notation on her pad."No. Contact him directly," Aya intervened. "We established a, rapport when we met. I think he might responded positively to a chance to mentor me in foreign relations.""Really?" Lorraine's brows arched."Yes," Aya chirped."Are you sure, Nasusara?" the attendant stared. She used 'Nasusara' whenever she thought Aya had a 'horrible' idea instead of a merely a 'bad' one."Yes. He owes me. Last time we met I didn't shoot him.""Didn't?" the woman twitched."Yes. I drew down on him with my captured Chinese QSW-06. I didn't want to kill him, but I felt I was about to have to kill Deputy National Security Advisor Blinken and he was the only other person in the room both armed and capable of stopping me.""Why is he still alive?""Cáel Ishara saw through my distraction and then took my gun from me, asked for it actually," she shyly confessed."Would you have shot him?" the aide inquired."What do you think?" Aya smiled.And Then:So, given t

This is what the Nkani, which is the name of a monarch in the Kingdom of Kongo, would say to the Kongo people when he becomes king of the kingdom.

Fredsforhandlinger er vanskelige saker, og dårlig håndverk kan få katastrofale følger. I denne episoden ser vi på de mange prosessene som tar sikte på å avslutte de pågående krigshandlingene i Sør-Sudan, Sudan og DR Kongo, og Maren tar en prat med en sør-sudansk opprørsgeneral. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Denne uke tar vi for oss situasjonen i Kongo. Blir det noen gang fred i Kongo? I tillegg har vi tatt en prat med NRKs Afrika- korrespondent Vegard Tjørhom I studio Thea Mostraum, Annna Fransson Leiksett og Tobias Telestø Ansvarlig redaktør: Sofie Larsen Nesdal Produsent : Astrid Halstvedt.

Jeszcze kilka lat temu stereotyp Afryki jako kontynentu ciągłych wojen był kompletnie nieprawdziwy. Dziś w wielu miejscach tamten spokój jest tylko wspomnieniem. Rządowa armia Sudanu odbiła Chartum, ale końca wojny domowej nie widać. Nil, do tej pory płynący przez środek kraju, wkrótce może stać się granicą między zwaśnionymi sąsiadami. Nie wiedzie się też na pograniczu rwandyjsko-kongijskim. Stawką trwającej tam bijatyki jest nie tylko polityka, ale przede wszystkim: tantal, kobalt i koltan. Wojenne pomruki słychać też między Erytreą i Etiopią. Wydaje się, że w Afryce spokojnie już było. Czy te konflikty mają jakiś wspólny mianownik? Jak sytuacja wygląda dzisiaj i co może się wydarzyć?Na podróż do zapalnych punktów Afryki zapraszają Wojciech Jagielski i Krzysztof Story.Słuchaj też: Sudan: wojna, w której Rosja i Ukraina wspierają tę samą stronę [JS #57]JAGIELSKI STORY | W tym cyklu podkastów przyglądamy się światu z bliska. Co dwa tygodnie informacje o najważniejszych wydarzeniach przeplatają się tu z historiami i anegdotami z podróży i pracy jednego z najwybitniejszych polskich reporterów i korespondentów wojennych.Okładka: Grażyna Makara. Montaż: Krzysztof Story

Oudpresident Thabo Mbeki reageer skerp op uitlatings deur Suid-Afrika se voormalige ambassadeur in Amerika, Ebrahim Rasool. POSTBANK se boodskap is duidelik - 30 April is begunstigdes se laaste kans om die nuwe swart kaart vir maatskaplike toelaes te kry. Planne vorder goed om SADEK se vredesmag uit die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo te onttrek.

Themen: 30 Jahre 1LIVE: "Einfach machen!"; Türkei: Vorgehen gegen Medien; Krieg im Kongo: Unterdrückte Medien; Neue KI-Assistenten bei Google und Meta; Kult-Moderator: Hans Rosenthal wird 100; Medienschelte: Sorry, falscher Chat...; Moderation: Sebastian Sonntag Von WDR 5.

W podcaście zdobędziemy Kilimandżaro, odwiedzimy Kongo i Angolę, stopem dotrzemy do Szkocji, wpadniemy do Chile i Peru, a na dłużej - do Gruzji. Wszędzie tam zabierzemy żółto-biało-niebieski szalik Motoru Lublin. Żużlu nie będziemy czuć w zębach, ale o nim na pewno wspomnimy. Naszym gościem jest Kamil Piech.

Die M23-Miliz hat seit Jahresbeginn weite Landstriche im Osten Kongos erobert - auch, weil Nachbar Ruanda die Miliz unterstützt. Friedensgespräche mit den Rebellen sind plötzlich gescheitert. Dafür gibt es Durchbrüche im Austausch mit Ruanda. Bensch, Karin www.deutschlandfunk.de, Eine Welt

Angesichts der Kriege in Gaza, der Ukraine, dem Sudan und im Kongo, scheint ein Glauben an den Pazifismus geradezu religiös. Kann man dem Frieden noch eine Chance geben? Das diskutieren Philosoph und Pazifist Olaf Müller und Soziologe Armin Nassehi. Köhler, Michael www.deutschlandfunk.de, Streitkultur

Die M23-Miliz hat seit Jahresbeginn weite Landstriche im Osten Kongos erobert - auch, weil Nachbar Ruanda die Miliz unterstützt. Friedensgespräche mit den Rebellen sind plötzlich gescheitert. Dafür gibt es Durchbrüche im Austausch mit Ruanda. Bensch, Karin www.deutschlandfunk.de, Eine Welt

Den Rwanda-støttede væpnede gruppen M23 har tatt kontroll over store områder i den mineralrike østlige delen av Den demokratiske republikken Kongo. Offensiven har kostet titusenvis av liv og fordrevet et stort antall mennesker. Hva er det som skjer i DR Kongo nå og hvem er de ulike aktørene involvert? Hvilken rolle spiller tilgangen på naturressurser som landområder og viktige mineraler? Selv om vi har hørt lite om situasjonen i DR Kongo før M23 tok kontroll over Goma, så er ikke krisen i DR Kongo noe nytt. Situasjonen i landet har vært svært alvorlig i mer enn to tiår, preget av ekstrem vold, angrep fra væpnede grupper og masseflukt. Hvordan er den humanitære situasjonen for befolkningen? Hvordan er situasjonen for kvinner og barn? Og hvilken rolle kan og bør East African Community, African Union, FN og resten av verdenssamfunnet spille?

Vi hade mer politik att prata med Hasan Ramic så det fick bli ett En grej till-avsnitt med fokus på det utrikespolitiska. Vi pratar Trumps AI-genererade video om visionen för Gaza, rapporterna om USA och Israels plan att etniskt rensa Gaza genom att flytta den palestinska befolkningen till Östafrika, Rwandas destabilisering av Kongo samt gripandet och den stundande utvisningen av den propalestinska demonstranten Mahmoud Khalil. (OBS, det här avsnittet spelades in dagen innan Israel bröt mot vapenvilan i Gaza, därför tar vi inte upp det.)  Stötta oss på Patreon för regelbundna bonusavsnitt + mer! Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Die kruisondervraging van Lourentia Lombaard duur voort in die saak van die vermiste Joslin Smith. Die DA eis antwoorde by die koalisieregering in Tshwane oor 'n multimiljoenrand tender, wat glo verbind is met die metro se onderburgemeester. Meer oor die geskiedkundige vredesamesprekings tussen leiers van die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo en Rwanda. LP's kla oor die lugversorging in die tentstruktuur, wat as die tydelike parlementsgebou in Kaapstad dien. Ouers wat handeldryf met hulle kinders, is skokkend genoeg 'n algemene verskynsel. Ons praat hieroor met Missing Children SA.

Murph and Jaime Forza dive deep into the DEA's war on drug cartels, the military's role in law enforcement, and the high-stakes world of undercover operations. Jaime shares insider details on Operation Panama Express, a major international effort to dismantle drug trafficking networks. They discuss the importance of internal affairs in keeping law enforcement accountable, and the integration of military tactics into DEA missions. Jaime also reflects on his journey from the Navy to the DEA, sharing career-defining moments, leadership lessons, and the significance of attitude in achieving success. He reveals stories from his book, The Rules of Kongo, which explores the connection between crime and Afro-Caribbean religions, drawing from undercover cases and his personal experiences. This must-watch episode uncovers the hidden battles in the war on drugs, the challenges faced by undercover agents, and the power of leadership in law enforcement.

Welcome to the Half Open Door Podcast brought to you by Kindful Books. In Half Open Door we will be bringing you informative and enlightening lectures from some interesting people around the world.Check out our Manifest Journal that is at a discount right now on Amazon ! https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0BGHZ5CM1DREAM DIARY to journal your dreams! - https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0BFTWHSF1We can only show you the door, its up to you to walk through it.

Welcome to the Half Open Door Podcast brought to you by Kindful Books. In Half Open Door we will be bringing you informative and enlightening lectures from some interesting people around the world.Check out our Manifest Journal that is at a discount right now on Amazon ! https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0BGHZ5CM1DREAM DIARY to journal your dreams! - https://www.amazon.com/dp/B0BFTWHSF1We can only show you the door, its up to you to walk through it.

Afrikassa käydään Gazan ja Ukrainan varjossa kahta veristä sotaa. Maailmanpolitiikan arkipäivää -ohjelmassa tarkastellaan tällä viikolla, miten Sudan ja Kongon demokraattinen tasavalta ovat ajautuneet väkivallan kierteeseen. Molempien maiden konfliktit ovat vaarassa levitä naapurimaihin. Suurvaltoja  kiinnostavat suuret luonnonrikkaudet. Haastattelemamme hollantilaistutkija sanoo, että esimerkiksi Kongo haluaa mineraaliensa vastineeksi aseapua Yhdysvalloilta. Ulkomailla asuvat sudanilaiset seuraavat surullisina kotimaansa kaaosta. Kuulemme tuntoja Ruotsin sudanilaisyhteisöstä. Maailmanpolitiikan arkipäivää -ohjelman toimittaa Erja Tuomaala ja tuottaa Paula Vilén. Äänitarkkailija on Tuomas Vauhkonen. Tunnusmusiikki: Petri Alanko. Kuva: Tuuli Laukkanen/Yle.

Die minister van Finansies, Enoch Godongwana, het 5 miljard Suid-Afrikaanse rand bewillig ter ondersteuning van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag se vredespogings in die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo. Dit vorm deel van die breër toekenning van 9 miljard rand vir sekerheidsfunksies, insluitend befondsing vir korrektiewe dienste. Godongwana het tydens sy begrotingstoespraak gesê pogings om die weermag te moderniseer sal voortgaan, om te verseker die land kom sy plaaslike en internasionale verpligtinge na:

Ueberbach, Stephan www.deutschlandfunk.de, Das war der Tag

Schneider, Anette www.deutschlandfunk.de, Kultur heute

Der Geologe und Experte für Bergbau, Frank Melcher, über den imaginären Mangel an Seltenen Erden und wie man umweltfreundlich und ohne Ausbeutung auch an Lithium und Kobalt kommt. Ein Podcast vom Pragmaticus. Das Thema:Man sucht im Weltall und dem Meeresgrund nach ihnen und nimmt Ausbeutung und Umweltkrisen für sie in Kauf: Seltene Erden sind vorgeblich so selten und wertvoll, dass es eben anders nicht geht. Falsch: Frank Melcher, Professor für Geologie und Lagerstättenlehre an der Montanuniversität in Leoben, hat gleich mehrere Vorschläge, wie es besser ginge. Und außerdem: Seltene Erden sind weder selten noch Erden.  Unser Gast in dieser Folge: Frank Melcher ist Professor für Geologie und Lagerstättenlehre an der Montanuniversität Leoben. Einer seiner Forschungsschwerpunkte sind die Rohstoffvorkommen der Tiefsee. In seinem Report für den Pragmaticus über die Massiv Sulfide und Manganknollen der Ozeane zeigt er, wie stark die Preise für Rohstoffe schwanken können. Sein Fazit dazu: Aktuell gehypte Elemente werden in der Zukunft vielleicht gar nicht in den Mengen gebraucht.Dies ist ein Podcast von Der Pragmaticus. Sie finden uns auch auf Instagram, Facebook, LinkedIn und X (Twitter).

Anette Schneider www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Fazit

Anette Schneider www.deutschlandfunkkultur.de, Fazit

Die drie beskuldigdes in die Joshlin Smith-hofsaak, pleit onskuldig. Die openbaarmaking van die register van seksoortreders is vir eers op ys. Action SA wil hê adjunkminister-poste moet geskrap word. Die regering van die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo is nie bereid om vredesamesprekings met M23-rebelle te voer nie.

Rohstoff-Deal? Schon heute könnte es zur gemeinsamen Unterzeichnung von US-Präsident Trump und dem ukrainischen Präsidenten Selenskyj in Washington kommen. Was steckt dahinter? „Donald Trump sieht sich selbst als größten Dealmaker aller Zeiten. Es gibt Hinweise, dass er versuchen wird, ein Waffenstillstands-Abkommen zu schließen und die Frage ist, was danach passiert. Die Ukraine hat natürlich ein Interesse daran, dass da irgendwelche Sicherheitsgarantien in den Vertrag kommen. An den Märkten gab es erst einmal wenig Bewegung. Genauso wurde die Bundestagswahl nur weggeatmet“, erklärt Michael Blumenroth im Rohstoff-Talk. Der Rohstoffanalyst der Deutschen Bank über den drohenden Kobalt-Export-Stopp des Kongo und über Gold auf Rekordniveau: „Kobalt interessiert uns das? Es interessiert uns schon, weil Kobalt in E-Autos und Mobiltelefonen verwendet wird. Tendenziell müssten da jetzt die Preise hochschießen. Der Goldpreis ist weiter auf Rekordkurs. Gerade in den USA haben wir eine große Nachfrage nach Gold-ETFs/-ETCs gesehen. Mittel- bis langfristig werden die Argumente für Gold nicht verschwinden.“ Alle Details dazu gibt es im Interview von Finanzjournalistin Jessica Schwarzer an der Frankfurter Börse und auf https://www.xetra-gold.com

Die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag het bevestig 'n groep soldate wat in 'n bedenklike toestand is en dringend mediese aandag nodig het, is gerepatrieer uit die ooste van die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo. Die soldate is gewond in gevegte met die Rwandees-gesteunde M23-rebelle. Die Weermag se woordvoerder, Siphiwe Dlamini, sê die ander beseerde soldate wat gerepatrieer word sal volgens skedule dié week in Suid-Afrika aankom.

Hahne, Silke www.deutschlandfunk.de, Europa heute

Saate iseloomustatakse Kongo Demokraatliku Vabariiki ja kõneldakse pikast reisist läbi selle suure maa. Selle maal on aastakümneid valitsenud kaos ja vägivald.

Tausende Tote, Hunderttausende Menschen auf der Flucht – die Einnahme der Stadt Goma durch die Miliz M23 ist der jüngste Höhepunkt eines seit langem andauernden Konflikts im Osten der Demokratischen Republik Kongo. Nun droht „Afrikas Dreißigjähriger Krieg“ erneut zu eskalieren, auch weil das Nachbarland Ruanda die kongolesischen Rebellen allem Anschein nach bewaffnet und finanziert. Ruandas Präsident spricht von Selbstverteidigung, doch es geht auch um Einflusszonen und Bodenschätze. Wie gefährlich ist die Lage im Kongo? Gibt es eine Perspektive auf Frieden? Und welche Rolle kann Europa dabei spielen? Michael Risel diskutiert mit Jakob Kerstan – Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung, Kinshasa; Bettina Rühl – freie Afrika-Korrespondentin, Nairobi; Dr. Christoph N. Vogel – Kongo-Experte, Dakar

The last main episode of Black History Unveiled explored the rise and fall of the Kingdom of Kongo—a powerful Central African state that met a devastating blow at the hands of the Portuguese in 1665. In the aftermath, Kongo not only lost its king but also saw much of its nobility captured, enslaved, and forcibly taken across the Atlantic.Most of them vanished into the brutal anonymity of the transatlantic slave trade, their names erased from history. But not all. Some survived the passage of time. One such figure is Ganga Zumba.Leading a daring escape, he and other fugitives from slavery carved out a stronghold deep in the jungles of Brazil.This is the story of how enslaved Africans fought back, built their own nation, and came close to toppling the Portuguese colonial power. Get bonus content on Patreon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Nyheter och fördjupning från Sverige och världen. Lyssna på alla avsnitt i Sveriges Radio Play.

Za aktuální bleskovou ofenzívou stojí ozbrojená skupina M23. Ve čtvrtek 23. ledna se přiblížila na několik kilometrů k téměř dvoumilionovému městu Goma. „O víkendu jsme viděli, že boje se blíží k městu nejen ze západu, ale i severu. V neděli už zasáhly tábory a čtvrti na severu města,“ popisuje pro Český rozhlas šéfka programů Lékařů bez hranic v Severním Kivu Natàlia Torrentová.

Ruanda – beliebter Partner der EU – hat mit der Miliz M23 sein Nachbarland überfallen. Tausende Menschen sind tot. Die internationale Kritik nur verhalten. Was heißt das für die Welt-Ordnung?

Ruanda – beliebter Partner der EU – hat sein Nachbarland überfallen. Tausende Menschen sind tot. Die internationale Kritik ist trotzdem verhalten. Was sind die Konsequenzen für die Welt-Ordnung?

Die hoof van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag, Rudzani Maphwanya, het mense veroordeel wat die ontplooiing van soldate in die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo bevraagteken. Hy het Donderdagaand by die militêre lugmagbasis in Pretoria by ʼn gedenkdiens vir die 14 SANW-soldate wat in die DRK dood is, gepraat. Maphwanya sê ʼn nasie in rou moenie beskuldigings rondslinger oor die soldate se ontplooiing nie:

Dag för dag trappas konflikten i Kongo- Kinshasa upp. Sedan rebellgruppen M23 intog miljonstaden Goma i slutet av januari har nära 3000 personer dödats, och hundratals har tvingats på flykt. Enligt M23 själva så handlar dagens attacker om att skydda tutsier i östra Kongo. Samtidigt är regionen mycket mineralrik och vissa experter menar att rebellgruppen, med Rwanda som stöd, vill plundra landet på tillgångar. Men vad handlar egentligen konflikten om? Och finns det ens en möjlig lösning? Gäst: Görrel Espelund, journalist och författare med särskilt fokus på Afrika och redaktör på utrikespolitiska institutet. Producent och programledare: Olivia Bengtsson. Klipp i avsnittet: BBC, Sveriges Radio, The Times, United Nation. Kontakt: podcast@aftonbladet.se

Der internationale Flughafen Jorge Chávez in Lima ist für viele Reisende aus Europa die erste Station in Peru. Direktflüge nach Deutschland gibt es zwar nicht, doch trotzdem sind Frankfurt und Lima eng miteinander verbunden, weil der Flughafen in der peruanischen Hauptstadt seit 2001 von der Fraport-Tochter Lima Airport Partners betrieben wird und damit das Drehkreuz des Fraport-Konzerns in Südamerika ist.Für mehr als zwei Milliarden US-Dollar wird der Flughafen massiv ausgebaut. Eine zweite Landebahn ist längst fertig, ebenso ein neuer Tower. Am 30. März soll nun auch das neue Terminal in Betrieb gehen, durch das die Kapazitäten massiv steigern soll. Das freut nicht nur die Tourismusbranche, sondern auch Federico Thielemann, den Geschäftsführer der deutsch-peruanischen Industrie- und Handelskammer in Lima. "Als deutsche Kammer sind wir sehr stolz, dass das eine Direktinvestition von Fraport ist", erklärt Thielemann im Podcast "Wirtschaft Welt & Weit".Der Ausbau des Airports hat nicht nur große wirtschaftliche Bedeutung, sondern ist auch ein europäischer Gegenpol zu chinesischen Infrastrukturprojekten in dem Andenstaat. Denn die chinesische neue Seidenstraße reicht längst bis Peru: Im November 2023 hat Chinas Staatspräsident Xi Jinping gemeinsam mit Perus Präsidentin Dina Boluarte einen neuen Megahafen eingeweiht. Der Puerto de Chancay ist als Tiefseehafen auch für große Containerschiffe geeignet. Die Fahrtzeit zwischen Shanghai und der peruanischen Pazifikküste wird sich künftig deutlich verkürzen. Das senkt die Frachtkosten und ist damit ein großer Vorteil für China.Fest steht: Der Hafen Chancay wird auch Peru wirtschaftlich nutzen. Doch wie sehr, das ist für Thielemann aktuell schwer einzuschätzen. Denn trotz der Einweihung im November soll der Betrieb erst in diesem Monat so richtig losgehen. Der Hafen ist noch längst nicht so gut an den Rest des Landes angebunden, wie es nötig wäre: Es gibt noch keine Bahnverbindung, die Zufahrt zum Hafen ist ebenfalls schwierig. Eine Sonderwirtschaftszone wird diskutiert, ist aber zurzeit eher noch ein Zukunftsplan. Chancay "kann eine sehr gute Chance werden", sagt Thielemann, "aber ich glaube, man muss noch ein bisschen abwarten".Wirtschaftlich hat Peru vor allem Kupfer zu bieten: Im vergangenen Jahr war das Bergbau-Land mit einer Minenproduktion von 2,6 Millionen Tonnen nach Chile und dem Kongo der drittwichtigste Kupferproduzent weltweit. Aus deutscher Sicht ist Kupfer das wichtigste Produkt, das wir aus Peru beziehen. Im Gegenzug liefern wir Maschinen, die dort in den Minen zum Einsatz kommen - eine Win-win-Situation für beide Seiten. Und doch schafft Deutschland es nicht in die Top 10 der wichtigsten Handelspartner Perus. China dagegen war bereits 2023 mit einem Exportanteil von knapp 30 Prozent der mit Abstand wichtigste Handelspartner für den Andenstaat - Tendenz steigend, dank des Hafens in Chancay.Schreiben Sie Ihre Fragen, Kritik und Anmerkungen gern an www@n-tv.de.Unsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://datenschutz.ad-alliance.de/podcast.htmlUnsere allgemeinen Datenschutzrichtlinien finden Sie unter https://art19.com/privacy. Die Datenschutzrichtlinien für Kalifornien sind unter https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info abrufbar.

Tusenvis er drept og skadet etter at militsgruppen støttet av Rwanda gikk inn i Kongo i slutten av januar. Konflikten som har herjet mellom de to landene i over 30 år er nå verre enn på lenge. Hva har skjedd og hva ligger bak? Journalist i VG, Martha Diaz, forklarer. Foto: Arlette Bashizi/Reuters/NTB.

Die leier van die Patriotic Alliance, Gayton McKenzie vra wraak teen die M23-rebelle wat verantwoordelik is vir die dood van 14 soldate van die Suid-Afrikaanse Nasionale Weermag in die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo. McKenzie het tydens 'n dringende Parlementêre debat sy medelye met die gesneuwelde soldate se naasbestaandes betuig. Hy het lede van die Parlement wat beweer hulle is opperbevelvoerders gekritiseer en daag hulle uit om saam met die soldate te gaan veg:

Waasi wa M23 wametangaza nia yao ya “kuikomboa Kongo yote” wakati wa mkutano wa hadhara mjini Goma.

Die voorsitter van die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap en president van Zimbabwe, Emmerson Mnangagwa, beklemtoon die streeksuitwerking van die konflik in die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo, en vra 'n standhoudende oplossing. Die SAOG en die Oos-Afrikaanse Gemeenskap het in Tanzanië vergader. Mnangagwa vra eenheid en lê klem op die behoefte om die Kongolese belange voorop te stel en die uitdagings te konfronteer wat vrede en bestendigheid in die streek kniehalter.

Lesotho se afgetrede Verdedigings-attaché by die Afrika-unie, Tefo Nkeli, versoek Afrika-leiers om dringend gewere stil te maak op die hele vasteland. Hy benadruk Afrika se hulpbronne moet nie 'n vloek vir sy mense word nie. Nkeli vra vrede en samewerking in die nasleep van die voortslepende konflik in die Demokratiese Republiek die Kongo om te verseker die vasteland se potensiaal word ten volle verwesenlik. Nkeli het op SABC News gepleit vir 'n verenigde Afrika vry van konflik.

Rühl, Bettina www.deutschlandfunk.de, Kommentare und Themen der Woche

Diesmal: Staatsstreich in den USA, Medienkritik, USAID, Holgers großes Wahl-Spektakel, Infrastruktur, Klima und Migration, Abnabelung von Russland, Long Covid, Sham Jaff zu Kongo und AfD-Gutachten. Mit einem Faktencheck von Nándor Hulverscheidt und einem Limerick von Jens Ohrenblicker.

De siste to ukene har vært forferdelige for befolkningen Goma, en by på østsiden av Kongo, på grensen til Rwanda. Over 900 mennesker blitt drept, langt flere såret, bygninger har blitt ødelagt, flyplasser har blitt kapret, og det er rett og slett fryktelige bilder. Midt oppi dette kaoset er NRKs afrikaskorrespondent Vegard Tjørhom, som har tilbrakt de siste fem dagene i Goma. Vi slår på tråden til det vi i en halvtimes tid anser som 198 lands Afrikakorrespondent og lærer mer om opprørsgruppen M23, historien mellom Kongo og Rwanda og den omdiskuterte Rwanda-avtalen som FRP trakk frem i media.Hvis du er på utkikk etter nye landepisoder, så finner du de eksklusivt hos podimo.com/198land.Produsert av Martin Oftedal, PLAN-B Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Das chinesische KI-Modell DeepSeek macht ChatGPT Konkurrenz und damit Tech-Giganten weltweit nervös. Ist das die KI-Zeitenwende? Außerdem: Der Konflikt im Kongo verschärft sich (15:04). Und: Serbiens Premier tritt nach Protesten zurück (27:41) Josephine Schulz