Podcasts about Jiang

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence.    #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”.  The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught.  Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance.  In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it.  On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy.  Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”.  Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

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Gm! This week Cosmo Jiang joins the show to discuss Pantera's latest Solana treasury company, Helius. We deep dive into why Pantera is so bullish on Solana—with over $1 billion in disclosed SOL holdings—how to structure a DAT deal, what's next for Helius, and more. Enjoy! -- Follow Cosmo: https://x.com/cosmo_jiang Follow Jack: https://x.com/whosknave Follow Lightspeed: https://twitter.com/Lightspeedpodhq Subscribe to the Lightspeed Newsletter: https://blockworks.co/newsletter/lightspeed Join the Lightspeed Telegram: https://t.me/+QUl_ZOj2nMJlZTEx -- Crypto's premiere institutional conference returns to London in October 2025. Use code LIGHT100 for £100 off at checkout: https://blockworks.co/event/digital-asset-summit-2025-london -- Katana directs chain revenue back to DeFi users for consistently higher yields. It starts with VaultBridge, which turns bridged assets into yield streams that back a perpetually funded real yield, boosting rewards for DeFi users. Katana is pioneering Productive TVL, assets actually being used in DeFi and reinforces this with Chain-owned Liquidity, permanent liquidity the chain controls. Stop sleeping on your bags: https://app.katana.network/?utm_source=BW-Pod -- Get top market insights and the latest in crypto news. Subscribe to Blockworks Daily Newsletter: https://blockworks.co/newsletter/ --(00:00) Introduction (06:49) Katana Ad (07:51) Why Pantera Launched Helius (21:09) Why Should DATs Trade At A Premium To NAV? (29:02) Katana Ad (30:04) The Helius Acquisition Strategy (32:09) The Role Of DATs On Crypto Foundations (39:02) What's Next For Helius? (43:38) Structuring DAT Deals (48:07) Final Thoughts -- Disclaimer: Nothing said on Empire is a recommendation to buy or sell securities or tokens. This podcast is for informational purposes only, and any views expressed by anyone on the show are solely our opinions, not financial advice. Santiago, Jason, and our guests may hold positions in the companies, funds, or projects discussed.

En este audio vemos el texto enlazado abajo, y que empieza tal como pongo (unos cuantos párrafos)... y lo comentamos un poco, añadiendo algunas cosas más en relación con "la verdad divina". Enlace: https://www.unplandivino.net/escatologia-geopolitica/ https://serdelespacio.wordpress.com/2025/09/16/escatologia-geopolitica/ Texto: Recordemos que con la palabra 'escatología' se haría referencia a todo lo que tenga que ver con la vida tras la muerte, el destino de la humanidad, el fin del mundo... En el vídeo enlazado y presentado abajo* incluyendo su título, el profesor Jiang presenta las escatologías como guiones que sirven para la coordinación inconsciente. Vamos a ver y parafrasear lo expuesto ahí. Él defiende además la idea de que las escatologías son convergentes. Entonces, ante la pregunta: ¿cómo nos cohesionamos, o se intenta cohesionar, a los grupos humanos?... Podríamos decir que esto se hace "inconscientemente", o se suele decir así. Es decir, nos cohesionamos via relatos compartidos, creencias... pero respecto a cosas "de gran calado" ─destino, origen...─. Estos relatos o esquemas que vamos a ver son en realidad plenamente compartidos sólo por una minoría de personas dentro de cada religión o cultura. Jiang propone seis diferentes versiones de escatología, pues son muy diversas, además de ser dinámicas, en cuanto que historias que, digamos, pretenden competir para mejor capturar la imaginación de los creyentes ─y que entonces pueden compartir elementos entre sí, dinámicamente─. Jiang insiste en que no son lo principal de las religiones en las que existen, es decir, que los grupos que sostienen estas cosas serían más bien los más extremistas dentro de sus respectivas religiones o culturas ─los más "fanáticos"─. Habla del zoroastrismo, que dice que sería la escatología original: El mundo está dividido entre el mal y el bien, la luz y la oscuridad; al final de los días habría una batalla y un día del juicio ─esta escatología habría influido en el judaísmo─. Luego habla de la escatología judía: La espera de un mesías guerrero, que inicie una nueva época, al haber vencido a todos los enemigos, atrayendo a todos los judíos de la diáspora, construyendo el tercer templo e iniciando una edad de paz, prosperidad, justicia. ... (el texto continúa en los enlaces de arriba) ____ Una parte del final del texto es esta: Lógicamente, como dijimos, en esto debemos "completar" la historia según la cuenta Jiang, pues las influencias ejercidas por desencarnados, a través de nuestras heridas emocionales, son algo vital para poder siquiera empezar a comprender "la historia", en su concepto más amplio, más real, digamos. ____ * Vídeo de "Predictive History" (Jiang): "Geo-Strategy Update #7: When Eschatologies Converge": https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YQ-xg1nIbMs ____ En el audio hemos hablado de más cosas, comentando, por cierto, lo que sería "la escatología verdadera", es decir, el muy simple dato de por qué Dios habría creado el universo (y que nos cuenta el Jesús "real").

Evelyn Jiang '26, a former Production & Design Editor at the News, and Maxwell Kiekhofer '26 are frocos in Silliman College and Morse College respectively. Listen in as host Joanne Lee '26 talks with Evelyn and Maxwell about their experiences as frocos, reflect on their time at Yale, and offer advice to Yale's Class of 2029.Edited and Hosted by Joanne Lee, produced by Andre Fa'aoso.

On this special segment of The Full Ratchet, the following Investors are featured: Kevin Jiang of Mangusta Capital Joseph Ruscio of Heavybit Alexander Niehenke of Scale Venture Partners We asked guests to describe the biggest change to their investment philosophy over the course of their career The host of The Full Ratchet is Nick Moran of New Stack Ventures, a venture capital firm committed to investing in founders outside of the Bay Area. We're proud to partner with Ramp, the modern finance automation platform. Book a demo and get $150—no strings attached.   Want to keep up to date with The Full Ratchet? Follow us on social. You can learn more about New Stack Ventures by visiting our LinkedIn and Twitter.

Civilization Series - The German Will to Power - Prof. Jiang XueqinEnglish:

En este episodio exploramos a fondo el mutismo acinético, una de las manifestaciones más desconcertantes tras un daño cerebral grave. Hablamos de su base neurofisiológica, su relación con el sistema dopaminérgico y los circuitos prefronto-subcorticales, y cómo se diferencia clínicamente de otros estados de conciencia alterada. Recorremos también las opciones terapéuticas más prometedoras, desde la estimulación multisensorial y la verticalización robótica hasta técnicas de neuromodulación como la estimulación cerebral profunda, la estimulación medular o la tDCS. Un episodio técnico, narrativo y lleno de preguntas clínicas clave, pensado para quienes trabajan día a día con pacientes que aún no responden... pero que podrían hacerlo. Referencias del episodio: 1. Arnts, H., van Erp, W. S., Lavrijsen, J. C. M., van Gaal, S., Groenewegen, H. J., & van den Munckhof, P. (2020). On the pathophysiology and treatment of akinetic mutism. Neuroscience and biobehavioral reviews, 112, 270–278. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2020.02.006 8 https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/32044373/). 2. Arnts, H., Tewarie, P., van Erp, W. S., Overbeek, B. U., Stam, C. J., Lavrijsen, J. C. M., Booij, J., Vandertop, W. P., Schuurman, R., Hillebrand, A., & van den Munckhof, P. (2022). Clinical and neurophysiological effects of central thalamic deep brain stimulation in the minimally conscious state after severe brain injury. Scientific reports, 12(1), 12932. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-16470-2 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35902627/). 3. Arnts, H., Tewarie, P., van Erp, W., Schuurman, R., Boon, L. I., Pennartz, C. M. A., Stam, C. J., Hillebrand, A., & van den Munckhof, P. (2024). Deep brain stimulation of the central thalamus restores arousal and motivation in a zolpidem-responsive patient with akinetic mutism after severe brain injury. Scientific reports, 14(1), 2950. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-52267-1 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/38316863/). 4. Bai, Y., Xia, X., Li, X., Wang, Y., Yang, Y., Liu, Y., Liang, Z., & He, J. (2017). Spinal cord stimulation modulates frontal delta and gamma in patients of minimally consciousness state. Neuroscience, 346, 247–254. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuroscience.2017.01.036 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/28147246/). 5. Bai, Y., Xia, X., Liang, Z., Wang, Y., Yang, Y., He, J., & Li, X. (2017). Corrigendum: Frontal Connectivity in EEG Gamma (30-45 Hz) Respond to Spinal Cord Stimulation in Minimally Conscious State Patients. Frontiers in cellular neuroscience, 11, 251. https://doi.org/10.3389/fncel.2017.00251 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/28828002/). 6. Bai, Y., Lin, Y., & Ziemann, U. (2021). Managing disorders of consciousness: the role of electroencephalography. Journal of neurology, 268(11), 4033–4065. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00415-020-10095-z (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/32915309/). 7. Cairns, H., Oldfield, R. C., Pennybacker, J. B., & Whitteridge, D. (1941). Akinetic mutism with an epidermoid cyst of the 3rd ventricle. Brain, 64(4), 273–290 (https://academic.oup.com/brain/article-abstract/64/4/273/332088?redirectedFrom=fulltext). 8. Chen, Q., Huang, W., Tang, J., Ye, G., Meng, H., Jiang, Q., Ge, L., Li, H., Liu, L., Jiang, Q., & Wang, D. (2025). Reviving consciousness: The impact of short-term spinal cord stimulation on patients with early-onset prolonged disorders of consciousness. Journal of Neurorestoratology, 13(1), 100143. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jnrt.2024.100143 (https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2324242624000500?via%3Dihub). 9. Clavo, B., Robaina, F., Montz, R., Carames, M. A., Otermin, E., & Carreras, J. L. (2008). Effect of cervical spinal cord stimulation on cerebral glucose metabolism. Neurological research, 30(6), 652–654. https://doi.org/10.1179/174313208X305373 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/18513465/). 10. Corazzol, M., Lio, G., Lefevre, A., Deiana, G., Tell, L., André-Obadia, N., Bourdillon, P., Guenot, M., Desmurget, M., Luauté, J., & Sirigu, A. (2017). Restoring consciousness with vagus nerve stimulation. Current biology : CB, 27(18), R994–R996. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cub.2017.07.060 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/28950091/). 11. Della Pepa, G. M., Fukaya, C., La Rocca, G., Zhong, J., & Visocchi, M. (2013). Neuromodulation of vegetative state through spinal cord stimulation: where are we now and where are we going?. Stereotactic and functional neurosurgery, 91(5), 275–287. https://doi.org/10.1159/000348271 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/23797266/). 12. De Luca, R., Bonanno, M., Vermiglio, G., Trombetta, G., Andidero, E., Caminiti, A., Pollicino, P., Rifici, C., & Calabrò, R. S. (2022). Robotic Verticalization plus Music Therapy in Chronic Disorders of Consciousness: Promising Results from a Pilot Study. Brain sciences, 12(8), 1045. https://doi.org/10.3390/brainsci12081045 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36009107/). 13. Dong, X., Tang, Y., Zhou, Y., & Feng, Z. (2023). Stimulation of vagus nerve for patients with disorders of consciousness: a systematic review. Frontiers in neuroscience, 17, 1257378. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnins.2023.1257378 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37781261/). 14. Fan, W., Fan, Y., Liao, Z., & Yin, Y. (2023). Effect of Transcranial Direct Current Stimulation on Patients With Disorders of Consciousness: A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis. American journal of physical medicine & rehabilitation, 102(12), 1102–1110. https://doi.org/10.1097/PHM.0000000000002290 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37205736/). 15. Frazzitta, G., Zivi, I., Valsecchi, R., Bonini, S., Maffia, S., Molatore, K., Sebastianelli, L., Zarucchi, A., Matteri, D., Ercoli, G., Maestri, R., & Saltuari, L. (2016). Effectiveness of a Very Early Stepping Verticalization Protocol in Severe Acquired Brain Injured Patients: A Randomized Pilot Study in ICU. PloS one, 11(7), e0158030. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0158030 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/27447483/). 16. Jang, S. H., & Byun, D. H. (2022). A Review of Studies on the Role of Diffusion Tensor Magnetic Resonance Imaging Tractography in the Evaluation of the Fronto-Subcortical Circuit in Patients with Akinetic Mutism. Medical science monitor : international medical journal of experimental and clinical research, 28, e936251. https://doi.org/10.12659/MSM.936251 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35181647/). 17. Lombardi, F., Taricco, M., De Tanti, A., Telaro, E., & Liberati, A. (2002). Sensory stimulation for brain injured individuals in coma or vegetative state. The Cochrane database of systematic reviews, 2002(2), CD001427. https://doi.org/10.1002/14651858.CD001427 (https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC7045727/). 18. Magee, W. L., & O'Kelly, J. (2015). Music therapy with disorders of consciousness: current evidence and emergent evidence-based practice. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 1337, 256–262. https://doi.org/10.1111/nyas.12633 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/25773642/). 19. Mateo-Sierra, O., Gutiérrez, F.A., Fernández-Carballal, C., Pinilla, D., Mosqueira, B., Iza, B., & Carrillo, R.. (2005). Mutismo acinético relacionado con hidrocefalia y cirugía cerebelosa tratado con bromocriptina y efedrina: revisión fisiopatológica. Neurocirugía, 16(2), 134-141. (https://scielo.isciii.es/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S1130-14732005000200005). 20. Noé, E., Ferri, J., Colomer, C., Moliner, B., O'Valle, M., Ugart, P., Rodriguez, C., & Llorens, R. (2020). Feasibility, safety and efficacy of transauricular vagus nerve stimulation in a cohort of patients with disorders of consciousness. Brain stimulation, 13(2), 427–429. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brs.2019.12.005 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/31866491/). 21. Norwood, M. F., Lakhani, A., Watling, D. P., Marsh, C. H., & Zeeman, H. (2023). Efficacy of Multimodal Sensory Therapy in Adult Acquired Brain Injury: A Systematic Review. Neuropsychology review, 33(4), 693–713. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11065-022-09560-5 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36056243/). 22. O'Neal, C. M., Schroeder, L. N., Wells, A. A., Chen, S., Stephens, T. M., Glenn, C. A., & Conner, A. K. (2021). Patient Outcomes in Disorders of Consciousness Following Transcranial Magnetic Stimulation: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Individual Patient Data. Frontiers in neurology, 12, 694970. https://doi.org/10.3389/fneur.2021.694970 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/34475848/). 23. Schiff, N. D., Giacino, J. T., Kalmar, K., Victor, J. D., Baker, K., Gerber, M., Fritz, B., Eisenberg, B., Biondi, T., O'Connor, J., Kobylarz, E. J., Farris, S., Machado, A., McCagg, C., Plum, F., Fins, J. J., & Rezai, A. R. (2007). Behavioural improvements with thalamic stimulation after severe traumatic brain injury. Nature, 448(7153), 600–603. https://doi.org/10.1038/nature06041 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/17671503/). 24. Schiff N. D. (2016). Central thalamic deep brain stimulation to support anterior forebrain mesocircuit function in the severely injured brain. Journal of neural transmission (Vienna, Austria : 1996), 123(7), 797–806. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00702-016-1547-0 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/27113938/). 25. Schiff N. D. (2023). Mesocircuit mechanisms in the diagnosis and treatment of disorders of consciousness. Presse medicale (Paris, France : 1983), 52(2), 104161. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.lpm.2022.104161 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36563999/). 26. Shimojo, S., & Shams, L. (2001). Sensory modalities are not separate modalities: plasticity and interactions. Current opinion in neurobiology, 11(4), 505–509. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0959-4388(00)00241-5 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/11502399/). 27. Stephens, T. M., Young, I. M., O'Neal, C. M., Dadario, N. B., Briggs, R. G., Teo, C., & Sughrue, M. E. (2021). Akinetic mutism reversed by inferior parietal lobule repetitive theta burst stimulation: Can we restore default mode network function for therapeutic benefit?. Brain and behavior, 11(8), e02180. https://doi.org/10.1002/brb3.2180 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/34145791/). 28. Piedade, G. S., Assumpcao de Monaco, B., Guest, J. D., & Cordeiro, J. G. (2023). Review of spinal cord stimulation for disorders of consciousness. Current opinion in neurology, 36(6), 507–515. https://doi.org/10.1097/WCO.0000000000001222 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/37889524/). 29. Rosenfelder, M. J., Helmschrott, V. C., Willacker, L., Einhäupl, B., Raiser, T. M., & Bender, A. (2023). Effect of robotic tilt table verticalization on recovery in patients with disorders of consciousness: a randomized controlled trial. Journal of neurology, 270(3), 1721–1734. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00415-022-11508-x (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36536249/). 30. Thibaut, A., Bruno, M. A., Ledoux, D., Demertzi, A., & Laureys, S. (2014). tDCS in patients with disorders of consciousness: sham-controlled randomized double-blind study. Neurology, 82(13), 1112–1118. https://doi.org/10.1212/WNL.0000000000000260 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/24574549/). 31. Visocchi, M., Della Pepa, G. M., Esposito, G., Tufo, T., Zhang, W., Li, S., & Zhong, J. (2011). Spinal cord stimulation and cerebral hemodynamics: updated mechanism and therapeutic implications. Stereotactic and functional neurosurgery, 89(5), 263–274. https://doi.org/10.1159/000329357 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/21860253/). 32. Yang, Y., He, Q., Xia, X., Dang, Y., Chen, X., He, J., & Zhao, J. (2022). Long-term functional prognosis and related factors of spinal cord stimulation in patients with disorders of consciousness. CNS neuroscience & therapeutics, 28(8), 1249–1258. https://doi.org/10.1111/cns.13870 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/35619213/). 33. Yang, Y., He, Q., Dang, Y., Xia, X., Xu, X., Chen, X., Zhao, J., & He, J. (2023). Long-term functional outcomes improved with deep brain stimulation in patients with disorders of consciousness. Stroke and vascular neurology, 8(5), 368–378. https://doi.org/10.1136/svn-2022-001998 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36882201/). 34. Yu, Y. T., Yang, Y., Wang, L. B., Fang, J. L., Chen, Y. Y., He, J. H., & Rong, P. J. (2017). Transcutaneous auricular vagus nerve stimulation in disorders of consciousness monitored by fMRI: The first case report. Brain stimulation, 10(2), 328–330. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.brs.2016.12.004 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/28017322/). 35. Zhou, Y. F., Kang, J. W., Xiong, Q., Feng, Z., & Dong, X. Y. (2023). Transauricular vagus nerve stimulation for patients with disorders of consciousness: A randomized controlled clinical trial. Frontiers in neurology, 14, 1133893. https://doi.org/10.3389/fneur.2023.1133893 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36937511/). 36. Zhuang, Y., Yang, Y., Xu, L., Chen, X., Geng, X., Zhao, J., & He, J. (2022). Effects of short-term spinal cord stimulation on patients with prolonged disorder of consciousness: A pilot study. Frontiers in neurology, 13, 1026221. https://doi.org/10.3389/fneur.2022.1026221 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/36313512/). 37. Zuo, J., Tao, Y., Liu, M., Feng, L., Yang, Y., & Liao, L. (2021). The effect of family-centered sensory and affective stimulation on comatose patients with traumatic brain injury: A systematic review and meta-analysis. International journal of nursing studies, 115, 103846. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijnurstu.2020.103846 (https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/33485101/).

On this special segment of The Full Ratchet, the following Investors are featured: Han Shen Craig Shapiro Kevin Jiang We asked guests for the most important piece of advice that they'd share with folks early in their venture career. The host of The Full Ratchet is Nick Moran of New Stack Ventures, a venture capital firm committed to investing in founders outside of the Bay Area. Want to keep up to date with The Full Ratchet? Follow us on social. You can learn more about New Stack Ventures by visiting our LinkedIn and Twitter.

Xi Jinping concentrou poder como nenhum líder chinês desde Mao. Mas toda era tem um fim — e a sucessão já começou nos bastidores. Este vídeo explica por que, na China, quem controla o Exército controla o futuro, como sucessões passadas (Hua, Deng, Jiang, Hu) moldaram o país, e por que o “relógio de 2027” para Taiwan pode acelerar decisões arriscadas. Você vai entender quem são os nomes citados, por que é tão difícil “escolher” um herdeiro e como um vácuo de poder em Pequim pode sacudir mercados e segurança global.

Professor Xueqin Jiang joins Soar Financially to break down China's vision for a multipolar world, its challenge to US financial dominance, and why he's betting $1M China won't invade Taiwan. We cover the Shanghai Cooperation summit, alternatives to the IMF/World Bank, the future of the US dollar, tariffs, and what investors should watch over the next six months.#china #geopolitics #uschina ---------------------Thank you to our #sponsor MONEY METALS. Make sure to pay them a visit: https://bit.ly/BUYGoldSilver------------

Civilization END - The Decline and Fall of the American Empire - Jiang XueqinPt-brJiang Xueqin é um professor e analista geopolítico chinês que ganhou notoriedade por suas previsões precisas sobre conflitos internacionais. Com base em conceitos de psico-história — inspirados na obra Fundação, de Isaac Asimov — ele utiliza seu canal no YouTube, chamado Predictive History, para antecipar eventos geopolíticos com base em padrões históricos e teoria dos jogos.Em 2024, Jiang alertou para a possibilidade de um confronto militar entre os Estados Unidos e o Irã, impulsionado por três forças principais:O lobby de Israel (incluindo o AIPAC e grupos cristãos sionistas)Interesses financeiros de Wall StreetA Arábia Saudita, que vê o Irã como ameaça existencialEle também criticou a doutrina militar americana de “choque e pavor”, argumentando que os EUA negligenciam princípios clássicos de guerra, como logística e apoio popular. Jiang comparou a possível invasão do Irã à desastrosa expedição de Atenas à Sicília no século V a.C., prevendo que os EUA enfrentariam resistência local, terreno hostil e colapso logístico.Além disso, Jiang alertou que uma segunda presidência de Donald Trump poderia acelerar esse cenário, com figuras como Jared Kushner e Nikki Haley favorecendo uma escalada militar. Ele chegou a sugerir que os EUA poderiam recorrer a operações de bandeira falsa para justificar uma invasão.===Eng-usJiang Xueqin is a Chinese professor and geopolitical analyst who has gained attention for his remarkably accurate predictions about global conflicts. Drawing on the concept of psychohistory — inspired by Isaac Asimov's Foundation series — Jiang runs a YouTube channel called Predictive History, where he uses historical patterns and game theory to forecast geopolitical developments.In 2024, Jiang warned of a looming military confrontation between the United States and Iran, driven by three powerful forces:The Israel lobby (including AIPAC and Christian Zionist groups)Financial interests on Wall StreetSaudi Arabia, which views Iran as a strategic threatHe criticized the U.S. military doctrine of “shock and awe,” arguing that it overlooks classical principles of warfare such as logistics and public support. Jiang compared a potential U.S. invasion of Iran to Athens' disastrous Sicilian Expedition in the 5th century BCE, predicting that the U.S. would face fierce resistance, mountainous terrain, and logistical collapse.Jiang also warned that a second Trump presidency could accelerate this scenario, citing figures like Jared Kushner and Nikki Haley as proponents of military escalation. He even suggested the U.S. might use a false-flag operation to justify intervention.

Listen in as Not Our Home, Not Our Home playwright Ned Du, director Sissi Chen, performers Didi Won, Boyu Chen, Tien-Li Wu, John Jiang, & Josh Lau, and composer Hannah Limbrick, discuss the meaning of family, lost cats, enough or … Continue reading →

This week we are delighted to welcome Betty Jiang, Managing Director of U.S. Integrateds and E&P Equity Research at Barclays. Betty joined Barclays in 2023 after leading the U.S. ESG Research team at Credit Suisse and has more than 15 years of equity research experience, with prior roles at UBS, Illuminate Capital Group, and Bank of America. We were thrilled to hear Betty's insights on what's top of mind for investors, key themes from earnings, and a preview of Barclays' upcoming 39th Annual Energy-Power Conference, taking place next week from September 2-4 in New York. In our conversation, Betty shares why she finds energy research compelling and reflects on the interesting timing of her career, beginning in 2007 during the shale boom years. She explains how her experience in ESG and sustainability broadened her analytical skills and highlighted the complexity of the energy transition. We discuss the value of cross-sector research collaboration and Betty outlines key takeaways from Q2 earnings, including significant increases in free cash flow, shale resilience, a long-term bullish gas production outlook, and a market focus on efficiency and free cash flow discipline. We explore the intersection of gas and power demand and how factors like regional grid dynamics and AI are shaping the sector, the continuing need for baseload power, reluctance in adopting low-carbon gas, the importance of strategic positioning and capability for companies seeking exposure in power markets, and gas price and production outlook. Betty provides an insider perspective on how she navigates earnings season, noting how AI and research tools are increasingly shaping how research is consumed and analyzed, while emphasizing that AI cannot replace deep analysis essential for understanding nuance, context, and cross-company trends. We discuss the tension between short-term shareholder expectations and long-term strategic initiatives, emphasizing the importance of a clear “North Star” and consistent communication. Betty notes that energy sector investors vary widely, and while the E&P sector is generally out of favor with generalists, sustained capital discipline, cash returns, and demonstrated resilience are attracting renewed interest. We touch on the challenge of differentiation in energy companies and how thoughtful execution and innovative approaches can create competitive advantages, the key themes for Barclays' upcoming conference with over 170 companies currently registered to attend, how efficiency gains and current free cash flow could influence 2026 outlooks, and more. It was a fantastic discussion and we greatly appreciate Betty for sharing her time and insights. To start the show, Mike Bradley noted that last week's COBT theme was investor “anticipation” of the Jackson Hole meeting, while this week it's investor “expectations” around NVIDIA's Q2 results/forward guidance. On the broader equity front, the S&P 500 hit another high last week but traded sideways this week ahead of NVIDIA's Q2 results. NVIDIA expectations are pretty bullish, with most expecting a beat-and-raise quarter, and the only real question at this point is whether NVIDIA's forward outlook will be bullish enough to satisfy investors. At a $4.4 trillion market cap, larger than all but three countries' GDP, NVIDIA's AI commentary and forward guidance will be a market mover. On the crude oil market front, WTI price continues to trade sideways (low-mid $60s) amid continued 2H25 global oil surplus concerns that are being somewhat offset by lack of headway in Russian/Ukrainian peace (leading to possible stiff oil sanctions). On the natural gas front, U.S. natural gas price (prompt & 12mo strip) were trading at ~$2.70/MMBtu & ~$3.50/MMBtu (YTD lows). Investor sentiment is still more bullish for natural gas E&Ps, even though prompt natural gas price has significantly underperformed prompt WTI price this year. Mike also highlighted a

In this episode of Future Finance, hosts Glenn Hopper and Paul Barnhurst welcome Dennis Jiang, co-founder and CEO of Rosie. Dennis shares how Rosie helps professionals navigate complex spreadsheets, debug formulas, and optimize financial models. The conversation explores how AI is transforming spreadsheet use, streamlining tedious tasks, and empowering users to focus on strategic insights. Dennis also explains the unique challenges of integrating AI into financial workflows and how Rosie is changing the landscape of Excel usage for power users.Dennis Jiang is the co-founder and CEO of Rosie, an AI-powered assistant that helps professionals understand, build, and analyze spreadsheets with ease. Dennis started his career as a consultant at Bain & Company, where he became an Excel whiz, so much so that he later worked as a freelance Excel consultant for high-profile clients like Apple. Having seen firsthand how much his clients and colleagues rely on spreadsheets yet struggle with them, Dennis founded Rosie to leverage agentic AI to finally solve that problem and help professionals focus on insights rather than wrestling with formulas.In this episode, you will discover:How Rosie's AI assistant redefines how professionals use Excel.The role of AI in auditing and debugging complex financial models.How Rosie saves time for finance teams by automating tedious tasks.The difference between Rosie and tools like Microsoft Copilot for advanced users.Why Dennis believes that spreadsheets will remain central to finance, even as AI technology evolvesDennis shared his journey from consulting to founding Rosie, offering an inspiring look at how AI is transforming Excel modeling and financial workflows. His insights into automating tedious tasks, debugging complex models, and enhancing financial analysis provide invaluable guidance for professionals looking to leverage AI to improve productivity and decision-making.Follow Dennis:LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/in/dennis-jiang-0387923/Website - https://www.askrosie.ai/?utm_source=podcast&utm_campaign=futurefinance1Special Offer for Our Listeners: Enjoy 1 free month of Rosie Premium (a $20 value) using the code FUTUREFINANCE at checkout.Join hosts Glenn and Paul as they unravel the complexities of AI in finance:Follow Glenn:LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/in/gbhopperiiiFollow Paul:LinkedIn - https://www.linkedin.com/in/thefpandaguyFollow QFlow.AI:Website - https://bit.ly/4i1EkjgFuture Finance is sponsored by QFlow.ai, the strategic finance platform solving the toughest part of planning and analysis: B2B revenue. Align sales, marketing, and finance, speed up decision-making, and lock in accountability with QFlow.ai. Stay tuned for a deeper understanding of how AI is shaping the future of finance and what it means for businesses and individuals alike.In Today's Episode:[03:04] - Why Rosie Was Created[05:22] - Microsoft's AI Integration Struggles[06:45]...

This episode features "Memories Are Only Valuable if They Can Be Lost" written by Ai Jiang. Published in the August 2025 issue of Clarkesworld Magazine and read by Kate Baker. The text version of this story can be found at: https://clarkesworldmagazine.com/jiang_08_25 Support us on Patreon at https://www.patreon.com/clarkesworld/membership

Last time we spoke about the crossing of Nanjing's Rubicon. By November 1, Shanghai had become a lost cause, the Chinese were forced to retreat. In the wake of this turmoil, the Japanese set their sights on Nanjing, keenly aware that its fall would spell disaster for Chiang Kai-Shek's government. Despite the desperate situation, guerrilla fighters began fortifying the city as civilians rallied to support the defense, preparing for the inevitable assault that loomed. However, political divisions plagued the Chinese leadership, with some generals advocating for abandoning the city. After intense discussions, it was decided that Nanjing would be a hill worth dying on, driven largely by propaganda needs. As November 12 approached, Japanese troops rapidly advanced west, capturing towns along the way and inflicting unimaginable brutality. On November 19, Yanagawa, a commander, took the initiative, decreeing that pursuing the retreating Chinese forces toward Nanjing was paramount.    #164 The Battle of Lake Tai Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As the Chinese troops fled westwards, at 7:00 am on November 19th, Yanagawa issued instructions to his troops in the field. “The enemy's command system is in disarray, and a mood of defeat has descended over their entire army. They have lost the will to fight. We must not miss the opportunity to pursue the enemy to Nanjing.” The order went out to the 10th Army, sending, the 6th, 18th, and 114th Divisions west along the southern shore of Lake Tai, passing through Huzhou before turning right towards Nanjing. The Kunisaki Detachment, trained for rapid movement by water and land, was ordered east along the Yangtze River near Wuhu city and, if possible, cross the river to cut off the Chinese Army's retreat from Nanjing. Yanagawa envisioned an operation unlike any other conducted by the Japanese Army in recent history. He believed this could not only end the war but also surpass previous victories, such as the defeat of tsarist Russia more than three decades earlier. Confident in a swift victory, he wrote in a follow-up message to his commanders, “The day is near when the banner of the Rising Sun will fly over Nanjing's city wall.” However, Yanagawa's order elicited panic in Tokyo once it became known. His superiors viewed it as an outrageous attempt to entirely change the war focus away from the north. They understood that taking Nanjing was primarily a political decision rather than a strategic one. There was still hopes of finding terms through the Germans to end the conflict, thus carving up more of China. The Japanese did not want to become bogged down in a real war. Major General Tada was particularly opposed to increasing efforts on the Shanghai front. He belonged to a faction that believed the best way to avoid a quagmire in China was to deliver a swift, decisive blow to the Chinese Army. This mindset had turned him into a major advocate for landing a strong force in Hangzhou Bay in early November. Nevertheless, he had initially resisted expanding operations to the Suzhou-Jiaxing line, only relenting on the condition that this line would not be crossed under any circumstances. Tada's immediate response was to halt the 10th Army's offensive. Shimomura Sadamu, Ishiwara Kanji's hardline successor as chief of operations, strongly disagreed, arguing that field commanders should have the authority to make significant decisions. Undeterred, Tada insisted on restraining the field commanders, and at 6:00 pm on November 20th, the Army General Staff sent a cable to the Central China Area Army reprimanding them for advancing beyond Order No. 600, which had established the Suzhou-Jiaxing line. The response from the Central China Area Army arrived two days later whereupon the field commanders argued that Nanjing needed to be captured to bring the war to an early conclusion. To do otherwise, they argued, would provide the enemy with an opportunity to regain the will to fight. Moreover, the officers claimed that delaying the decisive battle would not sit well with the Japanese public, potentially jeopardizing national unity. On the same day it responded to Tokyo, the Central China Area Army instructed the 10th Army to proceed cautiously: “The pursuit to Nanjing is to be halted, although you may still send an advance force towards Huzhou. Each division is to select four or five battalions to pursue the enemy rapidly”. The remainder of the troops were instructed to advance towards Huzhou and prepare to join the pursuit “at any time.” Meanwhile Chiang Kai-shek officially appointed Tang Shengzhi as the commandant of Nanjing's garrison. Born in 1889, Tang embodied the era of officers leading China into war with Japan. They straddled the line between old and new China. During their youth, they lived in a society that had seen little change for centuries, where young men immersed themselves in 2,000-year-old classics to prepare for life. Like their ancestors across countless generations, they were governed by an emperor residing in a distant capital. Following the 1911 revolution, they embraced the new republic and received modern military training, Tang, for instance, at the esteemed Baoding Academy in northern China. Yet, they struggled to fully relinquish their traditional mindsets. These traditional beliefs often included a significant distrust of foreigners. Before his appointment as garrison commander, Tang had led the garrison's operations section. During this time, Chiang Kai-shek suggested that he permit the German chief advisor, General Alexander von Falkenhausen, to attend staff meetings. Tang hesitated, expressing concern due to Falkenhausen's past as a military official in Japan and the current alliance between Germany, Italy, and Japan. “That's not good, is it?” he asked. Chiang reassured him that Falkenhausen was an experienced officer who remembered earlier loyalties despite political shifts in Berlin. “It's all right,” Chiang insisted, “we can trust him.” Reluctantly, Tang acquiesced but never fully trusted the German officer. Tang also faced issues with morale. He was Hunanese, the majority of his troops were locals, many from Nanjing. Tang also suffered from many ongoing illnesses. While he put on a bravado face, its unlikely he expected to be able to defend the capital for very long. On November 19th, the IJA 16th division and Shigeto Detachment conquered Changshu, a crucial point along the Wufu defense line, spanning from Fushan on the Yangtze to Suzhou and then to Wujiang sitting on the shores of Lake Tai. The fight for Changshu had surprised the Japanese. As they approached they ran into a network of interlocking cement pillboxes that had to be taken individually, resulting in heavy casualties. Frequently, when the Japanese believed they had finally destroyed a position and advanced, they were dismayed to discover that some defenders remained alive, continuing to fire at their flanks. Another obstacle facing them was Chinese artillery. During the night's capture of the city, the Japanese makeshift camps were hit relentlessly by bombardment. That same day further south, the IJA 9th division captured Suzhou , reporting to the press they did so without firing a single shot. General Matsui wrote in his diary “The enemy troops near Suzhou have completely lost their morale. Some soldiers are discarding their equipment and surrendering, while others flee westward in utter chaos. Our forces have not encountered the resistance we anticipated. So far, the Shanghai Expeditionary Force has achieved all its objectives. I am thrilled by this.” In reality, this was mere propaganda. The IJA 9th Division actually had to overpower a series of Chinese pillboxes outside the city. Once they entered through the medieval walls, they faced the task of eliminating pockets of resistance one by one. According to Japanese sources, over 1,000 Chinese soldiers were killed during these clearing operations. The Japanese found a wealth of spoils in Suzhou. Among the booty were 100 artillery pieces and other military equipment. Historically known as one of China's wealthiest cities, Suzhou still contained an abundance of loot even after months of conflict. Many Japanese soldiers had their pockets filled with cigarettes after raiding a tobacco factory, while others transported barrels filled with coins after robbing a bank. Meanwhile the government had officially moved from Nanjing to Chongqing. Chongqing was an unusual choice for the new capital as it was historically something of a backwater, not very cosmopolitan such as the great coastal cities in the east. However it was distant enough to be out of reach from the Japanese land forces, but not so distant that it would make governing China impossible. Not all the governmental agencies moved to Chongqing at once. The foreign ministry first moved to Wuhan, as did most of the foreign diplomats. Yet out of some several hundred foreign nationals, 30 American and 19 British did stay behind in Nanjing. Tang Shengzhi met with the remaining foreign community and began promising them guarantees of their lives and property would be protected to the fullest. In turn the foreign community were thinking up ways to help defend the city's civilian population. They formed a special demilitarized district, akin to the one in Shanghai. They named it the Jacquinot Safety Zone after its founder, French Jesuit Robert Jacquinot de Besange. An international committee for establishing a neutral zone for noncombatants in Nanjing was formed on November 19th and famously John Rabe chaired it. The committee knew their neutral zone depended solely upon Japan respecting it, thus Rabe was an ideal pick for chairman. Meanwhile Chiang Kai-Shek was determined to stay for as long as possible in Nanjing, and remain in the public view to maintain morale. Song Meiling also went around touring the capital by automobile to raise public spirit. Preparations for battle were being dished out in haste. Du Yuming, the commander of Nanjing's armored regiment was called up to the headquarters of He Yingqin, then chief of staff. There Du was briefed on Chiang Kai-Shek's war plans and how his tiny armored force would fit in. He Yingqin said “It has been decided that Tang Shengzhi is to defend Nanjing. Chairman Chiang wants the German vehicles to stay in Nanjing and fight.” This was referring to their Leichter Panzerspahwagen or “sd KFZ 221” armored cars. These were recent purchases from Germany. Du questioned using them however “The German vehicles are the best armor we have at the moment, but they have no cannon, only machine guns, so their firepower is limited. We just have 15 of them. And they are not suited for the terrain around Nanjing, with all its rivers and lakes.” Du instead argued for using the British-made Vickers Carden Lloyd tanks. Of these China had recently purchased the amphibious variants. Du said “Those tanks both have machine guns and cannon, and they can float. They are much more useful for the Nanjing area.” He further suggested the tanks might even make it to the other side of the Yangtze once all hope was out. To this He replied “No, don't even think about crossing the Yangtze. The chairman wants the tank crews to fight to the death.” As far as war strategy was concerned, China had actually developed one against Japan decades prior. Ever since the nasty conflicts between the two nations had broken out back during the Great War days, China sought an answer to Japan's aggression. One man rose to the occasion, a young officer named Jiang Baili. In 1922 Jiang wrote “The only way to prevail over the enemy, will be to do the opposite of what he does in every respect. It will be to his advantage to seek a quick resolution; we should aim for protracted warfare. He will try to focus on a decisive blow at the front line; we should move to the second line of defense and rob him of the opportunity to concentrate his forces in one place.” Soon Jiang became the forefather in China for theories involving protracted war. One could also call it a war of attrition, and it was the type of war suited to China. In the words of Jiang “We should thank our ancestors. China is blessed with two major advantages, a vast land area and a huge population. Abstaining from fighting will be enough. And if we do fight, we should drag it out. We should force the front to move west, and turn our weakness into strength, while allowing the enemy to overstretch himself”. China's geography significantly influenced Jiang's military strategy. In his works titled Organization of Mechanized Forces, Jiang wrote “The flat North Chinese plain offers ideal conditions for a large mechanized army. In contrast, the agricultural regions further south, characterized by their mix of rice paddies and waterways, are far less suitable.” Faced with a technologically superior enemy, China had no option but to draw the opponent away from the north, where their armored units would dominate the battlefield, to the Yangtze River area, where their mobility would be severely restricted. Jiang served as the director of the prestigious military academy at Baoding, near Beijing, where he could instill his philosophies in the minds of upcoming leaders of the Chinese armed forces, including Tang Shengzhi. Tang was able to put Jiang's theories into practice. In the autumn of 1935, he played a crucial role in planning and executing the decade's largest military maneuver. Conducted south of the Yangtze, between Nanjing and Shanghai, this drill involved over 20,000 troops, allowing for a realistic simulation of battle conditions. Its primary objective was to test the strategy of "luring the enemy in deep." Upon concluding the maneuver, Tang described the location as exceptionally well chosen, a tank commander's nightmare. The area consisted of steep hills alongside rivers, with very few robust roads and virtually no bridges capable of supporting tanks. Countless small paddy fields were divided by dikes that rarely exceeded a few feet in width, perfectly suited for swift infantry movements but utterly inadequate for tracked vehicles. It appeared to be a graveyard for any mechanized army. As the war broke out with Japan, Jiang's ideas initially seemed validated. Chiang Kai-shek deliberately refrained from deploying his best troops to the northern Beijing area. Instead, he chose to instigate a significant battle in and around Shanghai, where the terrain presented the exact disadvantages for Japanese armor that Jiang had anticipated. Although the Japanese gradually introduced tactical innovations that allowed them to navigate the partly submerged paddy fields north and west of Shanghai, their tanks often found themselves forced along elevated roads, making them vulnerable targets for hidden Chinese infantry. For several weeks during September and October, the Shanghai area indeed resembled a quagmire, seemingly poised to ensnare the Japanese forces until they were utterly depleted. However, the successful Japanese landings in early November, first in Hangzhou Bay and then on the south bank of the Yangtze, dramatically changed things. The stalemate was broken, allowing the Japanese Army to advance despite the persistent challenges posed by the local geography. What would happen next would determine whether Jiang's theories from a decade earlier could work or if Japan's tanks would ultimately triumph even in the river terrain south of the Yangtze.  The Japanese field commanders' decision to shift their focus from defeating Chinese forces near Shanghai to pursuing them all the way to Nanjing, sent ripples throughout the ranks. Every unit had to reconsider their plans, but none felt the impact more acutely than the 6th Division. As one of the first contingents of the 10th Army to come ashore in Hangzhou Bay in early November, its soldiers had advanced with remarkable ease, cutting through the defenses like a knife through butter. Now, with orders to drive west towards Nanjing, they were required to make a huge U-turn and head south. Geography hurt them greatly, specifically the presence of Lake Tai. The original Shanghai Expeditionary Force, bolstered by the 16th Division and other newly arrived units, was set to advance north of the lake, while the 10th Army was tasked with operations to the south of it. This situation implied that the 6th Division had to hurry to catch up with the rest of the 10th Army.   Upon turning south, they reached Jiashan on November 21, only to face a brutal outbreak of cholera among their ranks, which delayed their advance by three days. Meanwhile the other elements of the 10th Army, including the Kunisaki Detachment and the 18th and 114th Divisions advanced  rapidly, entering Huzhou on November 23. To speed up their advance they had commandeered every vessel they could grab and tossed men in piece meal across the southern bank of Lake Tai to its western shore.  However the 10th army was unaware that they would soon face a brutal fight. As the Chinese government evacuated Nanjing, fresh troops from Sichuan province in southwest China were being unloaded at the city's docks and marched toward imminent danger. Starting to disembark on November 20, these soldiers formed the Chinese 23rd Group Army. They presented an exotic sight, sporting broad straw hats typical of southern China, often adorned with yellow and green camouflage patterns. While some appeared freshly uniformed, many were ill-prepared for the colder central Chinese winter, dressed in thin cotton better suited for subtropical climates. A number looked as ragged as the most destitute coolie. Nearly all wore straw shoes that required repairs every evening after a long day of marching. Their equipment was rudimentary and often quite primitive. The most common weapon among the newly arrived soldiers was a locally produced rifle from Sichuan, yet many had no firearms at all, carrying only “stout sticks and packs” into battle. Each division had a maximum of a dozen light machine guns, and radio communication was available only at the brigade level and above. The absence of any artillery or heavy equipment was quite alarming. It was as if they expected to be facing a warlord army of the 1920s. They were organized into five divisions and two brigades, supplied by Liu Xiang, a notable southern warlord. Remarkably, Liu Xiang had been one of Chiang Kai-shek's worst enemies less than a year prior. Now, Liu's troops fought alongside Chiang's against Japan, yet their loyalties remained fiercely provincial, listening to Liu Xiang rather than Chiang Kai-shek. China's warlord era never really ended. Chiang Kai-Shek was actually doing two things at once, meeting the enemy but also getting warlord troops away from their provincial powerbase. This in turn would reduce the influence of regional warlords. Now the Chinese recognized the had to stop the Japanese from reaching Wuhu, a Yangtze port city due south of Nanjing, basically the last escape route from the capital. If it was captured, those in Nanjing would be effectively stuck. General Gu Zhutong, who personally witnessed the chaotic evacuation of Suzhou, had already dispatched two divisions from Guangxi province to block the Japanese advance. However, they were quickly routed. Liu Xiang's troops were then sent to fill the gap on the battlefield. By the last week of November, the Japanese 10th Army and the newly arrived Sichuan divisions, were converging on the same area southwest of Lake Tai. Marching as quickly as possible, they were fated to clash in one of the bloodiest battles of the entire Nanjing campaign. As the Sichuanese troops reached the battlefield at the end of November, they  quickly realized just how ill-equipped they were to confront the modern Japanese Army. The Sichuan divisions hurried towards Lake Tai, primarily marching after sunset to avoid harassment from Japanese aircraft. A significant challenge for the soldiers was the condition of the roads, which were paved with gravel that wore down their straw shoes. Despite their best efforts to repair their footwear late at night, many soldiers found themselves entering battle barefoot. Along their route, they encountered numerous Chinese soldiers retreating. One particular column caught their attention; these troops were better uniformed and equipped, appearing as though they had not seen battle at all. They looked rested and well-nourished, as if they had just emerged from their barracks. This prompted unspoken doubts among the Sichuanese soldiers. Upon arriving in Guangde, the 145th Division quickly began fortifying its positions, particularly around a strategic airfield near the city and dispatched units towards the town of Sian. On November 25, skirmishes erupted throughout the day, and on the following day, the Chinese soldiers began facing the full force of the advancing enemy. Japanese planes bombed the Chinese positions near Sian, followed by rapid tank assaults from the 18th Japanese Division. Unaccustomed to combat against armored vehicles, they quickly routed. The Japanese forces rolled over the shattered Chinese defenses and advanced to capture Sian with minimal resistance. To make matters worse, amidst this critical moment when the Sichuan troops were engaged in their first battle against a foreign enemy, Liu Xiang, fell seriously ill. In his place, Chiang Kai-shek assigned one of his most trusted commanders, Chen Cheng. The Sichuanese soldiers were not happy with the new alien commander. Meanwhile, the Nine Power Treaty Conference in Brussels held its final session. The delegates concluded three weeks of fruitless discussions with a declaration that immediately struck observers as lacking any real substance. The decree stated “Force by itself can provide no just and lasting solution for disputes between nations,”. This was met with approval from all participants except Italy, one of Japan's few allies in Europe. They strongly urged that hostilities be suspended and that peaceful processes be pursued, but offered zero consequences for either belligerent should they choose not to comply. As they say today in politics, a nothing burger. China found itself resorting to shaming the international community into action, with barely any success.  In Berlin, the evening following the conference's conclusion, diplomats gathered as the Japanese embassy hosted a dinner to mark the first anniversary of the Anti-Comintern Pact. Among the guests, though he probably really did not want to be there, was Adolf Hitler. The Japanese Communications Minister, Nagai Ryutaro, speaking via radio stated “The Sino-Japanese conflict is a holy struggle for us. The objective is to hold the Nanjing government accountable for its anti-Japanese stance, to liberate the Chinese people from the red menace, and to secure peace in the Far East.” By hosting such an event, Germany was basically signalling that she would abandon her old Chinese ally to forge a stronger partnership with Japan. This was driving the world into two camps that would emerge as the Axis and Allies. My favorite boardgame by the way, I make a lot of goofy videos on my youtube channel about it.  Back at the front, a city sat midway along the Yangtze River between Shanghai and Nanjing, Jiangyin. By Chinese standards, Jiangyin was not a large city; its population numbered just 50,000, most of whom had already fled by the end of November. The city's military significance had considerably diminished after a naval battle in late September resulted in the sinking of half the Chinese fleet, forcing the remainder to retreat upriver. Nevertheless, the Chinese still maintained control on land. This became a pressing concern for the Japanese after the fall of Suzhou and Changshu led to the collapse of the Wufu defensive line. Consequently, the next line of defense was the Xicheng line, of which Jiangyin formed the northern end. The city stood directly in the path of the 13th Japanese Division, positioned at the far right of the front line. Jiangyin featured 33 partially fortified hills, and like many other cities in the region, its primary defense was a robust 10-mile wall constructed of brick and stone. Standing 30 feet high, the wall was reinforced on the inside by an earthen embankment measuring up to 25 feet in diameter. Defending Jiangyin alone was the 112th Division, comprising approximately 5,000 soldiers. Only in November did it receive reinforcements from the 103rd Division, which had previously participated in the brutal fighting in Shanghai and withdrew westward after the Japanese victory there. Like the 112th, the 103rd also consisted of around 5,000 soldiers from former warlord armies, though they hailed from the hot and humid southwest of China rather than the cold and arid northeast. Both divisions faced an adversary with far superior equipment and training. Just hours after Japanese observation balloons appeared on the horizon, their artillery opened fire. The initial shells fell at approximately 30 second intervals, but the pace quickly accelerated. Most of the shells landed near the river, obliterating the buildings in that area. The explosions tore up telephone wires, severing communication between the scattered Chinese units. As the first shells began to fall over Jiangyin, Tang Shengzhi gathered with Chinese and foreign journalists in Nanjing, openly acknowledging the monumental challenge ahead but resolutely vowing to defend Nanjing to the bitter end. “Even though it is lagging behind in material terms, China has the will to fight. Since the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, we have suffered defeats in various theaters, but we will continue to fight until we achieve final victory.” Tang then promised that Nanjing would be fought to the last man. As early as November 14, the central government had ordered the evacuation of women and children from Nanjing, calling for all means of transportation available to be dedicated to this purpose. However, this directive proved to be an empty proclamation. Almost all resources were directed toward relocating government officials westward. Moving office furniture and filing cabinets took precedence over evacuating people. The government commandeered 600 trucks and 220 boats and ships to aid in this effort, but once those means of transportation were exhausted, little remained for the common people. In the final days of November, Nanjing's mayor, Ma Chaojun, attempted to rectify this dire situation. He sent a cable to the Ministry of Communications requesting that the ships used to relocate government agencies be returned to Nanjing as soon as possible to assist with the evacuation. For most vessels, there wasn't enough time to make the journey back. The people of Nanjing were left to fend for themselves. Meanwhile the battles south and west of the Lake Tai continued to rage in late November. While the 18th Japanese Division advanced toward Guangde, aiming eventually for Wuhu and the Yangtze River, the 114th Japanese Division received different orders. It turned right along the western bank of Lake Tai, clearly intending to push onward to Nanjing. Awaiting them was the 144th Chinese Division, consisting primarily of Sichuanese soldiers. They dug in across the one viable road running west of the lake, with a large body of water on one side and rugged terrain on the other. This terrain forced the Japanese to attack over a narrow front, constraining the advantage they held due to their technological superiority. The Chinese were able to concentrate their limited artillery, primarily mountain guns that could be disassembled and transported by mules or even men, on the advancing Japanese attackers, and utilized it effectively. They allowed the Japanese to shell their positions without immediate retaliation, waiting until the infantry was within 1,000 yards before ordering their mountain guns to open fire. The result was devastating; the Japanese column became disorganized, and their advance stalled. However, just as the Chinese artillery appeared on the verge of achieving a significant victory, the decision was made to withdraw. The officers responsible for the mountain guns argued that the Japanese would soon overrun their positions, and it was preferable to take preemptive measures to prevent their valuable equipment from falling into enemy hands. The commanders of the 144th Division reluctantly concurred. The Chinese did their best to maintain the facade that their artillery remained in position, but the Japanese quickly noticed the weakened defense and attacked with renewed fervor. Despite this setback, Chinese soldiers found their morale boosted as their division commander, Guo Junqi, led from the front, issuing orders from a stretcher after sustaining a leg injury. However, deprived of their artillery, the Chinese faced increasingly dire odds, and they were pushed back along the entire front. As the Chinese front neared collapse, the officers of the 144th Division faced yet another challenge: Japanese infantry approached across Lake Tai in boats commandeered in previous days. With no artillery to defend themselves, the Chinese could only direct small arms fire at the vessels, allowing the Japanese to make an almost unimpeded landing. This was the final straw. Under pressure from two sides, the 144th Division had no choice but to abandon its position, retreating westward toward the main Chinese force around Guangde. Jiangyin endured two days of continuous shelling before the Japanese infantry attack commenced, but the city was fortified to withstand such a bombardment of this magnitude and duration. The 33 hills in and around the city had long served as scenic viewpoints and natural strongholds. The tallest hill, known as Mount Ding, rose 900 feet above the area, providing a commanding view and boasted over 100 artillery pieces. By late November, when the Japanese Army reached the area, most civilians had fled, but their homes remained, and the Chinese defenders effectively utilized them, converting them into concealed strongholds. The attack by the Japanese 13th Division on November 29 was led by the 26th Brigade on its right flank and the 103rd Brigade on its left. The advance proved challenging, constantly disrupted by Chinese ambushes. As a row of Japanese soldiers cautiously crossed an empty field, gunshots would erupt, striking down one of their ranks while the others scrambled for cover, desperately trying to identify the source of the fire. The Chinese launched frequent counterattacks, and on several occasions, individual Japanese units found themselves cut off from the main body and had to be rescued. Despite some setbacks, the 13th Division made satisfactory progress, bolstered by both land and ship-based artillery, and soon nearly encircled Jiangyin, leaving only a narrow corridor to the west of the city. However, the Chinese artillery was well-prepared, effectively targeting Japanese vessels on the Yangtze River. This led to an artillery duel that lasted three hours, resulting in several hits on Japanese ships; however, the Chinese batteries also suffered considerable damage. In the sector of the 103rd Chinese Division, the defenders had taken time to construct deep antitank ditches, hindering the advance of Japanese armored units. During the night of November 29-30, the Chinese organized suicide missions behind enemy lines to level the playing field. Armed only with a belt, a combat knife, a rifle, and explosives, the soldiers infiltrated Japanese positions, targeting armored vehicles. They quietly climbed onto the tanks, dropping hand grenades into turrets or detonating explosives strapped to their bodies. Though reducing Japanese armored superiority granted the Chinese some time, the attackers' momentum simply could not be stopped. On November 30, the Japanese launched a relentless assault on Mount Ding, the dominant hill in the Jiangyin area. Supported by aircraft, artillery, and naval bombardments, Japanese infantry engaged the entrenched Chinese company at the summit. After a fierce and bloody battle, the Japanese succeeded in capturing the position. The Chinese company commander, Xia Min'an, withdrew with his troops toward Jiangyin to report the loss to the regimental command post. When the deputy commander of the 103rd Division, Dai Zhiqi, heard the news, he was furious and wanted to execute Xia on the spot. However, Xia's regimental commander intervened, saving him from a firing squad. Instead, he insisted that Xia redeem himself by recapturing the hill from the Japanese. Xia was put in command of a company that had previously been held in reserve. What followed was a fierce battle lasting over four hours. Eventually, the Japanese were forced to relinquish the hill, but the victory came at a steep price, with numerous casualties on both sides, including the death of Xia Min'an. The last days of November also witnessed chaotic fighting around Guangde, where the unfamiliar terrain added to the confusion for both sides. For the Chinese, this chaos was exacerbated by their upper command issuing contradictory orders, instructing troops to advance and retreat simultaneously. Pan Wenhua, the Sichuanese commander of the 23rd Army, prepared a pincer maneuver, directing the 13th Independent Brigade to launch a counterattack against the town of Sian, which was held by the Japanese, while the 146th Division would attack from the south. Both units set out immediately. However, due to a lack of radio equipment, a common issue among the Sichuanese forces, they did not receive the new orders to withdraw, which originated not from Pan Wenhua but from Chen Cheng, the Chiang Kai-shek loyalist who had taken command after Liu Xiang fell ill and was eager to assert his authority. Fortunately, the officers of the 13th Independent Brigade were alerted to the general order for withdrawal by neighboring units and managed to halt their advance on Sian in time. The 146th Division, however, had no such luck and continued its march toward the Japanese-occupied city. It was joined by the 14th Independent Brigade, which had just arrived from Wuhu and was also unaware of the general retreat order. Upon reaching Sian, these Chinese troops engaged in intense close combat with the Japanese. It was a familiar scenario of Japanese technological superiority pitted against Chinese determination. The Japanese brought armor up from the rear, while the Chinese lay in ambush, tossing hand grenades into tank turrets before jumping onto the burning vehicles to kill any surviving crew members. As the fighting around the flanks slowed, the area in front of Guangde became the focal point of the battle. Japanese soldiers advanced toward the city during the day, passing piles of dead Chinese and numerous houses set ablaze by retreating defenders. At night, the situation became perilous for the Japanese, as Chinese forces infiltrated their positions under the cover of darkness. In the confusion, small units from both sides often got lost and were just as likely to encounter hostile forces as friendly ones. Despite the chaos along the front lines, it was evident that the Japanese were gaining the upper hand primarily due to their material superiority. Japanese artillery bombarded Guangde, igniting many structures, while infantry approached the city from multiple directions. The Chinese 145th Division, led by Rao Guohua, was nearing its breaking point. In a desperate gamble, on November 30, Rao ordered one of his regiments to counterattack, but the regimental commander, sensing the futility of the move, simply refused. This refusal was a personal failure for Rao, one he could not accept. Deeply ashamed, Rao Guohua withdrew from Guangde. As darkness enveloped the battlefield, he and a small group of staff officers found a place to rest for the night in a house near a bamboo grove. Overwhelmed with anguish, he penned a letter to Liu Xiang, apparently unaware that Liu had been evacuated to the rear due to stomach issues. In the letter, he apologized for his inability to hold Guangde. Telling his bodyguard to get some rest, he stepped outside, disappearing into the bamboo grove. Shortly thereafter, his staff heard a single gunshot. When they rushed out and searched the dense bamboo, they found Rao sitting against a tree, his service weapon beside him. Blood streamed thickly from a wound to his temple. He was already dead. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. As the Japanese forces advanced on Nanjing, tensions escalated within the Chinese leadership. While Commander Tang Shengzhi fortified the city, some sought retreat. Japanese Commander Yanagawa, confident of victory, pushed his troops westward, disregarding high command's hesitations. Meanwhile, ill-equipped Sichuanese reinforcements hurried to defend Nanjing, braving cholera and disorganization. Intense battles unfolded around Lake Tai, marked by fierce ambushes and casualties. 

Gm! This week, Seth Ginns, from CoinFund, and Cosmo Jian, of Pantera Capital, join Yano to dive into the funds' mandates, the overall outlook of the market, whether narratives or fundamentals drive price, how DATs play a role in the investor ecosystem and why sometimes non-consensus trades pay off! -- Start your day with crypto news, analysis and data from Katherine Ross. Subscribe to the Empire newsletter: https://blockworks.co/newsletter/empire?utm_source=podcasts -- Follow Seth: https://x.com/sethginns Follow Cosmo: https://x.com/cosmo_jiang Follow Jason: https://x.com/JasonYanowitz Follow Empire: https://twitter.com/theempirepod -- Join the Empire Telegram: https://t.me/+CaCYvTOB4Eg1OWJh -- SKALE is the next evolution in Layer 1 blockchains with a gas-free invisible user experience, instant finality, high speed, and robust security. SKALE is built different as it allows for limitless scalability and has already saved its 50 Million users over $11 Billion in gas fees.  SKALE is high-performance and cost-effective, making it ideal for compute-intensive applications like AI, gaming, and consumer-facing dApps. Learn more at https://skale.space and stay up to date with the gas-free invisible blockchain on X at @skalenetwork -- Katana is a DeFi-first chain built for deep liquidity and high yield. No empty emissions, just real yield and sequencer fees routed back to DeFi users.  Pre-deposit now: Earn high APRs with Turtle Club [https://app.turtle.club/campaigns/katana] or spin the wheel with Katana Krates [https://app.katana.network/krates] -- Ledn is the leading platform for Bitcoin-backed loans, offering a secure and transparent way to unlock liquidity without selling your Bitcoin. Ledn has issued over $9 billion in loans since 2018 and has never lost a single satoshi of client assets, earning a reputation as the name you can trust in the crypto space. Visit https://www.ledn.io to learn more. – Chapters: (00:00) Intro (02:34) Liquid Funds (05:35) CoinFund's Mandate (06:40) Pantera Capital's Mandate (15:22) Portfolio Construction (20:17) Ads (Skale, Katana) (21:48) Token Picking Strategy (29:20) Narrative Driven Markets (35:42) Acquiring, Trading & Selling Tokens (50:25) Ads (Skale, Katana) (51:56) Investor Relations Advice For Founders (55:03) DATs Explored (01:12:29) Ads (LEDN) (01:13:39) Convergence (01:17:58) What Sectors Benefit Most From DATs — Disclaimer: Nothing said on Empire is a recommendation to buy or sell securities or tokens. This podcast is for informational purposes only, and any views expressed by anyone on the show are solely our opinions, not financial advice. Santiago, Jason, and our guests may hold positions in the companies, funds, or projects discussed.

The gang is all back together in one place again as they unite in an undisclosed cabin in the woods to record the last two podcasts for Wet Hot Archosaur Summer. For this episode, the gang talks about herbivorous pterosaurs and wadding T-rex. Meanwhile, James experiences relative sobriety, Curt welcomes everyone to the Great Northern, Amanda is fueled by spite, and we all get completely off track.   Up-Goer Five (Curt Edition): The friends are together for the first time in a long time and so they have a lot of fun together and sometimes they talk about a paper or two. The first paper that they sort of talk about is about big angry animals that fly and are no longer around. This paper looks at one group of these big angry animals and finds that they have bits and pieces of things that are found in green things that make their own food from the sun. They do a lot of things to make sure that these bits are found inside these animals and they use this to say that this one group of big angry animals probably ate these green things. The second paper looks at how big angry animals moved and how fast they could move in air or in water. This is because some big angry animals that are in all of the movies are said to maybe not be as fast as the things they would eat. This paper says maybe they chased food into water where they would be faster. The friends point out that other animals today do not have to be faster than the animals they eat, but sure... go off.   References: Blanco, R. Ernesto. "Tyrannosaurus rex runs again: a theoretical analysis of the hypothesis that full-grown large theropods had a locomotory advantage to hunt in a shallow-water environment." Zoological Journal of the Linnean Society 198.1 (2023): 202-219. Jiang, Shunxing, et al. "First occurrence of phytoliths in pterosaurs-evidence for herbivory." Science bulletin (2025): S2095-9273.

On this special segment of The Full Ratchet, the following Investors are featured: Han Shen Craig Shapiro Kevin Jiang We asked guests to discuss the most visionary founder that they've worked with and what makes them so special. The host of The Full Ratchet is Nick Moran of New Stack Ventures, a venture capital firm committed to investing in founders outside of the Bay Area. Want to keep up to date with The Full Ratchet? Follow us on social. You can learn more about New Stack Ventures by visiting our LinkedIn and Twitter.

Artist Wayne Jiang works in three distinct styles including one pulled directly from the studios of the Old Dutch Masters. And the reason you might find this especially surprising is because the artist works in acrylics. He takes advantage of acrylics fast drying times and extreme flexibility of the medium to create modern paintings with historical underpinnings. In the conversation, you'll explore how to control the absorbency of your surface—and why that actually matters. You'll discover how to match your brush to the type of acrylics you're using, and learn a way to make color choices that support the story you're trying to tell in your work. Plus a whole lot more. Extended Cut Bonus [Art Club]We talk finding your style, and Jiang gives great advice for how to keep subjects fresh, especially when you've been painting them a long time. Learn more about artist Wayne Jiang:WEBSITE/ WORKSHOPS / INSTAGRAM---Each week, discover 3 ideas you can put to work in your next painting. Sign up for free here: www.learntopaintpodcast.com/newsletterSupport the show

Episode 99.  What is your definition of success? What happens when we fail? What is the impact of AI on our work, goals and ability to fail or succeed.In this episode of the Lifetime at Work podcast, host Greg Martin interviews Minyang Jiang (MJ), Chief Strategy Officer at the FinTech company Credibly. MJ shares insights from her career journey, which includes a strong educational background at Harvard and Wharton and professional experiences at Ford Motor Company. The conversation delves into the evolving role of AI in FinTech, how AI is expected to transform education and the workplace, and the personal impact of career failures. Min Yang Jang emphasizes the importance of fostering curiosity, adapting to technological changes, and finding new ways to derive meaning and success through collaborative efforts and continuous learning.00:00 Introduction to the Podcast and Guest01:08 MJ's Background and Career Journey02:38 The Value of Education in Career Development04:38 The Future of Education and AI's Role07:22 Lessons from Failure and Personal Growth15:56 Transition to Credibly and Role Overview17:03 AI's Impact on FinTech and Business Strategy26:30 Embracing AI with a Sense of Wonder28:13 The Impact of AI on Careers and Workplaces28:56 Raising the Bar: The Future of Expertise31:12 The Quest for Meaning in the Age of AI38:00 The Role of Teams and Collaboration41:35 Comparing Innovation Models: China vs. the US47:03 Final Thoughts and Advice for the Future

Universities in China have long produced doctors, engineers, lawyers, educators and business professionals. Now one in Hunan province will produce barbecue chefs.长期以来，中国的大学培养了医生、工程师、律师、教育工作者和商业专业人士。现在湖南省有一家将培养烧烤厨师。Yueyang, a city known for its succulent barbecue cuisine, has launched the first barbecue college in China to standardize the booming industry and boost local economic growth.岳阳是一个以多汁的烧烤美食而闻名的城市，它开设了中国第一所烧烤学院，以规范蓬勃发展的行业，促进当地经济增长。Yueyang Open University has joined hands with the Yueyang Barbecue Association to create China's first vocational education platform dedicated to barbecue.岳阳开放大学与岳阳市烧烤协会携手打造中国首个烧烤职业教育平台。A strategic agreement, which also involves the local government, has initiated the creation of the Yueyang Barbecue Research Institute and the Yueyang Barbecue Industry College, whose goals are to train specialized talent, standardize culinary and business practices, and promote the well-known barbecue sector.一项也涉及当地政府的战略协议启动了岳阳烧烤研究所和岳阳烧烤产业学院的创建，其目标是培养专业人才，规范烹饪和商业实践，促进知名烧烤行业的发展。The initiative reflects a deep ambition, said Yue Yanhua, Party secretary of Yueyang Open University. "The institute is expected to transform what is now a store-based barbecue economy into a more structured and integrated industry chain," he said.岳阳开放大学党委书记乐艳华表示，这一举措反映了一种雄心壮志。他说：“该研究所有望将现在以商店为基础的烧烤经济转变为一个更加结构化和一体化的产业链。”The institute will take the lead in drafting the "Yueyang Barbecue Industry Standard", and develop talent evaluation methods as well as outline a development plan, he added.他补充说，该研究所将牵头起草《岳阳烧烤行业标准》，制定人才评估方法，并制定发展规划。Barbecue has become a central part of the catering economy of Yueyang, which is home to more than 2,000 barbecue shops and their 50,000 employees, with an estimated annual output exceeding 2 billion yuan ($280 million).烧烤已成为岳阳餐饮经济的核心部分，岳阳拥有2000多家烧烤店和5万名员工，估计年产值超过20亿元人民币（2.8亿美元）。Jiang Zongfu, vice-president of Yueyang Open University, said the establishment of the barbecue college is a response to employment challenges faced by local residents, especially young people.岳阳开放大学副校长姜宗福表示，烧烤学院的成立是为了应对当地居民，尤其是年轻人面临的就业挑战。"Many junior high school graduates who enter the labor market struggle to find appropriate opportunities," he said, adding that barbecue jobs have become popular because of their low entry threshold and relatively high income potential.他说：“许多进入劳动力市场的初中毕业生很难找到合适的机会。”他补充说，烧烤工作之所以受到欢迎，是因为他们的进入门槛低，收入潜力相对较高。The initiative has been met with some skepticism. Some people are wondering if formal education in the field would actually help sustain the barbecue industry.这一倡议遭到了一些怀疑。有些人想知道，该领域的正规教育是否真的有助于维持烧烤行业。"I'd like to adopt a wait-and-watch approach here," said a local barbecue shop owner surnamed Chen. "The essence of the art of barbecue lies in long-term practical experience. Handling certain tastes requires years of honing skills."当地一位姓陈的烧烤店老板说：“我想在这里采取观望的态度。”。“烧烤艺术的精髓在于长期的实践经验。处理某些口味需要多年的磨练技巧。”However, Jiang, vice-president of the university, said that the institute will study and plan the development of the entire barbecue industry chain, including the production of seasonings, meat handling, vegetable processing, logistics and operations — all of which require skilled workers.然而，该大学副校长姜表示，该研究所将研究和规划整个烧烤产业链的发展，包括调味品生产、肉类处理、蔬菜加工、物流和运营，所有这些都需要熟练的工人。The Yueyang Barbecue Industry College promises to fulfill the need for skilled workers in the field and also provide a structured training system tailored for diverse groups.岳阳烧烤产业学院承诺满足该领域对技术工人的需求，并为不同群体提供量身定制的结构化培训体系。Starting this year, the college will partner with the local human resources bureau to provide 10 days of free government-funded training for some 300 unemployed people. Short-term courses and entrepreneurship instructions will prioritize hands-on learning of the skills needed to start small barbecue businesses.从今年开始，该学院将与当地人力资源局合作，为约300名失业人员提供为期10天的免费政府资助培训。短期课程和创业指导将优先考虑动手学习创办小型烧烤企业所需的技能。Starting next year, the college will enroll 50 to 100 junior high school graduates annually for a full-time vocational program lasting three years. For the general public, it will offer courses spanning from six months to one year, aiming to train 1,000 barbecue specialists within three years.从明年开始，该学院每年将招收50至100名初中毕业生参加为期三年的全日制职业课程。对于普通公众，它将提供为期六个月至一年的课程，旨在三年内培训1000名烧烤专家。The curriculum is being jointly developed by the university and the association. Two core courses — one on barbecue craftsmanship and the other on business management — are currently in preparation. They will combine theory and practice and will be delivered jointly by university professors, experienced barbecue practitioners and local business owners.该课程由大学和协会联合开发。目前正在准备两门核心课程，一门是烧烤工艺，另一门是商业管理。他们将理论与实践相结合，由大学教授、经验丰富的烧烤从业者和当地企业主共同授课。"This is a new field for formal education," said Qiao Binbin, secretary-general of the Yueyang Barbecue Association. "Senior barbecue chefs from leading restaurants will design course content, covering food preparation techniques, hygiene, handling of materials, store operations and online marketing."岳阳烧烤协会秘书长乔彬彬说：“这是正规教育的一个新领域。”。“来自领先餐厅的高级烧烤厨师将设计课程内容，涵盖食物准备技术、卫生、材料处理、商店运营和在线营销。”The instructors will include master grillers and livestreaming experts, who will inform students about traditional and digital business environments. The association will coordinate with around 50 local barbecue businesses to provide internships and job opportunities for graduates.讲师将包括烧烤大师和直播专家，他们将向学生介绍传统和数字商业环境。该协会将与约50家当地烧烤企业协调，为毕业生提供实习和就业机会。Unlike cities such as Zibo in Shandong province and other places in northeastern China, Yueyang is taking a different route in the barbecue sector. Representing the southern school of Chinese barbecue, Yueyang's local cuisine is deeply rooted in the region's culinary traditions, which establishes it as a renowned brand, she said.与山东省淄博市和中国东北其他地方不同，岳阳在烧烤行业采取了不同的路线。她说，岳阳的当地美食代表了中国烧烤的南方流派，深深植根于该地区的烹饪传统，这使其成为一个知名品牌。However, the industry faces challenges such as inconsistent standards, limited professional training, and a growing skills gap. The initiative is expected to help improve the standards and promote the brand.然而，该行业面临着不一致的标准、有限的专业培训和日益扩大的技能差距等挑战。该倡议有望帮助提高标准，推广品牌。"The Yueyang barbecue industry has grown rapidly in recent years, but the standards vary widely," Qiao said. "Everyone uses the name, but there's little consistency. We need unified standards and professional talent to carry the industry forward."“岳阳烧烤行业近年来发展迅速，但标准差异很大，”乔说。“每个人都用这个名字，但几乎没有一致性。我们需要统一的标准和专业人才来推动行业向前发展。”The launch of the barbecue research institute and industry college follows a policy shift at the national level.烧烤研究所和工业学院的成立是国家层面政策转变的结果。In May, the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security proposed 17 new occupations that included barbecue chef. This marked the first formal recognition of this field of culinary art and signaled a need for regulation.今年5月，人力资源和社会保障部提出了17个新的职业，其中包括烧烤厨师。这标志着这一烹饪艺术领域首次得到正式认可，并表明需要监管。culinaryn.烹饪/ˈkʌlɪnəri/skepticismn.怀疑态度/ˈskeptɪsɪz(ə)m/

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese: From Lake Dreams to Latte Ambitions: A Journey Begins Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/zh/episode/2025-07-22-22-34-02-zh Story Transcript:Zh: 微风轻轻地拂过西湖，荷花盛开，湖水轻轻拍打着岸边。En: The breeze gently brushed over West Lake, the lotus flowers were in full bloom, and the lake water softly patted against the shore.Zh: 微和朋友凌、江一起坐在湖边的长椅上，享受着夏日的美好时光。En: Wei sat on a bench by the lake with his friends Ling and Jiang, enjoying the beautiful summer time.Zh: 这里是他们常常来的地方，风景如画，总能让人心情平静。En: This was a place they often visited, with picturesque scenery that always brought peace of mind.Zh: 微最近很烦恼。En: Wei was recently troubled.Zh: 他一直从事稳定的工作，但心里总有些不安。En: He had been in a stable job, but there was always some unease in his heart.Zh: 他有一个梦想，想开一家咖啡店，但这需要勇气和很多准备。En: He had a dream of opening a coffee shop, but it required courage and a lot of preparation.Zh: 他不确定是否该放弃现在的安稳，而去追求这个梦想。En: He was unsure whether he should give up his current stability to pursue this dream.Zh: 凌高兴地分享着她的新工作，她刚刚开始在一家著名的科技公司上班。En: Ling was happily sharing her new job; she had just started working at a well-known tech company.Zh: “这份工作让我每天都充满动力，”她说，脸上洋溢着自信的笑容。En: "This job motivates me every day," she said, with a confident smile on her face.Zh: 江则显得有些不安。En: Jiang, on the other hand, looked somewhat uneasy.Zh: 他希望生活能有变化，但不知道怎么开始。En: He hoped for changes in his life but didn't know how to begin.Zh: 他总是说：“我有很多想法，但不知道怎么实现。En: He always said, "I have many ideas, but I don't know how to realize them."Zh: ”微静静地听着朋友们的分享。En: Wei quietly listened to his friends sharing.Zh: 忽然，他说道：“其实，我也想做一些改变。En: Suddenly, he said, "Actually, I also want to make some changes.Zh: 我一直想开一家咖啡店，但我不知道是否该冒这个险。En: I've always wanted to open a coffee shop, but I don't know if I should take this risk."Zh: ”凌看着微，鼓励道：“微，如果这是你的梦想，那就值得去尝试。En: Ling looked at Wei and encouraged him: "If this is your dream, it's worth trying.Zh: 我们支持你。En: We support you."Zh: ”江也点头：“对啊，有时候我们需要走出舒适区。En: Jiang nodded as well: "Yeah, sometimes we need to step out of our comfort zone."Zh: ”微心中感到一丝温暖。En: Wei felt a warmth in his heart.Zh: 朋友的支持给了他力量。En: His friends' support gave him strength.Zh: 他们在湖边坐了整整一个下午，微倾诉着自己的计划和担忧，凌和江则不停地给他建议和鼓励。En: They sat by the lake for the entire afternoon, with Wei pouring out his plans and concerns, and Ling and Jiang continuously offering him advice and encouragement.Zh: 最终，微下定决心。En: In the end, Wei made up his mind.Zh: 他决定开始着手准备这家咖啡店。En: He decided to start preparing for the coffee shop.Zh: 他知道这并不容易，但朋友们的鼓励让他有信心面对未来发生的一切。En: He knew it wouldn't be easy, but his friends' encouragement gave him confidence to face anything the future held.Zh: 夕阳西下，微望着远处的湖面，心中不再犹豫。En: As the sun set, Wei looked at the distant lake, no longer hesitant in his heart.Zh: 他笑了，对凌和江说：“谢谢你们。En: He smiled and said to Ling and Jiang, "Thank you.Zh: 无论结果如何，我会努力去实现我的梦想。En: No matter the outcome, I will work hard to realize my dream."Zh: ”在这个夏日的下午，微感受到了前所未有的坦然和希望。En: On this summer afternoon, Wei felt an unprecedented sense of calm and hope.Zh: 他知道，不管未来如何，他已经迈出了勇敢的第一步。En: He knew that regardless of what the future held, he had already taken a brave first step.Zh: 西湖的景色似乎更加美丽了，他的心，也如湖水一样，平静而坚定。En: The scenery of West Lake seemed even more beautiful, and his heart, like the lake water, was calm and determined. Vocabulary Words:breeze: 微风gently: 轻轻地bloom: 盛开shore: 岸边picturesque: 风景如画troubled: 烦恼stable: 稳定unease: 不安courage: 勇气pursue: 追求motivate: 动力confident: 自信encourage: 鼓励realize: 实现support: 支持comfort zone: 舒适区strength: 力量continuously: 不停地advice: 建议preparation: 准备risk: 冒险outcome: 结果hope: 希望unprecedented: 前所未有determined: 坚定hesitant: 犹豫calm: 平静future: 未来beautiful: 美丽brave: 勇敢

In this episode, Sebastian Hassinger sits down with Dr. Liang Jiang from the University of Chicago to explore the exciting intersection of quantum error correction theory and practical implementation. Dr. Jiang discusses his group's work on hardware-efficient quantum error correction, the recent breakthroughs in demonstrating error correction thresholds, and the future of fault-tolerant quantum computing.Key Topics CoveredCurrent State of Quantum Error CorrectionRecent milestone achievements including Google's surface code experiment and AWS's bosonic code demonstrationsThe transition from purely theoretical work to practical implementations on real hardwareHardware platforms showing high fidelity: superconducting qubits, trapped ions, and cold atomsHardware-Efficient ApproachesBosonic Error Correction: Using single harmonic oscillators to correct loss errors, demonstrated at Yale and AWSSurface Codes: Google's achievement of going beyond breakeven point for quantum memoryQLDPC Codes: Collaboration with IBM and neutral atom array experiments, particularly Michel Lukin's group at HarvardFault-Tolerant Gate ImplementationChallenges of implementing universal computation with error-corrected logical qubitsMagic State Injection: Preparing resource quantum states and teleporting them into circuitsCode Switching: Switching between different error correcting codes to achieve universal gate setsThe Eastin-Knill no-go theorem and methods to overcome itProgramming Abstraction LayersEvolution toward higher-level programming abstractions similar to classical computingEfficient compilation of quantum circuits using discrete fault-tolerant gate setsMemory Operations: Teleporting gates into quantum memory rather than extracting qubitsQuantum Communication and NetworkingChannel Capacity and GKP CodesApplication of Gottesman-Kitaev-Preskill (GKP) codes for achieving channel capacity in lossy channelsRecent experimental demonstrations in trapped ions and superconducting qubits showing breakeven performanceMicrowave-to-Optical TransductionCritical challenge for connecting quantum devices across different frequency domainsRecent progress in demonstrating quantum channels between microwave and optical modesApplications for both quantum networking and modular quantum computing architecturesAdvanced ApplicationsQuantum Sensing with Error CorrectionResearch by Dr. Jiang's former student Sisi Zhou addressing John Preskill's 20-year-old questionNecessary and sufficient conditions for error correction to help quantum sensingApplications to gravitational wave detection and dark matter searchesAlgorithmic Quantum MetrologyCollaboration with MIT researchers on combining global search algorithms with quantum sensorsPotential for quantum advantage in processing quantum signals from quantum sensorsFuture DirectionsDistributed Quantum ComputingModular architecture with specialized components: memory, processors, and interfacesScaling challenges requiring interconnects between different quantum devicesSystem-level thinking about quantum computer architectureApplication-Specific Error CorrectionTailoring error correction schemes for specific algorithms and applicationsCo-design approach considering hardware capabilities and application requirementsKey InsightsTheory-Experiment Collaboration: The importance of close collaboration between theorists and experimentalists to understand real-world error modelsHardware Efficiency: Moving beyond generic error correction to platform-specific and application-specific approachesTemporal Considerations: The need for not just hardware efficiency but also time efficiency in quantum operationsAbstraction Evolution: The inevitable move toward higher-level programming abstractions as fault-tolerant quantum computing maturesNotable Quotes"We want to do hardware efficient quantum error correction... given qubits are still very precious resource.""Quantum computers are really good at processing quantum signals. Where does the quantum signal come from? Quantum sensor is definitely a very promising source."About the Guest:Dr. Liang Jiang leads a research group at the University of Chicago focused on the practical implementation of quantum error correction and fault-tolerant quantum computing. His work spans multiple quantum platforms and emphasizes the co-design of hardware and error correction schemes.About The New Quantum Era:The New Quantum Era is hosted by Sebastian Hassinger and features in-depth conversations with leading researchers and practitioners in quantum computing, exploring the latest developments and future prospects in the field.

When picturing a steel factory, words like "heavy", "smoky" and "arduous" often come to mind. But a technological breakthrough is proving that the iron and steel industry can be smart and sophisticated, thanks to the power of artificial intelligence.提到钢铁厂，人们通常会想到 “重型”“烟雾弥漫”“艰苦” 等词汇。但一项技术突破表明，借助人工智能的力量，钢铁行业也能变得智能化、精细化。Shougang Group, one of China's largest steelmakers, is leading the way with an AI-powered visual system that is transforming the entire steelmaking process from labor-driven to model-driven. With this cutting-edge technology in place, the steel giant has boosted production efficiency by over 20 percent and reduced defects by 35 percent.中国大型钢铁企业之一的首钢集团率先采用人工智能视觉系统，将整个炼钢过程从人力驱动转变为模型驱动。借助这一尖端技术，这家钢铁巨头的生产效率提升了 20% 以上，缺陷率降低了 35%。Exemplifying the shift toward digital and intelligent industrial transformation, the AI-powered system was named as one of the top 10 benchmark applications at the 2025 Global Digital Economy Conference, which wrapped up in Beijing on July 5. During the event, business leaders and industry representatives discussed the growing impact of AI across industries, highlighting China's broader push toward smart manufacturing.在 7 月 5 日于北京闭幕的 2025 全球数字经济大会上，这一人工智能系统入选 “十大标杆应用”，成为工业数字化、智能化转型的典范。大会期间，企业领袖和行业代表探讨了人工智能在各行业日益增长的影响，凸显了中国在智能制造领域的广泛推进。"For a company of our size, the top priority in the face of the ongoing AI revolution is to explore how this technology can deliver better solutions to our challenges, and how it improves quality, increases efficiency and reduces cost," said Jiang Xingqun, senior vice-president of BOE Technology Group Co Ltd, one of the world's largest display panel manufacturers.“面对当下的人工智能革命，对于我们这种规模的企业来说，首要任务是探索这项技术如何为我们的挑战提供更好的解决方案，以及如何通过它提质、增效、降本，” 全球最大的显示面板制造商之一京东方科技集团股份有限公司高级副总裁蒋兴群表示。"Traditional visual technology has been widely used for quality checks, but it still falls short in addressing some issues," Jiang said. "This is why we employ AI for data labeling, model training and detection of defects and abnormalities." He noted that in recent years, BOE has also developed its own automated decision-making system, which is already being used in production.蒋兴群说：“传统视觉技术在质量检测中应用广泛，但在解决某些问题上仍有不足。这就是我们采用人工智能进行数据标注、模型训练以及缺陷和异常检测的原因。” 他指出，近年来京东方还开发了自主的自动化决策系统，目前已应用于生产中。The company has been actively seeking ways to integrate AI into display panel manufacturing, a comprehensive process that encompasses quality inspection, monitoring and analysis, defect repairs and equipment maintenance. With the help of AI, BOE has effectively improved graphic processing efficiency, shortened defect handling cycles and reduced labor costs.该公司一直在积极探索将人工智能融入显示面板制造的方法，这一综合过程涵盖质量检测、监控分析、缺陷修复和设备维护。在人工智能的助力下，京东方有效提升了图像处理效率，缩短了缺陷处理周期，并降低了人力成本。Similarly, numerous companies across the country are accelerating their digital transformation efforts. According to the China Internet Development Report 2024, the country now has nearly 10,000 digitalized workshops and intelligent factories. Of these, more than 400 have been recognized as national-level benchmark factories in smart manufacturing, utilizing technologies such as AI and digital twins.同样，全国众多企业都在加速推进数字化转型。《中国互联网发展报告 2024》显示，目前我国已拥有近 1 万家数字化车间和智能工厂。其中，有 400 多家被认定为国家级智能制造标杆工厂，它们运用了人工智能、数字孪生等技术。Industry insiders highlighted that the costs of large models have dropped sharply over the past year, creating favorable conditions for the application of AI technologies. Ruan Yu, vice-president of Baidu, noted that as costs continue to fall, large AI models are becoming a core productivity tool for an increasing number of enterprises.业内人士强调，过去一年，大模型的成本大幅下降，为人工智能技术的应用创造了有利条件。百度副总裁阮瑜指出，随着成本持续降低，人工智能大模型正成为越来越多企业的核心生产力工具。According to Zhang Di, vice-president of Kuaishou Technology and technical head of Kling AI, AI video generator technology will continue to evolve. By providing interactive and lifelike environments, it will further boost the development of the industrial internet and accelerate the digital transformation of manufacturing and other traditional industries, Zhang said.快手科技副总裁、灵犀 AI 技术负责人张迪表示，人工智能视频生成技术将持续发展。通过提供交互式、逼真的环境，该技术将进一步推动工业互联网的发展，加速制造业等传统产业的数字化转型。In recent years, the Chinese government has introduced a wide range of measures to accelerate AI innovation and promote its application, intending to support new industrialization and the development of the industrial sector.近年来，中国政府出台了一系列措施，加快人工智能创新并推动其应用，旨在支持新型工业化和工业领域的发展。sophisticated /səˈfɪstɪkeɪtɪd/ 精密的，复杂的defect /ˈdiːfekt/ 缺陷，瑕疵integrate /ˈɪntɪɡreɪt/ 融入，使一体化digitalize /ˈdɪdʒɪtəlaɪz/ 使数字化，以数字形式呈现

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese: Thunder on the Wall: A Hidden Adventure Awaits Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/zh/episode/2025-07-11-22-34-02-zh Story Transcript:Zh: 长城上，天气骤变。En: On the Great Wall, the weather suddenly changed.Zh: 丽华是一个热爱历史的导游，她此刻正带领游客在长城上漫步。En: Li Hua is a tour guide who loves history, and at this moment, she is leading tourists on a walk along the Great Wall.Zh: 这是她多年来的职业，她对长城的每一块砖都了如指掌。En: This has been her profession for many years, and she knows every brick of the Wall like the back of her hand.Zh: 然而，她心中总是渴望一次冒险。En: However, she always yearns for an adventure.Zh: 今天天气晴朗，阳光灿烂，丽华带着她的好朋友美玲和一位喜欢冒险的摄影师江一起游览。En: Today, the weather is clear and sunny as Li Hua is touring with her good friend Mei Ling and an adventure-loving photographer named Jiang.Zh: 他们不知不觉走到了一段偏远的长城。En: They unknowingly walked to a remote section of the Great Wall.Zh: 长城在这里似乎与天边相连，周围景色美不胜收。En: Here, the Wall seemed to connect with the edge of the sky, surrounded by breathtaking scenery.Zh: 然而，正当他们在欣赏长城的壮丽时，天空突然阴云密布，远处传来隆隆的雷声。En: However, just as they were admiring the grandeur of the Great Wall, the sky suddenly became overcast with clouds, and distant thunder rumbled.Zh: “快要下雨了，”江说道，他急忙收起了相机。En: "It's about to rain," said Jiang, hastily putting away his camera.Zh: 丽华看着天边的乌云，心中有些不安。En: Li Hua looked at the dark clouds on the horizon with some unease in her heart.Zh: 她知道，他们需要尽快做出决定，以确保所有人的安全。En: She knew they needed to make a decision quickly to ensure everyone's safety.Zh: 她面临一个艰难的选择：是赶回主区域，还是在这里找个地方暂避风雨？En: She faced a tough choice: should they rush back to the main area, or find a place here to take shelter from the storm?Zh: 天色暗了下来，雨开始下得又急又猛，打在古老的砖石上。En: The sky darkened, and the rain began to fall fast and hard, pounding on the ancient bricks and stones.Zh: 丽华感受到一阵紧张，她明白这不是简单的讲解历史，而是一次真正的考验。En: Li Hua felt a wave of tension; she understood that this was not merely about explaining history but was a true test.Zh: 在这个时刻，江的冒险精神给了丽华灵感。En: In this moment, Jiang's adventurous spirit inspired Li Hua.Zh: “我知道一个秘密的地方，我们可以在那里避雨。En: "I know a secret place where we can take shelter from the rain," Li Hua said, her voice steady, with a hint of excitement.Zh: ”丽华说，声音坚定中带着些许兴奋。En: She led everyone along a small path by the Great Wall to a little-known stone cave.Zh: 她带领大家沿着长城边的小路，来到了一个几乎无人知晓的石洞。En: This was a place she had accidentally discovered during a previous adventure.Zh: 这是她以前探险时无意中发现的。En: The cave was small but enough to shelter a small group from the rain.Zh: 石洞虽小，但足以让一小群人避雨。En: The rain poured down, thunder rolled, but they were safely hidden in the cave, listening to the wind and rain outside.Zh: 大雨倾盆，雷声隆隆，而他们却安全地躲在石洞中，听着外面的风雨声。En: Time passed slowly, the rain gradually lessened, and the sky began to clear.Zh: 时间一点一点地过去，雨势渐小，天空逐渐放晴。En: Looking out from the cave entrance, they saw the clouds dissipating, revealing a magnificent view.Zh: 大家从洞口望出去，云雾消散，展现出壮丽的风景，翠绿的山丘在阳光的照耀下熠熠生辉。En: The verdant hills sparkled under the sunlight.Zh: 丽华环顾四周，看着脸上露出笑容的游客们。En: Li Hua looked around, seeing the smiles on the tourists' faces.Zh: 她意识到，冒险其实不一定要去很远的地方，有时就在眼前。En: She realized that adventure doesn't necessarily require traveling far; sometimes it's right before your eyes.Zh: 通过这次经历，她不仅保护了大家的安全，也体验了一次难忘的冒险。En: Through this experience, she not only ensured everyone's safety but also had an unforgettable adventure.Zh: 当天色恢复晴朗时，丽华带着大家安全地返回。En: When the sky returned to being clear, Li Hua safely led everyone back.Zh: 这次经历让她明白，自己能够平衡责任与冒险。En: This experience made her understand that she could balance responsibility with adventure.Zh: 有时，意想不到的挑战会带来最大的成就感。En: Sometimes, unexpected challenges bring the greatest sense of accomplishment.Zh: 当他们踏上归途，长城在他们的背后渐渐消逝，丽华的脸上带着满足的微笑，心中充满新的勇气与自信。En: As they began their journey home, leaving the Great Wall behind them, Li Hua wore a satisfied smile, her heart filled with new courage and confidence.Zh: 长城依旧伫立，而她，亦如长城般坚定。En: The Great Wall stood firm, and she, too, was as steadfast as the Wall. Vocabulary Words:suddenly: 骤变guide: 导游tourists: 游客yearns: 渴望adventure: 冒险remote: 偏远breathtaking: 美不胜收admire: 欣赏grandeur: 壮丽overcast: 阴云密布thunder: 雷声unease: 不安decision: 决定ensure: 确保shelter: 避storm: 风雨pounding: 打tension: 紧张test: 考验inspired: 给了灵感hint: 带着些许secret: 秘密gradually: 逐渐dissipating: 消散magnificent: 壮丽verdant: 翠绿sparkled: 熠熠生辉accomplishment: 成就感steadfast: 坚定courage: 勇气

Join hosts Smokin' Joe Coverdale and Bridget Thakrar as they interview some of Australia's best Muay Thai fighters, trainers and promotors.You can find us on Instagram here:The Female Fight ExperienceSmokin' JoeBridget Thakrar

Send us a textIn this edition of our occasional recent research review, we focus on scientific evidence for dyslexic strengths.The articles we reference are:Lukic, S., Jiang, F., Mandelli, M. L., Qi, T., Inkelis, S. M., Rosenthal, E., Miller, Z., Wellman, E., Bunge, S. A., Gorno‑Tempini, M. L., & Pereira, C. W. (2025).A semantic strength and neural correlates in developmental dyslexia. Frontiers in Psychology, 15, Article 1405425. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2024.1405425 Maw, K. J., Beattie, G., & Burns, E. J. (2024).Cognitive strengths in neurodevelopmental disorders, conditions and differences: A critical review. Neuropsychologia, 197, Article 108850. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neuropsychologia.2024.108850Dyslexia Journey has conversations and explorations to help you support the dyslexic child in your life. Content includes approaches, tips, and interviews with a range of guests from psychologists to educators to people with dyslexia. Increase your understanding and connection with your child as you help them embrace their uniqueness and thrive on this challenging journey!Send us your questions, comments, and guest suggestions to parentingdyslexiajourney@gmail.comAlso check out our YouTube channel! https://www.youtube.com/@ParentingDyslexiaJourney

On the night of February 6, 2021, 26-year-old grad student Kevin Jiang left his fiancée's apartment in New Haven, CT. After he got into his car, another car crashed into it from behind. Upon getting out of his car to check on the man who hit him, Kevin was fatally shot by the driver. After the shooter got away, the case progressed from a potentially random crime to a manhunt for an armed and dangerous man. Kevin's Youtube Channel: / @kalosthenics    Jennifer Dulos Part 1: From “Perfect” Marriage To Possible Murder...   Jennifer Dulos Part 2: No Body, No Problem: Guilty Verdict Reache...   — This episode is sponsored by: -Rula - Rula patients typically pay $15 per session when using insurance. Connect with quality therapists and mental health experts who specialize in you at https://www.rula.com/tckr #rulapod -Olipop -Hello Fresh -Cash App - Download Cash App Today: https://capl.onelink.me/vFut/4g1zpylb #CashAppPod -Quince Check out my foundation: Higher Hope Foundation: https://www.higherhope.org/ Watch my documentaries: 530 Days: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CjUWkmOjNLk Apartment 801: https://bit.ly/2RJ9XXr  True Crime with Kendall Rae podcast: Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/3rks84o Spotify: https://spoti.fi/3jC66pr Shop my Merch! https://kendallrae.shop Check out my other podcasts: Mile Higher (True Crime) @milehigherpod YouTube: https://bit.ly/2ROzJcw Instagram: http://instagram.com/milehigherpod The Sesh (Current events, a little true crime, pop culture, and commentary) https://bit.ly/3Mtoz4X @the_seshpodcast Instagram: https://bit.ly/3a9t6Xr *Follow My Social!* @KendallRaeOnyt Instagram: http://instagram.com/kendallraeonyt Facebook: https://bit.ly/3kar4NK True Crime TikTok: https://bit.ly/3VDbc77 Personal TikTok: https://bit.ly/41hmRKg REQUESTS: General case suggestion form: https://zfrmz.com/yg9cuiWjUe2QY3hSC2V0 Form for people directly related/close to the victim: https://zfrmz.com/HGu2hZso42aHxARt1i67 Join my discord to chat with other viewers about this video, it's free! https://discord.com/invite/an4stY9BCN C O N T A C T: For Business Inquiries - kendallrae@night.co Send me mail: Kendall Rae 8547 E Arapahoe Rd Ste J #233 Greenwood Village, CO 80112

In this episode of the Award-winning PRS Journal Club Podcast, 2025 Resident Ambassadors to the PRS Editorial Board – Christopher Kalmar, Ilana Margulies, and Amanda Sergesketter- and special guest, Chris Campbell, MD, discuss the following articles from the June 2025 issue: “Intraoperative Surgical Guidance for DIEP Flap Harvest Using Augmented Reality” by Edgcumbe, Jiang, Ho, et al. Read the article for FREE: https://bit.ly/DIEP_AR Special guest, Chris Campbell, MD is the director of microsurgery and associate program director of the Plastic Surgery Residency Program at the University of Virginia. In addition to his cosmetic practice, Dr. Campbell performs complex cancer reconstruction. After completing undergraduate and medical school at the University of North Carolina, he completed plastic surgery residency at the University of Virginia and completed subspecialty training in cancer reconstruction and microsurgery at MD Anderson Cancer Center in Houston.  READ the articles discussed in this podcast as well as free related content: https://bit.ly/JCJune25Collection The views expressed by hosts and guests are their own and do not necessarily reflect the official policies or positions of ASPS.

  Last time we spoke about the Xi'an Incident. In December 1936, tensions in China erupted as Nationalist General Chiang Kai-shek faced a revolt led by his commanders, Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng. Disillusioned by Chiang's focus on battling communists instead of the Japanese invaders, the generals swiftly captured him in a coup. Confined in Xi'an, Chiang initially resisted their demands for a united front against Japan but eventually engaged in negotiation with Zhang and the Chinese Communist Party. As public sentiment shifted against him, Chiang's predicament led to urgent discussions, culminating in an unexpected alliance with the communists. This pact aimed to consolidate Chinese resistance against Japanese aggression, marking a critical turning point in the Second Sino-Japanese War. By December 26, Chiang was released, and this uneasy collaboration set the stage for a more unified front against a common enemy, though underlying tensions remained between the factions.   #152 China Prepares for War Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Before we jump into the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945, which I honestly have no idea how long will take us, I thought it would be a good idea to dedicate two episodes to how both China and Japan prepared themselves for war.  Going all the way back to the 1910s, Chinese intellectuals began to view an outright conflict between Japan and China was inevitable. In the discussions about China's strategic options, Jiang Fangzhen pioneered a strategy of protracted warfare, a concept that would later shape China's approach during the Sino-Japanese War. Having studied in Japan during his youth, Jiang developed a keen understanding of the Japanese government and military. As early as 1917, he predicted that China and Japan would become embroiled in a long-term conflict, with the battleground likely to be west of the Peiping–Wuhan and Guangzhou–Wuhan railways. In his work titled "Guofang Lun" or “On National Defense”, Jiang reiterated the importance of protracted warfare as a means to thwart Japan's aspirations for a swift victory. He argued that China should leverage its vast population and extensive territory to extend the conflict, gradually wearing down Japanese strength and turning the situation to its advantage. Jiang recommended that China not focus on defending its coastal regions but instead confront the enemy west of the Peking–Wuhan Railway.   Chiang Kai-shek would eventually come to share Jiang's belief that “the longer the war drags on, the more advantageous it will be for China.” Despite significant public criticism, both the Nationalist government and General Zhang Xueliang, decided against military resistance when Japan invaded Manchuria in September 1931 and attacked Shanghai in 1932. Chiang was particularly hesitant to engage Japan directly, as he was also dealing with a Communist insurgency in central China. He feared that Chinese forces would suffer quick defeat, predicting that Japan would capture key coastal areas and critical infrastructure within just three days, crippling China by dismantling its military and economic lifelines. Following the invasion of North China Chiang was forced to adopt a firmer stance. The Nationalist government proposed a dual strategy of pursuing peace and security while simultaneously preparing for war. If peace proved impossible, China would mobilize its resources for ultimate victory through prolonged conflict. This approach was formalized in the National Defense Plan, which China adopted by prioritizing protracted warfare as its core strategy. After the Sino-Japanese clash in Shanghai on January 28, 1932, the Military Affairs Commission devised a plan that divided China into four defense areas along with a preparation area. While some troops were assigned local security, commanders were directed to concentrate their remaining forces for potential confrontations with Japan. That year, the Military Affairs Commission issued General Defense Guidelines that outlined two strategic responses to a potential Japanese invasion. The first, conservative approach focused on maintaining key positions and utilizing protracted warfare to impede the enemy. The second strategy advocated for decisive battles in key regions to thwart Japan's ambitions and protect China's territorial integrity, prioritizing disengagement from Japanese forces along the Yangtze River and coastline. In August 1935, German military adviser General Alexander von Falkenhausen provided recommendations to Chiang Kai-shek based on his predictions of Japanese advance routes into China. He identified three main routes: one from northern Hebei to Zhengzhou, the second from Shandong toward Xuzhou, and the third crossing the Yangtze River to Nanjing and onwards to Wuhan. He suggested treating the Yangtze River as the primary combat zone and highlighted Sichuan as a possible retreat area. Taking all of this into consideration. in 1936, a draft of a new National Defense Plan divided the country into four zones: a war zone, a defense zone, an internal security zone, and a preparation area. The war zone encompassed ten provinces and established strategies for retreating to predetermined defensive positions when necessary, with Sichuan designated as the main base for the war. In January 1937, the Chinese General Staff Department introduced its annual War Plan, outlining three possible military conflict regions between China and Japan. It proposed two main strategies: Proposal A emphasized sustained combat and retreat to fortified positions if the situation became unfavorable, aiming to eventually go on the offensive against Japan. Proposal B focused on repelling Japanese invasions along the coast and from the north, prioritizing counter offensives against Japanese units stationed near key locations. To prepare, the NRA completed several critical projects outlined in its plans, establishing military supply depots in Nanjing, Bengbu, Xinyang, Huayin, Nanchang, and Wuchang to manage logistics for supplies across various strategic railways. These depots were equipped to sustain the military, with ample ammunition and provisions, including 60 million rounds of small-arms ammunition and food for hundreds of thousands. Despite these preparations, not all projects were completed by the time war broke out in July 1937. In contrast to the Japanese military's tactics, Chinese forces prioritized defensive strategies. For example, at the Mount Lushan Military Officer Training Camp in July 1934, Chiang Kai-shek outlined four possible approaches against Japan, favoring a defense-as-offense strategy. Other options included building fortifications, tenaciously defending key positions, and employing guerrilla warfare through irregular forces to constrain enemy advances. Chiang stressed the importance of national mobilization for the war effort.  There was a significant disparity in equipment between the Japanese and Chinese armies. To give you an idea, each Japanese division included a mechanized group featuring thirty-nine light military vehicles and 21 light armored cars, supplemented by 6,000–7,000 horses, 200–300 automobiles, and specialized troops such as poison gas teams. In contrast, Nationalist divisions lacked any of these capabilities, a typical nationalist division theoretically had an armored regiment, but this unit was equipped with fewer than 72 armored vehicles. Another major weakness of the Nationalist forces was their insufficient artillery. In 1936, a division was officially assigned one artillery battalion, which was divided into three batteries totaling twelve guns. It also included a mechanized cannon company with four direct-fire weapons. By comparison, a Japanese division boasted four infantry regiments and one mountain artillery or field artillery regiment, with each artillery regiment comprising three field artillery battalions and one howitzer battalion. The infantry regiment itself included a mountain artillery section with four mountain guns, while the infantry battalion had one Type 70 mountain gun section with two guns. In total, a Japanese division possessed sixty-four artillery pieces of various calibers, four times the number of a Chinese division and of significantly higher quality. In reality, in 1936, twelve of the twenty elite Chinese “reformed divisions” still lacked artillery battalions. The ordnance available in the “reformed divisions” mostly consisted of the outdated Type 60 mountain gun. Nationwide, very few of the 200 divisions were equipped with any artillery, and those that did often used obsolete field artillery pieces or mountain artillery provided to local forces. Some units even relied on trench mortars as a makeshift solution. The artillery weapons came from various countries, but they frequently lacked necessary observation and signal components, and were often low on ammunition. The majority of mountain guns and field artillery were of the Type 75, which, while capable of providing fire support, had limited range and inflicted minimal damage. To give you an idea of the striking inadequacy of the Chinese artillery, during the Shanghai fighting in 1937, the mountain artillery of the Guangxi 21st Army Group could only reach targets within 1,200 yards, while Japanese field artillery had an effective range of 8,000 yards. Chinese-made mountain artillery suffered due to inferior steel-making technology; the gun shields were constructed from low-quality steel, and the barrels often overheated after firing just a few rounds, increasing the risk of explosions. Additionally, the equipment of local forces varied greatly in quality. In fact, some local units had superior equipment compared to Nationalist units. For example, before the Sino-Japanese War, troops from Yunnan were equipped with French antitank guns and heavy machine guns, which were better than the German water-cooled machine guns used by the Nationalist forces. However, the majority of local troops relied on inferior equipment; the 122nd Division under Wang Mingzhang from Sichuan, noted for its brave defense of Tengxian County during the Xuzhou Battle, was armed with locally produced light and heavy machine guns that frequently malfunctioned, and their Type 79 rifles, also made in Sichuan, were often outdated, with some dating back to the Qing Dynasty. These weapons had limited range and sometimes malfunctioned after fewer than one hundred rounds. Now before the war, both Nationalist and local forces acquired weaponry from diverse foreign and domestic sources. Even domestically produced weapons lacked standardization, with those made in Hanyang and Manchuria differing in design and specifications. Arms manufactured in Germany, France, Russia, Japan, and Italy were similarly inconsistent. Consequently, even within a single unit, the lack of uniformity created significant logistical challenges, undermining combat effectiveness, particularly in the early stages of the war. Despite Nationalist ordnance factories producing over three million rounds of small-arms ammunition daily, the incompatibility of ammunition and weapons diminished the usable quantity of ammunition. Chinese communications infrastructure was inadequate. In the Nationalist army, signal units were integrated into engineering units, leading to low-quality radio communications. In emergencies, telegrams could remain undelivered for days, and orders often had to be dispatched via postal services. By 1937, the entire country boasted only 3,000 military vehicles, necessitating heavy reliance on horses and mules for transport. To effectively equip twenty Nationalist divisions, 10,647 horses and 20,688 mules were needed, but by the end of 1935, only 6,206 horses and 4,351 mules were available. A statistic from 1936 indicated a 5 percent mortality rate among military horses, with some units experiencing a rate as high as 10 percent. The distribution of weaponry led to disputes during army reorganization efforts following the Northern Expedition. Although Chiang Kai-shek's forces were part of the regular army, the quality of their equipment varied significantly. Domestic production of weapons was limited, and imports could not close the gap. Priority was given to small arms; through army reorganization, Chiang aimed to diminish the influence of forces less loyal to him. Nationalist army staff officers observed that troops loyal to Chiang received the best weapons. Northwest and Northeast forces, having cultivated good relations with the KMT, were similarly better equipped, while Shanxi troops received inferior supplies. Troops associated with the Guangxi Clique were given even poorer quality weapons due to their leaders' stronger political ambitions. Troops regarded as “bandit forces,” such as those led by Shi Yousan, Li Hongchang, and Sun Dianying, were naturally assigned the least effective weaponry. This unequal distribution of arms increased some local forces' inclination to align with the KMT while alienating others, which inadvertently led to additional turmoil in the aftermath of the Northern Expedition. Logistical accounting within the Nationalist military was severely lacking. Military expenditures accounted for a significant portion of government spending, roughly 65.48 % in 1937, with personnel costs being the largest component. However, military units prioritized boosting their own resources over accurate accounting. Surpluses were not returned but rather utilized to reward military officers and soldiers for merits in battle, care for the wounded, or to create a reserve. Conversely, if deficits arose, troops would resort to “living off vacancies,” a practice in which they would fail to report desertions promptly and would falsely claim new soldiers had arrived. Military leaders typically appointed their most trusted subordinates to serve as accountants and logistic officers. As the war commenced, these issues became readily apparent. During the Battle of Shanghai in 1937, frontline soldiers sometimes went days without food and went months without pay. Wounded soldiers and civilians had to search tirelessly for medical treatment, and when main forces relocated, they often abandoned grain, ammunition, weapons, and petroleum along the way. General Chen Cheng, the commander in chief during the Battle of Shanghai, noted, “This phenomenon clearly revealed our inability to supply frontline troops, indicating that China remains a backward country with poor management.” Many logistical shortcomings severely impacted troop morale and combat effectiveness. In a 1933 speech, Chiang Kai-shek acknowledged that poor food, inadequate clothing, and ineffective logistics contributed to widespread desertion. Soldiers were further demoralized by reduced or embezzled salaries. A lack of professional medical staff and equipment hampered healthcare efforts, leading to high disease and mortality rates. According to official statistics from 1936, approximately 10 percent of soldiers fell ill annually, with a mortality rate as high as 5 percent. Japanese military authorities reported that one in three wounded Japanese soldiers died, while a Dutch military officer present during the early stages of the Sino-Japanese War observed that one in every two wounded Nationalist soldiers perished. Due to inadequate equipment and limited transport options, Nationalist forces were compelled to recruit farmers and rent vehicles, as they lacked essential facilities such as tents. This reliance on local resources inevitably led to frequent conflicts between military personnel and civilians. China is clearly a vast nation with an extensive coastline, requiring the construction of several significant fortresses during the modern era. These included Wusong, Jiangyin, Zhenjiang, Jiangning, and Wuhan along the Yangtze River, as well as Zhenhai, Humen, and Changzhou along the seacoast. Except for the Wuhan fortress, built in 1929-1930, all other fortifications were established during the late Qing Dynasty and featured uncovered cannon batteries. These fortresses suffered from inadequate maintenance, and many of their components had become outdated and irreplaceable, rendering them militarily negligible. Following the January 1932 Shanghai Incident, the Japanese military destroyed the Wusong forts, leaving the entrance to the Yangtze River completely unfortified. Consequently, there were no defenses along the coastline from Jiangsu to Shandong, allowing the Japanese to land freely. In December 1932, the Military Affairs Commission established a fortress group tasked with constructing fortresses and defensive installations, seeking assistance from German military advisers. After the North China Incident in 1935, the Nationalist government accelerated the construction of defensive structures in line with national war planning, focusing particularly on Nanjing. The Nationalists prioritized building fortifications along the seacoast and the Yellow River, followed by key regions north of the Yellow River. The government also ordered a significant quantity of heavy artillery from Germany. This included several dozen pieces of flat-fire antiaircraft and dual-purpose heavy artillery, which were installed at fortifications in Jiangyin, Zhenjiang, Nanjing, and Wuhan. By the summer of 1937, the construction of nine fortified positions was complete: Nanjing, Zhenjiang, Jiangyin, Ningbo, Humen, Mawei, Xiamen , Nantong, and Lianyungang. In total, China had established 41 forts and equipped them with 273 fortress cannons. Some defensive installations were poorly managed, with many units assigned to their perimeters lacking training and access to proper maps. The barbette positions in the fortresses were not well concealed and could hardly store sufficient ammunition. Troops stationed at these fortresses received little training. Despite these shortcomings, the fortresses and fortifications were not entirely ineffective. They bolstered Chinese positions along the defense line stretching from Cangxian County to Baoding and from Dexian County to Shijiazhuang, as well as in southern Shandong.  Before the war, China's political and economic center was situated along the seacoast and the Yangtze River. As Japanese influence expanded, the Nationalist government was compelled to establish bases in China's inner regions, very similar to how the USSR pulled back its industry further west after Operation barbarossa.The Japanese attack on Shanghai in 1932 prompted the Nationalists to relocate their capital to Luoyang. On March 5, during the Second Plenary Session of the KMT's Fourth Congress, the Western Capital Preparation Committee was formed to plan for the potential relocation of all governmental bodies to Xi'an in the event of full-scale war. In February 1933, the Central Political Conference approved the Northwest Development Bill, and in February 1934, the National Economic Commission set up a northwestern branch to oversee development projects in the region. On October 18, 1934, Chiang Kai-shek traveled to Lanzhou, recording in his diary that “Northwest China has abundant resources. Japan and Russia are poised to bully us. Yet, if we strengthen ourselves and develop northwest China to the fullest extent, we can turn it into a base for China's revival.” Interestingly, it was Sichuan, rather than the northwest, that became China's rear base during the 2nd Sino-Japanese War. In October 1934, the Communist army evacuated its Soviet base in southern China, initiating the Long March that would ultimately end in the northwest. By this time, Chiang Kai-shek had decided to designate Sichuan as the last stronghold for China. In January 1935, the Nanchang Field Headquarters of the Military Affairs Commission, responsible for combatting the Communists and serving as the supreme military and political authority over most provinces along the Yangtze River and central China, dispatched a special advisory group to Chongqing. Following this, the Nationalist army advanced into Sichuan. On February 10, the Nationalists appointed a new provincial government in Sichuan, effectively ending the province's long-standing regionalism. On March 2, Chiang traveled to Chongqing, where he delivered a speech underscoring that “Sichuan should serve as the base for China's revival.” He stated that he was in Sichuan to oversee efforts against the Communist army and to unify the provincial administration.  After the Xinhai revolution, the Republic of China was still suing the Qing Dynasty's conscription system. However, once in power, the Nationalist government sought to establish a national military service program. In 1933, it enacted a military service law, which began implementation in 1936. This law categorized military service into two branches: service in the Nationalist army and in territorial citizen army units. Men aged eighteen to forty-five were expected to serve in the territorial units if they did not enlist in the Nationalist army. The territorial service was structured into three phases: active service lasting two to three years, first reserves for six years, and second reserves until the age of forty-five. The Ministry of Military Affairs divided China into sixty divisional conscription headquarters, initially establishing these headquarters in the six provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, Henan, and Hubei. By December 1936, approximately 50,000 new soldiers had been drafted. The military service law disproportionately favored the middle and upper classes. Government personnel were exempt from enlistment, allowing privileged families to register their children with government agencies. Similarly, students in middle and higher education were excused from service, while youth from poorer backgrounds often felt compelled to enlist due to financial constraints that limited their educational opportunities. Village and town leaders were responsible for executing the recruitment process and frequently conspired with army recruiters. Recruitment principles often favored wealthier families, with guidelines stating that one son should be drafted for every three sons, two for five sons, but no drafts if there was only one son. Wealthy families could secure exemptions for all their male children, while poor families might see their only son conscripted if they were unable to provide the requisite bribe. Town and village heads wielded significant power in recruitment. This new recruitment system also created numerous money-making opportunities. Military personnel assigned to escort draftees to their units would often allow draftees to escape for a fee. Additionally, draftees could monetize their service by agreeing to serve as substitutes for others. For some, being drafted became an occupation. For example, in 1936, 600 individuals were drafted in the Wuhu area of Anhui province, and accounts from regional administrators indicated that every draftee had either been traded, replaced, or seized. Beginning in 1929, the Nationalist government also instituted military training for high school students and older individuals. Students were required to participate in one theoretical class and one practical class each week, totaling three hours. Starting in 1934, students had to complete a three-month military training program before graduating. Graduates of military academies were employed as military instructors. By the end of 1936, over 237,000 high school students had undergone military training. This student military training was overseen by the Society for the Implementation of the Three People's Principles of Sun Yat-sen, which also provided political education and sometimes gathered information on students' political beliefs.  Although the Nationalists made significant efforts to improve the military training of both officers and troops, they inherited deep-seated challenges that they were unable to completely overcome. A lack of facilities, outdated training manuals, low regard for military instructors, and the ongoing influence of regionalism and warlordism hindered progress. The Japanese would also later exploit these shortcomings of the Nationalist army. The Central Military Academy, which evolved from the Whampoa Military Academy established in 1923 in Guangzhou to train officers for the Northern Expedition, became the primary training institution for junior military officers. The academy offered a basic course, lasting eighteen months, which included general education, specialized training in various subjects, and field practice. This was followed by a two-year cadet training program focused on developing the skills necessary for junior military officers. Seventeen classes were admitted before the outbreak of war. Admission to the academy was highly competitive, with military officers receiving attractive salaries. For instance, in 1935, the academy received 10,000 applications for the twelfth class, but only 7% were accepted. Upon graduation, cadets were typically assigned to divisions within the Nationalist army loyal to Chiang Kai-shek. Their training, influenced by German advisors, resulted in a high-quality cadre. In modern China, most sergeants were veterans. While some units provided training for sergeants, a lack of formal education led to their diminished status. Truly qualified sergeants were rare. During his tenure as Minister of Military Training, General Bai Chongxi proposed establishing a sergeant school and creating a professional noncommissioned officer system; however, the Ministry of Military Affairs opposed this on financial grounds. While commanding officers enjoyed rapid promotions, military instructors did not. Furthermore, there was no system for transferring instructors to field commands or assigning commanders to military academies for extended periods. Despite minor updates to cover modern warfare concepts such as tank warfare and machine guns, Qing Dynasty military manuals were still in use at the Central Military Academy at the start of the war. Yeah, 1937 they were still rocking the old Qing books. Following the establishment of the Ministry of Military Training, a bureau for military translation was set up to evaluate existing course materials and translate military manuals, but its contributions were limited. Another significant shortcoming of military instruction focused on theory at the expense of practical application.  To enhance the quality of military officers, the Nationalist army instituted specialized schools for artillery, infantry, transport, engineering, and signals starting in 1931. These institutions were considered to have high-quality administrators and facilities. The Nationalists adopted German military training models, replacing the previously used Japanese models. They appointed German advisors to oversee instructor training at military academies and established three instructional divisions. By the onset of the Sino-Japanese War, 15,000 students had graduated from programs with a German military influence, resulting in the creation of about fifty combat divisions from these instructional units. However, the progress of other Nationalist army units was limited because their training was not aligned with contemporary battlefield realities. Before World War I, troops operated in close formations due to limited firepower. The widespread introduction of machine guns after World War I necessitated a shift to dispersed formations. Although a new drill manual issued by the Ministry of Military Training in 1935 introduced small-group tactics, few units adopted these methods. General Chen Cheng highlighted another underlying issue in 1938, commenting on the outmoded focus on parade ground drills and formal military manners. He noted, “We have paid too much attention to stereotypical formality and procedures of no practical use. Sometimes, even though soldiers could not get a haircut or take a bath for several months, their camps had to be in order. They underwent intensive training in close-order drill but learned little about gun handling, marksmanship, or maneuvering. This was inappropriate in peacetime, yet we continued this practice even after the Sino-Japanese War started, even using it on highly educated youth.” In contrast, the Communist army simplified training, emphasizing two essential skills: live-fire exercises and physical endurance, which significantly enhanced troop effectiveness in the challenging terrain characteristic of the Sino-Japanese War. Ultimately, the Nationalist army's training did not reach all soldiers. Only about half of all combat soldiers received adequate training, while the rest were neglected. According to statistics from the time, there were approximately five million military personnel during the Sino-Japanese War, with three million serving in logistics. Most of these logistics personnel had received little training, leading to disastrous consequences for overall combat effectiveness. As warfare has become more complex, the role of highly trained staff officers has become increasingly important. Napoleon developed operational plans close to the front and communicated orders via courier. During World War I, military commanders collected information at their headquarters and utilized telephones and automobiles to relay orders to the front lines. In World War II, with the battlefield expanding to include land, sea, and air, senior commanders often made decisions from headquarters far from the action, relying on a significant number of staff officers with specialized skills to keep them informed. In China, however, the staff officer system was underdeveloped. By 1937, only about 2,000 commanders and staff officers had received training. Prior to the Sino-Japanese War, most commanders managed staff work themselves, with staff officers serving primarily as military secretaries who drafted orders, reports, and maps. Many staff officers had no formal military training, and as a whole, the branch lacked respect, causing the most talented officers to avoid serving in it. The situation was even more dire for staff officer departments within local forces. For example, in March 1937, Liu Ziqing, a graduate of the Whampoa Military Academy, was appointed as the director of political instruction in the Forty-fourth Army, a unit under Sichuan warlord Liu Xiang. Liu Ziqing's account illustrates the dysfunction within the ranks: “The commander in chief was not supposed to manage the army and even did not know its whereabouts... But he could appoint relatives and former subordinates—who were officials and businessmen as well—to the army. Each month they would receive a small stipend. At headquarters, there was a long table and two rows of chairs. Around ten o'clock in the morning, senior officers signed in to indicate their presence. Those with other business would leave, while the remaining officers sat down to leisurely discuss star actresses, fortune-telling, business projects, mah-jongg, and opium. Occasionally they would touch on national affairs, chat about news articles, or share local gossip. In the afternoons, they primarily played mah-jongg, held banquets, and visited madams. Most mornings, the commander usually presided over these activities, and at first, I reported for duty as well. But I soon realized it was a waste of time and came very rarely. At headquarters, most staff members wore long gowns or Western-style suits, while military uniforms were a rare sight.” Most senior military personnel were trained at the Baoding Military Academy during the early republic. 2/3rds of commanders in chief, 37 %of army commanders, and 20 % of division commanders were Baoding graduates. Higher-ranking officers were more likely to have launched their careers there. In contrast, only 10 % of division commanders and a few army commanders were graduates of the Whampoa Military Academy. Additionally, commanders trained in local military schools and those with combat experience accounted for 1/3rd of all commanders. While the prevalence of civil war provided opportunities for rapid promotion, it also hindered officers' ability to update their training or gain experience in different military branches. German advisors expressed their concerns to Chiang Kai-shek, emphasizing that officers should first serve in junior roles before taking command. During one battle in 1938, Chiang noted, “Our commanders in chief are equivalent only to our enemy's regiment commanders, and our army and division commanders are only as competent as our enemy's battalion and company commanders.” Despite not viewing high-ranking Japanese officers as great strategists, Nationalist officers respected them as highly competent, diligent, and professional commanders who rarely made critical errors. The infantry was the primary component of the Nationalist army, with middle and junior infantry officers constituting over 80 %of all army officers. A 1936 registry of military officers listed 1,105 colonels and 2,159 lieutenant colonels within the infantry, demonstrating a significant outnumbering of Baoding graduates at ranks below lieutenant colonel. However, the quality of middle and junior infantry officers declined during the Sino-Japanese War; by 1944, only 27.3 % of these officers were from formal military academies, while those promoted from the ranks increased to 28.1 %. In 1937, 80 % of officers in an ordinary infantry battalion were military academy graduates, but this percentage dropped to 20 % during the war. Its hard to tell how educated soldiers were before the war, but it is generally believed that most were illiterate. In 1929, sociologist Tao Menghe surveyed 946 soldiers from a Shanxi garrison brigade and found that only 13 percent could compose a letter independently, while the rest had either never learned to read or were unable to write. In contrast, in August 1938, General Feng Yuxiang found that 80 percent of a regiment in Hunan were literate. Regardless, during the Sino-Japanese War, the quality of recruits steadily declined. More than 90 percent of soldiers were illiterate, and few possessed any basic scientific knowledge, which hindered their ability to master their weapons. On the battlefield, they heavily relied on middle and junior officers for guidance.  In autumn 1933, General Hans von Seeckt, the architect of the post World War I German army, visited China at the personal invitation of Chiang Kai-shek. In his recommendations for military reform, he identified China's greatest problem as its excessively large forces drawn from diverse backgrounds. He stated, “At present, the most pressing goal is to... establish a small, well-equipped army with high morale and combat effectiveness to replace the numerous poorly armed and trained forces.” He suggested forming an army of sixty divisions and recommended the establishment of a training regiment for military officers to equip them with the skills needed for modern warfare. Chiang Kai-shek accepted von Seeckt's proposals, and on January 26, 1935, he convened a National Military Reorganization Conference in Nanjing. On March 1, the Army Reorganization Bureau was established in Wuchang, under the leadership of General Chen Cheng. In the same month, General Alexander von Falkenhausen took charge of the German Military Advisors Group. Before war broke out, around nineteen divisions, roughly 300,000 troops received training from German advisors and were equipped with German-style weapons. At the onset of the Sino-Japanese War, the forces stemming from the First Army of the National Revolutionary Army and the Whampoa cadets, who had fought in the Northern Expedition, held the highest reputation and were referred to as the “core central forces” by the Japanese. Other notable forces included the Guangxi Army, Northwestern Army, Northeastern Army, some Uyghur units, the Guangdong Army, and the Shanxi Army. In contrast, provincial forces such as the Yunnan Army and Sichuan Army were viewed less favorably. Nationalist forces were generally far inferior to those of the Japanese enemy. In 1937, General He Yingqin noted that Nationalist forces had failed to prevail in 1932 and 1933, even when outnumbering the Japanese by 4-1.  In November 1937, during a national defense conference, Chiang Kai-shek stated, "In recent years we have worked hard, prepared actively, and achieved national unification. By the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, we were in a better domestic situation and had improved military preparedness compared to before. Since 1935, our strength has doubled. It increased by more than two to three times since January 1932 or September 1931 [when Japan attacked Shanghai and Mukden]. If peace had been achievable, we should have delayed the war for two or three years. Given an additional three years, our defensive capabilities would have been drastically different... Now, if we merely compare the military strength of China and Japan, we are certainly inferior." However, such assessments were overly optimistic, as Chiang failed to recognize that Japan's military capabilities would not have stagnated. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek certainly was dealt a difficult hand of cards for the upcoming poker match he was to play. Yet the Chinese were resilient and they had to be for the absolute horror that would be inflicted upon them from 1937-1945. Until this point, their enemies had been far more lenient, the Empire of Japan would show no mercy.

Send us a text在这一期特别的柠檬水访谈中，主持人俞骅和Poy Zhong邀请到了Canada Life区域副总裁Lydia Jiang，分享她从留学生到金融高管的真实职场故事。没有背景、没有捷径，靠着坚持和积累，她一路打破偏见，走到了主流舞台。Lydia坦诚讲述了她如何在挑战中成长，如何在机会来临时勇敢接住，以及她在跨文化管理、家庭与事业平衡中的心得体会。如果你也曾怀疑自己是否“准备好”，如果你也在职场中摸索前行，这一期，将带给你满满的能量与勇气！欢迎大家收听。请您在Apple Podcasts, 小宇宙APP, Spotify, iHeart Radio, YouTube, Amazon Music等，搜寻”柠檬变成柠檬水“。Support the showThank you for listening to our podcasts. We also welcome you to join the "Turn Lemons Into Lemonade" LinkedIn page!