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Last time we spoke about the Battle of Taierzhuang. Following the fall of Nanjing in December 1937, the Second Sino-Japanese War entered a brutal phase of attrition as Japan sought to consolidate control and press toward central China. Chinese defense prioritized key rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Xuzhou, the JinPu and Longhai lines, and the Huai River system forming crucial lifelines. By early 1938, Japanese offensives aimed to link with forces around Beijing and Nanjing and encircle Chinese positions in the Central Yangtze region, threatening Wuhan. In response, Chiang Kai-shek fortified Xuzhou and expanded defenses to deter a pincer move, eventually amassing roughly 300,000 troops along strategic lines. Taierzhuang became a focal point when Japanese divisions attempted to press south and link with northern elements. Chinese commanders Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, Tang Enbo, and Sun Lianzhong coordinated to complicate Japanese plans through offensive-defensive actions, counterattacks, and encirclement efforts. The victory, though numerically costly, thwarted immediate Japanese objectives and foreshadowed further attritional struggles ahead.   #171 The Flooding of the Yellow River Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. We last left off with a significant event during the Xuzhou campaign. Three Japanese divisions under General Itagaki Seishiro moved south to attack Taierzhuang and were met by forces commanded by Li Zongren, Sun Lianzhong, and Tang Enbo, whose units possessed a decent amount of artillery. In a two-week engagement from March 22 to April 7, the battle devolved into a costly urban warfare. Fighting was vicious, often conducted in close quarters and at night. The urban environment negated Japanese advantages in armor and artillery, allowing Chinese forces to contend on equal terms. The Chinese also disrupted Japanese logistics by resupplying their own troops and severing rear supply lines, draining Japanese ammunition, supplies, and reinforcements. By April 7, the Japanese were compelled to retreat, marking the first Chinese victory of the war. However both sides suffered heavy losses, with around 20,000 casualties on each side. In the aftermath of this rare victory, Chiang Kai-Shek pushed Tang Enbo and Li Zongren to capitalize on their success and increased deployments in the Taierzhuang theater to about 450,000 troops. Yet the Chinese Army remained hampered by fundamental problems. The parochialism that had crippled Chiang's forces over the preceding months resurfaced. Although the generals had agreed to coordinate in a war of resistance, each still prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of Chiang's bid to consolidate power. Li Zongren, for example, did not deploy his top Guangxi provincial troops at Taierzhuang and sought to shift most of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's forces. Chiang's colleagues were mindful of the fates of Han Fuju of Shandong and Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria: Han was executed for refusing to fight, while Zhang, after allowing Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army, ended up under house arrest. They were right to distrust Chiang. He believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a unified national command, which he would lead. From a national-unity perspective, his aspiration was not unreasonable. But it fed suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would dilute their power. The divided nature of the command also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off. By late April the Chinese had reinforced the Xuzhou area to between 450,000-600,000 to capitalize on their victory. However these armies were plagued with command and control issues. Likewise the Japanese licked their wounds and reinforced the area to roughly 400,000, with fresh troops and supplies flowing in from Tianjin and Nanjing. The Japanese continued with their objective of encircling Chinese forces. The North China Area Army comprised four divisions and two infantry brigades drawn from the Kwantung Army, while the Central China Expeditionary Army consisted of three divisions and the 1st and 2nd Tank Battalions along with motorized support units. The 5th Tank Battalion supported the 3rd Infantry Division as it advanced north along the railway toward Xuzhou. Fighting to the west, east, and north of Xuzhou was intense, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. On 18 April, the Japanese advanced southward toward Pizhou. Tang Enbo's 20th Army Corps, together with the 2nd, 22nd, 46th, and 59th corps, resisted fiercely, culminating in a stalemate by the end of April. The 60th Corps of the Yunnan Army engaged the Japanese 10th Division at Yuwang Mountain for nearly a month, repelling multiple assaults. By the time it ceded its position to the Guizhou 140th Division and withdrew on 15 May, the corps had sustained losses exceeding half of its forces. Simultaneously, the Japanese conducted offensives along both banks of the Huai River, where Chinese defenders held out for several weeks. Nevertheless, Japanese artillery and aerial bombardment gradually tilted the balance, allowing the attackers to seize Mengcheng on 9 May and Hefei on 14 May. From there, the southern flank split into two parts: one force moved west and then north to cut off the Longhai Railway escape route from Xuzhou, while another division moved directly north along the railway toward Suxian, just outside Xuzhou. Simultaneously, to the north, Japanese units from north China massed at Jining and began moving south beyond Tengxian. Along the coast, an amphibious landing was made at Lianyungang to reinforce troops attacking from the east. The remaining portions of Taierzhuang were captured in May, a development symbolically significant to Tokyo. On 17 May, Japanese artillery further tightened the noose around Xuzhou, striking targets inside the city.  To preserve its strength, the Nationalist government ordered the abandonment of Xuzhou and directed its main forces to break out toward northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, and eastern Henan. To deter the Japanese army's rapid westward advance and penetration into northern Henan and western Shandong, many leading military and political figures within the Nationalist government proposed breaching dams over the Yellow River to delay the offensive, a strategy that would have been highly advantageous to the Nationalist forces at the time. Chiang Kai-shek vetoed the proposal outright, insisting that the Nationalist army could still resist. He understood that with tens of millions of Chinese lives at stake and a sliver of hope remaining, the levee plan must not be undertaken. Then a significant battle broke out at Lanfeng. Chiang also recognized that defeat could allow the elite Japanese mechanized divisions, the 14th, 16th, and 10th, to advance directly toward Zhengzhou. If Zhengzhou fell, the Japanese mechanized forces on the plains could advance unimpeded toward Tongguan. Their southward push would threaten Xi'an, Xiangfan, and Nanyang, directly jeopardizing the southwest's rear defenses. Concurrently, the Japanese would advance along the Huai River north of the Dabie Mountains toward Wuhan, creating a pincer with operations along the Yangtze River.  Now what followed was arguably the most important and skillful Chinese maneuver of the Xuzhou campaign: a brilliantly executed strategic retreat to the south and west across the Jinpu railway line. On May 15, Li Zongren, in consultation with Chiang Kai-shek, decided to withdraw from Xuzhou and focus on an escape plan. The evacuation of civilians and military personnel began that day. Li ordered troops to melt into the countryside and move south and west at night, crossing the Jinpu Railway and splitting into four groups that would head west. The plan was to regroup in the rugged Dabie Mountains region to the south and prepare for the defense of Wuhan. Li's generals departed reluctantly, having held out for so long; Tang Enbo was said to have wept. Under cover of night, about forty divisions, over 200,000 men, marched out of Japanese reach in less than a week. A critical moment occurred on May 18, when fog and a sandstorm obscured the retreating troops as they crossed the Jinpu Railway. By May 21, Li wired Chiang Kai-shek to report that the withdrawal was complete. He mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite units, such as the 74th Army, withdrawn from Xuzhou and transferred directly to Lanfeng, with a resolute intent to “burn their boats.” The force engaged the Japanese in a decisive battle at Lanfeng, aiming to secure the last line of defense for the Yellow River, a position carrying the lives of millions of Chinese civilians. Yet Chiang Kai-shek's strategy was not universally understood by all participating generals, who regarded it as akin to striking a rock with an egg. For the battle of Lanfeng the Chinese mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite forces, comprising 14 divisions totaling over 150,000 men. Among these, the 46th Division of the 27th Army, formerly the Central Training Brigade and the 36th, 88th, and 87th Divisions of the 71st Army were German-equipped. Additionally, the 8th Army, the Tax Police Corps having been reorganized into the Ministry of Finance's Anti-Smuggling Corps, the 74th Army, and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps, the new 1st Army, equipped with the 8th Division were elite Nationalist troops that had demonstrated strong performance in the battle of Shanghai and the battle of Nanjing, and were outfitted with advanced matériel. However, these so-called “elite” forces were heavily degraded during the campaigns in Shanghai and Nanjing. The 46th Division and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps sustained casualties above 85% in Nanjing, while the 88th and 87th Divisions suffered losses of up to 90%. The 74th Army and the 36th Division also endured losses exceeding 75%. Their German-made equipment incurred substantial losses; although replenishment occurred, inventories resembled roughly a half-German and half-Chinese mix. With very limited heavy weapons and a severe shortage of anti-tank artillery, they could not effectively match the elite Japanese regiments. Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps maintained its national equipment via a close relationship with Chiang Kai-shek. In contrast, the 74th Army, after fighting in Shanghai, Nanjing, and Xuzhou, suffered heavy casualties, and the few German weapons it had were largely destroyed at Nanjing, leaving it to rely on a mix of domestically produced and Hanyang-made armaments. The new recruits added to each unit largely lacked combat experience, with nearly half of the intake having received basic training. The hardest hit was Li Hanhun's 64th Army, established less than a year prior and already unpopular within the Guangdong Army. Although classified as one of the three Type A divisions, the 155th, 156th, and 187th Divisions, it was equipped entirely with Hanyang-made firearms. Its direct artillery battalion possessed only about 20 older mortars and three Type 92 infantry guns, limiting its heavy firepower to roughly that of a Japanese battalion. The 195th Division and several miscellaneous units were even less prominent, reorganized from local militias and lacking Hanyang rifles. Additionally, three batches of artillery purchased from the Soviet Union arrived in Lanzhou via Xinjiang between March and June 1938. Except for the 52nd Artillery Regiment assigned to the 200th Division, the other artillery regiments had recently received their weapons and were still undergoing training. The 200th Division, had been fighting awhile for in the Xuzhou area and incurred heavy casualties, was still in training and could only deploy its remaining tank battalion and armored vehicle company. The tank battalion was equipped with T-26 light tanks and a small number of remaining British Vickers tanks, while the armored vehicle company consisted entirely of Italian Fiat CV33 armored cars. The disparity in numbers was substantial, and this tank unit did not participate in the battle.  As for the Japanese, the 14th Division was an elite Type A formation. Originally organized with four regiments totaling over 30,000 men, the division's strength was later augmented. Doihara's 14th Division received supplements, a full infantry regiment and three artillery regiments, to prevent it from being surrounded and annihilated, effectively transforming the unit into a mobile reinforced division. Consequently, the division's mounted strength expanded to more than 40,000 personnel, comprising five infantry regiments and four artillery regiments. The four artillery regiments, the 24th Artillery Regiment, the 3rd Independence Mountain Artillery Regiment, the 5th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, and the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, possessed substantial heavy firepower, including 150mm heavy howitzers and 105mm long-range field cannons, placing them far in excess of the Nationalist forces at Lanfeng. In addition, both the 14th and later the 16th Divisions commanded tank regiments with nearly 200 light and medium tanks each, while Nationalist forces were markedly short of anti-tank artillery. At the same time, the Nationalist Air Force, though it had procured more than 200 aircraft of various types from the Soviet Union, remained heavily reliant on Soviet aid-to-China aircraft, amounting to over 100 machines, and could defend only a few cities such as Wuhan, Nanchang, and Chongqing. In this context, Japanese forces effectively dominated the Battle of Lanfeng. Moreover, reports indicate that the Japanese employed poison gas on the battlefield, while elite Nationalist troops possessed only a limited number of gas masks, creating a stark disparity in chemical warfare preparedness. Despite these disparities, Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government were initially unaware of the updated strength and composition of the Doihara Division. Faced with constrained options, Chiang chose to press ahead with combat operations. On May 12, 1939, after crossing the Yellow River, the IJA 14th Division continued its southward advance toward Lanfeng. The division's objective was to sever the Longhai Railway, disrupt the main Nationalist retreat toward Zhengzhou, and seize Zhengzhou itself. By May 15, the division split into two columns at Caoxian and moved toward key nodes on the Longhai Line. Major General Toyotomi Fusatarou led two infantry regiments, one cavalry regiment, and one artillery regiment in the main assault toward Kaocheng with the aim of directly capturing Lanfeng. Doihara led three infantry regiments and three artillery regiments toward Neihuang and Minquan, threatening Guide. In response, the Nationalist forces concentrated along the railway from Lanfeng to Guide, uniting Song Xilian's 71st Army, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army, Yu Jishi's 74th Army, Li Hanhun's 64th Army, and Huang Jie's 8th Army. From May 15 to 17, the Fengjiu Brigade, advancing toward Lanfeng, met stubborn resistance near Kaocheng from roughly five divisions under Song Xilian and was forced to shift its effort toward Yejigang and Neihuang. The defense near Neihuang, including Shen Ke's 106th Division and Liang Kai's 195th Division, ultimately faltered, allowing Doihara's division to seize Neihuang, Yejigang, Mazhuangzhai, and Renheji. Nevertheless, the Nationalist forces managed to contain the Japanese advance east and west of the area, preventing a complete encirclement. Chiang Kai-shek ordered Cheng Qian, commander-in-chief of the 1st War Zone, to encircle and annihilate the Japanese 14th Division. The deployment plan mapped three routes: the Eastern Route Army, under Li Hanhun, would include the 74th Army, the 155th Division of the 64th Army, a brigade of the 88th Division, and a regiment of the 87th Division, advancing westward from Guide); the Western Route Army, commanded by Gui Yongqing, would comprise the 27th Army, the 71st Army, the 61st Division, and the 78th Division, advancing eastward from Lanfeng; and the Northern Route Army, formed by Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Army and Shang Zhen's 20th Army, was to cut off the enemy's retreat to the north bank of the Yellow River near Dingtao, Heze, Dongming, and Kaocheng, while attacking the Doihara Division from the east, west, and north to annihilate it in a single decisive operation.  On May 21, the Nationalist Army mounted a full-scale offensive. Yu Jishi's 74th Army, commanded by Wang Yaowu's 51st Division, joined a brigade of Song Xilian's 71st Army, led by the 88th Division, and drove the Japanese forces at Mazhuangzhai into retreat, capturing Neihuang and Renheji. The main Japanese force, more than 6,000 strong, withdrew southwest to Yangjiji and Shuangtaji. Song Xilian, commanding Shen Fazao's 87th Division, launched a sharp assault on Yejigang (Yifeng). The Japanese abandoned the stronghold, but their main body continued advancing toward Yangjiji, with some units retreating to Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. On May 23, Song Xilian's 71st Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army enveloped and annihilated enemy forces at Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. That evening they seized Ximaoguzhai, Yangzhuang, and Helou, eliminating more than a thousand Japanese troops. The Japanese troops at Donggangtou fled toward Lanfeng. Meanwhile, Gui Yongqing's forces were retreating through Lanfeng. His superior strength, Jiang Fusheng's 36th Division, Li Liangrong's 46th Division, Zhong Song's 61st Division, Li Wen's 78th Division, Long Muhan's 88th Division, and Shen Ke's 106th Division—had held defensive positions along the Lanfeng–Yangji line. Equipped with a tank battalion and armored vehicle company commanded by Qiu Qingquan, they blocked the enemy's westward advance and awaited Japanese exhaustion. However, under the Japanese offensive, Gui Yongqing's poor command led to the loss of Maji and Mengjiaoji, forcing the 27th Army to retreat across its entire front. Its main force fled toward Qixian and Kaifeng. The Japanese seized the opportunity to capture Quxingji, Luowangzhai, and Luowang Railway Station west of Lanfeng. Before retreating, Gui Yongqing ordered Long Muhan to dispatch a brigade to replace the 106th Division in defending Lanfeng, while he directed the 106th Division to fall back to Shiyuan. Frightened by the enemy, Long Muhan unilaterally withdrew his troops on the night of the 23rd, leaving Lanfeng undefended. On the 24th, Japanese troops advancing westward from Donggangtou entered Lanfeng unopposed and, relying on well-fortified fortifications, held their ground until reinforcements arrived. In the initial four days, the Nationalist offensive failed to overwhelm the Japanese, who escaped encirclement and annihilation. The four infantry and artillery regiments and one cavalry regiment on the Japanese side managed to hold the line along Lanfeng, Luowangzhai, Sanyizhai, Lanfengkou, Quxingji, Yang'erzhai, and Chenliukou on the south bank of the Yellow River, offering stubborn resistance. The Longhai Railway was completely cut off. Chiang Kai-shek, furious upon hearing the news while stationed in Zhengzhou, ordered the execution of Long Muhan, commander of the 88th Division, to restore military morale. He also decided to consolidate Hu Zongnan's, Li Hanhun's, Yu Jishi's, Song Xilian's, and Gui Yongqing's troops into the 1st Corps, with Xue Yue as commander-in-chief. On the morning of May 25, they launched a determined counterattack on Doihara's 14th Division. Song Xilian personally led the front lines on May 24 to rally the defeated 88th Division.  Starting on May 25, after three days of intense combat, Li Hanhun's 64th Army advanced to seize Luowang Station and Luowangzhai, while Song Xilian's 71st Army retook Lanfeng City, temporarily reopening the Longhai Line to traffic. At Sanyi Village, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army captured a series of outlying positions, including Yang'eyao, Chailou, Cailou, Hezhai, Xuelou, and Baowangsi. Despite these gains, more than 6,000 Japanese troops offered stubborn resistance. During the fighting, Ji Hongru, commander of the 302nd Regiment, was seriously wounded but continued to fight, shouting, “Don't worry about my death! Brothers, fight on!” He ultimately died a heroic death from his wounds. By May 27, Chiang Kai-shek, concerned that the forces had not yet delivered a decisive victory at Lanfeng, personally reprimanded the participating generals and ordered them to completely encircle and annihilate the enemy west of Lanfeng by the following day. He warned that if the opportunity was missed and Japanese reinforcements arrived, the position could be endangered. The next day, Chiang Kai-shek issued another telegram, urging Cheng Qian's First War Zone and all participating units to press the offensive. The telegram allegedly had this in it “It will forever be a laughingstock in the history of warfare.” Meanwhile on the other side, to prevent the annihilation of Doihara's 14th Division, the elite Japanese 16th Division and the 3rd Mixed Brigade, totaling over 40,000 men, launched a westward assault from Dangshan, capturing Yucheng on May 26. They then began probing the outskirts of Guide. Huang Jie's Eighth Army, responsible for the defense, withdrew to the outskirts of Guide that evening. On May 28, Huang Jie again led his troops on his own initiative, retreating to Liuhe and Kaifeng, leaving only the 187th Division to defend Zhuji Station and Guide City. At dawn on May 29, Peng Linsheng, commander of the 187th Division, also withdrew his troops, leaving Guide a deserted city. The Japanese occupied Guide without a fight. The loss of Guide dramatically shifted the tide of the war. Threatened on the flanks by the Japanese 16th Division, the Nationalist forces were forced onto the defensive. On May 28, the Japanese 14th Division concentrated its forces to counterattack Gui Yongqing's troops, but they were defeated again, allowing the Japanese to stabilize their position. At the same time, the fall of Shangqiu compelled Xue Yue's corps to withdraw five divisions to block the enemy in Shangqiu, and the Nationalist Army shifted to a defensive posture with the 14th Division holding Sanyizhai and Quxingji. To the north of the battlefield, the Japanese 4th Mixed Brigade, numbering over 10,000 men, was preparing to force a crossing of the Yellow River in order to join with the nearby 14th Division. More seriously, the 10th Division, together with its 13th Mixed Brigade and totaling more than 40,000 men, had captured Woyang and Bozhou on the Henan-Anhui border and was rapidly encircling eastern Henan. By the time of the Battle of Lanfeng, Japanese forces had deployed more than 100,000 troops, effectively surrounding the Nationalist army. On May 31, the First War Zone decided to withdraw completely, and the Battle of Lanfeng ended in defeat for the Nationalists, forcing Chiang Kai-shek to authorize diverting the Yellow River embankment to relieve pressure. The consequence was a deteriorating strategic situation, as encirclement tightened and reinforcement options dwindled, driving a retreat from the Lanfeng front. The National Army suffered more than 67,000 casualties, killed and wounded more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers, Lanfeng was lost, and Zhengzhou was in danger.  As in Nanjing, this Chinese army might have lived to fight another day, but the effect on Xuzhou itself was horrific. The city had endured Japanese bombardment since August 1937, and the population's mood swung between cautious hope and utter despair. In March, Du Zhongyuan visited Xuzhou. Before he left Wuhan, friends told him that “the city was desolate and the people were terrified, all the inhabitants of Xuzhou were quietly getting on with their business … sometimes it was even calmer than Wuhan.” The Australian journalist Rhodes Farmer recalled a similar image in a book published at war's end, noting the “ordinary townsfolk who became wardens, fire-fighters and first-aid workers during the raid and then went back to their civil jobs.” Yet the mid-May departure of Nationalist troops left the city and its outskirts at the mercy of an angry Imperial Army. Bombing continued through the final days of battle, and a single raid on May 14, 1938 killed 700 people. Around Xuzhou, buildings and bridges were destroyed—some by retreating Chinese forces, some by advancing Japanese troops. Taierzhuang, the scene of the earlier iconic defense, was utterly destroyed. Canadian Jesuits who remained in Xuzhou after its fall recorded that more than a third of the houses were razed, and most of the local population had fled in terror. In rural areas around the city, massacres were repeatedly reported, many witnessed by missionaries. Beyond the atrocities of the Japanese, locals faced banditry in the absence of law enforcement, and vital agricultural work such as planting seed ground to a halt. The loss of Xuzhou was both strategic and symbolic. It dealt a severe blow to Chiang's attempt to hold central China and to control regional troop movements. Morale, which Taierzhuang had briefly boosted, was battered again though not extinguished. The fall signaled that the war would be long, and that swift victory against Japan was no longer likely. Mao Zedong's Yan'an base, far to the northwest, grasped the meaning of defeat there. In May 1938 he delivered one of his most celebrated lectures, “On Protracted War,” chiding those who had over-optimistically claimed the Xuzhou campaign could be a quasi-decisive victory and arguing that, after Taierzhuang, some had become “giddy.” Mao insisted that China would ultimately prevail, yet he warned that it could not be won quickly, and that the War of Resistance would be protracted. In the meantime, the development of guerrilla warfare remained an essential piece of the long-term strategy that the Communist armies would pursue in north China. Yet the loss of Xuzhou did not necessarily portend a long war; it could, instead, presage a war that would be terrifyingly short. By spring 1938 the Chinese defenders were desperate. There was a real danger that the entire war effort could collapse, and the Nationalist governments' notable success as protectors of a shrinking “Free China” lay in avoiding total disaster. Government propaganda had successfully portrayed a plan beyond retreat to foreign observers, yet had Tokyo captured Wuhan in the spring, the Chinese Army would have had to withdraw at speed, reinforcing perceptions of disintegration. Western governments were unlikely to intervene unless convinced it was in their interests. Within the Nationalist leadership, competing instincts persisted. The government pursued welfare measures for the people in the midst of a massive refugee relief effort, the state and local organizations, aided by the International Red Cross, housed large numbers of refugees in 1937–1938. Yet there was a harsher strain within policy circles, with some officials willing to sacrifice individual lives for strategic or political ends as the Japanese threat intensified. Throughout central China, the Yellow River, China's “Sorrow”, loomed as the dominant geographic force shaping history. The loess-laden river, notorious for floods and shifting channels, was banked by massive dikes near Zhengzhou, exactly along the line the Japanese would traverse toward Wuhan. Using the river as a military instrument was discussed as a drastic option: Chiang and Cheng Qian's First War Zone contemplated diverting or breaching the dikes to halt or slow the Japanese advance, a measure that could buy time but would unleash enormous civilian suffering. The idea dated back to 1887 floods that cost hundreds of thousands of lives, and even in 1935 Alexander von Falkenhausen had warned that the Yellow River could become the final line of defense. In 1938 Chiang, recognizing the futility of defeating the Japanese by conventional means at Zhengzhou, considered unleashing the river's force if necessary to impede the invaders. The political and strategic calculus was stark: protect central China and Wuhan, even if it required drastic and morally fraught measures. A more humane leader might have hesitated to break the dikes and spare the dams, allowing the Japanese to take Wuhan. But Chiang Kai-shek believed that if the dikes were not breached and Wuhan fell within days, the Nationalist government might be unable to relocate to Chongqing in time and would likely surrender, leaving Japan in control of almost all of China. Some have compared the choice to France's surrender in June 1940, underscoring that Chiang's decision came during the country's most terrifying assault, with Chinese forces much weaker and less trained than their European counterparts. The dilemma over whether to break the Yellow River dikes grew out of desperation. Chiang ultimately ordered General Wei Rulin to blow the dike that held the Yellow River in central Henan. There was no doubt about the consequences: floods would inundate vast areas of central China, creating a waterlogged barrier that would halt the Japanese advance. Yet for the plan to succeed, it had to be carried out quickly, and the government could offer no public warning in case the Japanese detected it and accelerated their movement. Xiong Xianyu, chief of staff in the 8th Division at the time, recorded the urgency of those hours in his diary. The Japanese were already on the north bank of the Yellow River, briefly delayed when the Chinese army blew up the railway bridge across the river. The destruction of the dikes was the next step: if the area became a sea of mud, there would be no way the Japanese could even attempt to reconstruct the bridge. Blasting the dikes proved easier in theory than in practice. Holding back such a massive body of water required substantial engineering, dams thick and well fortified. The army made its first attempts to blow the dike at the small town of Zhaokou between June 4 and 6, 1938, but the structure proved too durable; another nearby attempt failed as well. Hour by hour, the Japanese moved closer. Division commander Jiang Zaizhen asked Xiong Xianyu for his opinion on where they might breach the dams. Xiong wrote “I discussed the topography, and said that two places, Madukou and Huayuankou, were both possible.” But Madukou was too close to Zhaokou, where the breach had already failed, presenting a danger that the Japanese might reach it very soon. The village of Huayuankou, however, lay farther away and on a bend in the river: “To give ourselves enough time, Huayuankou would be best.” At first, the soldiers treated the task as a military engineering assignment, an “exciting” one in Xiong's words. Xiong and Wei Rulin conducted their first site inspection after dark, late on June 6. The surroundings offered a deceptive calm: Xiong recounted “The wind blew softly, and the river water trickled pleasantly.” Yet gauging the water level proved difficult, hampered by murky moonlight and burned-out flashlights. They spent the night in their car to determine precisely where to break the dike as soon as day broke. But daylight seemed to bring home the consequences of what they planned to do, and the soldiers grew increasingly anxious. Wang Songmei, commander of the 2nd Regiment, addressed the workers about to breach the dike: “My brothers, this plan will be of benefit to our country and our nation, and will lessen the harm that is being done to the people.In the future, you'll find good wives and have plenty of children.” Wang's words were meant to reassure the men of the political necessity of their actions and that fate would not, in the traditional Chinese sense, deny them a family because of the enormity of their deeds. General Wei confirmed that Huayuankou was the right spot, and on June 8 the work began, with about 2,000 men taking part. The Nationalist government was eager to ensure rapid progress. Xiong recorded that the “highest authorities”,, kept making telephone calls from Wuhan to check on progress. In addition, the party sent performers to sing and play music to bolster the workers' spirits. Senior General Shang Zhen announced to the laborers that if they breached the dam by midnight on June 8, each would receive 2,000 yuan; if they achieved it by six the next morning, they would still be paid 1,000 yuan. They needed encouragement, for the diggers had no artificial assistance. After the initial failures at Zhaokou, Wei's troops relied entirely on manual labor, with no explosives used. Yet the workers earned their payments, and the dike was breached in just a few hours. On the morning of June 9, Xiong recorded a rapid shift in mood: the atmosphere became tense and solemn. Initially, the river flow was modest, but by about 1:00 p.m. the water surged “fiercely,” flowing “like 10,000 horses.” Looking toward the distance, Xiong felt as though a sea had appeared before him. “My heart ached,” he wrote. The force of the water widened the breach, and a deadly stream hundreds of feet wide comprising about three-quarters of the river's volume—rushed southeast across the central Chinese plains. “We did this to stop the enemy,” Xiong reflected, “so we didn't regret the huge sacrifice, as it was for a greater victory.” Yet he and the other soldiers also saw a grim reality: the troops who had taken on the task of destroying the railway bridge and the dikes could not bear the flood's consequences alone. It would be up to the government and the people of the nation to provide relief for the countless households uprooted by the flood. In fact, the previous evening Commander Jiang had telephoned to request assistance for those flooded out of their homes.   Wei, Xiong, and their troops managed to escape by wooden boats. Hundreds of thousands of farmers trapped in the floods were far less fortunate. Time magazine's correspondent Theodore White reported on the devastation a few days later “Last week “The Ungovernable” [i.e. the Yellow River] lashed out with a flood which promised to change not only its own course but also the course of the whole Sino-Japanese War. Severe breaks in the dikes near Kaifeng sent a five-foot wall of water fanning out over a 500-squaremile area, spreading death. Toll from Yellow River floods is not so much from quick drowning as from gradual disease and starvation. The river's filth settles ankle-deep on the fields, mothering germs, smothering crops. Last week, about 500,000 peasants were driven from 2,000 communities to await rescue or death on whatever dry ground they could find”. Chiang's government had committed one of the grossest acts of violence against its own people, and he knew that the publicity could be a damaging blow to its reputation. He decided to divert blame by announcing that the dike had been broken, but blaming the breach on Japanese aerial bombing. The Japanese, in turn, fiercely denied having bombed the dikes. White's reporting reflected the immediate response of most foreigners; having heard about the atrocities at Nanjing and Xuzhou, he was disinclined to give the Japanese the benefit of the doubt. Furthermore, at the very time that the Yellow River was flooding central China, the Japanese were heavily bombing Guangzhou, causing thousands of casualties. To White, the Japanese counterargument—that the Chinese themselves were responsible, seemed unthinkable: “These accusations, foreign observers thought, were absurd. For the Chinese to check the Japanese advance at possible sacrifice of half a million lives would be a monstrous pyrrhic victory. Besides, dike-cutting is the blackest of Chinese crimes, and the Chinese Army would hardly risk universal censure for slight tactical gains.” But, of course, that is exactly what they had done. During the war the Nationalists never admitted that they, not the Japanese, had breached the dikes. But the truth quickly became widely known. Just a month later, on July 19, US Ambassador Johnson noted, in private communication, that the “Chinese blocked the advance on Chengchow [Zhengzhou] by breaching the Yellow River dikes.” Eventually some 54,000 square kilometers of central China were inundated by the floods. If the Japanese had committed such an act, it would have been remembered as the prime atrocity of the war, dwarfing even the Nanjing Massacre or the Chongqing air raids in terms of the number of people who suffered. Accurate statistics were impossible to obtain in the midst of wartime chaos and disaster, but in 1948 figures issued by the Nationalists themselves suggested enormous casualties: for the three affected provinces of Henan, Anhui, and Jiangsu, the number of dead was put at 844,489, with some 4.8 million becoming refugees. More recent studies place the numbers lower, but still estimate the dead at around 500,000, and 3–5 million refugees. In contrast, the devastating May 1939 air raids on Chongqing killed some thousands. Xiong reflected in his diary that the breaching of the Yellow River dikes was a sacrifice for a greater victory. Even to some Japanese it seemed that the tactic had been successful in the short term: the first secretary at the US Embassy in Wuhan reported that the flood had “completely checked the Japanese advance on Chengchow” and had prevented them taking Wuhan by rail. Instead, he predicted, the attack was likely to come by water and along the north shore of the Yangtze. Supporters of the dike breaches could argue that these acts saved central China and Chiang's headquarters in Wuhan for another five months. The Japanese were indeed prevented from advancing along the Long–Hai railway toward Wuhan. In the short term the floods did what the Nationalists wanted. But the flooding was a tactic, a breathing space, and did not solve the fundamental problem: China's armies needed strong leadership and rapid reform. Some historians suggest that Chiang's decision was pointless anyway, since it merely delayed the inevitable. Theodore White was right: no strategic advantage could make the deaths of 500,000 of China's own people a worthwhile price to pay. However, Chiang Kai-shek's decision can be partly explained, though not excused, by the context. We can now look back at the actions of the Nationalists and argue that they should not have held on to Wuhan, or that their actions in breaching the dam were unjustifiable in the extreme. But for Chiang, in the hot summer of 1938, it seemed his only hope was to deny Japan as much of China for as long as possible and create the best possible circumstances for a long war from China's interior, while keeping the world's attention on what Japan was doing. The short delay won by the flooding was itself part of the strategy. In the struggle raging within the soul of the Nationalist Party, the callous, calculating streak had won, for the time being. The breaking of the dikes marked a turning point as the Nationalists committed an act whose terrible consequences they would eventually have to expiate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In late 1937, China's frontline trembled as Japanese forces closed in on Wuhan. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: endure costly defenses or unleash a desperate gamble. Chiangs' radical plan emerged: breach the Yellow River dikes at Huayuankou to flood central China, buying time. The flood roared, washing villages and futures away, yet slowing the enemy. The battlefield paused, while a nation weighed courage against civilian suffering, victory against devastating costs.

Avouez qu'il est pénible ce petit tremblement dès que la température baisse. Il parcourt le dos, les bras... et n'essayez pas de le contrôler ce satané frisson, c'est impossible car c'est un réflexe. Comme on a froid, nos muscles réagissent automatiquement, ils se contractent et génèrent ainsi de la chaleur qui va nous réchauffer un peu le corps. On peut ainsi avoir plus de 10 contractions par secondes ! Dans "Ah Ouais ?", Florian Gazan répond en une minute chrono à toutes les questions essentielles, existentielles, parfois complètement absurdes, qui vous traversent la tête. Un podcast RTL Originals.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

The Washington Roundtable discusses the President's use of the military for political ends, and the “almost unlimited” powers he would unlock by invoking the Insurrection Act, with Kori Schake, the director of foreign-and-defense-policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute. Donald Trump's decisions—sending the National Guard into American cities over the objections of local leaders and firing Judge Advocate General's Corps lawyers who help determine if an order is legal—send a message to the historically apolitical armed forces. “What he's trying to do is circumvent the disciplined senior leadership and appeal for personal loyalty to the younger, noncommissioned and enlisted soldiers,” Schake says. “The pressure from this Administration—there's been nothing like it since at least the constitutional crisis of 1866-68.” Schake is the author of the forthcoming book “The State and the Soldier: A History of Civil-Military Relations in the United States.” This week's reading: “Trump, the Self-Styled ‘President of PEACE' Abroad, Makes War at Home,” by Susan B. Glasser “Donald Trump, Pete Hegseth, and the ‘War from Within,' ” by Benjamin Wallace-Wells “Nixon Now Looks Restrained,” by Ruth Marcus “Hope and Grief in Israel After the Gaza Ceasefire Deal,” by Ruth Margalit “The Volunteers Tracking ICE in Los Angeles,” by Oren Peleg Tune in wherever you get your podcasts.  Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices

In dieser Folge betreten wir einen Ort, der Außenstehenden normalerweise verborgen bleibt: das Verbindungshaus der Burschenschaft Libertas in Wien. Zwischen Altbauten und Cafés öffnet sich die Tür zu einer Welt voller Rituale und mit einer dunklen Geschichte. Wir treffen den Vorsitzenden der deutschnationalen, schlagenden Verbindung – und erfahren, dass er einst mit Walter Rosenkranz studiert und gefochten hat. Alexis Pascuttini, Aussteiger aus einem schlagenden Corps, erzählt von seinem Alltag in der Verbindung – von strengen Hierarchien, Seilschaften und altertümlichen Bräuchen. Doch was passiert, wenn die Traditionen hinterfragt werden? Und was wird in der Verbindung totgeschwiegen? Wenn ihr jetzt direkt weiterhören möchtet, dann könnt ihr das mit einem SPIEGEL+ Abo. Unter spiegel.de/podcastburschenschaft findet ihr jetzt schon alle fünf Folgen. Dort könnt ihr auch ein Probeabo für 1 Euro pro Woche abschließen. Wenn ihr unter 30 seid, kostet das Probeabo in den ersten 4 Wochen gar nichts. Mit dem Abo hört ihr alle Folgen und könnt das gesamte Angebot von SPIEGEL+ nutzen. Die Macht der Burschenschaften ist eine Produktion von Inside Austria.Moderation, Recherche, Konzept und Skript: Lucia Heisterkamp und Antonia RauthSounddesign und Produktion: Philipp FacklerRedaktionelle Mitarbeit: Colette Schmidt, Veronica HabelaStorytelling: Käthe BergmannRedigatur: Käthe Bergmann, Zsolt Wilhelm und Benjamin Braden Im Podcast »Inside Austria« rekonstruieren der SPIEGEL und der österreichische STANDARD gemeinsam Fälle, Skandale und politische Abgründe in Österreich. Wenn euch unser Podcast gefällt, folgt uns doch und lasst uns ein paar Sterne da. Kritik, Feedback oder Themenideen gerne an insideaustria@spiegel.de oder an podcast@derstandard.at Den Inside Austria Newsletter findet ihr hier: https://www.spiegel.de/thema/die-lage-inside-austria/+++ Alle Infos zu unseren Werbepartnern finden Sie hier. Die SPIEGEL-Gruppe ist nicht für den Inhalt dieser Seite verantwortlich. +++ Den SPIEGEL-WhatsApp-Kanal finden Sie hier. Alle SPIEGEL Podcasts finden Sie hier. Mehr Hintergründe zum Thema erhalten Sie mit SPIEGEL+. Entdecken Sie die digitale Welt des SPIEGEL, unter spiegel.de/abonnieren finden Sie das passende Angebot. Informationen zu unserer Datenschutzerklärung.

Par le Père Roger Hébert, recteur du sanctuaire Notre Dame de Laghet

Aus Burschenschaften dringt wenig nach außen. Sie sind verschworene Männerbünde, die großen Wert auf Diskretion legen. Doch ausgerechnet die Burschenschaft, bei der Walter Rosenkranz Mitglied ist, gewährt uns Einblicke in diese Welt. Und lässt uns sogar dorthin vor, wo blutige Mensuren gefochten werden. Wir treffen den Vorsitzenden der deutschnationalen, schlagenden Verbindung – und erfahren, dass er einst mit Walter Rosenkranz studiert und gefochten hat. Alexis Pascuttini, Aussteiger aus einem schlagenden Corps, erzählt in Folge zwei von seinem Alltag in der Verbindung – von strengen Hierarchien, Seilschaften und merkwürdigen Bräuchen. Doch was passiert, wenn die Traditionen hinterfragt werden? Und was wird in der Verbindung totgeschwiegen? In dieser Folge zu hören: Dieter Derntl (Steuerberater, Obmann Burschenschaft Libertas), Judith Götz (Politikwissenschafterin, Universität Innsbruck), Alexis Pascuttini (Rechtsanwalt, Gemeinderat in Graz, früher FPÖ, heute "Korruptionsfreier Gemeinderatsklub"), Bernhard Weidinger (Politikwissenschafter, Dokumentationsarchiv des österreichischen Widerstands); Moderation und Skript: Lucia Heisterkamp und Antonia Rauth; Redaktion: Käthe Bergmann, Benjamin Braden, Zsolt Wilhelm; Produktion: Philipp Fackler

Join us for a  conversation with author Chas Henry, retired Marine Corps captain and award-winning journalist, as he shares the harrowing story behind Fuji Fire: Sifting Ashes of a Forgotten U.S. Marine Corps Tragedy. On October 19, 1979, a super typhoon struck Camp Fuji, a remote Marine Corps training site on the slopes of Mount Fuji in Japan. Floodwaters from the storm breached a fuel storage area, triggering a gasoline spill that engulfed the camp's Quonset huts—some of which were heated by open-flame kerosene burners. The resulting inferno killed 13 Marines and injured 73 others, most of them grievously burned. It remains the deadliest peacetime accident in Marine Corps history. Our program will feature not only Chas Henry but also two Marines who survived the fire: Mike Cummings, who suffered second- and third-degree burns over 75% of his body. He was medevacked to Brooke Army Medical Center in San Antonio and endured years of grueling treatment and surgeries. David Luttenberger, who escaped the burning hut but visited friends in the burn ward soon after the tragedy. What he witnessed there left a mark deeper than the fire itself. This long-overlooked episode is one of the Corps' most searing stories of sacrifice, resilience, and institutional failure. With deep archival research and firsthand accounts, Fuji Fire uncovers how this “freak accident” happened—and why it was almost forgotten. #FujiFire #MarineCorps #VeteransStories #MilitaryHistory #CampFuji #BurnSurvivor #TyphoonTip #USMC #VBC #ChasHenry #VeteransBreakfastClub #ForgottenHistory We're grateful to UPMC for Life  for sponsoring this event!

Ever been given a ballet correction that just didn't make sense? You're not alone! In this episode, Allie Christensen (founder of Align Fitness and the Dancer Strong platform) joins me to talk about how adult dancers can interpret, understand, and apply the feedback we hear in class. We dive into 3 of the most common corrections (like "don't force your turnout") and explore what they really mean, how to translate them into your own body, and how building strength and awareness outside the studio can make every correction more effective. Whether you're new to ballet or a seasoned adult dancer, this conversation will change the way you receive and apply the feedback you're getting in class.... Let's get into it!Referenced in the episode: Inside Ballet Technique (Amazon Affiliate link)Don't forget to register for Allie's London Intensive for Adults! This event will cover the most requested topics for adult dancers: Alignment, Turnout, Flexibility and Extensions. Each session will include detailed explanations, cross-training exercises, ballet class cues, and hands-on guidance with Allie, followed by a ballet class to implement what you worked on. If you're looking for a chance to really get into the details that will take your dancing to the next level, this is the event for you!Connect with Allie on Instagram @alignfitnessbyallieCheck out the Dancer Strong platformClick below to join the Corps de Ballet

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence.    #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”.  The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught.  Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance.  In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it.  On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy.  Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”.  Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

                                                                                                                                                                                                                      Last time we spoke about the continuation of the war after Nanjing's fall. The fall of Nanjing in December 1937 marked a pivotal juncture in the Second Sino-Japanese War, ushering in a brutal phase of attrition that shaped both strategy and diplomacy in early 1938. As Japanese forces sought to restructure China's political order, their strategy extended beyond battlefield victories to the establishment of puppet arrangements and coercive diplomacy. Soviet aid provided critical support, while German and broader Axis diplomacy wavered, shaping a nuanced backdrop for China's options. In response, Chinese command decisions focused on defending crucial rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Wuhan emerging as a strategic hub and the Jinpu and Longhai railways becoming lifelines of resistance. The defense around Xuzhou and the Huai River system illustrated Chinese determination to prolong resistance despite daunting odds. By early 1938, the war appeared as a drawn-out struggle, with China conserving core bases even as Japan pressed toward central China.   #170 The Battle of Taierzhuang Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Following their victory at Nanjing, the Japanese North China Area Army sought to push southward and link up with the Japanese Eleventh Army between Beijing and Nanjing. The two formations were intended to advance along the northern and southern ends of the JinPu railway, meet at Xuzhou, and then coordinate a pincer movement into Chinese strongholds in the Central Yangtze region, capturing Jiujiang first and then Wuhan. Recognizing Xuzhou's strategic importance, Chinese leadership made its defense a top priority. Xuzhou stood at the midpoint of the JinPu line and at the intersection with the Longhai Line, China's main east–west corridor from Lanzhou to Lianyungang. If seized, Japanese control of these routes would grant mobility for north–south movement across central China. At the end of January, Chiang Kai-shek convened a military conference in Wuchang and declared the defense of Xuzhou the highest strategic objective. Chinese preparations expanded from an initial core of 80,000 troops to about 300,000, deployed along the JinPu and Longhai lines to draw in and overstretch Japanese offensives. A frightening reality loomed by late March 1938: the Japanese were nearing victory on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, led by Generals Itagaki Seishirô, Nishio Toshizô, and Isogai Rensuke, aimed to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under General Hata Shunroku for a coordinated drive into central China. Li Zongren and his senior colleagues, including Generals Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, resolved to meet the Japanese at the traditional stone-walled city of Taierzhuang. Taierzhuang was not large, but it held strategic significance. It sat along the Grand Canal, China's major north–south waterway, and on a rail line that connected the Jinpu and Longhai lines, thus bypassing Xuzhou. Chiang Kai-shek himself visited Xuzhou on March 24. While Xuzhou remained in Chinese hands, the Japanese forces to the north and south were still separated. Losing Xuzhou would close the pincer. By late March, Chinese troops seemed to be gaining ground at Taierzhuang, but the Japanese began reinforcing, pulling soldiers from General Isogai Rensuke's column. The defending commanders grew uncertain about their ability to hold the position, yet Chiang Kai-shek made his stance clear in an April 1, 1938 telegram: “the enemy at Taierzhuang must be destroyed.” Chiang Kai-shek dispatched his Vice Chief of Staff, Bai Chongxi, to Xuzhou in January 1938. Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi were old comrades from the New Guangxi Clique, and their collaboration dated back to the Northern Expedition, including the Battle of Longtan. Li also received the 21st Group Army from the 3rd War Area. This Guangxi unit, commanded by Liao Lei, comprised the 7th and 47th Armies. Around the same time, Sun Zhen's 22nd Group Army, another Sichuan clique unit, arrived in the Shanxi-Henan region, but was rebuffed by both Yan Xishan, then commander of the 2nd War Area and Shanxi's chairman and Cheng Qian, commander of the 1st War Area and Henan's chairman. Yan and Cheng harbored strong reservations about Sichuan units due to discipline issues, notably their rampant opium consumption. Under Sun Zhen's leadership, the 22nd Group Army deployed four of its six divisions to aid the Northern China effort. Organized under the 41st and 45th Armies, the contingent began a foot march toward Taiyuan on September 1, covering more than 50 days and approximately 1,400 kilometers. Upon reaching Shanxi, they faced a harsh, icy winter and had no winter uniforms or even a single map of the province. They nevertheless engaged the Japanese for ten days at Yangquan, suffering heavy casualties. Strapped for supplies, they broke into a Shanxi clique supply depot, which enraged Yan Xishan and led to their expulsion from the province. The 22nd withdrew westward into the 1st War Area, only to have its request for resupply rejected by Cheng Qian. Meanwhile to the south Colonel Rippei Ogisu led Japanese 13th Division to push westward from Nanjing in two columns during early February: the northern column targeted Mingguang, while the southern column aimed for Chuxian. Both routes were checked by Wei Yunsong's 31st Army, which had been assigned to defend the southern stretch of the Jinpu railway under Li Zongren. Despite facing a clearly inferior force, the Japanese could not gain ground after more than a month of sustained attacks. In response, Japan deployed armored and artillery reinforcements from Nanjing. The Chinese withdrew to the southwestern outskirts of Dingyuan to avoid a direct clash with their reinforced adversaries. By this point, Yu Xuezhong's 51st Army had taken up a defensive position on the northern banks of the Huai River, establishing a line between Bengbu and Huaiyuan. The Japanese then captured Mingguang, Dingyuan, and Bengbu in succession and pressed toward Huaiyuan. However, their supply lines were intercepted by the Chinese 31st Corps, which conducted flanking attacks from the southwest. The situation worsened when the Chinese 7th Army, commanded by Liao Lei, arrived at Hefei to reinforce the 31st Army. Facing three Chinese corps simultaneously, the Japanese were effectively boxed south of the Huai River and, despite air superiority and a superior overall firepower, could not advance further. As a result, the Chinese thwarted the Japanese plan to move the 13th Division north along the Jinpu railway and link up with the Isogai 10th Division to execute a pincer against Xuzhou. Meanwhile in the north, after amphibious landings at Qingdao, the Japanese 5th Division, commanded by Seishiro Itagaki, advanced southwest along the Taiwei Highway, spearheaded by its 21st Infantry Brigade. They faced Pang Bingxun's 3rd Group Army. Although labeled a Group Army, Pang's force actually comprised only the 40th Army, which itself consisted of the 39th Division from the Northwestern Army, commanded by Ma-Fawu. The 39th Division's five regiments delayed the Japanese advance toward Linyi for over a month. The Japanese captured Ju County on 22 February and moved toward Linyi by 2 March. The 59th Army, commanded by Zhang Zizhong, led its troops on a forced march day and night toward Linyi. Seizing the opportunity, the 59th Army did not rest after reaching Yishui. In the early morning of the 14th, Zhang Zizhong ordered the entire army to covertly cross the Yishui River and attack the right flank of the Japanese “Iron Army” 5th Division. They broke through enemy defenses at Tingzitou, Dataiping, Shenjia Taiping, Xujia Taiping, and Shalingzi. Initially caught off guard, the enemy sustained heavy losses, and over a night more than a thousand Japanese soldiers were annihilated. The 59th Army fought fiercely, engaging in brutal hand-to-hand combat. By 4:00 a.m. on the 17th, the 59th Army had secured all of the Japanese main positions. That same day, Pang Bingxun seized the moment to lead his troops in a fierce flank attack, effectively supporting the 59th Army's frontal assault. On the 18th, Zhang and Pang's forces attacked the Japanese from the east, south, and west. After three days and nights of bloody fighting, they finally defeated the 3rd Battalion of the 11th Regiment, which had crossed the river, and annihilated most of it. The 59th Army completed its counterattack but suffered over 6,000 casualties, with more than 2,000 Japanese killed or wounded. News of the Linyi victory prompted commendations from Chiang Kai-shek and Li Zongren. General Li Zongren, commander of the 5th War Zone, judged that the Japanese were temporarily unable to mount a large-scale offensive and that Linyi could be held for the time being. On March 20, he ordered the 59th Army westward to block the Japanese Seya Detachment. On March 21, the Japanese Sakamoto Detachment, after a brief reorganization and learning of the Linyi detachment, launched another offensive. The 3rd Corps, understrength and without reinforcements, was compelled to retreat steadily before the Japanese. General Pang Bingxun, commander of the 3rd Corps, urgently telegraphed Chiang Kai-shek, requesting reinforcements. Chiang Kai-shek received the telegram and, at approximately 9:00 AM on the 23rd, ordered the 59th Army to return to Linyi to join with the 3rd Corps in repelling the Sakamoto Detachment. Fierce fighting ensued with heavy Chinese losses, and the situation in Linyi again grew precarious. At a critical moment, the 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division and the Cavalry Regiment of the 13th Army were rushed to reinforce Linyi. Facing attacks from two directions, the Japanese withdrew, losing almost two battalions in the process. This engagement shattered the myth of Japanese invincibility and embarrassed commander Seishirō Itagaki, even startling IJA headquarters. Although the 5th Division later regrouped and attempted another push, it had lost the element of surprise. The defeat at Linyi at the hands of comparatively poorly equipped Chinese regional units set the stage for the eventual battle at Tai'erzhuang. Of the three Japanese divisions advancing into the Chinese 5th War Area, the 10th Division, commanded by Rensuke Isogai, achieved the greatest initial success. Departing from Hebei, it crossed the Yellow River and moved south along the Jinpu railway. With KMT General Han Fuju ordering his forces to desert their posts, the Japanese captured Zhoucun and reached Jinan with little resistance. They then pushed south along two columns from Tai'an. The eastern column captured Mengyin before driving west to seize Sishui; the western column moved southwest along the Jinpu railway, capturing Yanzhou, Zouxian, and Jining, before turning northwest to take Wenshang. Chiang Kai-shek subsequently ordered Li Zongren to employ “offensive defense”, seizing the initiative to strike rather than merely defend. Li deployed Sun Zhen's 22nd Group Army to attack Zouxian from the south, while Pang Bingxun's 40th Division advanced north along the 22nd's left flank to strike Mengyin and Sishui. Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Group Army also advanced from the south, delivering a two-pronged assault on the Japanese at Jining. Fierce fighting from 12 to 25 February, particularly by the 12th Corps, helped mitigate the reputational damage previously inflicted on Shandong units by Han Fuju. In response to Chinese counterattacks, the Japanese revised their strategy: they canceled their original plan to push directly westward from Nanjing toward Wuhan, freeing more troops for the push toward Xuzhou. On March 15, the Japanese 10th Division struck the Chinese 122nd Division, focusing the action around Tengxian and Lincheng. Chinese reinforcements from the 85th Corps arrived the following day but were driven back on March 17. With air support, tanks, and heavy artillery, the Japanese breached the Chinese lines on March 18. The remaining Chinese forces, bolstered by the 52nd Corps, withdrew to the town of Yixian. The Japanese attacked Yixian and overran an entire Chinese regiment in a brutal 24-hour engagement. By March 19, the Japanese began advancing on the walled town of Taierzhuang. To counter the Japanese advance, the Chinese 2nd Army Group under General Sun Lianzhong was deployed to Taierzhuang. The 31st Division, commanded by General Chi Fengcheng, reached Taierzhuang on March 22 and was ordered to delay the Japanese advance until the remainder of the Army Group could arrive. On March 23, the 31st Division sallied from Taierzhuang toward Yixian, where they were engaged by two Japanese battalions reinforced with three tanks and four armored cars. The Chinese troops occupied a series of hills and managed to defend against a Japanese regiment (~3,000 men) for the rest of the day. On March 24, a Japanese force of about 5,000 attacked the 31st Division. Another Japanese unit pressed the Chinese from Yixian, forcing them to withdraw back into Taierzhuang itself. The Japanese then assaulted the town, with a 300-strong contingent breaching the northeast gate at 20:00. They were subsequently driven back toward the Chenghuang temple, which the Chinese set on fire, annihilating the Japanese force. The next day, the Japanese renewed the assault through the breached gate and secured the eastern portion of the district, while also breaking through the northwest corner from the outside and capturing the Wenchang Pavilion. On March 25, a morning Japanese onslaught was repelled. The Japanese then shelled Chinese positions with artillery and air strikes. In the afternoon, the Chinese deployed an armored train toward Yixian, which ambushed a column of Japanese soldiers near a hamlet, killing or wounding several dozen before retreating back to Taierzhuang. By nightfall, three thousand Chinese troops launched a night assault, pushing the Japanese lines northeast to dawn. The following three days subjected the Chinese defenders to sustained aerial and artillery bombardment. The Chinese managed to repulse several successive Japanese assaults but sustained thousands of casualties in the process. On March 28, Chinese artillery support arrived, including two 155 mm and ten 75 mm pieces. On the night of March 29, the Japanese finally breached the wall. Setting out from the district's southern outskirts, a Chinese assault squad stormed the Wenchang Pavilion from the south and east, killing nearly the entire Japanese garrison aside from four taken as prisoners of war. The Chinese then retook the northwest corner of the district. Even by the brutal standards already established in the war, the fighting at Taierzhuang was fierce, with combatants facing one another at close quarters. Sheng Cheng's notes preserve the battlefield memories of Chi Fengcheng, one of the campaign's standout officers “We had a battle for the little lanes [of the town], and unprecedentedly, not just streets and lanes, but even courtyards and houses. Neither side was willing to budge. Sometimes we'd capture a house, and dig a hole in the wall to approach the enemy. Sometimes the enemy would be digging a hole in the same wall at the same time. Sometimes we faced each other with hand grenades — or we might even bite each other. Or when we could hear that the enemy was in the house, then we'd climb the roof and drop bombs inside — and kill them all.” The battle raged for a week. On April 1, General Chi requested volunteers for a near-suicide mission to seize a building: among fifty-seven selected, only ten survived. A single soldier claimed to have fired on a Japanese bomber and succeeded in bringing it down; he and his comrades then set the aircraft ablaze before another plane could arrive to rescue the pilot. One participant described the brutal conditions of the battle “"The battle continued day and night. The flames lit up the sky. Often all that separated our forces was a single wall. The soldiers would beat holes in the masonry to snipe at each other. We would be fighting for days over a single building, causing dozens of fatalities." The conditions were so brutal that Chinese officers imposed severe measures to maintain discipline. Junior officers were repeatedly forbidden to retreat and were often ordered to personally replace casualties within their ranks. Li Zongren even warned Tang Enbo that failure to fulfill his duties would lead him to be “treated as Han Fuju had been.” In Taierzhuang's cramped streets, Japan's artillery and air superiority offered little advantage; whenever either service was employed amid the dense melee, casualties were roughly even on both sides. The fighting devolved into close-quarters combat carried out primarily by infantry, with rifles, pistols, hand grenades, bayonets, and knives forming the core of each side's arsenal. The battle unfolded largely hand-to-hand, frequently in darkness. The stone buildings of Taierzhuang provided substantial cover from fire and shrapnel. It was precisely under these close-quarters conditions that Chinese soldiers could stand as equals, if not superior, to their Japanese opponents, mirroring, in some respects, the experiences seen in Luodian, Shanghai, the year before. On March 31, General Sun Lianzhong arrived to assume command of the 2nd Army Group. A Japanese assault later that day was repulsed, but a Chinese counterattack also stalled. At 04:00 on April 1, the Japanese attacked the Chinese lines with support from 11 tanks. The Chinese defenders, armed with German-made 37mm Pak-36 antitank guns, destroyed eight of the armored vehicles at point-blank range. Similar incidents recurred throughout the battle, with numerous Japanese tanks knocked out by Chinese artillery and by suicide squads. In one engagement, Chinese suicide bombers annihilated four Japanese tanks with bundles of grenades. On April 2 and 3, Chi urged the Chinese defenders around Taierzhuang's north station to assess the evolving situation. The troops reported distress, crying and sneezing, caused by tear gas deployed by the Japanese against Chinese positions at Taierzhuang's north station, but the defenders remained unmoved. They then launched a massive armored assault outside the city walls, with 30 tanks and 60 armored cars, yet managed only to drive the Chinese 27th Division back to the Grand Canal. The fighting continued to rage on April 4 and 5. By then, the Japanese had captured roughly two-thirds of Taierzhuang, though the Chinese still held the South Gate. It was through this entry point that the Chinese command managed to keep their troops supplied. The Chinese also thwarted Japanese efforts to replenish their dwindling stocks of arms and ammunition. In consequence, the Japanese attackers were worn down progressively. Although the Japanese possessed superior firepower, including cannon and heavy artillery, the cramped conditions within Taierzhuang nullified this advantage for the moment. The Chinese command succeeded in keeping their own supplies flowing, a recurring weakness in other engagements and also prevented the Japanese from replenishing their dwindling stock of arms and bullets. Gradually, the Japanese maneuvered into a state of attrition. The deadlock of the battle was broken by events unfolding outside Taierzhuang, where fresh Chinese divisions had encircled the Japanese forces in Taierzhuang from the flanks and rear. After consulting their German advisors earlier, the commanders of the 5th War Area prepared a double envelopment of the exposed Japanese forces in Taierzhuang. Between March and April 1938, the Nationalist Air Force deployed squadrons from the 3rd and 4th Pursuit Groups, fighter-attack aircraft, in long-distance air interdiction and close-air support of the Taierzhuang operations. Approximately 30 aircraft, mostly Soviet-made, were deployed in bombing raids against Japanese positions. On 26 March, Tang Enbo's 20th Army, equipped with artillery units, attacked Japanese forces at Yixian, inflicting heavy casualties and routing the survivors. Tang then swung south to strike the Japanese flank northeast of Taierzhuang. Simultaneously, the Chinese 55th Corps, comprised of two divisions, executed a surprise crossing of the Grand Canal and cut the railway line near Lincheng. As a result, Tang isolated the Japanese attackers from their rear and severed their supply lines. On 1 April, the Japanese 5th Division sent a brigade to relieve the encircled 10th Division. Tang countered by blocking the brigade's advance and then attacking from the rear, driving them south into the encirclement. On 3 April, the Chinese 2nd Group Army launched a counter-offensive, with the 30th and 110th Divisions pushing northward into Beiluo and Nigou, respectively. By 6 April, the Chinese 85th and 52nd Armies linked up at Taodun, just west of Lanling. The combined force then advanced north-westward, capturing Ganlugou. Two more Chinese divisions arrived a few days later. By April 5, Taierzhuang's Japanese units were fully surrounded, with seven Chinese divisions to the north and four to the south closing in. The Japanese divisions inside Taierzhuang had exhausted their supplies, running critically low on ammunition, fuel, and food, while many troops endured fatigue and dehydration after more than a week of brutal fighting. Sensing imminent victory, the Chinese forces surged with renewed fury and attacked the encircled Japanese, executing wounded soldiers where they lay with rifle and pistol shots. Chinese troops also deployed Soviet tanks against the defenders. Japanese artillery could not reply effectively due to a shortage of shells, and their tanks were immobilized by a lack of fuel. Attempts to drop supplies by air failed, with most packages falling into Chinese hands. Over time, Japanese infantry were progressively reduced to firing only their machine guns and mortars, then their rifles and machine guns, and ultimately resorted to bayonet charges. With the success of the Chinese counter-attacks, the Japanese line finally collapsed on April 7. The 10th and 5th Divisions, drained of personnel and ammunition, were forced to retreat. By this point, around 2,000 Japanese soldiers managed to break out of Taierzhuang, leaving thousands of their comrades dead behind. Some of the escapees reportedly committed hara-kiri. Chinese casualties were roughly comparable, marking a significant improvement over the heavier losses suffered in Shanghai and Nanjing. The Japanese had lost the battle for numerous reasons. Japanese efforts were hampered by the "offensive-defensive" operations carried out by various Chinese regional units, effectively preventing the three Japanese divisions from ever linking up with each other. Despite repeated use of heavy artillery, air strikes, and gas, the Japanese could not expel the Chinese 2nd Group Army from Taierzhuang and its surrounding areas, even as the defenders risked total annihilation. The Japanese also failed to block the Chinese 20th Group Army's maneuver around their rear positions, which severed retreat routes and enabled a Chinese counter-encirclement. After Han Fuju's insubordination and subsequent execution, the Chinese high command tightened discipline at the top, transmitting a stringent order flow down to the ranks. This atmosphere of strict discipline inspired even junior soldiers to risk their lives in executing orders. A “dare-to-die corps” was effectively employed against Japanese units. They used swords and wore suicide vests fashioned from grenades. Due to a lack of anti-armor weaponry, suicide bombing was also employed against the Japanese. Chinese troops, as part of the “dare-to-die” corps, strapped explosives such as grenade packs or dynamite to their bodies and charged at Japanese tanks to blow them up.  The Chinese later asserted that about 20,000 Japanese had perished, though the actual toll was likely closer to 8,000. The Japanese also sustained heavy material losses. Because of fuel shortages and their rapid retreat, many tanks, trucks, and artillery pieces were abandoned on the battlefield and subsequently captured by Chinese forces. Frank Dorn recorded losses of 40 tanks, over 70 armored cars, and 100 trucks of various sizes. In addition to vehicles, the Japanese lost dozens of artillery pieces and thousands of machine guns and rifles. Many of these weapons were collected by the Chinese for future use. The Chinese side also endured severe casualties, possibly up to 30,000, with Taierzhuang itself nearly razed. Yet for once, the Chinese achieved a decisive victory, sparking an outburst of joy across unoccupied China. Du Zhongyuan wrote of “the glorious killing of the enemy,” and even Katharine Hand, though isolated in Japanese-controlled Shandong, heard the news. The victory delivered a much-needed morale boost to both the army and the broader population. Sheng Cheng recorded evening conversations with soldiers from General Chi Fengcheng's division, who shared light-hearted banter with their senior officer. At one moment, the men recalled Chi as having given them “the secret of war. when you get food, eat it; when you can sleep, take it.” Such familiar, brisk maxims carried extra resonance now that the Nationalist forces had demonstrated their willingness and ability to stand their ground rather than retreat. The victors may have celebrated a glorious victory, but they did not forget that their enemies were human. Chi recalled a scene he encountered: he had picked up a Japanese officer's helmet, its left side scorched by gunpowder, with a trace of blood, the mark of a fatal wound taken from behind. Elsewhere in Taierzhuang, relics of the fallen were found: images of the Buddha, wooden fish, and flags bearing slogans. A makeshift crematorium in the north station had been interrupted mid-process: “Not all the bones had been completely burned.” After the battle, Li Zongren asked Sheng if he had found souvenirs on the battlefield. Sheng replied that he had discovered love letters on the corpses of Japanese soldiers, as well as a photograph of a girl, perhaps a hometown sweetheart labeled “19 years old, February 1938.” These details stood in stark contrast to news coverage that depicted the Japanese solely as demons, devils, and “dwarf bandits.” The foreign community noted the new, optimistic turn of events and the way it seemed to revive the resistance effort. US ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote to Secretary of State Cordell Hull from Wuhan just days after Taierzhuang, passing on reports from American military observers: one had spent time in Shanxi and been impressed by Communist success in mobilizing guerrilla fighters against the Japanese; another had spent three days observing the fighting at Taierzhuang and confirmed that “Chinese troops in the field there won a well-deserved victory over Japanese troops, administering the first defeat that Japanese troops have suffered in the field in modern times.” This reinforced Johnson's view that Japan would need to apply far more force than it had anticipated to pacify China. He noted that the mood in unoccupied China had likewise shifted. “Conditions here at Hankow have changed from an atmosphere of pessimism to one of dogged optimism. The Government is more united under Chiang and there is a feeling that the future is not entirely hopeless due to the recent failure of Japanese arms at Hsuchow [Xuzhou] . . . I find no evidence for a desire for a peace by compromise among  Chinese, and doubt whether the Government could persuade its army or its people to accept such a peace. The spirit of resistance is slowly spreading among the people who are awakening to a feeling that this is their war. Japanese air raids in the interior and atrocities by Japanese soldiers upon civilian populations are responsible for this stiffening of the people.”. The British had long been wary of Chiang Kai-shek, but Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, the British ambassador in China, wrote to the new British foreign secretary, Lord Halifax, on April 29, 1938, shortly after the Taierzhuang victory, and offered grudging credit to China's leader “[Chiang] has now become the symbol of Chinese unity, which he himself has so far failed to achieve, but which the Japanese are well on the way to achieving for him . . . The days when Chinese people did not care who governed them seem to have gone . . . my visit to Central China from out of the gloom and depression of Shanghai has left me stimulated and more than disposed to believe that provided the financial end can be kept up Chinese resistance may be so prolonged and effective that in the end the Japanese effort may be frustrated . . . Chiang Kai-shek is obstinate and difficult to deal with . . . Nonetheless [the Nationalists] are making in their muddlIn the exhilaration of a rare victory”. Chiang pressured Tang and Li to build on their success, increasing the area's troop strength to about 450,000. Yet the Chinese Army remained plagued by deeper structural issues. The parochialism that had repeatedly hampered Chiang's forces over the past six months resurfaced. Although the various generals had agreed to unite in a broader war of resistance, each prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of any move by Chiang to centralize power. For example, Li Zongren refrained from utilizing his top Guangxi forces at Taierzhuang, attempting to shift the bulk of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's units. The generals were aware of the fates of two colleagues: Han Fuju of Shandong was executed for his refusal to fight, while Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria had allowed Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army and ended up under house arrest. They were justified in distrusting Chiang. He truly believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a national military command led by himself. From a national-unity standpoint, Chiang's aim was not unreasonable. But it bred suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would erode their own power. The fragmented command structure also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off a good job of things in extremely difficult circumstances. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Chinese victory at the battle of Tairzhuang was a much needed morale boost after the long string of defeats to Japan. As incredible as it was however, it would amount to merely a bloody nose for the Imperial Japanese Army. Now Japan would unleash even more devastation to secure Xuzhou and ultimately march upon Wuhan.

Oscar and Carl discuss Green Lantern, asking questions such as: How do you make a film where the lead character fears nothing? How far away is the Corps from Earth? Did they overdo it with Peter Sarsgaard's head? And is it really Peter who has Taylor Swift's red scarf? All this, along with the ultimate question: Who would watch this?If you have any questions or requests, send them to askwwwtpodcast@gmail.com Find us through: YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@whowouldwatchthis Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/whowouldwatchthis/ TikTok: @podcastwhowouldwatchthis Letterboxd: Carl: https://letterboxd.com/carlllllllllll1/Oscar: https://letterboxd.com/oscarfart/ More links: https://linktr.ee/whowouldwatchthis

How S-Corps Save $$$

Called to Change One Life at a Time!

There's a growing call for mandatory national service in Canada — asking 18- to 30-year-olds to spend a year in public health, the environment, youth services, civil protection, or the military. Esprit de Corps editor Scott Taylor says it could strengthen citizenship and even help the Armed Forces. Policy expert David McLaughlin argues it's a way to build unity but warns it won't come cheap. Seventeen-year-old Jaden Braves pushes back, saying young people need to shape the program themselves.

      Can AI transcend its role from a mere tool to a pivotal player in healthcare transformation? Join us as we engage in a compelling conversation with retired Navy Captain and cardiothoracic surgeon Dr. Hassan Tetteh, a vanguard in clinical informatics and artificial intelligence. We unravel AI's metamorphosis within military and federal healthcare systems, spotlighting its evolution from an unseen assistant to a dynamic co-pilot in the field of medicine. Discover how AI is becoming integral in tasks such as medical note-taking, sepsis detection, and the groundbreaking realm of robotic surgeries, including the historic first fully robotic heart transplant.        Our discussion delves deeper into the profound impact of AI on military and Veterans Affairs medicine. Witness how AI is revolutionizing combat zone triage, telemedicine, and damage control resuscitation, offering unprecedented medical support in austere environments. We explore AI's potential to empower medical professionals with virtual platforms and wearable devices, as well as the innovative deployment of life-saving resources via drones. Dr. Tetteh sheds light on how AI is addressing critical issues in the VA system, tackling challenges like suicide, mental health, and traumatic brain injuries, and reshaping healthcare for military personnel and veterans alike.      Balancing innovation with caution, we also navigate the ethical and regulatory complexities that accompany the integration of AI into healthcare. Highlighting the strategic collaboration between the Warfighter Health Mission and the VA, we explore how AI and electronic health records leverage data to provide crucial health insights. The conversation highlights the transformative potential of AI while emphasizing the importance of data integrity and the need for ongoing learning among healthcare professionals. As we chart the future of AI in healthcare, this episode serves as both a guide and a clarion call for adaptability and leadership in an age of rapid technological advancement. Episode Support: A generous educational grant from HumanCare Technologies Inc. supported the episode. Chapters: (00:05) AI Impact on Healthcare Transformation (13:12) Advancements in Military and VA Medicine (20:42) Data Privacy and AI in Healthcare (30:25) Military Medicine and AI Impact (37:18) Evolution of Healthcare Roles With AI (52:04) Path to AI Adoption in Healthcare (01:00:17) National Security and AI   Chapter Summaries: (00:05) AI Impact on Healthcare Transformation AI is transforming healthcare, aiding in tasks from notes to surgery, and has strategic importance for national security.   (13:12) Advancements in Military and VA Medicine AI has transformative potential in military medicine, enhancing care delivery in combat zones and remote settings, and addressing challenges in the VA system.   (20:42) Data Privacy and AI in Healthcare AI and electronic health records aid in addressing health challenges for military personnel and veterans, including suicide prevention and improving healthcare delivery.   (30:25) Military Medicine and AI Impact AI has transformative potential in healthcare, digitizing and de-identifying pathology slides and utilizing radiologic data for improved patient outcomes.   (37:18) Evolution of Healthcare Roles With AI Nature's evolving healthcare professions adapt to AI, emphasizing continuous learning and the role of human decision commanders.   (52:04) Path to AI Adoption in Healthcare AI in healthcare: FDA's adaptation, adoption curve, data literacy, upskilling, and transformative potential for efficient solutions.   (01:00:17) National Security and AI AI is a transformative technology with global implications, and the US should lead in its development.   Take Home Messages: AI as a Co-Pilot in Healthcare: Artificial intelligence is transitioning from an invisible assistant to a critical co-pilot in both military and VA healthcare settings. Its applications range from assisting in robotic surgeries to providing real-time decision support at the bedside, illustrating its potential to enhance medical practices and patient care significantly. Transformative Impact on Military Medicine: AI is revolutionizing military healthcare by improving combat triage, telemedicine, and remote resuscitation. This technology enables life-saving innovations such as drone deployments and advanced wearables, which are crucial in delivering care in challenging environments. AI's Role in Addressing Veterans' Health Challenges: Within the Veterans Affairs system, AI is being leveraged to tackle pressing issues such as mental health challenges, suicide prevention, and traumatic brain injuries. The integration of AI-driven insights from electronic health records is paving the way for improved healthcare delivery and patient outcomes. The Ethical and Regulatory Landscape of AI in Healthcare: As AI continues to integrate into healthcare, it is essential to address ethical considerations and regulatory challenges. Balancing innovation with regulation is crucial to maintaining leadership in AI technology, ensuring data integrity, and fostering continuous learning among healthcare professionals. Evolving Roles in Healthcare Professions: The integration of AI is prompting a shift in healthcare roles, where professionals are evolving into "decision commanders" equipped with enhanced information to make better decisions. This transformation underscores the importance of adaptability and continuous learning to keep pace with technological advancements in the field.   Episode Keywords: AI in military healthcare, Dr. Hassan Tetteh, robotic heart transplants, autonomous surgeries, combat triage, telemedicine, veteran mental health, suicide prevention, traumatic brain injuries, Warfighter Health Mission, electronic health records, data privacy in healthcare, ethical AI in medicine, medical decision-making, healthcare technology, AI integration, healthcare innovation, national security and AI, AI advancements in medicine   Hashtags: #MilitaryHealthcare #AIRevolution #VeteranWellbeing #AIinMedicine #CombatMedicine #HealthcareInnovation #VAHealthcare #AIFuture #TechInHealthcare #MedicalAdvancements   Honoring the Legacy and Preserving the History of Military Medicine The WarDocs Mission is to honor the legacy, preserve the oral history, and showcase career opportunities, unique expeditionary experiences, and achievements of Military Medicine. We foster patriotism and pride in Who we are, What we do, and, most importantly, How we serve Our Patients, the DoD, and Our Nation.   Find out more and join Team WarDocs at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/ Check our list of previous guest episodes at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/our-guests Subscribe and Like our Videos on our YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast Listen to the “What We Are For” Episode 47. https://bit.ly/3r87Afm   WarDocs- The Military Medicine Podcast is a Non-Profit, Tax-exempt-501(c)(3) Veteran Run Organization run by volunteers. All donations are tax-deductible and go to honoring and preserving the history, experiences, successes, and lessons learned in Military Medicine. A tax receipt will be sent to you. WARDOCS documents the experiences, contributions, and innovations of all military medicine Services, ranks, and Corps who are affectionately called "Docs" as a sign of respect, trust, and confidence on and off the battlefield,demonstrating dedication to the medical care of fellow comrades in arms.     Follow Us on Social Media Twitter: @wardocspodcast Facebook: WarDocs Podcast Instagram: @wardocspodcast LinkedIn: WarDocs-The Military Medicine Podcast YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast

What happens when two professional ballet dancers decide to shake up traditional dancewear with a mix of honesty, humor, and bold design? Enter Barre Trash...In this episode I talk to the founders, Lucas & Louis, about the story behind the name Barre Trash, how the brand speaks to dancers who feel outside the mold, and how adults are changing ballet culture for the better. We also dig into the realities of going from dancers to dancewear creators, their favorite designs to wear to class, and their vision for Barre Trash in the years ahead.For adult dancers especially, this episode is full of encouragement, laughs, and reminders that you do belong in ballet. Tune in to hear how Barre Trash is keeping ballet real, relatable, and a little less serious.

Bulletin d´informations. "Gendarmerie nationale, vos papiers s´il vous plait!". En France, nous connaissons bien cette petite phrase lorsque les gens d´armes en bleu ciel nous arretent. En Slovaquie, cela n´existait pas jusqu´á maintenant. En effet, depuis le 1er juillet, le Corps de gendarmerie slovaque vient de se créer mais cela ne se fait pas sans difficultés.

Join the Veterans Breakfast Club for an unforgettable evening with Colonel John R. Bates, USMC (Ret.), whose extraordinary 39-year career in the United States Marine Corps (1966–2005) spans three wars, five decades, and a lifetime of service defined by courage, conviction, and grit. Col. Bates enlisted in the Marine Corps in 1966, dropping out of college to join the fight in Vietnam. There, as a young infantryman with Company G, 2nd Battalion, 5th Marines, he endured some of the most harrowing combat of the war—earning three Purple Hearts for wounds suffered in battle. The first came when he was struck in the chest by machine-gun fire—“like standing over home plate with Mark McGwire swinging for the fences,” he recalls. The second came from a hand grenade explosion that drove searing shrapnel into his leg. The third was the most brutal: he fell into a North Vietnamese punji pit and was impaled through the foot by a three-foot bamboo stake, coated with water buffalo manure to ensure infection. After spending 23 days in intensive care, Bates defied medical orders, walked out of the hospital in a pair of boots and a hospital gown, caught a ride to the airfield, and returned to his platoon—still spitting up blood. “They needed more trigger-pullers,” he said simply. But the Marine Corps discharged him less than two years into his enlistment due to the severity of his wounds. He refused to stay out. Over the next seven years, Bates earned a bachelor's and two master's degrees while working as a brakeman, heavy equipment operator, and substitute teacher. All the while, he trained daily to prove he still had what it took to wear the uniform. He submitted five applications for readmission to the Corps—finally earning acceptance in 1975, not by sympathy, but by sheer persistence. “Quite honestly, I think I wore them down,” he said. As an officer, Col. Bates served around the globe, including in Operation Desert Storm and Operation Iraqi Freedom. He held numerous command positions, culminating in a dramatic parachute landing into his own retirement ceremony in 2005 at Camp Pendleton. Along the way, he promoted his own son to the rank of Marine captain, honoring a legacy of service that began with his father, Leland Bates, who flew 51 combat missions in World War II. We're grateful to UPMC for Life  for sponsoring this event!

Pourquoi notre cerveau est si glouton ? Pourquoi c'est souvent un lundi que le cœur nous lâche ? Comment nos os se reconstruisent tout au long de notre vie ? Et pourquoi l'urine est-elle jaune ? Quand la science éclaire les petits et grands mystères du corps humain... Explorons le corps humain, notre corps et ses mystères, à la lumière de la science et des plus récentes découvertes qui ont permis de lever le voile sur des questions aussi essentielles qu'étonnantes et jusqu'alors énigmatiques.  Pourquoi notre cerveau est si glouton ? Sommes-nous à moitié virus ?  Pourquoi est-ce souvent un lundi que le cœur nous lâche ? Pourquoi l'urine est-elle jaune ? Et pour quelle raison les cheveux deviennent-ils blancs ? À quoi sert la masturbation ? 50 petits et grands mystères du corps humain décryptés par nos invités. Avec Nicolas Gutierrez (journaliste scientifique, ancien chercheur biologie cellulaire) et Olivier Lascar (ingénieur, journaliste et illustrateur) pour l'ouvrage 50 petits et grands mystères du corps humain paru chez Vuibert. Musiques diffusées pendant l'émission  Vincent Malone - Le corps humain Gildaa - Tout pour plaire (Playlist RFI).

Pourquoi notre cerveau est si glouton ? Pourquoi c'est souvent un lundi que le cœur nous lâche ? Comment nos os se reconstruisent tout au long de notre vie ? Et pourquoi l'urine est-elle jaune ? Quand la science éclaire les petits et grands mystères du corps humain... Explorons le corps humain, notre corps et ses mystères, à la lumière de la science et des plus récentes découvertes qui ont permis de lever le voile sur des questions aussi essentielles qu'étonnantes et jusqu'alors énigmatiques.  Pourquoi notre cerveau est si glouton ? Sommes-nous à moitié virus ?  Pourquoi est-ce souvent un lundi que le cœur nous lâche ? Pourquoi l'urine est-elle jaune ? Et pour quelle raison les cheveux deviennent-ils blancs ? À quoi sert la masturbation ? 50 petits et grands mystères du corps humain décryptés par nos invités. Avec Nicolas Gutierrez (journaliste scientifique, ancien chercheur biologie cellulaire) et Olivier Lascar (ingénieur, journaliste et illustrateur) pour l'ouvrage 50 petits et grands mystères du corps humain paru chez Vuibert. Musiques diffusées pendant l'émission  Vincent Malone - Le corps humain Gildaa - Tout pour plaire (Playlist RFI).

durée : 00:05:44 - Le Grand Reportage - par : Aurélie Kieffer - 75 ans après l'invasion du Tibet par la Chine, la culture tibétaine continue de vivre et de se propager. Même si le soutien du Tibet et de sa cause est passé de mode, la défense de cette culture reste un combat pour certains, comme pour les membres de l'association LHAKAR France. - réalisation : Annie Brault

À bord du "Renard 9-6-5", sous le soleil de l'été, la police genevoise de la navigation s'approche des adeptes de la baignade pour distiller ses conseils de prévention. En cas de noyades mortelles, une quinzaine par année en moyenne dans le canton, la brigade a pour mission de retrouver les corps. Reportages : Jonas Pool Réalisation : Jean-Daniel Mottet Production : Raphaële Bouchet

durée : 00:58:25 - Mauvais genres - par : François Angelier - Deux récits graphiques vertigineux, signés Nine Antico et Fanny Michaëlis, pour narrer la dramaturgie érotique et psychique de son corps et de son être-au-monde. - réalisation : Laurent Paulré - invités : Nine Antico Autrice de bande dessinée, cinéaste et illustratrice; Fanny Michaëlis Illustratrice, autrice de bande dessinée et musicienne

durée : 00:58:25 - Mauvais genres - par : François Angelier - Deux récits graphiques vertigineux, signés Nine Antico et Fanny Michaëlis, pour narrer la dramaturgie érotique et psychique de son corps et de son être-au-monde. - réalisation : Laurent Paulré - invités : Nine Antico Autrice de bande dessinée, cinéaste et illustratrice; Fanny Michaëlis Illustratrice, autrice de bande dessinée et musicienne

Ils ont aimé envers et contre tout. Malgré la maladie, malgré la destruction. Dans ces récits bouleversants, l'amour flirte avec la folie : quand on aime trop, ou qu'on aime quelqu'un qui sombre. Jusqu'où peut-on aller par amour ? Marina Abramović et Ulay ont imaginé ensemble des performances radicales. Pendant 12 ans, ils se sont entièrement dévoués à leur art. Pour eux, aimer c'est créer. Questionner, mettre en scène ensemble l'amour, la vie, la mort. Un podcast Bababam Originals Ecriture et voix : Alice Deroide Première diffusion : mars 2019 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Emmanuel Macron est attendu ce soir à la tribune de l'ONU pour un discours qui fera date au cours duquel le Président français doit annoncer la reconnaissance par son pays de l'Etat de Palestine. Dans le sillage du Royaume-Uni, du Canada et de l'Australie hier dimanche. Au total ce sont plus de 145 Etats membres de l'ONU qui ont franchi le pas. Comment ces initiatives peuvent-elles se traduire ? Quel est l'état des opinions ? Quels sont les freins qui perdurent ? Pour en débattre Insaf REZAGUI, docteure en droit international de l'Université Paris cité, membre du collectif Yaani, elle a coordonné le dernier numéro de la revue Recherches internationales sur le droit international et la Palestine    David Rigoulet-Roze, rédacteur en chef de la revue Orients stratégiques, spécialiste du Moyen-Orient, chercheur à l'Institut français d'analyse stratégiques(IFAS)   Yves Bertoncini, enseignant au Corps des Mines et à l'ESCP business school, consultant en Affaires européennes

Emmanuel Macron est attendu ce soir à la tribune de l'ONU pour un discours qui fera date au cours duquel le Président français doit annoncer la reconnaissance par son pays de l'Etat de Palestine. Dans le sillage du Royaume-Uni, du Canada et de l'Australie hier dimanche. Au total ce sont plus de 145 Etats membres de l'ONU qui ont franchi le pas. Comment ces initiatives peuvent-elles se traduire ? Quel est l'état des opinions ? Quels sont les freins qui perdurent ? Pour en débattre Insaf REZAGUI, docteure en droit international de l'Université Paris cité, membre du collectif Yaani, elle a coordonné le dernier numéro de la revue Recherches internationales sur le droit international et la Palestine    David Rigoulet-Roze, rédacteur en chef de la revue Orients stratégiques, spécialiste du Moyen-Orient, chercheur à l'Institut français d'analyse stratégiques(IFAS)   Yves Bertoncini, enseignant au Corps des Mines et à l'ESCP business school, consultant en Affaires européennes

On this episode of Inside Olympia:  Austin Jenkins sits down with the Washington State's chief economist, Dave Reich and goes over the latest revenue and budget numbers.  Plus we talk with Capitol Press Corps members and get their take on the budget challenges ahead.

The U.S. Marine Corps has launched its first AI fellowship program in partnership with the Naval Postgraduate School to accelerate artificial intelligence adoption across the force. Modeled after the Air Force's Phantom program at MIT, the five-month pilot trains Marines to identify command-level problems and develop AI-driven solutions that support operational readiness. Christopher Paul, the school's Marine Corps Chair for Information, explained how projects from the fellowship, such as using large language models to streamline vehicle maintenance paperwork or automating cyber vulnerability testing, reduce tedious tasks and improve mission outcomes. He also discussed how this initiative fits into the Corps' broader digital transformation strategy and what it could mean for future human-machine teaming on the battlefield.

Depuis que j'ai 30 ans, je reçois beaucoup de commentaires du genre "T'as vraiment l'air d'assumer ta féminité maintenant !" À vrai dire, je m'étais jamais intéressée à ce sujet, mais le fait de recevoir cette remarque, ça m'a fait cogiter. Et tout bien réfléchi, c'est vrai que ma part de féminité et moi, on a pas toujours été copines. Aujourd'hui, je peux d'ailleurs dire que quand j'étais plus jeune, j'avais peur d'être une femme. Je vous explique ce qui a changé ! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Starbreaker Supremacy rolls on as the Corps takes the fight to Desolate Stone! Then there's Funko talk and another chapter from the Book of Chad! Be sure to email us your thoughts or call/text us on our voice-mail at 708-LANTERN.

durée : 00:08:34 - Nouvelles têtes - par : Mathilde Serrell - Romy Alizée, photographe, autrice et performeuse, "artiste visuelle" écrit-elle sur son CV officiel, est l'invitée de Daphné Burki. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

durée : 00:08:46 - Le Masque et la Plume - Le dernier film d'Olivier Laxe transporte le spectateur dans une rave clandestine au Maroc. Alors qu'une guerre menace, un père et son fils fuient à travers le désert à la recherche d'un être cher. Une expérience sensorielle et narrative saisissante qui a "presque" fait l'unanimité au Masque. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

Anne Ghesquière reçoit Lise Bourbeau, auteure de livres best-sellers traduits dans le monde entier et Fondatrice du centre de développement personnel Écoute ton corps. Comment identifier et dépasser nos croyances limitantes ? Comment apprendre à vivre pleinement dans le présent, à s'aimer soi-même et à devenir maître de sa vie ? Ensemble, elles explorent la manière dont nos habitudes, nos peurs et nos conditionnements influencent notre relation à notre corps, nos émotions et notre bonheur. Lise Bourbeau partage des clés et des exercices pour cultiver la conscience au quotidien et retrouver notre liberté intérieure. Ses livres, Écoute ton Corps, Encore ! et Une année de prises de conscience - 365 exercices pour apprendre à être heureux sont publiés aux éditions J'ai lu. [REDIFFUSION – BEST OF – MÉTAMORPHOSE]L'épisode #390 a été diffusé, la première fois, le 18 mai 2023.Quelques citations du podcast avec Lise Bourbeau :"Pour moi être bien ça ne peut se manifester que par l'amour véritable.""Si je m'aime je vais avoir de la facilité à accepter les autres tels qu'ils sont.""Plus on accepte d'être bien seul, plus on a des gens autour de nous."Thèmes abordés lors du podcast avec Lise Bourbeau :00:00Introduction02:00Présentation invité04:42Peut-on être bien naturellement ?06:50Qu'est-ce qu'être conscient ?09:27Le rôle de l'entourage10:29L'exercice du miroir, un outil puissant14:42Devenir maître de sa vie17:43Comment débusquer nos croyances ?21:34L'importance de l'engagement22:54Les bienfaits de l'amour de soi24:30Verbaliser ses attentes27:32Les clés de la libération intérieure29:51Se libérer de la culpabilité32:49Danser avec son corps34:29Instant présent et l'importance du ressentir36:10Le rôle de l'ego41:35Sommes-nous tous blessés ?42:34Créativité et énergie divine43:35Faire l'apprentissage de la séparation47:40La loi du boomerang49:03L'amour comme guide50:33Des clés pour être heureuxAvant-propos et précautions à l'écoute du podcast Découvrez Objectif Métamorphose, notre programme en 12 étapes pour partir à la rencontre de soi-même.Recevez chaque semaine l'inspirante newsletter Métamorphose par Anne GhesquièreSuivez nos RS : Insta, Facebook & TikTokAbonnez-vous sur Apple Podcast / Spotify / Deezer / CastBox / YoutubeSoutenez Métamorphose en rejoignant la Tribu MétamorphosePhoto DR Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

(Cinquième épisode) Dans la nuit du mardi 15 décembre au mercredi 16 décembre 2020, Cédric Jubillar signale la disparition de son ex-femme Delphine, infirmière de 33 ans, à Cagnac-Les-Mines, dans le Tarn. Six mois plus tard, les enquêteurs disposent d'un faisceau d'indices laissant penser que Cédric a tué sa conjointe, mais d'aucune preuve irréfutable. Incarcéré depuis juin 2021, le peintre-plaquiste continue de clamer son innocence. Pourtant, à l'automne 2021, un ancien codétenu de Cédric, récemment libéré, affirme aux gendarmes que le suspect lui aurait révélé l'endroit où il aurait enterré le corps de sa femme…Dans Crime story, la journaliste Clawdia Prolongeau raconte cette affaire avec Damien Delseny, chef du service police-justice du Parisien. Crédits. Direction de la rédaction : Pierre Chausse - Rédacteur en chef : Jules Lavie - Ecriture et voix : Clawdia Prolongeau et Damien Delseny - Production : Thibault Lambert, Clara Grouzis et Pénélope Gualchierotti - Réalisation et mixage : Julien Montcouquiol - Musiques : Audio Network. Documentation.Cet épisode de Crime story a été préparé en puisant dans les archives du Parisien, avec l'aide de nos documentalistes. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

(Sixième et dernier épisode) Dans la nuit du mardi 15 décembre au mercredi 16 décembre 2020, Cédric Jubillar signale la disparition de son ex-femme Delphine, infirmière de 33 ans, à Cagnac-Les-Mines, dans le Tarn. Six mois plus tard, les enquêteurs disposent d'un faisceau d'indices laissant penser que Cédric a tué sa conjointe, mais d'aucune preuve irréfutable. Incarcéré depuis juin 2021, le peintre-plaquiste continue de clamer son innocence. Pourtant, à l'automne 2021, un ancien c-détenu de Cédric, récemment libéré, affirme aux gendarmes que le suspect lui aurait révélé l'endroit où il aurait enterré le corps de sa femme…Dans Crime story, la journaliste Clawdia Prolongeau raconte cette affaire avec Damien Delseny, chef du service police-justice du Parisien. Crédits. Direction de la rédaction : Pierre Chausse - Rédacteur en chef : Jules Lavie - Ecriture et voix : Clawdia Prolongeau et Damien Delseny - Production : Thibault Lambert, Clara Grouzis et Pénélope Gualchierotti - Réalisation et mixage : Julien Montcouquiol - Musiques : Audio Network. Documentation.Cet épisode de Crime story a été préparé en puisant dans les archives du Parisien, avec l'aide de nos documentalistes. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Mike and Herb check back in on the Oklahoma vs Auburn game, and discuss how both quarterbacks are trending in opposite directions. Herb also reminisces on some of the stadiums he dreamed of playing in as a kid; and the sobering reality of actually competing on them

Title: TSP #2208 – Arkheim Ra | Time Corps, Portal Nodes & The Unseen World Bio / Intro: Arkheim Ra is an American public figure who discusses secret government programs, psychic warfare, super-soldier programming, and timeline phenomena. Described by some as a Montauk Project survivor, “timeline jumper,” and consciousness warrior, Ra shares first-hand testimony and interpretations of alleged programs like T.A.G. (Talented & Gifted) and other covert operations. He co-hosts the YouTube channel Disclosure Now! with Brian Tseng and frequently appears on podcast panels to explore time-tech, portal nodes, and unseen-world mechanics. Ra's accounts are part testimonial, part fringe research — expect personal stories, intense claims, and big questions about control, consciousness, and covert tech. Description: Tonight on the Typical Skeptic Podcast, Rob sits down with Arkheim Ra to examine the shadowy intersections of mind control, time tech, and interdimensional access. We'll dig into the alleged workings of the Time Corps, how portal nodes are said to operate in our world, and practical implications for people sensitive to timeline shifts and psychic incursions. This episode blends survivor testimony, theory, and strategy — and we'll challenge the ideas while giving space for the lived experience. Topics include: Alleged Montauk Project memories and the Time Corps concept Portal nodes, timeline architecture, and what people call the “unseen world” T.A.G. programming, super-soldier narratives, and starseed identity claims Psychic warfare: signs, protections, and clearing techniques How surveillance AI and behavioral engineering may intersect with mind-control programs Personal timeline-jumping experiences and how to ground afterward Tune in live at 9 PM Eastern on YouTube, Rumble, and Facebook. Suggested Questions / Talking Points: Tell us your first memories of the Montauk/Time Corps claims — what happened and how did you interpret it later? What is a “portal node” in your view — physical, energetic, or both? Examples? Explain T.A.G. programming: how would schools or institutions identify and recruit children for such programs? How do timeline jumps feel subjectively? Any consistent signs people can watch for? What practical protections or grounding techniques do you recommend after an intense timeline event? How do you see AI surveillance and behavioral tech interacting with the alleged covert programs? Are there patterns (locations, dates, people) where portal activity seems stronger? How do you separate genuine anomalous experiences from trauma or false memory? What role do starseed identities and spiritual frameworks play in interpreting these experiences? For skeptics: what evidence or test would you offer to persuade a critical listener? Hashtags: #MontaukProject #ArkheimRa #TimeCorps #PortalNodes #PsychicWarfare #TimelineJumper #Disclosure #ConspiracyPodcast #TypicalSkepticPodcast Tags: Arkheim Ra, Montauk, Time Corps, portal nodes, super soldier, T.A.G., timeline jumping, psychic warfare, AI surveillance, secret programs, Rob Kalil, Typical Skeptic Disclaimer The Typical Skeptic Podcast explores alternative and fringe topics. Guests may present personal testimony and controversial claims. Content is for informational and entertainment purposes only and does not constitute medical, legal, or factual endorsement. Listener discretion advised.

   Join us for a fascinating discussion with retired Air Force Colonel Dr. Jessica Servey, who shares her remarkable journey into military medicine. As a family physician and a leader in medical education, Dr. Servey offers an insider's view into the dynamic world of military healthcare. Her unexpected entry into the Air Force, sparked by an encounter during a cancer charity run, set the stage for a distinguished career that includes experiences at Spangdahlem Air Base during the Kosovo War and a deployment to Oman post-9/11. Dr. Servey's reflections illuminate the unique challenges and rewarding opportunities encountered by military physicians.       Our conversation also highlights the academic development within the military health system, with a focus on the role of academic appointments for military personnel at the Uniformed Services University. Dr. Servey explains the significance of these appointments for career advancement and credibility, both in military and civilian roles. She offers practical insights into the academic appointment process, encouraging early engagement to support academic careers and ensure alignment with civilian standards. This alignment not only enhances individual career prospects but also bolsters the reputation of the military health system.      In our exploration of military-academic career progression, we discuss the various roles and opportunities available to maintain and enhance academic appointments. Dr. Servey shares how the flexibility of USU supports military commitments while offering continuity across different postings. We also discuss the importance of understanding academic terminology for those considering a transition to civilian academia. This episode provides valuable insights for anyone interested in the intersection of military service and medical education, with stories that blend the personal and professional experiences of a dedicated military physician.   Chapters: (00:03) Military Medicine Career Path (08:07) Academic Appointment Process in Military Medicine (23:15) Military-Academic Career Progression in Medicine (35:07) Academic Promotion and Faculty Development   Chapter Summaries: (00:03) Military Medicine Career Path Retired Air Force Colonel Dr. Jessica Servey shares her journey into military medicine and her experiences as a family physician and leader in graduate medical education.   (08:07) Academic Appointment Process in Military Medicine Academic development in military health system, USU appointment process, and benefits of maintaining academic credentials.   (23:15) Military-Academic Career Progression in Medicine USU offers flexibility and opportunities for military personnel to maintain and enhance academic appointments, with potential for transition to civilian roles.   (35:07) Academic Promotion and Faculty Development" Academic promotion complexities, diverse pathways, continuous learning, and supportive resources for faculty at military medical facilities.   Take Home Messages: Military Medicine Career Pathways: The episode highlights the diverse and unexpected pathways into military medicine, emphasizing the importance of academic appointments for military physicians. These appointments not only enhance individual career prospects but also contribute to the overall credibility and effectiveness of the military health system. Academic Development in the Military: Listeners gain insights into the process of aligning military and civilian academic standards, which is crucial for maintaining credibility and opening up opportunities for military personnel transitioning to civilian roles. The importance of early engagement with the academic appointment process at institutions like the Uniformed Services University is underscored. Balancing Military and Academic Roles: The episode provides practical advice on how military personnel can sustain and enhance their academic appointments despite their commitments. Flexibility offered by military academic institutions, such as online electives and virtual grading, supports ongoing academic growth while accommodating military duties. Transitioning to Civilian Academia: For those considering a shift to civilian academic roles, understanding academic terminology and aligning with civilian standards is essential. The episode discusses the parallels between military and academic promotion processes, illustrating how military achievements can translate into academic success. Leadership and Continuous Learning: The episode emphasizes the importance of continuous learning and adaptation in both military and academic settings. It discusses the complexities of academic promotion, the role of leadership skills, and the value of faculty development workshops in fostering a sense of unity among diverse educational specialties.   Episode Keywords: Military medicine, academic growth, Dr. Jessica Servey, War Docs podcast, Air Force, medical education, USUHS, family physician, Kosovo War, military health system, Uniformed Services University, military to academia transition, combat medicine, medical career, military physicians, podcast episode, medical leadership, academic appointments, civilian transition, online electives, faculty development   Hashtags: #MilitaryMedicine #AcademicGrowth #WarDocsPodcast #DrJessicaServey #MedicalEducation #AirForceMedicine #CombatToClassroom #USUHS #MilitaryAcademia #PodcastEpisode   Honoring the Legacy and Preserving the History of Military Medicine The WarDocs Mission is to honor the legacy, preserve the oral history, and showcase career opportunities, unique expeditionary experiences, and achievements of Military Medicine. We foster patriotism and pride in Who we are, What we do, and, most importantly, How we serve Our Patients, the DoD, and Our Nation.   Find out more and join Team WarDocs at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/ Check our list of previous guest episodes at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/our-guests Subscribe and Like our Videos on our YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast Listen to the “What We Are For” Episode 47. https://bit.ly/3r87Afm   WarDocs- The Military Medicine Podcast is a Non-Profit, Tax-exempt-501(c)(3) Veteran Run Organization run by volunteers. All donations are tax-deductible and go to honoring and preserving the history, experiences, successes, and lessons learned in Military Medicine. A tax receipt will be sent to you. WARDOCS documents the experiences, contributions, and innovations of all military medicine Services, ranks, and Corps who are affectionately called "Docs" as a sign of respect, trust, and confidence on and off the battlefield,demonstrating dedication to the medical care of fellow comrades in arms.     Follow Us on Social Media Twitter: @wardocspodcast Facebook: WarDocs Podcast Instagram: @wardocspodcast LinkedIn: WarDocs-The Military Medicine Podcast YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast

Avec le P. Mathieu Rey

durée : 00:58:39 - Mauvais genres - par : François Angelier - Au fil d'un opulent ouvrage qui brasse l'évocation de la France du second XIXe siècle, son monde littéraire et artistique et l'histoire d'un corps et d'une âme sur le grill, Agnès Michaux offre à Huysmans un étonnant monument biographique. - réalisation : Laurent Paulré - invités : Agnes Michaux Écrivain, traductrice, chroniqueuse

(Quatrième épisode) Dans la nuit du mardi 15 décembre au mercredi 16 décembre 2020, Cédric Jubillar signale la disparition de son ex-femme Delphine, infirmière de 33 ans, à Cagnac-Les-Mines dans le Tarn. Cédric oscille durant les mois qui suivent entre le statut de témoin et celui de suspect.L'entente au sein du couple était tendue depuis plusieurs années. Delphine demande le divorce en juillet 2020, après deux ans de doutes. La jeune femme s'éloigne rapidement du père de ses enfants et lui, suspecte qu'elle ait entamé une nouvelle relation. Les enquêteurs finissent par accumuler un grand nombre d'indices qui rendent plausible la thèse d'un féminicide, perpétré par un homme éprouvé par sa séparation. Dans Crime story, la journaliste Clawdia Prolongeau raconte cette affaire avec Damien Delseny, chef du service police-justice du Parisien. Crédits. Direction de la rédaction : Pierre Chausse - Rédacteur en chef : Jules Lavie - Ecriture et voix : Clawdia Prolongeau et Damien Delseny - Production : Clémentine Spiler et Pénélope Gualchierotti - Réalisation et mixage : Julien Montcouquiol - Musiques : Audio Network. Documentation.Cet épisode de Crime story a été préparé en puisant dans les archives du Parisien, avec l'aide de nos documentalistes. Hébergé par Acast. Visitez acast.com/privacy pour plus d'informations.

Ceci est un moment très réécouté d'un épisode passé, en l'occurrence le 135. Eve Berger, docteure en sciences de l'éducation, ex-thérapeute et aujourd'hui coach de dirigeants, explore avec sensibilité et profondeur ce que signifie "honorer le vivant". Auteure d'un livre sur l'intelligence du corps, elle nous partage son parcours riche, passant du soin à l'accompagnement, avec un fil rouge : remettre le corps au cœur de nos vies.Dans cet épisode, nous parlons du lien brisé entre notre esprit et notre corps, d'un rapport au vivant que notre société occidentale a peu à peu oblitéré. J'ai questionné Eve sur les signes avant-coureurs du burn-out, ces alertes silencieuses que notre corps envoie parfois pendant des années — mais que nous n'entendons plus.Nous avons parlé de lenteur, de perception intérieure, de la manière dont certaines cultures — souvent plus proches de la nature — entretiennent une connexion fine avec leur intériorité corporelle. Eve évoque aussi son chemin personnel, de la psychomotricité à la fasciathérapie, et comment ces approches l'ont conduite à développer une manière d'accompagner fondée sur quatre piliers : le toucher, le mouvement, la méditation et le verbe.Ce que j'ai trouvé fascinant, c'est sa manière de tisser les dimensions du corps, de l'esprit, du collectif et du vivant, sans jamais opposer ces mondes, mais en cherchant à les relier. Car comme elle le dit si bien, faire vivre le vivant en nous, entre nous et autour de nous, c'est peut-être là le vrai projet.Citations marquantes« Le corps n'est pas un objet à optimiser, c'est un vivant à écouter. »« L'intériorité corporelle est notre premier organe de perception de la nature. »« Ce que je cherche, c'est faire vivre le vivant, en moi et autour de moi. »« Toucher, c'est écouter le vivant chez l'autre. »« La vraie question n'est pas comment reconnecter au corps, mais comment ne plus en être coupé. »10 questions structurées poséesComment fait-on pour réécouter son corps ?Que signifie pour toi la lenteur du corps ?Pourquoi ne perçoit-on pas les signes avant-coureurs du burn-out ?En quoi notre société occidentale nous coupe-t-elle du corps ?Comment éduquer à l'intériorité corporelle ?Quel rôle joue le toucher dans cette reconnexion ?Quelle place le mouvement occupe-t-il dans ton approche ?Comment éviter que l'intériorité devienne elle-même un objet de performance ?Peux-tu nous parler de ton parcours de thérapeute à coach ?Quels sont les piliers de ton approche pour faire vivre le vivant ?Timestamps clés (format YouTube)00:00 – Introduction : Comment écouter son corps ?00:48 – Le lien entre intériorité corporelle et nature01:57 – Une société qui oublie le corps03:35 – Le toucher comme langage fondamental05:51 – Le parcours d'Eve : soin, recherche, coaching07:55 – Les fascias et le mouvement interne08:47 – Relier corps et esprit : un défi moderne09:43 – Se toucher soi-même : vers une auto-reconnaissance10:34 – Libérer le corps de la performance12:46 – Honorer le vivant dans toutes nos actionsHébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Will Stefon Diggs produce like we thought? Is Drake Maye the guy for the Patriots going forward? Someone is painting squirrels in Connecticut. Florida man gets into 45 minute standoff with wild boar after it breaks into his house.

     Unlock the power to overcome imposter syndrome in military medicine with insights from an eclectic panel of seasoned professionals. Major Lindsay Umlauf hosts a compelling discussion with Brigadier General Susan Pietrykowski, retired Command Master Chief Petty Officer Tyrone Willis, Major Tiara Walz, and Second Lieutenant Ryan Leone. Together, they unravel the complexities of self-doubt, share transformative personal stories, and introduce the empowering "bring your own chair" concept, offering listeners a roadmap to finding and asserting their place in the demanding world of military healthcare. With practical guidance on setting achievable goals, challenging negative self-talk, and leveraging community support, the episode demonstrates how embracing discomfort can serve as a catalyst for both personal and professional growth. The metaphor of chairs offers a unique perspective through which listeners can explore what it means to fully engage with their careers and communities.     As the conversation shifts to leadership and mentorship, the panel explores how building a larger, more inclusive table can redefine success in military and healthcare settings. By sharing experiences and strategies for fostering a collaborative culture, our guests highlight the importance of expanding opportunities and nurturing talent. The episode concludes with thoughtful reflections on knowing when to transition roles for personal growth and organizational benefit, leaving listeners with valuable insights on balancing ego and opportunity cost for sustained success.     Chapters:   (00:02) Overcoming Imposter Syndrome in Military Medicine (14:19) Navigating Professional Growth and Networking (26:20) Advocating for Growth and Inclusion (37:24) Leadership and Mentorship in Military Medicine (44:19) Leaving Tables (50:56) Transitioning Tables for Growth   Chapter Summaries:   (00:02) Overcoming Imposter Syndrome in Military Medicine   Imposter syndrome in military medicine, overcoming it through self-awareness, mentorship, and understanding unique challenges.   (14:19) Navigating Professional Growth and Networking   Overcoming imposter syndrome and embracing a growth mindset in a military medicine career.   (26:20) Advocating for Growth and Inclusion   Exploring the metaphor of chairs, we embrace discomfort for growth by redefining success and fostering a growth mindset.   (37:24) Leadership and Mentorship in Military Medicine   Mentorship and collaboration are crucial for success in professional settings, and it is important to nurture talent and address imposter syndrome.   (44:19) Leaving Tables   Opportunity cost of choosing tables in personal and professional life, identifying right moment to leave, self-awareness and alignment, emotional challenges, fostering understanding and resilience.   (50:56) Transitioning Tables for Growth   Leadership transitions, knowing when to move on, setting aside ego, and the "bring your own chair" framework.     Take Home Messages: Embrace Discomfort for Growth: One of the key themes of the episode is the importance of embracing discomfort as a catalyst for both personal and professional development. The discussion emphasizes how stepping outside of your comfort zone and confronting self-doubt can lead to mastery and increased confidence in military medicine.   Adopt a Growth Mindset: The podcast emphasizes the significance of maintaining a growth mindset. By setting small, achievable goals and focusing on continuous improvement, individuals can transform feelings of inadequacy into opportunities for development and success.   Leverage Community and Mentorship: Harnessing the power of community support and mentorship is essential for overcoming imposter syndrome. The episode offers practical advice on seeking guidance, engaging with mentors, and collaborating with others to foster an inclusive environment that values diverse perspectives and talents.   Recognize When to Transition: Knowing when to gracefully exit a role is a crucial aspect of professional growth. The podcast emphasizes the importance of self-awareness and understanding opportunity costs, encouraging listeners to align their career choices with their personal values and organizational objectives for more meaningful pursuits.   "Bring Your Own Chair" Concept: The empowering metaphor of "bringing your own chair" serves as a guiding principle for finding one's place in challenging environments. This concept encourages individuals to actively seek out opportunities, contribute meaningfully, and advocate for themselves and others in military medicine.   Episode Keywords: Military Medicine, Imposter Syndrome, Professional Growth, Mentorship in Medicine, Leadership in Healthcare, Overcoming Self-Doubt, Military Health Careers, Growth Mindset, Empowering Voices in Medicine, Career Transformation, Inclusive Growth, Self-Improvement, Healthcare Leadership, Medical Community Support, Career Pathways, Organizational Success, Personal Development in Medicine      Hashtags: #ImposterSyndrome #MilitaryMedicine #GrowthMindset #ProfessionalDevelopment #BringYourOwnChair #Leadership #Mentorship #InclusiveGrowth #HealthcareInnovation #CareerTransformation        Honoring the Legacy and Preserving the History of Military Medicine The WarDocs Mission is to honor the legacy, preserve the oral history, and showcase career opportunities, unique expeditionary experiences, and achievements of Military Medicine. We foster patriotism and pride in Who we are, What we do, and, most importantly, How we serve Our Patients, the DoD, and Our Nation.   Find out more and join Team WarDocs at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/ Check our list of previous guest episodes at https://www.wardocspodcast.com/our-guests Subscribe and Like our Videos on our YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast Listen to the “What We Are For” Episode 47. https://bit.ly/3r87Afm   WarDocs- The Military Medicine Podcast is a Non-Profit, Tax-exempt-501(c)(3) Veteran Run Organization run by volunteers. All donations are tax-deductible and go to honoring and preserving the history, experiences, successes, and lessons learned in Military Medicine. A tax receipt will be sent to you. WARDOCS documents the experiences, contributions, and innovations of all military medicine Services, ranks, and Corps who are affectionately called "Docs" as a sign of respect, trust, and confidence on and off the battlefield,demonstrating dedication to the medical care of fellow comrades in arms.     Follow Us on Social Media Twitter: @wardocspodcast Facebook: WarDocs Podcast Instagram: @wardocspodcast LinkedIn: WarDocs-The Military Medicine Podcast YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/@wardocspodcast

Quinn Mendelson is Conservation Program Director of Rocky Mountain Youth Corps, a nonprofit that trains young adults to do conservation work in the "outdoor classroom" of New Mexico's landscapes. Not only do they learn skills like trail building, watershed restoration, and wildfire mitigation, but they also receive training that helps them to get jobs—as well as less quantifiable but just as important life skills like getting along with each other, finding their own authentic voices, and being in nature for long periods. The program has been going for three decades, and has led many of its alumni into fulfilling conservation careers.  TIMELINE   3'27 what the corps is all about 4'18 conservation skills, professional skills, life skills 5'52 example of a river project 6'59 so good for young people to have these outdoor opportunities 7'33 adjusting to outdoor work 9'30 people slowing down in the wilderness, and building self-confidence  11'31 paying living wages so the they can recruit from all demographics 13'50 bonding with people for life, and a tight alumni base, and those people work in every related field 15'43 the projects themselves, some using Bill Zeedyk techniques 18'13 showing the young people to see the big picture 18'46 creating a blueprint for post-fire restoration 19'52 coming back for additional years of work 21'12 relationship between the Corps and the surrounding communities  22'54 the connection between this work and regenerative agriculture 24'54 young people with an ag background, or wanting to get into ag through learning conservation work 26'10 learning about soil is central to all the work they do 27'36 as Corps alumni take their place in agency and roles of responsibility, this could change how policy is shaped  28'13 the way people are talking about fire now has evolved a lot in the last few decades 28'57 using beaver biomimicry 29'19 restoring firefly habitat in Chimayó, NM  31'06 people coming back to see the work they've done in future years 32'38 other similar corps all over the US 33'07 there are fewer than 100,000 young people doing this work; there should be millions 33'51 scholarships for higher education 34'20 dream job for a young person 35'32 this is part of Americorps 37'27 Quinn's work on therapeutic ranches 39'01 this is so much about hope for him and the org 40'43 potential careers 43'05 the need for an educated conservation workforce is and will continue to be great 44'37 what kinds of knowledge each generation is given 46'33 passing the torch to younger generations 48'02 working easily with partners, and providing labor for projects   

Get your 10-minute fantasy football edge: Bob Harris & Mike Dempsey break down today's NFL news + what it means for your team.  

we got a great big convoy, ain't she a tragic sight follow victoria on bluesky: https://bsky.app/profile/victoriascott.bsky.social buy victoria's book: https://www.carrarabooks.com/store/we-deserve-this Our Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/wtyppod/ Send us stuff! our address: Well There's Your Podcasting Company PO Box 26929 Philadelphia, PA 19134 DO NOT SEND US LETTER BOMBS thanks in advance in the commercial: Local Forecast - Elevator Kevin MacLeod (incompetech.com) Licensed under Creative Commons: By Attribution 3.0 License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/

Jordan interviews, Drew Smith, who is a hydrologist & Deputy Chief, Watershed Division at the Corps of Engineers. There are some many questions, misconceptions, and down-right good information to have when it comes to the big river. Join us for this episode as we bust some myths, learn a lot, and discover once again why the Mississippi River is such a special place. Check it out! 

Tom Curran and Phil Perry discuss the Patriots' mindset heading into Week 1 of the season. What should we make of the new captains? Will Christian Gonzalez be ready to play? Later, Mike Florio joins to discuss his new book, “Big Shield,” and give a national perspective on the Patriots.1:00 - What's Mike Vrabel's mindset heading into Week 1? 3:00 - Will Christian Gonzalez be ready to play on Sunday? 10:00 - Vrabel on his decision to release Jabrill Peppers 13:30 - Patriots anoint new leadership corps 20:30 - Mike Florio on his new book “Big Shield” and a national view of the PatriotsSubscribe to the QUICK SNAP podcast: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-quick-snap-with-david-andrews-brian-hoyer/id1766572407 Get Mike Florio's "Big Shield" -https://www.amazon.com/Big-Shield-Mike-Florio-ebook/dp/B0FGH43V6D WATCH every episode of the Patriots Talk podcast on YouTubeFollow NBC Sports Boston:NBCSportsBoston.comX @NBCSpatriotsFacebookInstagramTikTok