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Play Episode Listen Later Apr 20, 2026 37:35

Last time we spoke about the first battle of Changsha. Japanese forces under General Okamura Yasuji, including the 6th, 13th, and 33rd Divisions, launched a multi-pronged offensive, crossing the Xin Qiang River and capturing Yingtian amid brutal fighting. Chinese defenses, commanded by Xue Yue in the Ninth War Zone, employed gradual resistance strategies, with units like the 195th Division under Qin Yizhi holding key positions such as Bijia Mountain and Fulinpu, inflicting heavy losses. Battalion Commander Luo Wenlang recaptured Dongtang in a midnight assault, grieving his fallen brother amid Mid-Autumn moonlight. Chiang Kai-shek, from Chongqing, oversaw operations while hosting a festive banquet, buoyed by international support like U.S. loans. By October, Japanese advances stalled; Okamura ordered a retreat on October 2, exposed by a downed plane yielding critical documents. Chinese forces pursued, reclaiming lines by October 8, annihilating over half the invaders per Chiang's commendation. #198 The Battle of South Guangxi Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In January 1939, the Japanese General Headquarters, responding to naval needs, ordered the 21st Corps to seize Hainan Island. The goal was to establish a base for air operations against southwestern China and to enforce blockade measures. Supported by the Japanese Navy, the Corps deployed the Taiwan Brigade, which landed at Haikou on February 10. After initial defeats, Chinese peace preservation units withdrew to the island's interior and conducted harassment operations. Japanese troops soon occupied northern counties including Qiongshan, Wenchang, Ding'an, Qionghai, and Chengmai, followed by the port of Yulin, which positioned them for southward advances toward Guangxi. This invasion was part of a broader strategy to disrupt Chinese supply lines and secure a foothold in southern China. Although Chinese resistance on Hainan ultimately failed to repel the invaders, it highlighted the resilience that would define regional fighting. After the costly Battle of Wuhan, the Sino-Japanese War reached a stalemate in central China, despite ongoing large-scale conflicts and Japanese strategic bombings that caused heavy casualties without breaking the deadlock. Politically, Japan's alignment with the Axis powers and the start of World War II in Western Europe led European nations to bolster ties with China. With major coastal ports under Japanese control, the Nationalist government's main overseas supply route became the Haiphong-Kunming railway in French Indochina, which transported four times more war materials in 1938 than in 1937, including heavy equipment purchased abroad. The Hainan occupation negatively impacted Japan's war efforts, though diplomatic pressure on Britain and France proved ineffective. Meanwhile, the Imperial Japanese Navy proposed a southward advance: invading from Nanning to Longzhou County in Guangxi by sea to establish an airfield for strategic bombing. An April 15, 1939, Navy Department assessment deemed large-scale inland army operations challenging, recommending instead that the army and navy collaborate to occupy Shantou—the largest trading port on the South China coast—before pushing into Guangxi to seize Nanning and sever China's vital Indochina supply line. In June, the Japanese General Staff's "Military Geography" emphasized that occupying Nanning would provide convenient transportation in all directions, reaching Guangdong, Hunan, Guizhou, and Yunnan. The Nanning-Lang Son road had become a major artery for Chiang Kai-shek's regime to connect with the southwest. To cut it off directly, Nanning must be captured first. Once occupied, heavy troops near Tokyo Bay would not be needed to achieve the operation's purpose. This idea gained considerable support both politically and tactically. The Army's northward policy had been defeated by the Soviet Union in the Battle of Khalkhin Gol in September 1939. Major General Tominaga Kyoji, the newly appointed head of the First Department of the General Staff, sought to avoid further embarrassments. Supporting the proposal involved transferring the 5th Division of the Kwantung Army, originally intended for Khalkhin Gol, to the south. This prevented front-line units from misjudging higher-ups' positions and allowed implementation without affecting existing troops. In September, the European war broke out. The Japanese General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to capture the vicinity of Nanning, cut off the international passage between Guangxi and Vietnam, and obtain a base for air operations in southwest China. Japan aimed to completely sever China's most important supply route. According to Japanese intelligence, the French Indochina line accounted for 85% of China's foreign aid in late 1939, with 12,500 tons transported in September alone. On September 1, 1939, Germany attacked Poland; on September 3, Britain and France declared war on Germany, igniting World War II. Japan, eager to resolve the China issue and free up troops to seize Western colonies in Asia and the Pacific, stated through Prime Minister Nobuyuki Abe on September 4: "At the outbreak of the European war, the Empire will not intervene and has decided to focus on resolving the China Incident." In Nanjing, the China Expeditionary Army Headquarters was established, with General Nishio Hisazo as Commander-in-Chief and Lieutenant General Itagaki Seishiro as Chief of Staff, overseeing the North China Area Army, the 11th Army, the 13th Army, and the 21st Army. On September 23, the Japanese General Headquarters issued an order to prepare for a swift response to the China Incident. On October 16, "Continental Order No. 375" directed the Commander-in-Chief of the China Expeditionary Army to swiftly cut off enemy supply routes from Nanning to Longzhou with a portion of the navy. Also on October 16, "Continental Order No. 582," a central Army-Navy agreement, aimed to cut off enemy routes along the Nanning-Longzhou line and strengthen naval air operations against the Yunnan-Vietnam Railway and the Burma Road. The operation was scheduled for mid-November. On October 19, Nishio Juzo issued orders for the Guangxi operation, involving the 5th Division, Taiwan Mixed Brigade, supporting units, the 5th Fleet (renamed the 2nd Expeditionary Fleet in mid-November), and the 3rd Combined Naval Air Group. Total strength: about 30,000 men, over 70 warships, 2 aircraft carriers, and about 100 aircraft. Tominaga Kyoji announced: "This is the last battle of the China Incident." Politically, the Guangxi Army was a key pillar of the National Government after retreating to Sichuan. Attacking Guangxi could impact the Guangxi clique's stance on continuing the war. Cutting off the Nanning-Longzhou line would affect Vietnam-China transportation security and allow actions against French Indochina amid Europe's distractions. With tactical and political alignment, the plan was approved. In September 1939, the Chinese repelled the Japanese attack on Changsha. In October, the National Government held the Second Nanyue Military Conference in Hengshan, summarizing the First Changsha Campaign and deciding on a new offensive. On October 29, Chiang Kai-shek announced: "Our future strategic application and the mentality of officers and soldiers must be completely transformed. We must start to turn defense into offense, turn stillness into movement, and actively take offensive measures." On November 5, after the meeting, intelligence indicated Japan's intention to invade the south. U.S. and British agencies reported the Japanese fleet gathering in Tokyo Bay, signaling an imminent operation against Nanning. Chiang flew from Hengshan to Guilin to arrange defenses. At this time, coastal defense was guarded by the 16th Army Group under Xia Wei (transferred, with Cai Tingkai taking over), a Guangxi clique force comprising the 46th and 31st Armies. Bai Chongxi, director of the Guilin Headquarters, was in Chongqing for the Sixth Plenary Session of the Fifth National Congress of the Kuomintang, while Chief of Staff Lin Wei was in Rong County mourning Xia Wei's mother. The headquarters was essentially deserted. Zhang Fakui, commander of the Fourth War Zone, and Chief of Staff Wu Shiyuan were in Shaoguan, Guangdong. The three-tiered command structure—headquarters, war zone, army group—was practically non-existent. The Chinese forces north of the pass were commanded by Bai Chongxi's Guilin Headquarters, with Lin Wei as Chief of Staff; they included the Fourth War Zone under Zhang Fakui and the 16th Army Group under Xia Wei. They commanded: the 31st Army (Commander Wei Yunsong; 131st Division under He Weizhen; 135th Division under Su Zuxin; 188th Division under Wei Zhen); the 46th Army (Commander He Xuan; 170th Division under Li Xingshu; 175th Division under Feng Huang; New 19th Division under Huang Gu); and a portion of the 200th Division of the 5th Army (Commander Dai Anlan). Together with the 1st-4th Independent Infantry Regiments of the Guangxi Training Corps, total strength was approximately 60,000 men. After the Japanese landing, Bai Chongxi was stationed in Qianjiang, while the 16th Army Group headquarters in Xiawei was at Heishiyan near Binyang. In early November 1939, the Japanese 5th Fleet and the aircraft carrier Kaga escorted the 5th Division and the Taiwan Brigade to concentrate in Haikou. Japanese aircraft bombed important cities in Guangxi. At that time, the Chinese army defended the coast from Nanning to Qinzhou Bay and Fangcheng with part of the 16th Army Group of the Fourth War Zone. The 46th Army was responsible for the coastline of Fangcheng, Qinxian, Hepu, and Liankou, and the 31st Army for key points along the Xijiang River. On November 9, Japanese troops assembled at Sanya Bay on Hainan Island. Lieutenant General Ando Rikichi, commander of the 21st Army, personally commanded from Sanya. On the 13th, the fleet set sail. On the 14th, vanguard ships feinted at Beihai with over ten ships. A battalion of the 175th Division retaliated and was ordered to destroy Beihai, but Commander Chao Wei of the 524th Regiment believed no landing was intended, avoiding complete destruction. That night, Japanese ships turned toward Qinzhou. To safeguard the international communications link between Guangxi and Indochina, the Chinese Generalissimo's Headquarters in Guilin assigned defensive missions. The 46th Corps of the 16th Army Group was tasked with defending the coastline from Fangcheng to Qinzhou, Hepu, and Lianjiang. The 31st Corps was responsible for key positions along the Xi River. Defensive positions were prepared in advance, and communications infrastructure was sabotaged to facilitate gradual resistance, aiming to attrition Japanese forces before a decisive engagement along the Yong River. On November 15, under air and naval fire support, the Japanese 5th Division and Taiwan Brigade executed a forced landing on the west coast of Qinzhou Bay. Following intense resistance, the Chinese New 19th Division withdrew to Pancheng and Shangsi. After capturing Qinzhou, the Japanese 5th Division advanced north along the Yong-Qin Highway, while the Taiwan Brigade moved along Xiaodong–Baiji–Bujin Road. On November 17, the Japanese army captured Qinzhou and Fangcheng. The 5th Division immediately split into three routes along the Yongqin Highway, while the Taiwan Brigade advanced north along Xiaodong-Baekje-Pujin. On the 18th, they attacked Xiaodong, the headquarters of the New 19th Division. Division Commander Huang Gu fled alone in the face of battle. His troops were routed, and the Japanese continued northward. Meanwhile, bandits from the Shiwan Mountains formed numerous plainclothes teams to lead the Japanese advance, accelerating their northward movement. By November 21, they approached the south bank of the Yu River. On December 1, they occupied Gaofeng Pass. On December 4, they occupied Kunlun Pass and then adopted a defensive posture. On November 16, Chiang Kai-shek summoned Bai Chongxi in Chongqing, ordering him to return to Guilin immediately to command the battle, without attending the plenary session. Bai requested full command without intervention from Zhang Fakui, and that all armies obey the Headquarters directly. Chiang approved and transferred his elite Fifth Army and other units to Bai's command. Bai telegraphed Du Yuming to lead troops by train from Hengyang to southern Guilin and reinstated Xia Wei as commander of the 16th Army Group, with Cai Tingkai awaiting orders. The 16th Army Group assembled, and Deputy Commander-in-Chief Wei Yunsong arrived in Nanning on the 19th. Units rushed to block Japanese advances. Bai flew to Guilin on the 19th and Qianjiang on the 21st, establishing the command post. Thus, as Japanese arrived in Nanning, Chinese reinforcements like the 170th Division reached Yongning on the 22nd, two regiments of the 135th Division entered Nanning on the 23rd, and the 600th Regiment of the 200th Division arrived at Ertang on the afternoon of the 24th. Other armies assembled in Liuzhou and Binyang. On November 21, Japanese troops approached the south bank of the Yu River. Wu Zongjun, commander of the 405th Regiment of the 135th Division, arbitrarily ordered his regiments to abandon positions and retreat. Wei Yunsong ordered Su Zuxin to intercept, but Wu disobeyed. No troops defended Nanning's front lines. At dawn on the 24th, the 170th Division fought fiercely in Yongning. In the morning, the Japanese 21st Regiment crossed the river. By afternoon, Nanning had fallen. Over the next two days, they swept surrounding positions. On the morning of the 25th, the 600th Regiment of the 200th Division fought alone against Japanese regiments at Ertang. Under air cover, Japanese attacked, but Chinese resisted stubbornly. Regiment Commander Shao Yizhi and Adjutant Wu Qisheng were killed. Given the situation, Division Commanders Li Xingshu and Dai Anlan retreated to Gaofeng Pass after dusk. Though they failed to stop the advance, this was the fiercest resistance since the landing, lasting two days and nights. On November 25, Japanese attacked the 175th Division near Luwu from Xiaodong and the highway. The division moved to Nalong, assembling in villages there. The 175th attacked key points along the Yongqin Highway, including Datang, Naxiao, Dongya, Nabian, Xincheng, Xiaodong, Dadong, and Bancheng. On November 20, the 21st Army opened its headquarters in Qinzhou. On November 26, Ando Rikichi announced the formation of the Yongqin Corps under Imamura Hitoshi. Ando left for Guangzhou on the 27th. Starting on the 26th, Japanese attacked Gaofeng Pass with aircraft cover. Despite fierce resistance, Chinese lost Gaofeng Pass on December 1. On the 4th, Japanese occupied Kunlun Pass, then adjusted deployment. The two sides confronted each other along the Kunlun Pass mountainous boundary. According to statistics up to December 1, Japanese suffered 145 dead and 315 wounded; Chinese had 6,125 dead bodies and 664 prisoners (but Japanese casualties were underreported; the 41st Infantry Regiment received 727 replacements on January 19, likely matching killed and wounded sent back). Seized in Nanning: 300 tons lead, 200 tons coal, 500 bundles cotton, 321 tons cotton thread, 30 tons iron, 60 tons tin. On December 2, the Japanese 5th Cavalry Regiment and Morimoto Battalion were attacked by about 1,500 Chinese with four tanks at Batang. Japanese dispatched the 21st Brigade (Nakamura Detachment), repelling a mixed force of the 200th and 188th Divisions. Japanese occupied Kunlun Pass but left only a battalion to defend it, withdrawing the rest to Nanning. Bai Chongxi, director of the Guilin Headquarters and deputy chief of staff, proposed a counter-offensive plan, which was approved by Chiang Kai-shek. On November 24, when Japanese had just occupied Nanning, Bai Chongxi demanded an immediate counterattack while Japanese were unstable and weak. After failing to gain approval, Bai asked Du Yuming to submit a request. Du sent a telegram on December 1: "The enemy occupying Nanning is less than two divisions. They succeeded by exploiting our dispersed forces, but lack heavy weapons and supplies. Our army should gather superior forces and launch a counter-offensive quickly (before December 10) to defeat them and restore international transportation." Chiang decided on a counter-offensive on December 7. On the 8th, Bai conveyed the objective: "capturing Kunlun Pass and then recovering Nanning." By mid-December, assembly was complete. Chiang dispatched Chen Cheng and Li Jishen to supervise, and Zhang Fakui arrived in Qianjiang. In the early stages, Guangxi lacked heavy armored forces for counterattacking beyond Guangxi clique troops. The fall of Kunlun Pass prompted Chongqing to deploy the reorganized Fifth Army and its armored corps for a strong attack. The Fifth Army was the main force at Kunlun Pass, with the National Revolutionary Army providing cover while launching a full-scale counterattack in Nanning. To recapture Kunlun Pass and Nanning, Bai Chongxi dispatched approximately nine armies and twenty-seven divisions, totaling 300,000 troops: Xia Wei of the 16th Army Group, Ye Zhao of the 37th Army Group, Deng Longguang of the 35th Army Group, and Cai Tingkai of the 26th Army Group (31st, 5th, 64th, 46th, and 43rd Armies, etc.) to attack Kunlun Pass. The Japanese, with the Nakamura Brigade as main force and special forces, had strong fortifications. Xu Tingyao of the 38th Army Group, with Li Yannian of the 2nd Army, Gan Lichu of the 6th Army, Yao Chun of the 36th Army, and Fu Zhongfang of the 99th Army. The 5th Army, plus the 1st Honorary Division (Zheng Dongguo), New 22nd Division (Qiu Qingquan), and all armored, cavalry, artillery, and engineer regiments, arrived. The Japanese forces consisted of the 5th Division (Lieutenant General Hitoshi Imamura; 9th Brigade under Major General Genichiro Ogawa; 21st Brigade under Major General Masao Nakamura; Taiwan Mixed Brigade under Major General Sadashiro Shiota), Marine Corps (over 70 warships), and Air Force (100 aircraft), totaling about 30,000. Later reinforcements: Imperial Guard Division and a brigade from the 18th Division. Total about 100,000, but only 45,000 fought. After a traitor reported over 100,000 Nationalist troops north of Kunlun Pass, Imamura dismissed it as "impossible." Higher Japanese ranks hoped to instigate rebellion by the Guangxi clique. On December 10, Imamura issued a telegram "Letter to Generals Li and Bai," expressing respect and stating the attack on Nanning was to cut off Chiang's lines, hoping for Japan-China cooperation. If insisted, the Japanese garrison would win. Finally: "The more than 4,200 brave soldiers who died in Nanning have been buried in Zhongshan Park and solemnly offered sacrifices. Please rest assured." On December 15, Bai Chongxi took a decisive step in the escalating conflict by issuing the first counter-offensive order, setting the stage for a coordinated push against enemy positions. He organized the forces into three main route armies, with additional reserves held back for support. The Northern Route Army, under Xu Tingyao's command, focused its efforts on Kunlun Pass. The 5th Army led the direct assault there, while the 92nd Division from the 99th Army skirted around Lingliwei to strike at Qitang, effectively flanking the pass and adding pressure from the side. Meanwhile, the Western Route Army, led by Xia Wei, split into two columns to cover multiple fronts. The First Column, commanded by Zhou Zuhuang, targeted Gaofeng Pass in a bold advance. The Second Column, under Wei Yunsong, positioned itself at Suwei to block any reinforcements heading toward Nanning, cutting off potential enemy supply lines. On the eastern flank, Cai Tingkai's Eastern Route Army aimed to disrupt key logistics. The 46th Army moved against Luwu and Lingshan, intent on severing the vital Yongqin Highway. At the same time, the 66th Army joined the assault on Kunlun Pass before pushing onward to Gula and Gantang. To bolster these efforts, the remaining two divisions of the 99th Army were kept in reserve, ready to reinforce wherever needed. The very next day, on December 16, Du Yuming—now serving as army commander—gathered his officers for a critical conference within the 5th Army. There, they crafted a clever encirclement strategy dubbed "close the gate and fight the tiger," designed to trap and overwhelm the opposition. The plan's core involved the 200th Division, led by Dai Anlan, and the 1st Honorary Division under Zheng Dongguo launching the primary attack on Kunlun Pass. Flanking from the right, Qiu Qingquan's New 22nd Division would seize Wutang and Liutang, then turn to intercept any incoming reinforcements. On the left wing, Peng Bisheng commanded two regiments in a daring bypass of Gantang and Chang'an, aiming to strike at Qitang and Batang and seal off the enemy's retreat routes. The enemy at Kunlun Pass was the Matsumoto Sozaburo Battalion of the 21st Brigade. Its 42nd and 21st Regiments were along Jiutang-Nanning. On December 16, Imamura ordered Major General Kawai Genshichi of the 9th Brigade to lead thousands in a surprise attack on Longzhou and Zhennan Pass, departing on the 17th. At 8 p.m. on December 17, the Battle of Kunlun Pass began. On December 18, Chinese forces began their attack and captured Kunlun Pass and Jiutang on the same day. On December 19, it captured Gaofeng Pass. On December 20, Gaofeng Pass, Jiutang, and Kunlun Pass fell into the hands of the Japanese army again. At dawn on December 18, the artillery of the 5th Army opened fire. After extension, the 200th and 1st Honorary Divisions attacked. Hundreds of Japanese planes bombed. By night, the 1st Honorary captured Fairy Mountain, Laomaoling, Wanfu Village, Luotang, and Hill 411; 200th captured Hills 653 and 600, taking Kunlun Pass. At noon on the 19th, massive Japanese air raid. Imamura dispatched the 21st Regiment under Colonel Miki Yoshinosuke, recapturing it. Positions were contested repeatedly. The New 22nd occupied Wutang and Liutang; Wutang recaptured by Japanese, but Liutang held, blocking reinforcements. When Imamura ordered Taiwan Mixed Brigade reinforcement, they were blocked at Liutang by Qiu Qingquan. Du Yuming ordered Zheng Dongguo to send Zheng Tingji's 3rd Regiment to encircle Jiutang from the right. They captured high ground west of Jiutang at night. On December 20, enemy at Kunlun Pass weakened, sending urgent reports. Imamura ordered Nakamura Masao with 42nd Regiment to reinforce, but blocked at Wutang for two days, reaching Qitang on the 22nd, blocked again. Nakamura was wounded on the 23rd morning. At 1:30 pm, Miki reported: "If the brigade cannot arrive before dusk, the front line will be difficult to secure." Imamura ordered Colonel Lin Yixiong's 1st Regiment and Colonel Watanabe Nobuyoshi's 2nd Regiment of the Taiwan Mixed Brigade to reinforce, but blocked by 175th Division on Yongqin Road. Watanabe's regiment blocked at Luwu by 524th Regiment (Chao Wei), and after three days, couldn't pass. Watanabe was killed, remnants fled to Qin County. On the 20th, Imamura ordered the 9th Brigade's 3rd Battalion of Ito's unit back in 105 vehicles to reinforce. The Japanese confirmed the attack and Imamura ordered Nakamura Detachment rescue. Over two weeks, encirclement and breakout battles occurred on the Nanning-Kunlun Pass highway. On the 18th, the 170th Division launched the Battle of Gaofeng Pass, capturing a hill on the 19th but ambushed that night. On the 20th, the pass fell, retreating to Gewei. Bai inspected but no improvement; failed to capture Gaofeng Pass or block reinforcements. Ito's unit on Yonglong Road intercepted by 131st at Xichangwei. On the 22nd, Imamura sent two companies from Nanning, intercepted by 188th near Suwei. Ito's battalion besieged in Xichangwei for three days, spared because 131st avoided close combat. Under air cover, both broke through to Nanning on the 26th. On November 21, Chiang was dissatisfied with Kunlun Pass progress, ordering: "If front-line troops and artillery fail to attack or complete tasks, they shall be punished for cowardice." By the 23rd, two divisions of 5th Army had over 2,000 casualties; Japanese over 1,000. Six days yielded no results, with reinforcements arriving. Du changed tactics to concentrate forces, tightening encirclement. On the 24th, Oikawa Detachment ordered back to Nanning, destroying captured materials and withdrawing from Longzhou and Zhennanguan. Bai learned some escaped, telegraphing Wei Yunsong: "If the second batch escapes, it affects the main force. The deputy commander-in-chief should be punished." Main force still escaped; local troops preserved strength, benefiting Japanese. On the main position, Zheng Tingji spotted Japanese officers meeting and ordered fire, inflicting heavy casualties, requiring airdropped officers. On the 25th, Second Regiment of First Division captured Luotang South Heights, annihilating over 200. From December 25, Fifth Army and 159th and 92nd Divisions occupied key high grounds. Fierce battle until December 31, capturing Kunlun Pass and Tianyin, killing Nakamura Masao, annihilating over 5,000. Following the intense clashes at Kunlun Pass, the battle's toll on the Japanese forces became starkly evident in the weeks that followed. On January 19, just a month after the fighting peaked, the Japanese rushed in 3,389 fresh replacements to replenish their battered 5th Division. This influx was distributed unevenly: 1,848 went to the 21st Infantry Regiment and 814 to the 42nd, figures that likely corresponded directly to the number of dead and seriously wounded who had been evacuated back home—though those with minor injuries weren't factored into these counts. The ferocity of the engagement was further underscored by the capture of numerous Japanese strongholds, where Chinese forces found that every defender had been killed, leaving no survivors behind. In many ways, this outcome represented a stunning annihilation for the Japanese, particularly the 21st Brigade, which was effectively wiped out. Key figures fell in the fray, including Brigade Commander Masao Nakamura, Acting Commander Sakata Genichi, Miki Yoshinosuke, along with various deputies and battalion commanders. The leadership losses were catastrophic: over 85% of officers above the squad leader level were killed. Japanese records themselves acknowledged more than 4,000 soldiers dead, painting a grim picture that their own war histories later described as "the darkest era for the army." On the Chinese side, the victory came at a heavy price, with over 10,000 casualties suffered, yet remarkably, the core officer corps remained largely intact, preserving command structure for future operations. Zooming out to the broader theater in December 1939, the Japanese 5th Division and the Taiwan Mixed Brigade found themselves holding the line against an overwhelming force of more than 150,000 Nationalist troops. At the same time, the Japanese 21st Army was shifting its focus to Guangdong Province in preparation for Operation Weng Ying, while the Oikawa Detachment—primarily composed of the 11th Infantry Regiment—pushed forward to Longzhou. They captured Zhennanguan on November 21, securing valuable stocks of fuel and arms in the process. However, these stretched deployments and insufficient troop numbers left the Japanese without adequate reserves when encirclement loomed at Kunlun Pass. Ultimately, they were forced to abandon their offensive plans in Guangdong, pulling back to consolidate defenses around Nanning. Meanwhile, from their base in Chongqing, Chinese commanders had meticulously planned the recapture, turning the tide through careful strategy and sheer determination. Shocked, Japanese dispatched Vice Chief of Staff Sawada Shigeru to Guangzhou. On December 29, 21st Army sent staff to Nanning. Failed to change 21st Brigade's defeat. Imamura planned personal charge for revenge on January 1, but Ando ordered holding Nanning for reinforcements: "The 21st Army is transferring powerful force to annihilate enemy. 5th Division secure Nanning and key locations." After capturing Kunlun Pass and annihilating two regiments of 21st Brigade, 5th Army thought to recapture Nanning. Remaining 21st Brigade and Taiwan regiments between Jiutang and Batang. At noon January 1, 1940, Oikawa's thousands arrived at Batang; Imamura ordered Oikawa replace killed Sakata. First battle on Hill 441. 1st Division held north side; Japanese south. On January 1, Japanese bombed and attacked; 1st Division reduced to hundred but held. At dawn 2nd, counterattack all day, no progress. On 3rd, Du mobilized 200th and part New 22nd; brutal fighting, heavy casualties. At nightfall, Japanese retreated to Jiutang. On 4th, Japanese abandoned Jiutang to Batang. New 22nd moved into Jiutang. 5th Army attacked Batang; by 12th, no progress. Exhausted with heavy casualties, 5th Army ordered to Silong for rest. Mission transferred to 36th Army. 5th Army withdrew. On January 7, Chiang flew to Guilin, visiting Qianjiang on 10th to discuss plans with Bai, Chen, Zhang, Xu, Lin. Bai proposed offensive with new armies to recapture Nanning. Chiang approved. On 11th, as Bai issued orders, Chiang overturned, changing to defensive. Japanese gained time for counter-offensive. To salvage defeat, Japanese transferred 18th Division and Konoye Brigade from Guangdong. Combined with existing, formed 22nd Corps under Seiichi Kuno, under South China Front Army commanded by Reikichi Ando, preparing counteroffensive. On January 25, a brigade from the Japanese 18th Division and elements of the 15th Division attacked frontally along Yongbin Road, while Konoye Brigade flanked toward Guizhou via Yongyong Road, in Binyang Campaign. Konoye crossed at Tingziwei, then Yongchun County, via Gantang, Luwei, Gula, Wuling to Binyang, cutting rear. Bai Chongxi rushed 175th Division of 46th Army north to tail Konoye. After reinforcements, 21st Army launched offensive to drive and encircle south of Binyang; accumulated supplies in Nanning. On January 22, 18th and Konoye reached attack points. 38th Army Group HQ in Binyang bombed, communications cut, independent combat. On January 28, Japanese launched offensive (Binyang Operation). On February 3, 41st Infantry of 5th Division occupied Kunlun Pass. On February 4, Ando reached captured Binyang. Nationalists lost Kunlun Pass, lines collapsed, many encircled. Battle ended with withdrawal; February 13, Japanese withdrew to Nanning, lines stalemated. In the wake of the Binyang clashes, the 18th Division was indeed shifted to Guangzhou. Japanese records from January 28 to February 13 painted a picture of their spoils: they claimed to have captured 19 tanks, 5 light armored vehicles, 30 automobiles, 20 field or mountain guns, 13 rapid-fire guns, and 41 mortars. Additionally, they reported counting 27,041 Chinese bodies on the battlefield and taking 1,167 prisoners. The Chinese forces, for their part, regrouped with their main strength positioned east of the Yongqin Highway, while some elements maneuvered west to harass Japanese rear lines and coordinate actions from the north bank. On February 21, 1940, Chiang arrived in Liuzhou, residing at Yangjiao Mountain. From February 22, he convened over 100 generals for a four-day Liuzhou Military Conference to review Guinan operations. Chiang demoted Bai Chongxi for poor supervision and Chen Cheng for poor guidance from first- to second-class generals. He also punished and rewarded other senior officers. The 46th Army and 175th Division were commended for discipline. On February 26, Fourth War Zone Commander Zhang Fakui announced: "No need for counterattack on Nanning currently." The entire Guinan Campaign ended. The defeat embarrassed Chongqing; not only disrupted Guangxi-Vietnam traffic, but massive effort ended in rout. Pre-battle, Guilin Headquarters misjudged Japanese intentions; during, both Guangxi and Huangpu clique leaders showed poor performance, infuriating Chiang. Post-battle punishments were unprecedented in the war. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In November 1939, Japanese forces, including the 5th Division and Taiwan Brigade, landed at Qinzhou Bay, captured Nanning, and advanced to Kunlun Pass. Chinese troops, under Bai Chongxi and reinforced by the elite 5th Army, launched fierce counteroffensives, recapturing Kunlun Pass in December with heavy casualties.

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Les archives des MEP à l'IRFA, avec Marie-Alpais Dumoulin

Histoire de Chine

Play Episode Listen Later Apr 14, 2026 32:11

Des lettres écrites à la plume dans une mission perdue du Yunnan, aux confins du Sud-Ouest de la Chine, des carnets de voyage noircis au fil des routes d'Asie, Des photographies prises dans les marches tibétaines au début du XXe, des dictionnaires, des cartes, des récits de voyage.Depuis plus de trois siècles, les missionnaires des Missions étrangères de Paris ont laissé derrière eux une masse considérable de documents. Des archives qui racontent non seulement l'histoire des missions en Asie, mais aussi celle de près de 4000 missionnaires français qui ont vécu, voyagé et travaillé dans la région du XVIIe jusqu'au XXe. Souvent dans des régions reculées où ils furent parfois les seuls Européens présents pendant des décennies.Depuis 2019, ce patrimoine exceptionnel est conservé et mis en valeur par l'Institut de recherche France Asie. Un centre qui préserve et valorise ce fonds unique pour nous faire découvrir cette mémoire unique. Nous recevons Marie-Alpais Dumoulin, archiviste paléographe et directrice de l'Institut de recherche française (IRFA).Pour nous soutenir : likez l'épisode, laissez un commentaire, partagez-le et soutenez-nous via notre Tipeee : https://fr.tipeee.com/histoires-de-chine

missions depuis europ chine souvent asie xxe avec marie sud ouest yunnan xviie tipeee site web dumoulin les archives

Francis Garnier conquiert Hanoï : la colonisation du Tonkin, une entreprise mouvementée

Play Episode Listen Later Apr 13, 2026 21:58

Rejoignez Franck Ferrand dans cette captivante exploration de la colonisation du Tonkin par la France à la fin du XIXe siècle.

pr france visitez entreprise suivez mouvement plongez xixe garnier colonisation dupuis tonkin yunnan embarquez audiomeans indochine dupr hano franck ferrand

Enter the Dragon

Insight Myanmar

Play Episode Listen Later Apr 10, 2026 134:08

Episode #517: “They are using each other for their own benefit.” With this line, Wai Yan Phyo Naing frames a sober account of SinoMyanmar relations. A researcher and lecturer in international relations and modern history who studied in Moscow and later worked with migrants in Thailand, Wai Yan Phyo Naing brings both scholarship and field experience to the conversation. For Wai Yan Phyo Naing, the relationship is transactional. “China is only interested in its national interests,” he says. “China is ready to communicate with whoever becomes powerful in Myanmar.” Myanmar engages because it must, yet, as Wai Yan Phyo Naing insists, “Myanmar is a sovereign, independent state—not a province of China.” Geography drives the rest: China seeks an outlet to the Indian Ocean, and Myanmar's coast provides it. The pipelines from Kyaukphyu to Yunnan are operating; the rail vision remains contested—proof, Wai Yan Phyo Naing says, that consent and fair terms decide outcomes. Security realities push cooperation, as Wai Yan Phyo Naing notes that China brokered talks with MNDAA, TNLA, and AA, even “opened the observer office in Lashio,” and, as the generals realized the limits of unilateral force, they came to “appreciate the Chinese intervention.” The darker side of crossborder interdependence is the scam economy, which Wai Yan Phyo Naing calls “like a cancer.” Strategically, Wai Yan Phyo Naing recounts how Beijing once “wanted to create the tunnel… to the Ayeyarwady River and then to the sea.” That was rejected, but “the port project, gas and oil pipeline” are now real, and China is “ready to continue their highspeed railroad from Yunnan.” The moral is unchanged: both states pursue advantage, and Myanmar must bargain hard. Wai Yan Phyo Naing cautions against extremes. “Whoever holds power in Myanmar cannot forget China's presence,” he says. “Please don't forget we are just beside China… we shouldn't see China as a ‘bad guy' all the time.”

china chinese security thailand beijing moscow aa geography myanmar strategically indian ocean enter the dragon yunnan

英语新闻丨旅游业强劲增长

renaissance ir lyon artiste radio france professeur yunnan

Play Episode Listen Later Apr 7, 2026 6:23

As China's visa-free policies continue to deliver dividends, the country's inbound tourism market is warming up this spring, with travelers venturing beyond first-tier cities to second- and third-tier destinations and shifting from traditional sightseeing to immersive cultural experiences.随着中国免签政策的红利持续释放，今年春季，中国入境旅游市场持续升温。游客们不再局限于一线城市，而是深入二三线目的地，并从传统的观光游览转向沉浸式的文化体验。Instead of merely visiting widely popular sites like the Terracotta Warriors or climbing the Great Wall, foreign visitors are stepping into intangible cultural heritage workshops, donning traditional hanfu, learning to make dumplings and even firing porcelain. From "seeing China" to "being Chinese for a day", cultural experiences are emerging as a new engine for inbound tourism.外国游客不再只是参观兵马俑等热门景点或攀登长城，而是走进非物质文化遗产工坊，穿上传统汉服，学习包饺子，甚至亲手烧制瓷器。从"看中国"到"做一天中国人"，文化体验正成为入境旅游的新引擎。A short video recently went viral on social media, showing Zhang Shupeng, known as Asia's first wingsuit pilot, leaping from Yuhu Peak at Zhangjiajie's Tianmen Mountain and flying at more than 200 kilometers per hour through Tianmen Mountain Square in Hunan province.近日，一段短视频在社交媒体上迅速走红。视频中，被称为"亚洲翼装飞行第一人"的张树鹏从张家界天门山的玉壶峰一跃而下，以每小时超过200公里的速度飞越湖南天门洞广场。The video, posted by a foreign blogger on Instagram, garnered more than 100 million views and nearly 5 million likes within days, with comments in multiple languages expressing awe.该视频由一位外国博主发布在Instagram上，短短几天内浏览量就突破1亿，获得近500万点赞，评论区用多种语言表达惊叹之情。Ding Yunjuan, deputy manager of the marketing department at Tianmen Mountain Scenic Area, said that the site attracts extreme sports enthusiasts while offering foreign visitors the chance to watch world-class events such as the annual World Wingsuit League Championship, as well as parkour contests and bicycle speed races down the mountain stairs.天门山景区市场营销部副经理丁云娟表示，该景区在吸引极限运动爱好者的同时，也为外国游客提供了观看世界级赛事的机会，例如一年一度的世界翼装飞行联盟锦标赛，以及跑酷比赛和山地自行车速降赛。The scenic area has also enriched its cultural tourism offerings. Its mountain-gorge theater stages Tianmen Fox Fairy, the world's first live musical performance set in a high-mountain canyon. The show is based on the Xiangxi folk tale The Legend of Woodcutter Liu Hai and centers on themes of oriental love aesthetics.景区还丰富了其文化旅游产品。其高山峡谷大剧场演出《天门狐仙·新刘海砍樵》，这是世界上首台以高山峡谷为天然舞台的大型山水实景音乐剧。该剧根据湘西民间传说《刘海砍樵》改编，以东方爱情美学为主题。Between 2024 and 2025, overseas tourists accounted for 60 to 70 percent of the show's audience. In 2025, it received 250,000 overseas visitors, a 45 percent year-on-year increase, covering more than 120 countries and regions. During the first performances of 2026, overseas visitors made up 70 percent of the audience, Ding said.2024年至2025年间，境外游客占该剧观众的60%至70%。2025年，该剧接待境外游客25万人次，同比增长45%，覆盖超过120个国家和地区。丁云娟说，2026年首轮演出中，境外观众占比达70%。The scenic area welcomed 162,100 overseas visitors in the first quarter of 2026, a 26 percent year-on-year increase. The top four source markets were South Korea, China's Taiwan, Indonesia and Malaysia, she added.她补充说，2026年第一季度，天门山景区共接待境外游客16.21万人次，同比增长26%。排名前四的客源市场是韩国、中国台湾、印度尼西亚和马来西亚。The park has strengthened English training for its personnel, provided translation devices for front-line employees and introduced guided tours in Chinese, English and Korean.景区加强了对员工的英语培训，为一线的员工配备了翻译设备，并推出了中文、英文和韩文的导游服务。In Lijiang, Yunnan province, during the Sanduo Festival — a traditional celebration of the Naxi ethnic group honoring the guardian deity Sanduo — two tourists from New York and Los Angeles, Iren Helperin and Soheila Halimi, said they were drawn to the city's ancient town and ethnic culture and praised its safe and friendly travel environment.在云南省丽江市，正值纳西族传统节日"三多节"（纪念保护神三多）期间，来自纽约和洛杉矶的两位游客艾琳·赫尔珀林和索海拉·哈利米表示，她们被丽江古城和民族文化所吸引，并称赞这里安全友好的旅游环境。"We felt very safe here. As a tourist, safety is very important because you're not familiar with the city or the culture," Helperin said. "In Europe, you have to wrap your phone with a string so if somebody tries to grab it, you can pull it back. Here you don't have to worry. I can carry my phone and take pictures."赫尔珀林说："我们在这里感到非常安全。对游客来说，安全非常重要，因为你既不熟悉这座城市，也不了解这里的文化。在欧洲，你不得不用绳子拴住手机，以防有人试图抢走时你能拉回来。在这里你不用担心。我可以拿着手机随意拍照。"A German couple, Evgeni Knispel and Denise Nagel, who were also visiting Lijiang, said they discovered the city while searching online for trips to China. They praised its cleanliness, pleasant weather and well-preserved old town.同样在丽江旅游的一对德国夫妇叶夫根尼·尼斯佩尔和丹尼斯·纳格尔说，他们在网上搜索中国旅行时发现了丽江。他们称赞丽江干净整洁、天气宜人，古城保存完好。"It's unbelievably clean everywhere," Nagel said. Knispel added that while Lijiang is touristy, it is less crowded than destinations in Thailand, and he would recommend it to friends and family.纳格尔说："到处都干净得令人难以置信。"尼斯佩尔补充说，虽然丽江旅游味较浓，但比泰国的旅游目的地人少，他会向亲朋好友推荐这里。Lyu Ning, dean of the School of Tourism Sciences at Beijing International Studies University, said that smaller cities preserve more authentic natural scenery and folk customs, meeting foreign tourists' demand for uniqueness and authenticity.北京第二外国语学院旅游科学学院院长吕宁表示，小城市保留了更真实的自然风光和民俗风情，满足了外国游客对独特性和真实性的需求。Meanwhile, China's transport and service infrastructure has expanded into lower-tier cities. High-speed rail now reaches third — and fourth-tier cities, including Wuyishan in Fujian province and Huangshan in Anhui province. Regional air networks have improved, while rural tourism roads and scenic area shuttle services have helped solve the "last mile" problem, she said.与此同时，中国的交通和服务基础设施已扩展到低线城市。高铁网络现已覆盖包括福建武夷山和安徽黄山在内的三四线城市。区域航空网络得到改善，乡村旅游公路和景区接驳服务也有助于解决"最后一公里"问题。"Overseas communication has shifted from official promotion to authentic experience sharing on social media platforms such as TikTok, Instagram and YouTube. Foreign visitors' real-life posts are more influential and relatable than traditional advertising," Lyu said.吕宁说："海外传播已经从官方推广转向TikTok、Instagram和YouTube等社交媒体平台上的真实体验分享。外国游客发布的真实帖子比传统广告更具影响力和亲和力。"On the shift from "seeing China" to "being Chinese for a day", Lyu said it reflects a move from curiosity-driven sightseeing to deeper cultural empathy.对于从"看中国"到"做一天中国人"的转变，吕宁认为，这反映了从好奇驱动的观光旅游向更深层次文化共情的转变。"Young overseas tourists, especially Generation Z, no longer want to just check off landmarks; they want to participate in Chinese daily life," she said.她说："年轻的海外游客，尤其是Z世代，不再只想打卡地标，他们希望参与中国人的日常生活。""This demand change is essentially a shift from knowing China to understanding China," Lyu said. Immersive experiences turn Chinese culture from abstract symbols into tangible, shareable moments, creating a word-of-mouth chain from experience to emotional resonance and then sharing."这种需求变化本质上是'知中国'向'懂中国'的转变。"吕宁说，沉浸式体验将中国文化从抽象符号转化为可触摸、可分享的瞬间，形成从体验到情感共鸣再到分享的口碑传播链条。Experiential products are becoming the core competitiveness of the inbound tourism market, moving away from resource-dependent models to creativity-driven offerings. They not only enrich the product mix but also increase added value and repeat visits, as tourists form emotional connections and return for specific experiences, she added.她补充说，体验型产品正成为入境旅游市场的核心竞争力，从资源依赖型模式转向创意驱动型产品。它们不仅丰富了产品组合，还提高了附加值和重游率，因为游客建立了情感联系，并会为了特定体验而再次到访。dividend /ˈdɪvɪdend/红利；收益Terracotta Warriors /təˌrɑːkətə ˈwɒriəz/兵马俑go viral /ɡəʊ ˈvaɪrəl/迅速走红garner /ˈɡɑːnə/获得；收集parkour /pɑːˈkʊə/跑酷

new york tiktok europe english china school los angeles young chinese german thailand indonesia taiwan korean south korea regional malaysia foreign ding generation z overseas immersive nagel great wall experiential yunnan hunan fujian anhui terracotta warriors huangshan

Louise Labé (1524-1566), poète et artiste du Yunnan ?

Toute une vie

Play Episode Listen Later Apr 1, 2026 60:14

durée : 01:00:14 - Une vie, une oeuvre - par : Irène Omélianenko - A la recherche d'une vie et d'une œuvre qu'une ville et un temps enfantèrent, Michèle Clément et Xuefeng Chen déambulent dans les rues de Lyon. La ville leur raconte Louise Labé, poétesse lyonnaise de la Renaissance. - réalisation : Claire Poinsignon, Yves Bourget, Laurent Paulré - invités : Michèle Clément Professeur de littérature à Lyon II., Xuefeng Chen Artiste plasticienne, originaire du Yunnan. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France

Les Maîtres de la poésie : Louise Labé (1524-1566), poète et artiste du Yunnan ?

Toute une vie

Play Episode Listen Later Apr 1, 2026 60:14

durée : 01:00:14 - Toute une vie - par : Irène Omélianenko, Yves Bourget - A la recherche d'une vie et d'une œuvre qu'une ville et un temps enfantèrent, Michèle Clément et Xuefeng Chen déambulent dans les rues de Lyon. La ville leur raconte Louise Labé, poétesse lyonnaise de la Renaissance. - réalisation : Laurent Paulré - invités : Michèle Clément Professeur de littérature à Lyon II.; Xuefeng Chen Artiste plasticienne, originaire du Yunnan.

renaissance ir lyon toute artiste professeur lapo yunnan les ma

英语新闻丨追花季带热文旅消费

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 24, 2026 4:04

Thousands of visitors flock to witness beauty of blossoms around the country数千游客争睹全国花海盛景Rising temperatures herald the season to chase flowers in China. Thousands of visitors from home and abroad descend on the nation's most picturesque spring landscapes to capture the beauty of the blossoms, boosting consumption in the process.随着气温回升，中国迎来了赏花踏青的季节。成千上万的国内外游客纷纷涌向国内风景最美的春日景观，争相定格花朵盛放的美丽瞬间，这也带动了文旅消费热潮。In mid-March, Yuantouzhu scenic area in Wuxi, Jiangsu province, entered "congestion mode". By 5 pm on March 14, the area had welcomed nearly 70,000 visitors, setting a record for this year's cherry blossom season, according to Shangyou News.3月中旬，江苏省无锡市鼋头渚景区进入"拥堵模式"。据上游新闻报道，截至3月14日下午5时，该景区已接待游客近7万人次，创下今年樱花季的单日客流量纪录。"I knew it would be crowded, but I just couldn't miss such beautiful cherry blossoms," said Zhang, a tourist from Nanjing, Jiangsu, as she navigated the sea of visitors trying to capture the perfect photo. "It's so hard to get pictures of the flowers without people in them, so I had to settle for photos with strangers included."来自南京的游客张女士在人群中寻找最佳拍摄角度时说："我知道人会很多，但实在不想错过这么美的樱花。"她无奈地笑道："想拍一张没有路人入镜的照片太难了，最后只能凑合拍些带陌生人的照片。"According to travel platform Qunar, the weekend of March 14 and 15 saw searches for flower viewing-related keywords increase more than 60 percent week-on-week.据去哪儿旅行平台数据显示，3月14日至15日周末期间，"赏花"相关关键词的搜索量环比增长超过60%。Traditional hot spots, including Hangzhou in Zhejiang province, Chengdu in Sichuan province, Wuhan in Hubei province, and Kunming and Dali in Yunnan province, continue to rank among the top 15 tourist destinations this season.传统的热门赏花地依然稳居今春旅游目的地前15名，包括浙江杭州、四川成都、湖北武汉、云南昆明和大理等地。In Beijing, magnolia and mountain peach trees are already blooming, painting the city with the first burst of spring colors. Mountain peach blossoms at the Summer Palace's west dike and Olympic Forest Park entered peak blooming season in mid-March. Early cherry blossoms at Yuyuantan Park can be seen now, with Qunar reporting a 50 percent year-on-year increase in flower-viewing searches in the capital. Hotels near Qianmen, the Temple of Heaven and Chaoyang Park — known for their photogenic flower spots — are witnessing brisk bookings.在北京，玉兰和山桃已经吐蕊，为城市染上第一抹春色。颐和园西堤和奥林匹克森林公园的山桃花在3月中旬进入盛花期。玉渊潭公园的早樱也已开放，据去哪儿网数据，北京"赏花"搜索量同比增长50%。前门、天坛、朝阳公园附近因拥有绝佳的花景拍摄点，酒店预订量节节攀升。Beijing resident Li Kai said that he took half a day off from work on Wednesday to enjoy the early cherry blossoms at Yuyuantan after seeing photos on social media.北京市民李凯说，他在社交媒体上看到玉渊潭公园的樱花照片后，周三专门请了半天假去赏早樱。"The blossoms looked so beautiful against the clear water and blue sky — my mood instantly lifted," he said."清澈的湖水和蓝天映衬下的樱花美不胜收——我的心情一下子就明媚起来了。"他说。In Wuhan, early cherry blossoms have entered peak viewing season. Flight bookings to the city in March increased 12.5 percent year-on-year.在武汉，早樱已进入最佳观赏期。3月飞往武汉的航班预订量同比增长12.5%。China's spring scenery is also attracting foreigners. According to Qunar, in March, domestic flight bookings made with non-Chinese passports rose 21 percent year-on-year.中国的春日美景也吸引着外国游客。根据去哪儿网数据，3月使用非中国护照预订国内航班的旅客数量同比增长21%。Nyingchi in the Xizang autonomous region saw a 630 percent surge in foreign arrivals for its pink peach blossoms. Datong in Shanxi province, famous for apricot blossoms, recorded an increase of over 900 percent. Kashgar and Yining in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region saw foreign tourist numbers rise 500 percent and 350 percent, respectively.西藏林芝的桃花吸引了大量外国游客，相关订单量激增630%；以杏花闻名的山西大同，外国游客数量增幅超过900%；新疆喀什和伊宁的外国游客数量则分别增长了500%和350%。The spike in demand comes amid a sharp fall in airfares. Prices are lower by 30 to 70 percent on multiple routes compared with February. One-way flights from Beijing to Hangzhou, Wuxi or Wuhan are available for as little as 300 yuan ($44), making them even cheaper than high-speed train tickets.旅游需求激增的同时，机票价格却大幅下降。多条航线的机票价格较2月下降了30%至70%。从北京飞往杭州、无锡或武汉的单程机票最低仅需300元（约合44美元），比高铁票还便宜。Lyu Ning, dean of Beijing International Studies University's School of Tourism Sciences, said the focus of flower-viewing tours in 2026 is immersive experiences and scenario innovation.北京第二外国语学院旅游科学学院院长吕宁表示，2026年赏花旅游的核心在于沉浸式体验与场景创新。"There is a strong sense of immersion. There is a shift from superficial viewing to deep participation," she said.她说："沉浸感显著增强，正在从浅层的观看式游览向深度的参与式体验转变。"Lyu added that flower-viewing also creates a full consumption chain — transportation, accommodations, dining, experiences and shopping — transforming floral landscapes into an economic driver.吕宁还补充说，赏花活动还能带动交通、住宿、餐饮、体验、购物等全链条消费，将"花海"转化为实实在在的经济动能。herald /ˈherəld/预示；宣布 magnolia /mæɡˈnoʊliə/玉兰 brisk /brɪsk/兴旺的；轻快的 airfare /ˈeə(r)fer/机票费用

china school chinese rising hotels temple mountain flight traditional thousands beijing prices wuhan zhang dali chengdu sichuan nanjing hangzhou yunnan hubei kunming zhejiang jiangsu shanxi summer palace wuxi kashgar datong qunar

Herding Mountains to Make a Forest (Pre-Intermediate)

Easy Stories in English

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 23, 2026 26:30

Get episodes without adverts at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠EasyStoriesInEnglish.com/Support⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Your support is appreciated! The Stone Forest in Yunnan is a beautiful karst mountain range. But how did it come to be? Learn all about the Sani people and the magical origins of this Chinese nature site in today's episode. Go to ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠EasyStoriesInEnglish.com/Mountains⁠⁠ for the full transcript. Level: Pre-Intermediate. Genre: Myths & Legends. Vocabulary: Herd, Bucket, Spirit, Order, Whip, Unfurl, Dam, Rooster, Freeze. Setting: China. Word Count: 681. Author: Chinese Myths. 00:00 Intro 00:52 The Sani people 01:39 My full circle momoent 04:12 Leaving Chinese 06:19 Coming back to Chinese 08:57 Busy busy! 11:14 Stumbling across the origin story 13:30 Vocabulary 17:34 Herding Mountains to Make a Forest 23:31 Outro Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

spirit chinese legends busy mountains freeze bucket whip rooster stumbling dam herding sani yunnan word count unfurl stone forest pre intermediate

英语新闻丨文化外交助力民心相通

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 18, 2026 5:55

Direct experience of country's heritage now key feature of high-level diplomacy亲身感受中国历史文化正成为高层外交重要内容During a visit to the Palace Museum in Beijing in January, veteran guide Wang Xiaoxin had the opportunity to give visiting Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo a tour. Wang shared a historical anecdote about Finnish-born art historian Osvald Siren, who was invited by Puyi, the last emperor of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911), to visit the Forbidden City in 1922. This story immediately captured Orpo's attention.今年1月，资深导游王晓新（音译）有机会为来北京访问的芬兰总理彼得里·奥尔波提供故宫博物院的讲解服务。王晓新分享了一个历史轶闻：1922年，出生于芬兰的艺术史学家喜龙仁曾受清朝末代皇帝溥仪的邀请参观紫禁城。这个故事立即引起了奥尔波的兴趣。Over the next hour, Wang guided Orpo along the palace's central axis, introducing him to the architecture, imperial rituals and folk customs of ancient China. Orpo showed particular interest in the imperial examination system, and was surprised to learn that candidates once spent three consecutive days completing the demanding tests used to select government officials, according to Wang.在接下来的一小时里，王晓新带领奥尔波沿着故宫中轴线参观，向他介绍中国古代的建筑、宫廷礼仪和民俗风情。据王晓新观察，奥尔波对科举制度表现出浓厚兴趣，当得知考生曾需要连续三天完成选拔官员的严格考试时，他感到惊讶。After the visit, Orpo expressed his excitement on social media, describing it as "an amazing experience". He praised the guide and the tour, noting the remarkable juxtaposition of the centuries-old historical site in the middle of an enormous modern city filled with skyscrapers.参观结束后，奥尔波在社交媒体上表达了他的兴奋之情，称这是一次"奇妙的经历"。他称赞了这次导览，并特别提到这座拥有数百年历史的文化遗址与现代摩天大楼林立的都市景象交相辉映，令人赞叹。According to Wang, the Palace Museum provides one of the best windows for visitors to understand China. Within its walls are over a thousand years of cultural heritage, offering insights into the core ideas that have shaped Chinese culture.王晓新认为，故宫是外国友人了解中国的最佳窗口之一。故宫承载了上千年的文化遗产，展现了塑造中华文化的核心理念。"In recent years, there has been talk of a so-called 'China threat' in some Western societies," he noted. "However, when people visit the Palace Museum and learn about China's traditional culture, they often discover that Chinese philosophy has long emphasized harmony and balance."他说："近年来，西方社会出现了一些所谓'中国威胁论'的论调。但当人们参观故宫，了解中国传统文化后，常常会发现中国哲学历来强调和谐与平衡。"During his guided tours, Wang frequently introduces the Taoist concept of wuwei, which advocates governance through respect for the intrinsic nature of people and society, rather than excessive interference or imposition. This ancient wisdom has influenced the country's governance for centuries.在讲解中，王晓新经常介绍道家的"无为"思想，主张通过尊重人民和社会的本性来进行治理，而不是过度干预或强行施压。这一古老智慧影响了中国数千年来的治国理政。Wang said that as Western countries increasingly view China in a more equal and objective manner, understanding Chinese culture and gaining insight into how Chinese people think and live can foster engagement based on mutual understanding.他表示，随着西方国家越来越平等、客观地看待中国，理解中国文化并深入了解中国人的思维和生活方式，有助于在相互理解的基础上促进交流。Several other foreign leaders, such as Irish Taoiseach, or prime minister, Micheal Martin, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, President of Uruguay Yamandu Orsi and British Prime Minister Keir Starmer, have all incorporated cultural experiences into their visits to China in recent months.近几个月来，爱尔兰总理米歇尔·马丁、德国总理弗里德里希·默茨、乌拉圭总统亚曼杜·奥尔西以及英国首相基尔·斯塔默等多位外国领导人在访华期间，也都安排了文化体验行程。Starmer began his China visit at a Yunnan cuisine restaurant in Beijing. His cultural itinerary included visits to the Palace Museum as well as Yuyuan Garden in Shanghai, which embodies the essence of classical Chinese landscaping.斯塔默的访华行程始于北京一家云南风味餐厅。他的文化之旅还包括参观故宫博物院和体现中国古典园林精华的上海豫园。Dom Hastings, culture counsellor at the British embassy in China, said the arrangements reflected the full breadth of the relationship between the United Kingdom and China.英国驻华大使馆文化参赞韩苏表示，这些安排体现了英中关系的广度。"This is not only a political and trading relationship. It is also a long-standing cultural one," he said.他说："这不仅是政治和贸易关系，也是长期的文化关系。""When planning the visit, we wanted to give the prime minister a rounded view of China, acknowledging its ancient heritage while also presenting a contemporary picture of the country today," Hastings added."在策划行程时，我们希望让首相对中国有一个全面的了解，既要了解其古老的文化遗产，也要展现其当代面貌。"Dominic Stanton, communications counsellor at the British embassy, said planners were also mindful of the long history of bilateral cultural exchanges, including the state visit to China by Britain's Queen Elizabeth II in 1986.英国驻华大使馆通讯公关参赞沈栋明表示，策划者也考虑到了两国长期文化交流的历史，包括1986年英国女王伊丽莎白二世对中国的国事访问。During Starmer's visit, the prime minister sat at the same table at Yuyuan Garden that the queen did 40 years ago. By referencing that legacy, the visit sought to highlight the enduring value of cultural connections, Stanton said.斯塔默访问期间，在豫园就坐于40年前女王曾使用过的同一张桌子旁。沈栋明说，通过借鉴这一历史遗产，此次访问旨在强调文化连接的持久价值。Zhao Hongyan, a professor of international relations at the University of International Business and Economics in Beijing, said cultural activities have long been part of the diplomatic agenda, but are now more systematically integrated into leaders' itineraries, becoming an important feature of high-level diplomacy.对外经济贸易大学国际关系学院教授赵鸿燕表示，文化活动长期以来一直是外交议程的一部分，但现在更系统地融入到领导人的行程中，成为高层外交的一个重要特色。This shift reflects the growing role of soft communication and public diplomacy in international engagement, she said.她认为，这一转变反映了软沟通和公共外交在国际交往中日益重要的作用。"By stepping outside formal meeting rooms and engaging with local communities, food, history and daily life, they encounter the diversity of Chinese society and civilization," Zhao added.她说："通过走出正式会议室，接触当地社区、美食、历史和日常生活，他们得以接触到中国社会和文明的多样性。"Images of leaders interacting with local residents or participating in cultural activities often signal openness toward China and a willingness to improve bilateral relations, she said.赵鸿燕还指出，领导人接触当地居民或参与文化活动的形象，往往传递出对中国持开放态度以及愿意改善双边关系的信号。More important, by sending positive signals and fostering goodwill, cultural exchanges can help build the trust needed for subsequent negotiations, Zhao noted.更重要的是，通过传递积极信号和培养善意，文化交流有助于建立后续谈判所需的信任。The essence of cultural experience and communication lies in enabling face-to-face and person-to-person interaction, Zhao said, adding that such direct exchanges allow people to break stereotypes and understand each other in a more authentic way.文化体验和交流的本质在于实现面对面的互动。这种直接的交流能够让彼此打破成见，更真实地相互理解。While traditional cultural symbols such as the Palace Museum, classical gardens and Chinese cuisine have become a "must-see" on diplomatic visits, Zhao said she believes that these experiences could be expanded further.赵鸿燕认为，尽管故宫、古典园林和中国美食等传统文化符号已成为外交访问的"必选项"，但这些体验还可以进一步拓展。Stories of ordinary people and community life can reveal the warmth and vitality of Chinese society, while showcasing advances in China's technology, green development and new energy can address issues of global concern.普通人的故事和社区生活可以展现中国社会的温情与活力，而展示中国在科技、绿色发展和新能源方面的进步，则可以回应全球共同关注的议题。During his China visit, German Chancellor Merz toured the humanoid robotics company Unitree Robotics in Hangzhou, Zhejiang province, and watched robots perform boxing and martial arts.德国总理默茨在访华期间参观了位于浙江杭州的人形机器人公司宇树科技，观看了机器人表演拳击和武术。The visit signaled growing international recognition of China's robotics and artificial intelligence technologies, and also offered a glimpse into the future of bilateral industrial cooperation, said Michael Schumann, chairman of the German Federal Association for Economic Development and Foreign Trade.德国联邦经济发展和对外贸易协会主席米夏埃尔·舒曼表示，这次访问标志着国际社会对中国机器人技术和人工智能技术的日益认可，也为两国未来的工业合作提供了前景。imperial ritual /ɪmˈpɪəriəl ˈrɪtʃuəl/宫廷礼仪juxtaposition /ˌdʒʌkstəpəˈzɪʃn/并置；并列excessive interference /ɪkˈsesɪv ˌɪntəˈfɪərəns/过度干预taoiseach /ˈtiːʃəx/爱尔兰总理itinerary /aɪˈtɪnərəri/行程；路线humanoid robotic /ˈhjuːmənɔɪd rəʊˈbɒtɪk/人形机器人martial arts /ˈmɑːʃl ɑːts/武术

David Leffman "A Murder in Yunnan"

Books on Asia

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 16, 2026 34:49

John Ross speaks with English travel writer and photographer David Leffman about his new book, A Murder in Yunnan: The Unsolved Killing of a British Diplomat on China's Southwestern Frontier. The conversation begins with David's own long engagement with China, which started with a difficult first trip in 1985, and then continued a decade later with work on The Rough Guide to China. In the 1860s, the British dreamed of opening a profitable overland trade route into China from British India via Burma. The 1868 Sladen Expedition scouted a route from Bhamo in Burma to Tengyue/Tengchong in Yunnan, China. The going was difficult because the southwestern frontier area had been devastated by prolonged Muslim uprisings and banditry. The Browne Expedition tried again in 1875. Augustus Raymond Margary, a young British diplomat and gifted Chinese speaker, joined this second expedition after making a remarkable overland journey from Shanghai across the breadth of China. But tragedy soon struck. Margary's murder near the border – what became known as the Margary Affair – turned into a diplomatic crisis, nearly provoking a third Anglo-Chinese war. This BOA episode contains no spoilers; David doesn't reveal who he thinks killed the young Englishman, but we do run through some of the many suspects and look at the fallout from this true crime case. And, as icing on the cake, we even hear about a Burmese mission to Peking with elephants as tribute. A Murder in Yunnan is published by the Hong Kong-based Blacksmith Books. It's due out April 7, 2026 but can be preordered now. To learn more about David Leffman's writing, visit his website. John has written reviews for Bookish Asia of David's earlier China books. The Mercenary Mandarin: How a British adventurer became a general in Qing-dynasty China. John also did a related author interview with David for this book. Paper Horses: Woodblock Prints of Gods from Northern China The Books on Asia Podcast is co-produced with Plum Rain Press. Podcast host Amy Chavez is author of The Widow, the Priest, and the Octopus Hunter: Discovering a Lost Way of Life on a Secluded Japanese Island. and Amy's Guide to Best Behavior in Japan.The Books on Asia website posts book reviews, podcast episodes and episode Show Notes. Subscribe to the BOA podcast from your favorite podcast service. Subscribe to the Books on Asia newsletter to receive news of the latest new book releases, reviews and podcast episodes.

english china guide japan books british chinese murder gods hong kong muslims priest shanghai widow burma boa englishman peking burmese qing john ross yunnan british india rough guide best behavior asia podcast british diplomat

The Elf Frequency - A Mushroom, a Glitch, and the Oldest Encounter on Earth

Troubled Minds Radio

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 13, 2026 108:58 Transcription Available

A mushroom in China makes people see little people. Not sometimes. Not vaguely. 96 percent of the time, the same vision: tiny humanoid figures marching across tables, climbing furniture, dancing in formation. Hospitals in Yunnan province treat hundreds of these cases every summer. The mushroom is called Lanmaoa asiatica and it has been a popular edible for generations. Servers at hot pot restaurants set timers and warn you not to eat before it goes off or you might see the xiao ren ren. Then a researcher at the University of Utah found the same mushroom causing the same visions in the Philippines. And possibly Papua New Guinea. Three countries. Three languages. No cultural contact. One species. One vision. If you are having a mental health crisis and need immediate help, please go to https://troubledminds.org/help/ and call somebody right now. Reaching out for support is a sign of strength. LIVE ON Digital Radio!https://www.kuapdb.com/http://www.troubledminds.orghttps://www.troubledminds.net Support The Show!https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/troubled-minds-radio--4953916/supporthttps://ko-fi.com/troubledmindshttps://patreon.com/troubledmindshttps://www.buymeacoffee.com/troubledmindshttps://troubledfans.com Friends of Troubled Minds! -https://troubledminds.org/friends Show Schedule Sun--Tues--Thurs 7-10pstiTunes - https://apple.co/2zZ4hx6Spotify - https://spoti.fi/2UgyzqMTuneIn - https://bit.ly/2FZOErSTwitter X - https://bit.ly/2CYB71U ---------------------------------------- https://troubledminds.substack.com/p/the-elf-frequency-a-mushroom-a-glitch https://www.popularmechanics.com/science/a70698051/mushroom-bizarre-hallucination/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lanmaoa_asiatica https://www.bbc.com/future/article/20260121-the-mysterious-mushroom-that-makes-you-see-tiny-people https://www.iflscience.com/whats-it-like-to-take-lanmaoa-asiatica-the-mushrooms-that-make-you-hallucinate-xiao-ren-ren-82376 https://thefreaky.net/lanmaoa-asiatica-the-little-people-mushroom/ https://www.thetakeout.com/2092204/mushroom-tiny-human-hallucinations-lanmaoa-asiatica/ https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hallucinogenic_bolete_mushroom https://www.jstor.org/stable/40390492 https://themicrodose.substack.com/p/little-people-hallucinations-5-questions https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Elf https://magicalclan.com/types-of-elves/ https://www.britannica.com/topic/elf-mythologyThat's another dive into the mysteries they don't want you exploring here on Troubled Minds Radio. Keep Your Mind Troubled: If today's episode challenged your perception of reality, you're exactly where you need to be.Subscribe wherever you get your podcasts and hit that notification bell so you never miss our investigations into the unknown.Your five-star rating and review helps other truth-seekers find us in this sea of mainstream disinformation. Join the Community: Connect with nearly 1,000 fellow researchers in our Discord server, follow @TroubledMindsR on X for breaking updates, and support independent media by upgrading to Spreaker Prime for exclusive bonus content.Share Your Truth: Got a paranormal encounter, conspiracy evidence, or inside knowledge they're covering up? Email troubledmindsradio@gmail.com - your story could be featured on an upcoming episode. This is your host reminding you that in a world of manufactured narratives, questioning everything isn't paranoia...

Viaje por China: de la Ciudad Prohibida a los arrozales de Yunnan

Gente Viajera

Play Episode Listen Later Mar 8, 2026 9:17

Planificar un viaje de tres semanas por China permite recorrer algunas de sus grandes ciudades y descubrir regiones menos conocidas del país. De Beijing a Shanghái, pasando por Xi'an o por provincias del suroeste como Guizhou y Yunnan, el itinerario puede combinar patrimonio histórico, grandes paisajes y culturas tradicionales.En este reportaje elaborado por Enrique Domínguez Uceta se resumen algunas de las recomendaciones que compartió en Gente viajera, el programa de viajes de Onda Cero que se emite sábados y domingos de 12:00 a 14:00h, presentado por Carles Lamelo.

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英语新闻丨小众城镇春节旅游火热

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese

Play Episode Listen Later Feb 25, 2026 5:00

Some lesser-known or small Chinese towns and cities — with a strong festive ambience during Chinese New Year — alongside Neo-Chinese style destinations, have experienced "wealth beyond measure" during the nine-day Spring Festival holiday. Both domestic and international tourists have shown a tendency to linger in these areas.在为期9天的春节假期期间，一些不太出名的小城镇以及新中式风格的旅游目的地迎来了"泼天富贵"。国内游客和外国游客都喜欢在这些地方多玩几天。This year's extended Spring Festival holiday, which began on Feb 15 and concluded on Monday, inspired widespread travel.今年春节假期从2月15日开始，到2月23日结束，激发了人们的出游热情。"It's really stunning looking down at the lantern show from the ancient city walls. I felt like I was traveling back in time," said Sha Anna as she marveled at a lantern show on Feb 17 in Datong, Shanxi province. The Beijing resident visited the picturesque ancient city with family.北京居民沙安娜（音译）2月17日与家人一起游览了山西省大同市的古城。她在欣赏灯会时感叹道："从古城墙上俯瞰灯会，真的很震撼。我感觉自己穿越回了古代。"The city rose to popularity after the release of the Chinese-developed video game Black Myth: Wukong in 2024, which features several game scenes closely related to ancient Buddhist culture and Taoism.大同在2024年国产游戏《黑神话：悟空》发售后火了，这款游戏的几个场景与古老的佛教和道教文化密切相关。She said a desire to experience the lively festive atmosphere of Chinese New Year that differed from Beijing, led her to plan a trip to Datong — a city that boasts a rich cultural heritage. "The food here is also very delicious, especially the knife-cut noodles. The city left us with memories of historical legacies and human touch, and we will come back next Spring Festival."沙安娜说，她想体验与北京不同的热闹新年气氛，于是计划去大同旅游。大同市拥有丰富的文化遗产。她说："这里的食物也非常美味，尤其是刀削面。这座城市给我们留下了历史遗产和人情味的记忆，明年春节我们还会来。"Lively discussions on Datong and many other niche but attractive towns and small cities circulated online during the Spring Festival holiday. Their distinctive celebration practices, flavorful cuisine and strong cultural heritage have generated interest from tourists looking for unique experiences.春节期间，大同和许多其他小众但具有吸引力的城镇在网上引发了热议。它们独特的庆祝方式、风味美食和深厚的文化底蕴吸引了寻求独特体验的游客。Data from travel portal Tuniu shows that the number of tourists to Baoting Li and Miao autonomous county in South China's Hainan province and Dehong Dai and Jingpo autonomous prefecture in Southwest China's Yunnan province increased twofold compared with the previous Spring Festival period, as these places enjoy distinctive and exotic ethnic cultures. Destinations such as Chao zhou in Guangdong province, Shang rao and Jingdezhen in Jiangxi province have seen tourist numbers double year-on-year.旅游门户途牛网的数据显示，前往海南省保亭黎族苗族自治县和云南省德宏傣族景颇族自治州的游客数量比上一个春节增加了一倍，这些地方拥有独特而富有异域风情的民族文化。广东潮州、江西上饶和景德镇等目的地的游客数量同比翻了一番。Qunar, another online travel agency, noted strong enthusiasm among young people for Neo-Chinese style destinations — which blend contemporary and traditional Chinese cultures — during the holiday period. The agency reported that some history or novel-based theme parks like Millennium City Park and Wansui Mountain Wuxia City in Henan province were among the top destinations on their platform during the holiday.另一家在线旅游机构去哪儿网指出，假期期间，年轻人对新中式风格旅游目的地的热情很高。该机构报告称，河南的清明上河园和万岁山武侠城等一些历史或小说主题公园是假期期间其平台上最受欢迎的目的地之一。The extended holiday also stimulated Chinese people's desire for long-distance overseas trips. According to Qunar, between Feb 15 and Monday, its users flew to nearly 1,000 cities worldwide. The most popular overseas destinations were those with shorter flight times, friendly visa policies and milder climates, including Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.这个长假也刺激了中国人出国长途旅行的欲望。根据去哪儿网的数据，2月15日至23日期间，去哪儿网的用户飞往全球近1000个城市。最受欢迎的海外目的地是飞行时间较短、签证政策友好、气候温和的地方，包括曼谷、吉隆坡和香港。Among the travelers who went overseas was Zhang Yi, who took a four-day trip to Thailand with her family and returned to Shanghai on Sunday. "It was our third time visiting the country, but the first time celebrating Chinese New Year there. Thailand is a good place to relax," she said.张怡（音译）是出境游的游客之一，她与家人去泰国玩了四天，于周日返回上海。她说："这是我们第三次去泰国，但第一次在那里庆祝中国新年。泰国是个放松身心的好地方。"Qunar also noted that many of its users spent the Spring Festival holiday in Italy, the host nation of the recently concluded Milano Cortina 2026 Winter Olympics. "Based on our figures, flight ticket bookings to Italy on Feb 14 and Feb 15 — the day before the Spring Festival holiday started and the first day of the holiday — increased by 64 percent compared with the previous two days," it said.去哪儿网还指出，许多用户选择在意大利度过春节假期。意大利是最近结束的2026年米兰-科尔蒂纳冬奥会的主办国。该机构表示："根据我们的数据，2月14日和2月15日前往意大利的机票预订量与前两天相比增长了64%。"Additionally, the social media trend "becoming Chinese" has extended to the tourism market, with an increasing number of international travelers visiting the mainland during the Spring Festival holiday to partake in festivities. In 2024, Spring Festival was officially inscribed on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity by UNESCO, enhancing its global influence.此外，社交媒体上"成为中国人"的热潮也延伸到了旅游市场，越来越多的外国游客在春节期间来内地旅游。2024年春节被列入联合国教科文组织人类非物质文化遗产代表作名录，提升了其在全球的影响力。Data from Qunar shows that flight bookings to the mainland made by travelers holding non-Chinese passports grew by 20 percent year-on-year during the holiday.去哪儿网的数据显示，春节期间，持非中国护照的旅客赴内地机票预订量同比增长20%。Top destinations for these international travelers included not just big cities like Shanghai and Beijing but also lesser-known places like Jinggangshan in Jiangxi and Altay in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region.这些国际游客的主要目的地不仅包括上海、北京这样的大城市，还包括江西井冈山、新疆维吾尔自治区阿勒泰等不太知名的地方。"Most of these travelers came from South Korea, Vietnam, Singapore, Australia, and the United States. Domestic places with richer festive atmospheres and celebration events are most attractive to them," said Qunar, adding that travel trends among international travelers have transformed from quick sightseeing excursions to immersive experiences of Chinese traditions.去哪儿网表示："这些游客大多来自韩国、越南、新加坡、澳大利亚和美国。节日氛围和庆祝活动更丰富的国内地方对他们最有吸引力。"该机构指出，国际游客的旅游趋势已从快速观光游览转变为沉浸式体验中国传统。niche /niːʃ/ 小众的；定位明确的festive ambience /ˈfestɪv ˈæmbiəns/ 节日气氛linger in /ˈlɪŋɡə(r) ɪn/ 在……逗留；流连于picturesque /ˌpɪktʃəˈresk/ 风景如画的rise to popularity /raɪz tuː ˌpɒpjuˈlærəti/ 流行起来；走红human touch /ˈhjuːmən tʌtʃ/ 人情味year-on-year /ˌjɜːr ɒn ˈjɪr/ 同比Millennium City Park /mɪˈleniəm ˈsɪti pɑːk/ 清明上河园sightseeing excursions /ˈsaɪtsiːɪŋ ɪkˈskɜːʃənz/ 观光游览；短途旅游

united states australia chinese italy data humanity vietnam thailand singapore south korea beijing buddhist shanghai domestic winter olympics bangkok unesco destinations lively chinese new year kuala lumpur taoism chao shang black myth wukong yunnan spring festival guangdong henan hainan south china miao altay intangible cultural heritage shanxi southwest china jiangxi jingdezhen hong kong special administrative region datong qunar

China's green energy revolution

The Climate Question

Play Episode Listen Later Feb 22, 2026 25:30

China is installing solar panels and wind turbines so fast that its greenhouse gases emissions may now have peaked. If this trend is confirmed, it would be a major milestone in the fight against climate change because China is the world's largest polluter.The BBC's Beijing Correspondent Laura Bicker has travelled across China to see the country's clean energy revolution first hand. She's visited solar farms in the deserts of Inner Mongolia and in the tea plantations of Yunnan. Laura even discovered a huge lake with panels floating on the surface! But she also saw how China's addiction to coal is continuing – with new power plants still being built and many poorer Chinese needing to burn coal to get through the winter. In this edition of The Climate Question, Laura chats about her reporting with hosts Graihagh Jackson and Jordan Dunbar. They discuss whether the world's biggest polluter is moving fast enough to meet its green energy targets, and what that means for China and the rest of the world. Got a question you'd like answered? Email: TheClimateQuestion@BBC.comPresenters: Graihagh Jackson and Jordan Dunbar Guest: Laura Bicker, BBC China Correspondent Producer in China: Joyce Liu Production Team in London: Simon Watts and Grace Braddock Sound Mix: Philip Bull and Tom Brignell Editor: Simon Watts

china chinese bbc green energy yunnan inner mongolia energy revolution jordan dunbar graihagh jackson

Conquering Heights and Fears: Lantern Dreams Afloat

Play Episode Listen Later Feb 22, 2026 13:15 Transcription Available

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese: Conquering Heights and Fears: Lantern Dreams Afloat Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/zh/episode/2026-02-22-23-34-02-zh Story Transcript:Zh: 明亮的蓝色冬季天空下，明和莲正走在云南山区的龙门瀑布小道上。En: Under the bright blue winter sky, Ming and Lian were walking along the Longmen Waterfall trail in the mountains of Yunnan.Zh: 大雪覆盖的松树在他们周围静静地矗立，犹如哨兵，守护着这一片宁静的土地。En: The snow-covered pine trees stood silently around them like sentinels, guarding this peaceful land.Zh: 莲小心翼翼地前行，时不时提醒明：“小心脚下，这里冰很滑。En: Lian proceeded cautiously, occasionally reminding Ming, "Be careful with your step, it's very slippery here."Zh: ”然而，明的眼神始终注视着高耸入云的龙门瀑布，他的心中跳动的不仅是兴奋，还有一份隐藏的恐惧——他惧怕高处。En: However, Ming's eyes were always fixed on the Longmen Waterfall towering into the clouds.Zh: 然而，这一天对明来说别具意义，他坚决要克服这个弱点。En: In his heart was not only excitement but also a hidden fear—fear of heights.Zh: 今天是元宵节，明希望能在瀑布顶上放飞一个灯笼，祈愿新一年的希望和勇气。En: Nonetheless, this day was especially significant for Ming, as he was determined to overcome this weakness.Zh: 随着他们逐渐走高，路变得越发陡峭。En: Today was the Lantern Festival, and Ming hoped to release a lantern at the top of the waterfall, wishing for hope and courage in the new year.Zh: 冰冷的岩石在阳光下闪烁着寒光，如同挑战者，等待着每一个登山者。En: As they climbed higher, the path became increasingly steep.Zh: 莲看着前方难行的路，语带担忧：“明，也许我们应该回去了。En: The cold rocks shimmered under the sunlight, like challengers awaiting each mountaineer.Zh: 这里太危险了。En: Lian looked at the difficult path ahead, saying worriedly, "Ming, maybe we should turn back.Zh: ”明停下脚步，转头对莲微微一笑，说：“放心吧，我可以做到的。En: It's too dangerous here."Zh: ”这话不仅是对莲的承诺，更是对自己的激励。En: Ming stopped, turned to Lian with a slight smile, and said, "Don't worry, I can do it."Zh: 突然，一段特别险峻的路出现在他们面前。En: This was not only a promise to Lian but also an encouragement to himself.Zh: 明的心跳骤然加速，脚步也变得沉重。En: Suddenly, an especially treacherous section appeared before them.Zh: 然而，莲在他身边坚定地说：“一起走，我们可以的。En: Ming's heartbeat quickened, and his steps became heavy.Zh: ”他们小心翼翼地走着，每一步都充满小心与支持，终于，他们走到了瀑布顶端。En: However, Lian was steadfast beside him, saying, "Let's walk together, we can do it."Zh: 顶上，天空无垠，白雪皑皑。En: They moved cautiously, each step filled with care and support, and finally, they reached the top of the waterfall.Zh: 明和莲面向辽阔的视野，心中一片坦然。En: At the summit, the sky was boundless, covered with white snow.Zh: 明点燃了灯笼，和莲一起将它送向高空。En: Ming and Lian faced the vast view, feeling a sense of peace.Zh: 纸灯笼在清冷的冬季气流中摇曳，最终自由升腾，与新年的月光一同高悬天际。En: Ming lit the lantern, and together with Lian, they set it off into the sky.Zh: 山顶的风轻轻吹拂，明闭上眼睛，内心充满平静。En: The paper lantern swayed in the cold winter air, eventually rising freely, hanging alongside the new year's moonlight.Zh: 他不仅征服了对高处的恐惧，也更加理解了友谊的力量。En: The gentle breeze at the mountaintop lightly caressed them as Ming closed his eyes, filled with tranquility.Zh: “谢谢你。En: Not only had he conquered his fear of heights, but he also gained a deeper understanding of the power of friendship.Zh: ”明对莲说，心中的感激无以言表。En: "Thank you," Ming said to Lian, his gratitude beyond words.Zh: 两人站在那里，看着灯笼渐渐变成天空中一个闪烁的星点，满是成就感与友谊的新篇章。En: The two stood there, watching the lantern gradually become a twinkling star in the sky, full of a sense of achievement and a new chapter in their friendship. Vocabulary Words:sentinels: 哨兵cautiously: 小心翼翼地slippery: 滑towering: 高耸hidden: 隐藏的significant: 别具意义release: 放飞steep: 陡峭shimmered: 闪烁challengers: 挑战者steadfast: 坚定treacherous: 险峻quickened: 骤然加速boundless: 无垠vast: 辽阔lit: 点燃swayed: 摇曳conquered: 征服tranquility: 平静gratitude: 感激twinkling: 闪烁achievement: 成就感trail: 小道occasionally: 时不时courage: 勇气peaks: 顶端breeze: 风caressed: 吹拂lantern: 灯笼moonlight: 月光

fear dreams chinese conquering heights mandarin ming lantern afloat yunnan lantern festival vocabulary words

The Mystery of the Vanished Tea Tree in Yunnan

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese

Play Episode Listen Later Feb 14, 2026 12:24 Transcription Available

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese: The Mystery of the Vanished Tea Tree in Yunnan Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/zh/episode/2026-02-14-23-34-02-zh Story Transcript:Zh: 在云南茶园的冬天，寒风轻轻地吹过茶叶的芬芳。En: In the winter of a Yunnan tea garden, the cold wind gently carries the fragrance of the tea leaves.Zh: 明宇，一个勤奋的植物学家，漫步在茶叶之中。En: Mingyu, a diligent botanist, is strolling among the tea leaves.Zh: 他的目光专注地寻找着一株稀有的古茶树，这株茶树据说有几百年的历史。En: His gaze is intently searching for a rare ancient tea tree, said to be several hundred years old.Zh: 而与此同时，佳怡，一个当地的茶农，正在为即将到来的春节做好准备，挂着一盏盏红灯笼，给村子添了几分喜庆。En: Simultaneously, Jiayi, a local tea farmer, is preparing for the upcoming Spring Festival, hanging red lanterns to add a touch of festivity to the village.Zh: 几天前，这株珍贵的茶树神秘消失了。En: A few days ago, this precious tea tree mysteriously disappeared.Zh: 村里的人都说是因为这棵树富有灵气，不应该被打扰。En: The villagers say that this tree is full of spiritual energy and should not be disturbed.Zh: 一些人甚至说，外来者想把茶树卖掉。En: Some even suggest that outsiders want to sell the tea tree.Zh: 明宇非常着急，他来到茶园是想保护这棵茶树。En: Mingyu is very anxious; he has come to the tea garden to protect this tree.Zh: 而佳怡因为当地的传说，不敢过多干预。En: On the other hand, Jiayi, due to local legends, hesitates to intervene too much.Zh: 明宇决定不放弃。En: Mingyu decides not to give up.Zh: 他走访了当地的村民，逐一询问，并留心观察周围的环境变化。En: He visits the local villagers, questioning them one by one, while paying attention to any changes in the surroundings.Zh: 他看着远方的群山，想着如何破解这个谜团。En: As he looks at the distant mountains, he wonders how to solve this mystery.Zh: “也许，我应该去那个老仓库看看，”他心里想着。En: "Maybe I should check that old warehouse," he thinks to himself.Zh: 佳怡看在眼里，虽然不太情愿，但内心觉得应该帮助明宇。En: Jiayi notices this, and although she is somewhat reluctant, she feels inwardly that she should help Mingyu.Zh: 于是，悄悄地给明宇一些指引。En: So, quietly, she provides him with some guidance.Zh: 他们两人终于一起到达那座被遗忘的老仓库。En: Together, they finally reach the forgotten old warehouse.Zh: 在那里，他们找到了失踪的茶树。En: There, they find the missing tea tree.Zh: 原来，有人因为外来者的威胁，把茶树藏在了这里。En: It turns out that someone had hidden the tea tree there due to the threat of outsiders.Zh: 明宇和佳怡终于把茶树安全地转移到村里的温室中。En: Mingyu and Jiayi manage to safely relocate the tree to the village's greenhouse.Zh: 村民们聚集在一起，心里满是对他们两人的感激。En: The villagers gather around, filled with gratitude for the two of them.Zh: 在这个过程中，明宇对当地的风俗有了更多的理解与尊重。En: Through this process, Mingyu gains a deeper understanding and respect for the local customs.Zh: 而佳怡也明白了科学保存方法的价值，愿意更多地接受外界的帮助。En: Meanwhile, Jiayi realizes the value of scientific conservation methods and is more willing to accept outside help.Zh: 当新年的第一声鞭炮响起，全村都洋溢着团结与欣喜的气氛。En: When the first fireworks of the New Year sound, the whole village is filled with a spirit of unity and joy.Zh: 在云南的茶园，明宇和佳怡肩并肩，看着那被拯救的茶树，一样新的希望在心中萌芽。En: In the Yunnan tea garden, Mingyu and Jiayi stand side by side, looking at the rescued tea tree, as a new hope begins to sprout in their hearts. Vocabulary Words:diligent: 勤奋botanist: 植物学家intently: 专注地rare: 稀有的ancient: 古festival: 节precious: 珍贵mysteriously: 神秘disturbed: 打扰anxious: 着急gaze: 目光warehouse: 仓库reluctant: 不情愿guidance: 指引hidden: 藏threat: 威胁relocate: 转移gratitude: 感激conservation: 保存customs: 风俗hope: 希望fragrance: 芬芳strolling: 漫步spiritual energy: 灵气outsiders: 外来者hesitate: 犹豫intervene: 干预solve: 破解spirit: 精神unity: 团结

new year chinese mystery mandarin vanished yunnan spring festival tea tree vocabulary words

232: ¿Comiste eso?

Easy Spanish: Learn Spanish with everyday conversations | Conversaciones del día a día para aprender español

Play Episode Listen Later Feb 4, 2026 22:38

¿Te atreves a probar comidas nuevas cuando viajas? David acaba de volver de China y habla con Pau sobre diferentes comidas que nos podrían parecer extrañas. ¡Desde conejos hasta gusanos! Esperamos que te guste este podcast-bufé. ¡Vamos! ⚠️ Un aviso antes de empezar: En este episodio somos un poco gráficos contando historias de experiencias gastronómicas con animales e insectos. Easy Spanish Community Al unirte a la comunidad de Easy Spanish puedes llevar tu experiencia de aprendizaje al siguiente nivel. Los miembros de nuestra Podcast Membership reciben: Vocab Helper: El vocabulario más importante de cada minuto del podcast directamente en la pantalla de tu celular Interactive transcript: Una transcripción interactiva donde podrás leer y escuchar el podcast al mismo tiempo, con una función de traducción en tiempo real Exclusive aftershow: Después de cada episodio, Pau y José discuten un poquito más sobre el tema desde un punto de vista un poco más personal. Discord community: Acceso a la comunidad en Discord de Easy Spanish, donde puedes hablar con los miembros de nuestro equipo y otras personas que, como tú, se encuentran en la aventura de aprender nuestro idioma Extra content for our YouTube episodes: Hojas de ejercicios, listas de vocabulario y transcripciones de todos nuestros episodios de YouTube. Si todavía no eres miembro de la comunidad de Easy Spanish, puedes unirte en easy-spanish.org/community Envíanos un mensaje de audio ¡Ya puedes enviarnos mensajes de audio para que los escuchemos en el podcast! Para hacerlo tienes que ir a easyspanish.fm y dar clic en el botón amarillo que aparecerá a la derecha de la página. Transcripción Paulina: [0:03] ¡Hola, David! David: [0:05] ¡Hola, Pau! ¿Cómo estás? Paulina: [0:07] Muy bien, ¿y tú? David: [0:08] Súper bien, muy contento, muy despejado. Paulina: [0:12] ¡Porque estuviste de vacaciones! David: [0:14] ¡Exacto! Es que acabo de volver de China. Estuve como tres semanas por ahí. Fui con mis padres y, bueno, fue súper guay, la verdad. Paulina: [0:23] ¡Guau! ¿Tu primera vez en China? David: [0:25] Sí, sí, primerísima vez. Estuve en una zona que se llama Yunnan, que está al oeste del país y le llaman el lugar de la primavera eterna. Entonces, también, tuvimos súper buen clima. Paulina: [0:36] Uy. A mí me encantaría ir a China en algún momento. Y, pues, me imagino que eso inspiró el tema de hoy, que es la comida que nos parece extraña. Y yo he escuchado que en China comen muchas cosas que no estamos acostumbrados a comer en otros lugares. ¿Y tú te aventuraste a probar nuevas cosas? Support Easy Spanish and get interactive transcripts, live vocabulary and bonus content for all our episodes: easy-spanish.org/membershipSpecial Guest: David.

china desde discord despu jos entonces pau acceso fui estuve hojas yunnan uy exacto guau podcast membership

英语新闻丨2025 年边境入境人数创历史新高

Play Episode Listen Later Jan 30, 2026 4:35

China's national immigration authorities significantly enhanced their service efficiency in 2025, processing a record 697 million border crossings, a 14.2 percent increase from the previous year.2025年，中国国家出入境管理机关大幅提升服务效率，处理出入境人次达6.97亿次，创历史新高，较上年增长14.2%。According to data announced by the National Immigration Administration on Wednesday, foreign nationals accounted for more than 82 million crossings, a year-on-year rise of 26 percent. Notably, over 30 million foreign nationals entered China visa-free, almost 50 percent more than last year, making up 73 percent of all foreign entries.根据国家移民管理局周三公布的数据，外国公民跨境入境超过8200万人次，同比增长26%。值得注意的是，逾3000万外国公民免签入境中国，较去年增长近50%，占外国入境总量的73%。Residents from the Chinese mainland made 335 million crossings, up 15 percent, while those from Hong Kong, Macao and Taiwan made nearly 280 million crossings, up 10 percent compared with 2024.来自中国大陆的居民跨境往来达3.35亿人次，同比增长15%；来自香港、澳门和台湾地区的居民跨境往来近2.8亿人次，较2024年增长10%。Lyu Ning, the administration's spokeswoman, noted that the immigration sector has advanced policy reform and innovation, implementing targeted measures to underpin high-quality development and inject new impetus into the national economy.国家移民管理局新闻发言人吕宁指出，国家移民管理局推进政策创新改革，实施精准举措，为高质量发展提供支撑，为国民经济注入新动力。To facilitate exchanges, authorities expanded the pilot program for online travel document applications for mainland residents to 50 cities, with 457,000 successful online applications recorded.为促进交流，国家移民管理局将内地居民网上申请旅行证件的试点计划扩大至50个城市，共录得45.7万宗成功网上申请。Additionally, Indonesia was added to the list of countries eligible for the 240-hour visa-free transit policy, and five more ports in Guangdong province were designated for the policy, bringing the national total to 65.此外，印度尼西亚被纳入240小时免签过境政策适用国家名单，广东省新增5个口岸实施该政策，使全国实施该政策的口岸总数达到65个。Visa-free entry for tourist groups from Association of Southeast Asian Nations member countries to Xishuangbanna Dai autonomous prefecture in Yunnan province was also launched. In coordination with relevant departments, the administration increased the count of China's unilateral visa-free countries to 48 and mutual visa exemption countries to 29, bringing the total number of countries granting unilateral visa-free access to China to 28.同时，对东盟成员国旅游团赴云南省西双版纳傣族自治州实施免签政策。经协调相关部门，中国单方面免签国家增至48个，互免签证国家增至29个，对华实施单方面免签的国家总数达到28个。Lyu noted that while ensuring efficient cross-border travel, these initiatives have fueled the boom in "Travel in China" and "Shop in China" campaigns, elevating China's image as an open, inclusive and dynamic country.吕宁指出，这些举措在保障跨境出行高效顺畅的同时，也推动了“中国游”和“中国购”活动的蓬勃发展，提升了中国作为开放包容、充满活力的国家形象。Data from the Ministry of Commerce showed that the expanded visa-free policies and optimized tax refund measures have further boosted these campaigns, with sales of tax-refundable goods nearly doubling.商务部数据显示，扩大的免签政策和优化的退税措施进一步推动了上述活动，退税商品销售额几乎翻了一番。Dai Bin, president of the China Tourism Academy, pointed out that China's tourism industry has become more open and inclusive over the past year and over the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25) period, making important contributions to the prosperity of the global tourism sector.中国旅游研究院院长戴斌指出，过去一年及“十四五”期间，中国旅游业更加开放包容，为全球旅游业繁荣发展作出重要贡献。China's high-level opening-up policies, covering visas, immigration, port access, tax refunds and payment facilitation, have significantly improved entry convenience for international travelers.中国实施的高水平开放政策，涵盖签证、入境、港口准入、退税及支付便利化等领域，显著提升了国际旅客入境的便利性。He described 2025 as a landmark year for China's institutional opening-up in tourism. China is now a global leader in tourism exchanges with countries involved in the Belt and Road Initiative in Southeast Asia, West Asia, Africa, and Latin America, while tourism exchanges with Europe have almost returned to the 2019 levels, he said.戴斌将2025年称为中国旅游业制度性开放的里程碑之年。他表示，中国目前已成为与东南亚、西亚、非洲和拉丁美洲等“一带一路”沿线国家旅游交流的全球领头羊，而与欧洲的旅游交流已基本恢复到2019年水平。Looking ahead to 2026 and the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) period, Dai emphasized that China is poised to play a bigger role in global tourism development.展望2026年及第十五个五年规划（2026-2030年）期间，戴斌强调中国将在全球旅游业发展中发挥更重要的作用。The National Immigration Administration said it will continue to expand and deepen high-level opening-up to the outside world, optimize immigration policies and respond to public demands, with a view to boosting economic and social development through continuous reform and innovation.国家移民管理局表示，将持续扩大深化高水平对外开放，优化移民政策，回应公众诉求，通过持续改革创新推动经济社会发展。

英语新闻丨爱心与善意纷至沓来，嫣然天使儿童医院获捐款

Asian Cinema Film Club's Podcast

Play Episode Listen Later Jan 29, 2026 3:08

Hundreds of thousands of supportive viewers flooded actor Li Yapeng's Douyin livestream on Friday, snapping up tea products in a charity-driven surge aimed at helping save from closure a children's hospital he cofounded.上周五，数十万支持者涌入演员李亚鹏的抖音直播间，在慈善热潮中抢购茶产品，旨在帮助挽救他参与创办的一家濒临关闭的儿童医院。The outpouring of public support followed widespread attention to the financial plight of Beijing Smile Angel Children's Hospital, founded by Li in 2012, which provides free and subsidizedcleft lip and palate surgeries.公众的慷慨支持源于北京嫣然天使儿童医院的财务困境引发广泛关注。该儿童医院由李亚鹏于2012年创立，致力于为唇腭裂患儿提供补贴以及免费手术。The hospital faces accumulated debts exceeding 26 million yuan ($3.5 million) in unpaid rent and fees, and risks being shut down.该医院面临累计逾2600万元（约合350万美元）的租金及费用拖欠债务，面临停业风险。After Li addressed the hospital's situation online earlier this month, donations to the Smile Angel Foundation—a fund he established in 2006 under the Chinese Red Cross Foundation to finance surgeries—quickly surpassed 23 million yuan from hundreds of thousands of contributors. The donation channel was closed after the fundraising target was met ahead of schedule.李亚鹏本月初在网上讲述医院困境后，由他2006年在中国红十字基金会下设立的“嫣然天使基金会”（用于资助手术的基金会）迅速收到数十万善心人士捐款，总额突破2300万元。该募捐渠道在提前达成目标后现已关闭。Experts later clarified that the donations were directed to a fundraising body that is a separate legal entity from the hospital, meaning the funds could only be used to cover medical costs and cannot legally be applied to rent or other operational expenses associated with the hospital.专家随后证言道这些捐款是直接捐给一个独立于医院的法定募捐机构；这意味着资金只能用于支付医疗费用，依法不能用于医院的租金或其他运营开支。Capitalizing on the momentum, Li launched a dedicated Yunnan Pu'er tea livestream on his Douyin account at 7 pm on Friday. The event drew tens of thousands of viewers, with multiple products selling out almost instantly.李亚鹏在上周五晚7点借势而为，于其抖音账号开启了一场云南普洱茶专场直播。活动吸引了数万观众，多款产品几乎瞬间售罄。Platform data showed Li's livestream topped the Douyin sales chart, generating 16.84 million yuan ($2.42 million) in revenue—nearly four times that of the second-ranked broadcaster.抖音平台数据显示，李亚鹏的直播在抖音销售榜上高居榜首，创收1684万元（约合242万美元）——几乎是排名第二的主播收入的四倍。During the broadcast, Li urged rational consumption. "I know why everyone is here," he said, alluding to the hospital's situation. He urged viewers to "only buy if you drink tea".直播期间，李亚鹏呼吁理性消费。他提及医院现状时说道“我知道大家为何聚集在此”，并敦促观众“仅限饮茶者购买”。Due to overwhelming demand, Li's partner in the sales event, a Pu'er tea company in Yunnan province, announced Saturday that it would temporarily suspend upcoming livestreams to focus on processing orders.由于需求量巨大，李亚鹏在此次销售活动中的合作伙伴——云南省一家普洱茶公司于周六宣布，将暂时暂停即将举行的直播活动，以专注处理订单。"The order volume far exceeded expectations," the company said in a statement. "To ensure timely and accurate delivery and avoid backlogs, we are pausing livestreams to concentrate all resources on order fulfillment."该公司在一份声明中表示：“订单量远超预期。为确保及时准确交付并避免积压，我们将暂停直播，集中所有资源处理订单。”While the tea sale underscored strong public backing for Li and his charitable mission, the hospital's future remains uncertain.尽管普洱茶的销售情况凸显了公众对李亚鹏及其慈善事业的强烈支持，但嫣然天使儿童医院的未来仍充满不确定性。In a statement dated Wednesday, the hospital said negotiations with its landlord were ongoing, with no final decision yet on relocation or lease renewal.该医院在周三发表的声明中表示，与房东的谈判仍在进行中，关于搬迁或续租事宜尚未作出最终决定。cleft lip and palate surgeries唇腭裂手术

hospitals platform hundreds li pu capitalizing yunnan douyin

A.C. Film Club #150 - The Bird People In China

Play Episode Listen Later Jan 21, 2026 73:33

Elwood and Stephen look at Takashi Miike's "The Bird People in China" in which a Japanese businessman named Mr. Wada is sent to assess a vein of jade in a remote village in Yunnan, China. Accompanied by the yakuza member Ujiie and his guide Mr. Wada what initially appeared to be a simple job soon turns into a journey of discovery for the trio. Review: 00:29:05---Opening Theme - Coffee DateBeat Provided By https://freebeats.ioProduced By White Hot---Check out our sponsor: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Yes Please Vintage⁠⁠

china japanese accompanied wada elwood takashi miike yunnan film club bird people

3.185 Fall and Rise of China: Operation Hainan

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese

Play Episode Listen Later Jan 20, 2026 36:40

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting. #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month. These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island. Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light. When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.

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Harmony Express: Travels by Train through China with Thomas Bird

Books on Asia

Play Episode Listen Later Jan 12, 2026 28:18

Thomas Bird was living in Southern China when he decided to explore the country by train and write a book about it. He first attempts to trace the steps of Bruce Chatwin after reading an article of his in the New York Times, but eventually decides to just go with the flow, traveling far and wide on China's old railway during the pre-Covid years 2014-2019. He seeks out old lines and trains and chronicles the people he meets along the way to tell readers what China is like today. The result is Harmony Express: Travels by Train Through China.Books and authors included in the discussionRiding the Iron Rooster (1988), by Paul TherouxForgotten Kingdom: Nine Years in Yunnan 1939-48 by Peter Goullart (1955)The Great Walk of China: Travels on Foot from Shanghai to Tibet (2010), by Graham EarnshawBruce Chatwin and Joseph Rock. The Books on Asia Podcast is co-produced with Plum Rain Press. Podcast host Amy Chavez is author of The Widow, the Priest, and the Octopus Hunter: Discovering a Lost Way of Life on a Secluded Japanese Island. and Amy's Guide to Best Behavior in Japan.The Books on Asia website posts book reviews, podcast episodes and episode Show Notes. Subscribe to the BOA podcast from your favorite podcast service. Subscribe to the Books on Asia newsletter to receive news of the latest new book releases, reviews and podcast episodes.

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Unveiling Treasures: A Yunnan Journey to Yichen Handicrafts

Play Episode Listen Later Jan 7, 2026 12:59 Transcription Available

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese: Unveiling Treasures: A Yunnan Journey to Yichen Handicrafts Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/zh/episode/2026-01-07-08-38-20-zh Story Transcript:Zh: 梅琳站在玉龙雪山的脚下，感受着冬日的清冽空气。En: Meilin stood at the foot of Yulong Snow Mountain, savoring the crisp winter air.Zh: 她的心情格外激动，因为这是她第一次来到云南。En: She felt particularly excited because this was her first visit to Yunnan.Zh: 年味渐浓，村子里挂满了红灯笼，市场上人来人往，卖着各种各样的手工艺品。En: As the New Year approached, the village was adorned with red lanterns, and the market thrived with people buying and selling a variety of handicrafts.Zh: 但梅琳发现许多商店出售的都是大同小异的商品，缺少独特之处。En: However, Meilin noticed that many stores were selling nearly identical products, lacking uniqueness.Zh: 为了找到特别的礼物，梅琳决定去不那么繁华的地方看看。En: To find a special gift, Meilin decided to explore less bustling areas.Zh: 她走进一个狭窄的小巷，看到一个隐秘的小店，店门口挂着“宜辰手工艺品”的招牌。En: She walked into a narrow alley and discovered a hidden little shop with a sign at the door that read "Yichen Handicrafts."Zh: 虽不大，但却透着一股朴实和真诚。En: Though small, it exuded a sense of simplicity and sincerity.Zh: 宜辰，一个年轻的工匠，正在店里忙碌。En: Yichen, a young craftsman, was busy inside the shop.Zh: 他手里拿着一块翡翠，细心地雕刻着。En: He was holding a piece of jade, carefully carving it.Zh: 看到客人进来，他友好地问道：“你好，需要些什么吗？En: Seeing a customer come in, he asked kindly, "Hello, what do you need?"Zh: ”梅琳环顾四周，目光在一只独特的翡翠吊坠上停住。En: Meilin glanced around and her eyes landed on a unique jade pendant.Zh: 吊坠形状如同玉龙雪山，栩栩如生，令人联想到山峰的壮丽和宁静。En: The pendant was shaped like Yulong Snow Mountain, vivid and lifelike, evoking thoughts of the majestic and serene peaks.Zh: 梅琳心里一动，这正是她想要的礼物。En: Meilin felt moved; this was exactly the gift she wanted.Zh: “这个吊坠真漂亮，可以卖给我吗？En: "This pendant is beautiful, could you sell it to me?"Zh: ”梅琳问道。En: Meilin asked.Zh: 宜辰微微犹豫，说：“这块翡翠对我有特别的意义，是我用来纪念家人的。En: Yichen hesitated slightly and said, "This piece of jade has special meaning to me; it is what I use to commemorate my family."Zh: ”梅琳感受到他话语中的珍重，于是坐下来，和宜辰聊了起来。En: Meilin sensed the importance in his words, so she sat down and started a conversation with Yichen.Zh: 梅琳分享了她与家人庆祝春节的传统，而宜辰则讲述了这块翡翠背后的故事，它象征着他对家人和家乡的思念。En: Meilin shared her family's traditions of celebrating the Spring Festival, while Yichen told the story behind the jade, which symbolized his longing for his family and hometown.Zh: 在这一刻，两个陌生人因为家庭和传统的联系，心贴得更近了。En: At that moment, the two strangers felt a closer bond through their connections to family and tradition.Zh: 经过深入的交流，宜辰决定将吊坠卖给梅琳。En: After an in-depth conversation, Yichen decided to sell the pendant to Meilin.Zh: 他相信梅琳会珍惜这份心意，就像他一直珍惜的一样。En: He believed that she would cherish this heartfelt token just as he always had.Zh: 梅琳带着一份欣慰和感动离开了店铺。En: Meilin left the shop feeling gratified and touched.Zh: 她不仅得到了特别的礼物，也收获了一段珍贵的记忆和一份真诚的友谊。En: She had not only received a special gift but also gained a precious memory and a sincere friendship.Zh: 在回程的路上，梅琳满怀感恩地想着：有时，真正的珍贵不仅在于物品本身，更在于其蕴含的情感和故事。En: On her way back, Meilin thoughtfully reflected: sometimes, the true value doesn't lie in the object itself, but in the emotion and story it contains. Vocabulary Words:savoring: 感受crisp: 清冽adorned: 挂满bustling: 繁华alley: 小巷exuded: 透着craftsman: 工匠jade: 翡翠carving: 雕刻vivid: 栩栩如生lifelike: 栩栩如生majestic: 壮丽serene: 宁静hesitated: 犹豫commemorate: 纪念cherish: 珍惜gratified: 欣慰touched: 感动precious: 珍贵reflect: 想着emotion: 情感thrived: 卖着uniqueness: 独特之处sign: 招牌sincerity: 真诚pendant: 吊坠bond: 联系connection: 联系heartfelt: 心意longing: 思念

new year chinese storytelling unveiling treasures mandarin craftsmanship yunnan spring festival handicrafts vocabulary words

China-Cambodia-Thailand foreign ministers' meeting held in Yunnan

Headline News

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 29, 2025 4:45

Cambodia and Thailand will gradually consolidate their ceasefire. This is according to a communique following the meeting of Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi and his counterparts from the two Southeast Asian countries.

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Chinese foreign minister to meet Cambodian and Thai counterparts

Headline News

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 27, 2025 4:45

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will meet his counterparts from Cambodia and Thailand in Yunnan. Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn and Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow will lead delegations to meet in the southwestern Chinese region from Sunday to Monday.

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英语新闻丨School breaks spark a surge in bookings for winter holiday tours

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 25, 2025 4:02

Several travel agencies have reported a significant hike in winter vacation tour bookings after schools and universities across China recently announced their winter holiday schedules. Industry insiders said domestic destinations with milder climates and overseas scenic spots are in intense competition to attract winter holiday travelers.多家旅行社表示，随着全国中小学和高校陆续公布寒假安排，冬季度假游预订量显著攀升。业内人士称，气候温和的国内目的地与海外景点正展开激烈竞争，争夺寒假游客资源。Since late November, primary and high schools nationwide, as well as universities, have been releasing their winter holiday plans, with vacation lengths ranging from 25 days to over 40 days.自11月下旬以来，全国中小学及高校陆续公布寒假安排，假期时长从25天到40多天不等。In Shanghai, for instance, primary and high school students will have 25 days off from Feb 2 to 27. In contrast, winter holiday breaks last 43 days in Heilongjiang province in Northeast China, starting in mid-January, as the region experiences earlier and more severe cold weather.例如，上海的小学生和中学生将从2月2日至27日享受25天的假期。相比之下，中国东北的黑龙江省因寒冷天气来得更早且更为严酷，其寒假从1月中旬开始，长达43天。As students' winter vacations will overlap with the Spring Festival holiday—a traditional Chinese period for family reunions falling in mid-February next year—many families are choosing to travel during the first half of their children's winter breaks to avoid travel peaks and potential price hikes for flights and hotel rooms during the Spring Festival holiday period.由于学生寒假将与春节假期重叠——这个中国传统的团圆时节将于明年二月中旬到来——许多家庭选择在孩子寒假的前半段出行，以避开春节期间的出行高峰和机票酒店可能上涨的价格。"I plan to take my son on a week-long winter tour in late January using my paid leave, although we haven't finalized the dates yet," said Wang Li, 39, who works in Beijing." We have two final choices—Hainan in South China and Kunming in Southwest China—both of which enjoy milder climates in winter."39岁的北京上班族王莉（音译）表示：“我计划在一月底用带薪休假带儿子进行为期一周的冬游，不过具体日期尚未敲定。我们有两个最终选择——中国南部的海南和西南部的昆明，这两个地方冬季气候都比较温和。”Wang said she previously sent her son to winter holiday tutoring classes, such as ice hockey and tennis, and scheduled family trips during the Spring Festival holiday. "Those plans cost much more because accommodation and flight prices skyrocketed during Spring Festival. This winter holiday, I want to move the family trip to earlier," she said.王莉（音译）表示表示，她此前曾让儿子参加寒假补习班，比如冰球和网球课程，并在春节假期安排了家庭旅行。她说：“这些计划花费更高，因为春节期间住宿和机票价格飞涨。这个寒假，我想把家庭旅行提前安排。”Wang is not alone. Travel portal Qunar said tour bookings from mid-January—when most students begin their winter school breaks—to the period before the Spring Festival holiday have seen significant growth since late November.王莉（音译）并非个例。旅游门户网站去哪儿网表示，自1月下旬（多数学生开始寒假）至春节假期前的旅游预订量，自11月下旬以来呈现显著增长。Qunar also reported a notable increase in flight ticket bookings for children during that period. Bookings for infants and children aged up to 12 rose by 60.7 percent year-on-year. Domestically, warmer destinations including Zhuhai in Guangdong province, Sanya in Hainan, and Xishuangbanna in Yunnan province have all seen a surge in tourism bookings, the platform said.去哪儿旅游网数据显示，同期儿童机票预订量显著增长，0至12岁婴幼儿及儿童机票预订量同比增长60.7%。该平台指出，国内旅游方面，广东珠海、海南三亚、云南西双版纳等温暖目的地均迎来旅游预订高峰。Overseas destinations such as Thailand and Russia are also popular choices for winter holiday travelers. According to Qunar, Thailand is currently the top overseas destination on its platform, with flight ticket bookings from the Chinese mainland to the country increasing 21 percent from mid-January to the eve of the Spring Festival holiday.泰国和俄罗斯等海外目的地也是冬季度假游客的热门选择。据去哪儿旅游网数据显示，泰国目前在其平台上位居海外目的地榜首，1月中旬至春节假期前夕，中国大陆至泰国的机票预订量同比增长21%。Qi Chunguang, vice-president of travel portal Tuniu, noted a boom in overseas winter holiday tours.途牛旅游网副总裁齐春光指出，海外冬季度假游呈现爆发式增长。"Some long-distance tour products to Australia and New Zealand for the winter holiday have already sold out," Qi said. "Tours to Europe, Dubai and Egypt will see a booking rush this month." He added that tour products to overseas island destinations such as the Maldives are also entering their peak reservation season.齐春光表示：“部分澳大利亚和新西兰的冬季长途旅游产品已售罄，本月欧洲、迪拜和埃及的旅游线路将迎来预订高峰。”他补充道，前往马尔代夫等海外岛屿目的地的旅游产品也正进入预订旺季。Zhou Chenjie, 42, who lives in Shanghai, said she has booked a five-day family trip to Thailand starting Feb 4. "It's my daughter's birthday wish," Zhou said. "Traveling before the Spring Festival holiday is a good deal, as flight tickets and hotel rooms are offered at discounted prices."现居上海的42岁周晨洁（音译）表示，她已预订了2月4日起为期五天的泰国家庭游，她说：“这是女儿的生日愿望。春节前出行很划算，机票和酒店都提供折扣价。”

Legend of Yue Fei Chapter 69: Yue Ting and Companions Kill Bullies, Visit Yue Fei's Tomb and Head for Yunnan

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 15, 2025 20:17

Masterpiece Audiobooks: Collection of Chinese Classic Novels

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Legend of Yue Fei Chapter 67: Yue Lei Leads Troop To Yunnan and Han Brothers Grab Their Brides Getting Married Along the Way

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 12, 2025 25:40

Masterpiece Audiobooks: Collection of Chinese Classic Novels

brothers leads along the way getting married brides troop yunnan yue fei

Legend of Yue Fei Chapter 66: Yue Lei Meets Niu Gao And Prepares To Find His Family In Yunnan

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 11, 2025 21:39

Masterpiece Audiobooks: Collection of Chinese Classic Novels

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英语新闻丨Airlines extend Japan ticket refunds as travel shifts

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 11, 2025 5:16

China's major airlines have extended free refund and rescheduling policies for Japan-bound tickets as weekly Sino-Japanese flight volumes sink to their lowest level in a month and Chinese travelers redirect their winter holiday plans toward emerging hubs in Russia, Central Asia and domestic ice-and-snow destinations.中国主要航空公司已延长日本航线机票的免费退改政策，因中日每周航班量跌至一个月来最低水平，中国旅客正将冬季度假计划转向俄罗斯、中亚新兴枢纽及国内冰雪旅游目的地。On Friday, major domestic airlines, including Air China, China Eastern Airlines and China Southern Airlines, extended their previous Dec 31 deadline for refunds and rebooking to March 28 next year, the end of the winter-spring travel season.周五，包括中国国际航空、中国东方航空和中国南方航空在内的国内主要航空公司，将原定于12月31日的退票和改签截止日期延长至明年3月28日，即寒假春假出行高峰期的结束之日。The extensions follow China's travel advisories issued in mid-November discouraging trips to Japan after erroneous remarks by Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi regarding China's Taiwan. Chinese airlines have since recalibrated capacity, with reductions concentrated in leisure-heavy routes.此次延长禁令源于中国11月中旬发布的旅行建议，该建议因日本首相高市早苗就中国台湾问题发表不当言论而劝阻赴日旅行。此后中国航空公司已调整运力配置，削减主要集中在休闲旅游为主的航线。Data from Flight Master, a travel services platform, show that round-trip Sino-Japanese flights fell to 1,167 during the week of Nov 24-30, the lowest weekly volume in a month, with the recovery rate sliding to 78.1 percent, a new low. As of Dec 1, the projected cancellation rate for Sino-Japanese flights scheduled in December rose to 26.4 percent, continuing an upward trend.旅行服务平台Flight Master数据显示，11月24日至30日当周中日往返航班量降至1167架次，创下一个月来最低周度水平，复航率滑落至78.1%，再创新低。截至12月1日，12月中日航班的预计取消率升至26.4%，持续呈上升趋势。Industry insiders said that the impact is likely to extend beyond the Spring Festival period, with aircraft redeployed to Southeast Asia and domestic routes.业内人士表示，该影响可能持续到春节假期之后，部分航班将被调往东南亚及国内航线。As travelers look beyond Japan for winter sports and seasonal scenery, travel demand is rising across a widening set of destinations. One of the most significant shifts is toward Russia following Moscow's decision to grant Chinese citizens visa-free entry for up to 30 days through Sept 14 next year.随着游客将目光投向日本以外的冬季运动和季节性景观，越来越多的目的地正迎来旅游需求增长。其中最显著的变化之一是俄罗斯旅游热潮，因为莫斯科宣布自即日起至明年9月14日，中国公民赴俄可享受最长30天的免签待遇。UTour, a Beijing-based travel agency, said inquiries doubled immediately after the policy took effect, driven largely by Spring Festival travel plans.北京优途天下国际旅行社表示，新规生效后咨询量立即翻倍，主要受春节出行计划推动。Huang Zhaoyang, the company's Russia product manager, said Murmansk, known for its aurora and ice-snow resources, is attracting attention under the new policy. Russia's overall appeal is expected to strengthen and help woo a wider range of Chinese travelers, he added.该公司俄罗斯产品经理黄朝阳（音译）表示，以极光和冰雪资源闻名的摩尔曼斯克在新政策下正吸引更多关注。他补充道，俄罗斯整体吸引力有望增强，有助于吸引更广泛的中国游客群体。Outbound travel is also pivoting notably toward Central Asia and Northern Europe, with Kazakhstan rapidly emerging as a winter sports hub. Tongcheng Travel data show that flight bookings from major Chinese cities to Kazakhstan between early December and the New Year holiday climbed more than 50 percent year-on-year, while hotel reservations climbed more than 80 percent, with Almaty and Astana ranking as top choices.出境游目的地也明显转向中亚和北欧地区，哈萨克斯坦正迅速崛起为冬季运动中心。同城旅游数据显示，12月初至新年假期期间，中国主要城市飞往哈萨克斯坦的机票预订量同比增长超50%，酒店预订量增幅更达80%以上，其中阿拉木图和阿斯塔纳成为最热门目的地。Analysts at Tongcheng's tourism research institute said the "Japan substitution effect" has accelerated since late November, with outbound ski demand that once concentrated on Japan increasingly shifting toward Kazakhstan and Nordic destinations. They added that domestic ski areas are also becoming popular alternatives to Japan's ski destinations.同程旅游研究院分析师指出，自11月下旬以来，“日本替代效应”持续加速，原先集中在日本的出境滑雪需求正逐步转向哈萨克斯坦及北欧目的地。他们补充道，国内滑雪场也正成为日本滑雪目的地的热门替代选择。European destinations are witnessing a similar upswing. Hotel bookings in Germany and Spain have increased by more than 300 percent year-on-year, while Denmark and Switzerland have posted gains exceeding 200 percent.欧洲旅游目的地也呈现出类似的增长态势。德国和西班牙的酒店预订量同比增幅超过300%，而丹麦和瑞士的增幅则超过200%。Domestically, local governments are racing to capture winter travelers through substantial incentives. Jilin province rolled out 100 million yuan ($14.1 million) in ice-snow vouchers and offered free ski passes to university students, while the Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang Uygur autonomous regions have introduced similar discounts.国内方面，地方政府正通过大幅优惠政策争相吸引冬季度假游客。吉林省推出价值1亿元（约合1410万美元）的冰雪消费券，并为大学生提供免费滑雪通行证；内蒙古和新疆维吾尔自治区也推出了类似的折扣政策。Qunar, a Beijing-based online travel agency, said hotel bookings in Xinjiang's Bortala region rose more than 80 percent year-on-year from November to late January of 2026, while reservations in the northeastern cities of Dandong, Liaoning province, Liaoyuan, Jilin province and Yichun, Heilongjiang province, each grew around 30 percent.北京在线旅游平台途牛旅游网表示，2026年11月至次年1月底期间，新疆博尔塔拉地区的酒店预订量同比增长逾80%，而东北地区辽宁省丹东市、吉林省辽源市及黑龙江省伊春市的酒店预订量均增长约30%。Demand for trips to glaciers and snow mountains has also surged, with ticket bookings for sites such as Meili Snow Mountain in Yunnan province and Xiling Snow Mountain in Sichuan province doubling year-on-year.前往冰川雪山的旅游需求也大幅增长，云南梅里雪山、四川西岭雪山等景点的门票预订量同比翻了一番。According to a white paper on China's ski industry, China currently has 748 operational ski resorts, including 66 indoor centers. Total ski visits reached 26.05 million last winter, up 12.9 percent.根据中国滑雪产业白皮书显示，目前中国共有748家运营中的滑雪场，其中包括66家室内滑雪中心。去年冬季滑雪人次达到2605万，同比增长12.9%。The white paper also noted that China's total ski visits last season surpassed Switzerland's 23.1 million, reflecting the growing scale of China's winter sports market. Average ski days per participant in China rose from 1.80 to 1.92, indicating increasing skier engagement and loyalty.该白皮书还指出，中国上赛季滑雪人次总量已超越瑞士的2310万人次，彰显中国冬季运动市场规模的持续扩大。中国滑雪者人均滑雪天数从1.80天提升至1.92天，表明滑雪参与度与忠诚度正逐步增强。recalibratev./ˌriːˈkæl.ə.breɪt/重新校准

new year china japan germany travel russia european chinese data spain hotels switzerland taiwan denmark ticket average beijing moscow shifts analysts southeast asia airlines nordic extend kazakhstan central asia xinjiang refunds outbound northern europe sichuan astana yunnan domestically spring festival almaty inner mongolia murmansk jilin sino japanese liaoning air china china eastern airlines heilongjiang qunar dandong

Legend of Yue Fei Chapter 63: Yue Fei's Family Is Sentenced To Exil To Yunnan

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 8, 2025 21:24

Masterpiece Audiobooks: Collection of Chinese Classic Novels

family sentenced exil yunnan yue fei

Dan Wang on What China and America Can Learn from Each Other

Conversations with Tyler

Play Episode Listen Later Dec 3, 2025 92:58

Help us keep the conversations going in 2026. Donate to Conversations with Tyler today. Dan Wang argues that China is a nation of engineers while America is a nation of lawyers, and this distinction explains everything from subway construction to pandemic response to why Chinese citizens will never have yards with dogs. His prescription: America should become 20% more engineering-minded to fix its broken infrastructure, while China needs to be 50% more lawyerly so the Communist Party can stop strangling individual rights and the creative impulses of its people. But would a more lawyerly China constrain state power, or just create new tools for oppression? And aren't the American suburbs actually sterling achievements where the infrastructure works quite well? Tyler and Dan debate whether American infrastructure is actually broken or just differently optimized, why health care spending should reach 35% of GDP, how lawyerly influences shaped East Asian development differently than China, China's lack of a liberal tradition and why it won't democratize like South Korea or Taiwan did, its economic dysfunction despite its manufacturing superstars, Chinese pragmatism and bureaucratic incentives, a 10-day itinerary for Yunnan, James C. Scott's work on Zomia, whether Beijing or Shanghai is the better city, Liu Cixin and why volume one of The Three-Body Problem is the best, why contemporary Chinese music and film have declined under Xi, Chinese marriage markets and what it's like to be elderly in China, the Dan Wang production function, why Stendhal is his favorite novelist and Rossini's Comte Ory moves him, what Dan wants to learn next, whether LLMs will make Tyler's hyper-specific podcast questions obsolete, what flavor of drama their conversation turned out to be, and more. Read a full transcript enhanced with helpful links, or watch the full video on the new dedicated Conversations with Tyler channel. Recorded October 31st, 2025. Other ways to connect Follow us on X and Instagram Follow Tyler on X Follow Dan on X Sign up for our newsletter Join our Discord Email us: cowenconvos@mercatus.gmu.edu Learn more about Conversations with Tyler and other Mercatus Center podcasts here. Timestamps 00:00:00 - American infrastructure and suburban life 00:05:18 - American vs. Chinese infrastructure buildouts... 00:12:25 - And health care investment 00:17:52 - Chinese suburbs 00:20:10 - The existing lawyerly influence in East Asia 00:25:12 - China's lack of a liberal tradition 00:29:35 - Why China's won't democratize 00:33:49 - China's economic disfunction 00:38:44 - China's expansionism 00:41:55 - Chinese pragmatism and bureaucratic incentives 00:46:50 - Chinese cities and regional culture 00:59:44 - James C. Scott, Zomia, and elite culture 01:06:27 - A 10-day Yunnan itinerary 01:11:57 - On Chinese arts, literature, and cultural expression 01:18:23 - The Dan Wang production function 01:30:34 - Tyler's grand strategy, or lack thereof

3.174 Fall and Rise of China: Changsha Fire

Play Episode Listen Later Nov 3, 2025 36:40

Last time we spoke about the fall of Wuhan. In a country frayed by war, the Yangtze became a pulsing artery, carrying both hunger and hope. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan to the last man, or flood the rivers to buy time. He chose both, setting sullen floodwaters loose along the Yellow River to slow the invaders, a temporary mercy that spared some lives while ripping many from their homes. On the river's banks, a plethora of Chinese forces struggled to unite. The NRA, fractured into rival zones, clung to lines with stubborn grit as Japanese forces poured through Anqing, Jiujiang, and beyond, turning the Yangtze into a deadly corridor. Madang's fortifications withstood bombardment and gas, yet the price was paid in troops and civilians drowned or displaced. Commanders like Xue Yue wrestled stubbornly for every foothold, every bend in the river. The Battle of Wanjialing became a symbol: a desperate, months-long pincer where Chinese divisions finally tightened their cordon and halted the enemy's flow. By autumn, the Japanese pressed onward to seize Tianjiazhen and cut supply lines, while Guangzhou fell to a ruthless blockade. The Fall of Wuhan loomed inevitable, yet the story remained one of fierce endurance against overwhelming odds. #174 The Changsha Fire Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the summer of 1938, amid the upheaval surrounding Chiang Kai-shek, one of his most important alliances came to an end. On June 22, all German advisers to the Nationalist government were summoned back; any who refused would be deemed guilty of high treason. Since World War I, a peculiar bond had tied the German Weimar Republic and China: two fledgling states, both weak and only partially sovereign. Under the Versailles Treaty of 1919, Germany had lost extraterritorial rights on Chinese soil, which paradoxically allowed Berlin to engage with China as an equal partner rather than a traditional colonizer. This made German interests more welcome in business and politics than those of other Western powers. Chiang's military reorganization depended on German officers such as von Seeckt and von Falkenhausen, and Hitler's rise in 1933 had not immediately severed the connection between the two countries. Chiang did not share Nazi ideology with Germany, but he viewed Berlin as a potential ally and pressed to persuade it to side with China rather than Japan as China's principal East Asian, anti-Communist partner. In June 1937, H. H. Kung led a delegation to Berlin, met Hitler, and argued for an alliance with China. Yet the outbreak of war and the Nationalists' retreat to Wuhan convinced Hitler's government to align with Japan, resulting in the recall of all German advisers. Chiang responded with a speech praising von Falkenhausen, insisting that "our friend's enemy is our enemy too," and lauding the German Army's loyalty and ethics as a model for the Chinese forces. He added, "After we have won the War of Resistance, I believe you'll want to come back to the Far East and advise our country again." Von Falkenhausen would later become the governor of Nazi-occupied Belgium, then be lauded after the war for secretly saving many Jewish lives. As the Germans departed, the roof of the train transporting them bore a prominent German flag with a swastika, a prudent precaution given Wuhan's vulnerability to air bombardment. The Japanese were tightening their grip on the city, even as Chinese forces, numbering around 800,000, made a stubborn stand. The Yellow River floods blocked northern access, so the Japanese chose to advance via the Yangtze, aided by roughly nine divisions and the might of the Imperial Navy. The Chinese fought bravely, but their defenses could not withstand the superior technology of the Japanese fleet. The only substantial external aid came from Soviet pilots flying aircraft bought from the USSR as part of Stalin's effort to keep China in the war; between 1938 and 1940, some 2,000 pilots offered their services. From June 24 to 27, Japanese bombers relentlessly pounded the Madang fortress along the Yangtze until it fell. A month later, on July 26, Chinese defenders abandoned Jiujiang, southeast of Wuhan, and its civilian population endured a wave of atrocities at the hands of the invaders. News of Jiujiang's fate stiffened resolve. Chiang delivered a pointed address to his troops on July 31, arguing that Wuhan's defense was essential and that losing the city would split the country into hostile halves, complicating logistics and movement. He warned that Wuhan's defense would also be a spiritual test: "the place has deep revolutionary ties," and public sympathy for China's plight was growing as Japanese atrocities became known. Yet Chiang worried about the behavior of Chinese soldiers. He condemned looting as a suicidal act that would destroy the citizens' trust in the military. Commanders, he warned, must stay at their posts; the memory of the Madang debacle underscored the consequences of cowardice. Unlike Shanghai, Wuhan had shelters, but he cautioned against retreating into them and leaving soldiers exposed. Officers who failed in loyalty could expect no support in return. This pep talk, combined with the belief that the army was making a last stand, may have slowed the Japanese advance along the Yangtze in August. Under General Xue Yue, about 100,000 Chinese troops pushed back the invaders at Huangmei. At Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with poison gas finally forcing Japanese victory. Yet even then, Chinese generals struggled to coordinate. In Xinyang, Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted; they expected relief from Hu Zongnan's forces, but Hu instead withdrew, allowing Japan to capture the city without a fight. The fall of Xinyang enabled Japanese control of the Ping-Han railway, signaling Wuhan's doom. Chiang again spoke to Wuhan's defenders, balancing encouragement with a grim realism about possible loss. Although Wuhan's international connections were substantial, foreign aid would be unlikely. If evacuation became necessary, the army should have a clear plan, including designated routes. He recalled the disastrous December retreat from Nanjing, where "foreigners and Chinese alike turned it into an empty city." Troops had been tired and outnumbered; Chiang defended the decision to defend Nanjing, insisting the army had sacrificed itself for the capital and Sun Yat-sen's tomb. Were the army to retreat again, he warned, it would be the greatest shame in five thousand years of Chinese history. The loss of Madang was another humiliation. By defending Wuhan, he argued, China could avenge its fallen comrades and cleanse its conscience; otherwise, it could not honor its martyrs. Mao Zedong, observing the situation from his far-off base at Yan'an, agreed strongly that Chiang should not defend Wuhan to the death. He warned in mid-October that if Wuhan could not be defended, the war's trajectory would shift, potentially strengthening the Nationalists–Communists cooperation, deepening popular mobilization, and expanding guerrilla warfare. The defense of Wuhan, Mao argued, should drain the enemy and buy time to advance the broader struggle, not become a doomed stalemate. In a protracted war, some strongholds might be abandoned temporarily to sustain the longer fight. The Japanese Army captured Wuchang and Hankou on 26 October and captured Hanyang on the 27th, which concluded the campaign in Wuhan. The battle had lasted four and a half months and ended with the Nationalist army's voluntary withdrawal. In the battle itself, the Japanese army captured Wuhan's three towns and held the heartland of China, achieving a tactical victory. Yet strategically, Japan failed to meet its objectives. Imperial Headquarters believed that "capturing Hankou and Guangzhou would allow them to dominate China." Consequently, the Imperial Conference planned the Battle of Wuhan to seize Wuhan quickly and compel the Chinese government to surrender. It also decreed that "national forces should be concentrated to achieve the war objectives within a year and end the war against China." According to Yoshiaki Yoshimi and Seiya Matsuno, Hirohito authorized the use of chemical weapons against China by specific orders known as rinsanmei. During the Battle of Wuhan, Prince Kan'in Kotohito transmitted the emperor's orders to deploy toxic gas 375 times between August and October 1938. Another memorandum uncovered by Yoshimi indicates that Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni authorized the use of poison gas against the Chinese on 16 August 1938. A League of Nations resolution adopted on 14 May condemned the Imperial Japanese Army's use of toxic gas. Japan's heavy use of chemical weapons against China was driven by manpower shortages and China's lack of poison gas stockpiles to retaliate. Poison gas was employed at Hankou in the Battle of Wuhan to break Chinese resistance after conventional assaults had failed. Rana Mitter notes that, under General Xue Yue, approximately 100,000 Chinese troops halted Japanese advances at Huangmei, and at the fortress of Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with Japanese victory secured only through the use of poison gas. Chinese generals also struggled with coordination at Xinyang; Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted, and Hu Zongnan's forces, believed to be coming to relieve them, instead withdrew. Japan subsequently used poison gas against Chinese Muslim forces at the Battle of Wuyuan and the Battle of West Suiyuan. However, the Chinese government did not surrender with the loss of Wuhan and Guangzhou, nor did Japan's invasion end with Wuhan and Guangzhou's capture. After Wuhan fell, the government issued a reaffirmation: "Temporary changes of advance and retreat will not shake our resolve to resist the Japanese invasion," and "the gain or loss of any city will not affect the overall situation of the war." It pledged to "fight with even greater sorrow, greater perseverance, greater steadfastness, greater diligence, and greater courage," dedicating itself to a long, comprehensive war of resistance. In the Japanese-occupied rear areas, large armed anti-Japanese forces grew, and substantial tracts of territory were recovered. As the Japanese army themselves acknowledged, "the restoration of public security in the occupied areas was actually limited to a few kilometers on both sides of the main transportation lines." Thus, the Battle of Wuhan did not merely inflict a further strategic defeat on Japan; it also marked a turning point in Japan's strategic posture, from offense to defense. Due to the Nationalist Army's resolute resistance, Japan mobilized its largest force to date for the attack, about 250,000 personnel, who were replenished four to five times over the battle, for a total of roughly 300,000. The invaders held clear advantages in land, sea, and air power and fought for four and a half months. Yet they failed to annihilate the Nationalist main force, nor did they break the will to resist or the army's combat effectiveness. Instead, the campaign dealt a severe blow to the Japanese Army's vitality. Japanese-cited casualties totaled 4,506 dead and 17,380 wounded for the 11th Army; the 2nd Army suffered 2,300 killed in action, 7,600 wounded, and 900 died of disease. Including casualties across the navy and the air force, the overall toll was about 35,500. By contrast, the Nationalist Government Military Commission's General Staff Department, drawing on unit-level reports, calculated Japanese casualties at 256,000. The discrepancy between Japanese and Nationalist tallies illustrates the inflationary tendencies of each side's reporting. Following Wuhan, a weakened Japanese force confronted an extended front. Unable to mount large-scale strategic offensives, unlike Shanghai, Xuzhou, or Wuhan itself, the Japanese to a greater extent adopted a defensive posture. This transition shifted China's War of Resistance from a strategic defensive phase into a strategic stalemate, while the invaders found themselves caught in a protracted war—a development they most disliked. Consequently, Japan's invasion strategy pivoted: away from primary frontal offensives toward a greater reliance on political inducements with secondary military action, and toward diverting forces to "security" operations behind enemy lines rather than pushing decisive frontal campaigns. Japan, an island nation with limited strategic resources, depended heavily on imports. By the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, Japan's gold reserves,including reserves for issuing banknotes, amounted to only about 1.35 billion yen. In effect, Japan's currency reserves constrained the scale of the war from the outset. The country launched its aggression while seeking an early solution to the conflict. To sustain its war of aggression against China, the total value of military supplies imported from overseas in 1937 reached approximately 960 million yen. By June of the following year, for the Battle of Wuhan, even rifles used in training were recalled to outfit the expanding army. The sustained increase in troops also strained domestic labor, food, and energy supplies. By 1939, after Wuhan, Japan's military expenditure had climbed to about 6.156 billion yen, far exceeding national reserves. This stark reality exposed Japan's economic fragility and its inability to guarantee a steady supply of military materiel, increasing pressure on the leadership at the Central Command. The Chief of Staff and the Minister of War lamented the mismatch between outward strength and underlying weakness: "Outwardly strong but weak is a reflection of our country today, and this will not last long." In sum, the Wuhan campaign coincided with a decline in the organization, equipment, and combat effectiveness of the Japanese army compared with before the battle. This erosion of capability helped drive Japan to alter its political and military strategy, shifting toward a method of inflicting pressure on China and attempting to "use China to control China", that is, fighting in ways designed to sustain the broader war effort. Tragically a major element of Chiang Kai-shek's retreat strategy was the age-old "scorched earth" policy. In fact, China originated the phrase and the practice. Shanghai escaped the last-minute torching because of foreigners whose property rights were protected. But in Nanjing, the burning and destruction began with increasing zeal. What could not be moved inland, such as remaining rice stocks, oil in tanks, and other facilities, was to be blown up or devastated. Civilians were told to follow the army inland, to rebuild later behind the natural barrier of Sichuan terrain. Many urban residents complied, but the peasantry did not embrace the plan. The scorched-earth policy served as powerful propaganda for the occupying Japanese army and, even more so, for the Reds. Yet they could hardly have foreseen the propaganda that Changsha would soon supply them. In June, the Changsha Evacuation Guidance Office was established to coordinate land and water evacuation routes. By the end of October, Wuhan's three towns had fallen, and on November 10 the Japanese army captured Yueyang, turning Changsha into the next primary invasion target. Beginning on October 9, Japanese aircraft intensified from sporadic raids on Changsha to large-scale bombing. On October 27, the Changsha Municipal Government urgently evacuated all residents, exempting only able-bodied men, the elderly, the weak, women, and children. The baojia system was mobilized to go door-to-door, enforcing compliance. On November 7, Chiang Kai-shek convened a military meeting at Rongyuan Garden to review the war plan and finalize a "scorched earth war of resistance." Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, drafted the detailed implementation plan. On November 10, Shi Guoji, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, presided over a joint meeting of Changsha's party, government, military, police, and civilian organizations to devise a strategy. The Changsha Destruction Command was immediately established, bringing together district commanders and several arson squads. The command actively prepared arson equipment and stacked flammable materials along major traffic arteries. Chiang decided that the city of Changsha was vulnerable and either gave the impression or the direct order, honestly really depends on the source your reading, to burn the city to the ground to prevent it falling to the enemy. At 9:00 AM on November 12, Chiang Kai-shek telegraphed Zhang Zhizhong: "One hour to arrive, Chairman Zhang, Changsha, confidential. If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned. Please make thorough preparations in advance and do not delay." And here it seems a game of broken telephone sort of resulted in one of the worst fire disasters of all time. If your asking pro Chiang sources, the message was clearly, put up a defense, once thats fallen, burn the city down before the Japanese enter. Obviously this was to account for getting civilians out safely and so forth. If you read lets call it more modern CPP aligned sources, its the opposite. Chiang intentionally ordering the city to burn down as fast as possible, but in through my research, I think it was a colossal miscommunication. Regardless Zhongzheng Wen, Minister of the Interior, echoed the message. Simultaneously, Lin Wei, Deputy Director of Chiang Kai-shek's Secretariat, instructed Zhang Zhizhong by long-distance telephone: "If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned." Zhang summoned Feng Ti, Commander of the Provincial Capital Garrison, and Xu Quan, Director of the Provincial Security Bureau, to outline arson procedures. He designated the Garrison Command to shoulder the preparations, with the Security Bureau assisting. At 4:00 PM, Zhang appointed Xu Kun, Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment, as chief commander of the arson operation, with Wang Weining, Captain of the Social Training Corps, and Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Garrison Command, as deputies. At 6:00 PM, the Garrison Command held an emergency meeting ordering all government agencies and organizations in the city to be ready for evacuation at any moment. By around 10:15 PM, all urban police posts had withdrawn. Around 2:00 AM (November 13), a false report circulated that "Japanese troops have reached Xinhe" . Firefighters stationed at various locations rushed out with kerosene-fueled devices, burning everything in sight, shops and houses alike. In an instant, Changsha became a sea of flames. The blaze raged for 72 hours. The Hunan Province Anti-Japanese War Loss Statistics, compiled by the Hunan Provincial Government Statistics Office of the Kuomintang, report that the fire inflicted economic losses of more than 1 billion yuan, a sum equivalent to about 1.7 trillion yuan after the victory in the war. This figure represented roughly 43% of Changsha's total economic value at the time. Regarding casualties, contemporary sources provide varying figures. A Xinhua Daily report from November 20, 1938 noted that authorities mobilized manpower to bury more than 600 bodies, though the total number of burned remains could not be precisely counted. A Central News Agency reporter on November 19 stated that in the Xiangyuan fire, more than 2,000 residents could not escape, and most of the bodies had already been buried. There are further claims that in the Changsha Fire, more than 20,000 residents were burned to death. In terms of displacement, Changsha's population before the fire was about 300,000, and by November 12, 90% had been evacuated. After the fire, authorities registered 124,000 victims, including 815 orphans sheltered in Lito and Maosgang. Building damage constituted the other major dimension of the catastrophe, with the greatest losses occurring to residential houses, shops, schools, factories, government offices, banks, hospitals, newspaper offices, warehouses, and cultural and entertainment venues, as well as numerous historic buildings such as palaces, temples, private gardens, and the former residences of notable figures; among these, residential and commercial structures suffered the most, followed by factories and schools. Inspector Gao Yihan, who conducted a post-fire investigation, observed that the prosperous areas within Changsha's ring road, including Nanzheng Street and Bajiaoting, were almost completely destroyed, and in other major markets only a handful of shops remained, leading to an overall estimate that surviving or stalemated houses were likely less than 20%. Housing and street data from the early post-liberation period reveal that Changsha had more than 1,100 streets and alleys; of these, more than 690 were completely burned and more than 330 had fewer than five surviving houses, accounting for about 29%, with nearly 90% of the city's streets severely damaged. More than 440 streets were not completely destroyed, but among these, over 190 had only one or two houses remaining and over 130 had only three or four houses remaining; about 60 streets, roughly 6% had 30 to 40 surviving houses, around 30 streets, 3% had 11 to 20 houses, 10 streets, 1% had 21 to 30 houses, and three streets ) had more than 30 houses remaining. Housing statistics from 1952 show that 2,538 houses survived the fire, about 6.57% of the city's total housing stock, with private houses totaling 305,800 square meters and public houses 537,900 square meters. By 1956, the surviving area of both private and public housing totaled 843,700 square meters, roughly 12.3% of the city's total housing area at that time. Alongside these losses, all equipment, materials, funds, goods, books, archives, antiques, and cultural relics that had not been moved were also destroyed. At the time of the Changsha Fire, Zhou Enlai, then Deputy Minister of the Political Department of the Nationalist Government's Military Commission, was in Changsha alongside Ye Jianying, Guo Moruo, and others. On November 12, 1938, Zhou Enlai attended a meeting held by Changsha cultural groups at Changsha Normal School to commemorate Sun Yat-sen's 72nd birthday. Guo Moruo later recalled that Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying were awakened by the blaze that night; they each carried a suitcase and evacuated to Xiangtan, with Zhou reportedly displaying considerable indignation at the sudden, unprovoked fire. On the 16th, Zhou Enlai rushed back to Changsha and, together with Chen Cheng, Zhang Zhizhong, and others, inspected the disaster. He mobilized personnel from three departments, with Tian Han and Guo Moruo at the forefront, to form the Changsha Fire Aftermath Task Force, which began debris clearance, care for the injured, and the establishment of soup kitchens. A few days later, on the 22nd, the Hunan Provincial Government established the Changsha Fire Temporary Relief Committee to coordinate relief efforts. On the night of November 16, 1938, Chiang Kai-shek arrived in Changsha and, the next day, ascended Tianxin Pavilion. Sha Wei, head of the Cultural Relics Section of the Changsha Tianxin Pavilion Park Management Office, and a long-time researcher of the pavilion, explained that documentation indicates Chiang Kai-shek, upon seeing the city largely reduced to scorched earth with little left intact, grew visibly angry. After descending from Tianxin Pavilion, Chiang immediately ordered the arrest of Changsha Garrison Commander Feng Ti, Changsha Police Chief Wen Chongfu, and Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment Xu Kun, and arranged a military trial with a two-day deadline. The interrogation began at 7:00 a.m. on November 18. Liang Xiaojin records that Xu Kun and Wen Chongfu insisted their actions followed orders from the Security Command, while Feng Ti admitted negligence and violations of procedure, calling his acts unforgivable. The trial found Feng Ti to be the principal offender, with Wen Chongfu and Xu Kun as accomplices, and sentenced all three to prison terms of varying lengths. The verdict was sent to Chiang Kai-shek for approval, who was deeply dissatisfied and personally annotated the drafts: he asserted that Feng Ti, as the city's security head, was negligent and must be shot immediately; Wen Chongfu, as police chief, disobeyed orders and fled, and must be shot immediately; Xu Kun, for neglect of duty, must be shot immediately. The court then altered the arson charge in the verdict to "insulting his duty and harming the people" in line with Chiang's instructions. Chiang Kai-shek, citing "failure to supervise personnel and precautions," dismissed Zhang from his post, though he remained in office to oversee aftermath operations. Zhang Zhizhong later recalled Chiang Kai-shek's response after addressing the Changsha fire: a pointed admission that the fundamental cause lay not with a single individual but with the collective leadership's mistakes, and that the error must be acknowledged as a collective failure. All eyes now shifted to the new center of resistance, Chongqing, the temporary capital. Chiang's "Free China" no longer meant the whole country; it now encompassed Sichuan, Hunan, and Henan, but not Jiangsu or Zhejiang. The eastern provinces were effectively lost, along with China's major customs revenues, the country's most fertile regions, and its most advanced infrastructure. The center of political gravity moved far to the west, into a country the Nationalists had never controlled, where everything was unfamiliar and unpredictable, from topography and dialects to diets. On the map, it might have seemed that Chiang still ruled much of China, but vast swaths of the north and northwest were sparsely populated; most of China's population lay in the east and south, where Nationalist control was either gone or held only precariously. The combined pressures of events and returning travelers were gradually shifting American attitudes toward the Japanese incident. Europe remained largely indifferent, with Hitler absorbing most attention, but the United States began to worry about developments in the Pacific. Roosevelt initiated a January 1939 appeal to raise a million dollars for Chinese civilians in distress, and the response quickly materialized. While the Chinese did not expect direct intervention, they hoped to deter further American economic cooperation with Japan and to halt Japan's purchases of scrap iron, oil, gasoline, shipping, and, above all, weapons from the United States. Public opinion in America was sufficiently stirred to sustain a campaign against silk stockings, a symbolic gesture of boycott that achieved limited effect; Japan nonetheless continued to procure strategic materials. Within this chorus, the left remained a persistent but often discordant ally to the Nationalists. The Institute of Pacific Relations, sympathetic to communist aims, urged America to act, pressuring policymakers and sounding alarms about China. Yet the party line remained firmly pro-Chiang Kai-shek: the Japanese advance seemed too rapid and threatening to the Reds' interests. Most oil and iron debates stalled; American businessmen resented British trade ties with Japan, and Britain refused to join any mutual cutoff, arguing that the Western powers were not at war with Japan. What occurred in China was still commonly referred to in Western diplomatic circles as "the Incident." Wang Jingwei's would make his final defection, yes in a long ass history of defections. Mr Wang Jingwei had been very busy traveling to Guangzhou, then Northwest to speak with Feng Yuxiang, many telegrams went back and forth. He returned to the Nationalist government showing his face to foreign presses and so forth. While other prominent rivals of Chiang, Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, and others, rallied when they perceived Japan as a real threat; all did so except Wang Jingwei. Wang, who had long believed himself the natural heir to Sun Yat-sen and who had repeatedly sought to ascend to power, seemed willing to cooperate with Japan if it served his own aims. I will just say it, Wang Jingwei was a rat. He had always been a rat, never changed. Opinions on Chiang Kai-Shek vary, but I think almost everyone can agree Wang Jingwei was one of the worst characters of this time period. Now Wang Jingwei could not distinguish between allies and enemies and was prepared to accept help from whomever offered it, believing he could outmaneuver Tokyo when necessary. Friends in Shanghai and abroad whispered that it was not too late to influence events, arguing that the broader struggle was not merely China versus Japan but a clash between principled leaders and a tyrannical, self-serving clique, Western imperialism's apologists who needed Chiang removed. For a time Wang drifted within the Kuomintang, moving between Nanjing, Wuhan, Changsha, and Chongqing, maintaining discreet lines of communication with his confidants. The Japanese faced a governance problem typical of conquerors who possess conquered territory: how to rule effectively while continuing the war. They imagined Asia under Japanese-led leadership, an East Asia united by a shared Co-Prosperity Sphere but divided by traditional borders. To sustain this vision, they sought local leaders who could cooperate. The search yielded few viable options; would-be collaborators were soon assassinated, proved incompetent, or proved corrupt. The Japanese concluded it would require more time and education. In the end, Wang Jingwei emerged as a preferred figure. Chongqing, meanwhile, seemed surprised by Wang's ascent. He had moved west to Chengde, then to Kunming, attempted, and failed to win over Yunnan's warlords, and eventually proceeded to Hanoi in Indochina, arriving in Hong Kong by year's end. He sent Chiang Kai-shek a telegram suggesting acceptance of Konoe's terms for peace, which Chungking rejected. In time, Wang would establish his own Kuomintang faction in Shanghai, combining rigorous administration with pervasive secret-police activity characteristic of occupied regimes. By 1940, he would be formally installed as "Chairman of China." But that is a story for another episode. In the north, the Japanese and the CCP were locked in an uneasy stalemate. Mao's army could make it impossible for the Japanese to hold deep countryside far from the railway lines that enabled mass troop movement into China's interior. Yet the Communists could not defeat the occupiers. In the dark days of October 1938—fifteen months after the war began—one constant remained. Observers (Chinese businessmen, British diplomats, Japanese generals) repeatedly predicted that each new disaster would signal the end of Chinese resistance and force a swift surrender, or at least a negotiated settlement in which the government would accept harsher terms from Tokyo. But even after defenders were expelled from Shanghai, Nanjing, and Wuhan, despite the terrifying might Japan had brought to bear on Chinese resistance, and despite the invader's manpower, technology, and resources, China continued to fight. Yet it fought alone. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In a land shredded by war, Wuhan burned under brutal sieges, then Changsha followed, a cruel blaze born of orders and miscommunications. Leaders wrestled with retreat, scorched-earth vows, and moral debts as Japanese force and Chinese resilience clashed for months. Mao urged strategy over martyrdom, Wang Jingwei's scheming shadow loomed, and Chongqing rose as the westward beacon. Yet China endured, a stubborn flame refusing to surrender to the coming storm. The war stretched on, unfinished and unyielding.

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3.169 Fall and Rise of China: Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over

Jannah Firdaus Mediapro Podcast

Play Episode Listen Later Oct 6, 2025 34:02

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence. #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”. The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught. Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance. In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China. Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it. On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy. Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”. Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

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Xeno Legendium Islamic Folklore Puisi Pujian Seratus Kata Bai Zizan Dari Kaisar China Hong Wu Dinasti Ming Kepada Nabi Muhammad SAW Podcast Edition

Play Episode Listen Later Oct 6, 2025 1:07

Xeno Legendium Islamic Folklore Puisi Pujian Seratus Kata Bai Zizan Dari Kaisar China Hong Wu Dinasti Ming Kepada Nabi Muhammad SAW Podcast Edition oleh Muhammad Hamzah Sakura Ryuki.Pada masa Dinasti Ming awal, Kaisar Hongwu (Zhu Yuanzhang, 1328–1398 M), pendiri dinasti tersebut, dikenal sebagai penguasa yang sangat menghargai kebijaksanaan spiritual lintas bangsa. Setelah mendengar kabar tentang ajaran Islam dari para utusan Muslim Asia Tengah dan para pelaut Arab yang datang ke pelabuhan Quanzhou dan Guangzhou, Hongwu menunjukkan rasa hormat mendalam kepada Nabi Muhammad ﷺ. Dalam catatan kuno dari arsip istana dan naskah para ulama Hui (Muslim Tionghoa), disebutkan bahwa sang kaisar menulis sebuah puisi penghormatan untuk Rasulullah ﷺ. Puisi itu menggambarkan beliau sebagai “Cahaya dari Barat yang menerangi Timur”, dan menyebut Nabi sebagai “pemimpin umat yang membawa jalan lurus bagi seluruh bangsa di bawah langit.” Bait-bait puisi tersebut menyanjung akhlak Nabi sebagai lambang kesempurnaan moral dan keadilan yang menyeimbangkan langit dan bumi.Kaisar Hongwu kemudian memerintahkan penerjemahan ajaran Islam ke dalam bahasa Tionghoa klasik agar dapat dipelajari oleh rakyat dan pejabatnya. Ia memuji Nabi Muhammad ﷺ sebagai “Guru Besar dari Barat” yang diutus oleh Tian (Allah Yang Maha Esa) untuk mengajarkan keadilan, kasih sayang, dan kesucian hidup. Puisi penghormatan ini menjadi simbol awal dialog spiritual antara peradaban Islam dan Tiongkok, menggambarkan hubungan saling menghargai antara iman dan kebijaksanaan. Hingga kini, salinan dan interpretasi puisinya masih ditemukan di kalangan Muslim Hui di Yunnan dan Nanjing, sering dibacakan dalam acara keagamaan sebagai tanda kehormatan seorang kaisar besar yang mengakui kemuliaan Nabi terakhir ﷺ dengan penuh hormat dan cinta.

445. Immersive Travel and Community Empowerment, with Florence Li

Destination On The Left

Play Episode Listen Later Sep 17, 2025 28:04

On this episode of Destination on the Left, Florence Li, Director of International Development for Songtsam Resorts, shares how her family-owned luxury boutique hotel collection has built its reputation by opening hidden doors to remote destinations in Tibet and Yunnan. She explains how Songtsam differentiates itself by offering immersive cultural experiences, empowering local communities through creative staffing solutions, and staying deeply committed to sustainability. Florence also highlights how the brand's mission to preserve Tibetan culture and protect the environment resonates with today's travelers seeking meaningful, soul-connected journeys. What You Will Learn in This Episode: How Florence's personal journey in hospitality prepared her to help grow Songtsam's international presence Why Songtsam positions itself as a “soft adventure” brand that connects travelers to remote and spiritual destinations The creative approach Songtsam uses to train and empower local staff in small villages Why cultural preservation, job creation, and environmental protection form the backbone of Songtsam's sustainability mission How partnerships with educational organizations have expanded opportunities for cultural exchange The ways Songtsam is responding to trends in wellness, niche experiences, and post-COVID travel behaviors Exciting new projects, including winery hotels and upcoming properties in Kunming and Lhasa Opening Hidden Doors: Immersive Travel in Remote Regions Songtsam's lodges are designed to do more than provide a luxury stay — they immerse travelers in the cultural and natural landscapes of Tibet and Yunnan. Set along the storied Tea Horse Road, each property invites guests to step into a world of tradition, heritage, and connection. Florence explains how Songtsam's “soft adventure” approach gives visitors the chance to engage deeply with local communities, from hands-on crafts to spiritual exploration. For seasoned travelers who crave meaning as much as comfort, this blend of cultural authenticity and refined hospitality opens doors to experiences that feel both rare and transformative. Florence reveals why more people are seeking out these off-the-beaten-path destinations — and how Songtsam has positioned itself to meet that growing demand. Empowering Local Communities Through Creative Staffing Solutions One of the most inspiring aspects of Songtsam's story is its commitment to employing and empowering people from the villages surrounding its properties. Florence acknowledges the challenges of building a world-class hospitality team in places where many residents have little formal education or exposure to global travel. Yet what could have been a limitation became an opportunity for innovation. By finding creative ways to train staff — including trips to see luxury hotels abroad — Songtsam helps local employees gain confidence and skills that transform not only their careers but their communities. Florence shares powerful stories of villagers who have become hotel managers, and how this model has kept jobs, income, and pride rooted in places that might otherwise lose their youth to the cities. Sustainability as a Core Commitment For Florence and Songtsam, sustainability isn't a program; it's a philosophy that shapes every decision. She describes a three-part approach that balances cultural preservation, job creation, and environmental responsibility. From reviving ancient handicrafts through guest experiences to reducing plastic waste and operating Tibet's first low-carbon hotel, Songtsam demonstrates how tourism can be both luxurious and mindful. Wellness is another key dimension of their vision. Drawing on Tibetan healing traditions, Songtsam incorporates meditation, yoga, and natural ingredients into guest experiences that nourish both body and spirit. Florence invites listeners to consider how sustainability and wellness can go hand in hand — not just as trends, but as guiding principles that enrich travel for both visitors and host communities. Resources: Website: https://www.songtsam.com/en LinkedIn Personal: https://www.linkedin.com/in/florence-li-87168b184/ LinkedIn Business: https://www.linkedin.com/company/songtsamgroup/ Email contact: info@songtsam.com We value your thoughts and feedback and would love to hear from you. Leave us a review on your favorite streaming platform to let us know what you want to hear more of. Here is a quick tutorial on how to leave us a rating and review on iTunes!

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3.165 Fall and Rise of China: Nanjing Surrounded