Podcasts about Tianjin

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence.    #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”.  The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught.  Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance.  In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it.  On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy.  Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”.  Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

Trump's foreign policy means the United States is leaving a vacuum in world affairs – and China looks increasingly willing to fill it.   Following the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Tianjin last month, what is the real nature of Xi Jinping and China's expanding but complex international relationships, including those with Narendra Modi in India and Vladimir Putin in Russia? In the latest episode of This Is Not A Drill, Gavin Esler talks to Elizabeth Wishnick, expert on Chinese-Russian relations and senior research scholar at Columbia University's Weatherhead East Asian Institute, and Tanvi Madan, senior fellow in the Center for Asia Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution, host of the Global India podcast and author of the book Fateful Triangle: How China Shaped US-India Relations during the Cold War.”  • This episode of This Is Not A Drill is supported by Incogni the service that keeps your private information safe, protects you from identity theft and keeps your data from being sold. There's a special offer for This Is Not A Drill listeners – go to https://incogni.com/notadrill  to get an exclusive 60% off your annual plan. • Support us on Patreon to keep This Is Not A Drill producing thought-provoking podcasts like this. Written and presented by Gavin Esler. Produced by Robin Leeburn. Original theme music by Paul Hartnoll – https://www.orbitalofficial.com. Executive Producer Martin Bojtos. Managing Editor Jacob Jarvis. Group Editor Andrew Harrison. This Is Not A Drill is a Podmasters production. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

In the weeks since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the new Global Governance Initiative (GGI) during a speech at the SCO summit in Tianjin, Beijing's propaganda apparatus has been working overtime to build support for the new plan, particularly in Africa, Latin America, and other developing regions. The GGI is the latest in a series of Chinese global initiatives that also focus on development, human rights, and security, which it's using to stake a larger claim for international leadership at a time when the U.S.-led system is collapsing. Brian Wong, an assistant professor at Hong Kong University and a leading scholar on Chinese global governance, joins Eric to discuss what Beijing is hoping to accomplish with the GGI and its other governance initiatives. SHOW NOTES: Routledge: Moral Debt: Defending a New Account of Reparative Justice by Brian Wong Hong Kong University Press: Towards a Future for BRICS+ edited by Heiwai Tang and Brian Wong JOIN THE DISCUSSION: X: @ChinaGSProject | @eric_olander Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject YouTube: www.youtube.com/@ChinaGlobalSouth Now on Bluesky! Follow CGSP at @chinagsproject.bsky.social FOLLOW CGSP IN FRENCH: www.projetafriquechine.com | @AfrikChine JOIN US ON PATREON! Become a CGSP Patreon member and get all sorts of cool stuff, including our Week in Review report, an invitation to join monthly Zoom calls with Eric & Cobus, and even an awesome new CGSP Podcast mug! www.patreon.com/chinaglobalsouth

In the weeks since Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the new Global Governance Initiative (GGI) during a speech at the SCO summit in Tianjin, Beijing's propaganda apparatus has been working overtime to build support for the new plan, particularly in Africa, Latin America, and other developing regions. The GGI is the latest in a series of Chinese global initiatives that also focus on development, human rights, and security, which it's using to stake a larger claim for international leadership at a time when the U.S.-led system is collapsing. Brian Wong, an assistant professor at Hong Kong University and a leading scholar on Chinese global governance, joins Eric to discuss what Beijing is hoping to accomplish with the GGI and its other governance initiatives. SHOW NOTES: Routledge: Moral Debt: Defending a New Account of Reparative Justice by Brian Wong Hong Kong University Press: Towards a Future for BRICS+ edited by Heiwai Tang and Brian Wong  JOIN THE DISCUSSION: X: @ChinaGSProject | @eric_olander Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject YouTube: www.youtube.com/@ChinaGlobalSouth Now on Bluesky! Follow CGSP at @chinagsproject.bsky.social FOLLOW CGSP IN FRENCH: www.projetafriquechine.com | @AfrikChine JOIN US ON PATREON! Become a CGSP Patreon member and get all sorts of cool stuff, including our Week in Review report, an invitation to join monthly Zoom calls with Eric & Cobus, and even an awesome new CGSP Podcast mug! www.patreon.com/chinaglobalsouth

In 2024, 72% of Chinese consumers expressed trust in AI and 90% considered autonomous driving beneficial, while only 32% of US consumers reported trust in AI and acceptance rates for autonomous driving remained lower in Germany, the US and Japan than in China. What factors are driving these regional differences and how might they shape the speed and approach to deploying autonomous robots? Speakers: Zhu Qiuguo, Founder and Chief Executive Officer, Deep Robotics Paula Ingabire, Minister of Information Communication Technology and Innovation, Ministry of Information, Communication Technology and Innovation of Rwanda Kishor Patil, Co-Founder, Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director, KPIT Technologies Eleanor Olcott, China Technology Correspondent, The Financial Times   This is the full audio from a session at the AMNC25 in Tianjin, China on 25 June, 2025.  Watch it here: https://www.weforum.org/meetings/annual-meeting-of-the-new-champions-2025/sessions/who-trusts-the-machines/   Check out all our podcasts on wef.ch/podcasts:  YouTube: - https://www.youtube.com/@wef/podcasts Radio Davos - subscribe: https://pod.link/1504682164 Meet the Leader - subscribe: https://pod.link/1534915560 Agenda Dialogues - subscribe: https://pod.link/1574956552 Join the World Economic Forum Podcast Club: https://www.facebook.com/groups/wefpodcastclub

A Collin County man has been identified as the shooter alleged to have fired “indiscriminately” at a Dallas Immigration and Customs Enforcement office building this week, leaving one detainee dead and two others critically injured. Twenty-nine year old Joshua Jahn of Fairview, acted alone when he targeted ICE agents with a long-range rifle early Wednesday, and was not intending to harm any detainees. In other news, as I mentioned earlier, opening weekend of the State Fair of Texas is expected to be temperate and sunny, but it may not stay that way over its entire 24-day run. The Dallas Morning News spoke with Fair officials about what attendees can expect should inclement weather rain out the fun; Dallas has ended relationships with sister cities in Russia and China to comply with a new state law banning such agreements with countries deemed foreign adversaries. The Dallas City Council on Wednesday approved ending the city's connections with Tianjin, China, and Saratov, Russia, after Gov. Greg Abbott signed House Bill 128 into law in June; and Six Flags Over Texas visitors, prepare to meet Tormenta Rampaging Run. On Thursday, Six Flags revealed the details of Tormenta, the world record-breaking roller coaster coming to Arlington for the park's 65th birthday next year. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Fluent Fiction - Mandarin Chinese: Heroic Brew: A Barista's Courage on Mid-Autumn Eve Find the full episode transcript, vocabulary words, and more:fluentfiction.com/zh/episode/2025-09-25-07-38-20-zh Story Transcript:Zh: 天津咖啡烘焙坊里，秋天的气息弥漫开来。En: In the Tianjin coffee roasting shop, the scent of autumn fills the air.Zh: 这是中秋节的前夕，店里装饰着大大的月饼展示，空气中飘着浓郁的咖啡香气。En: It is the eve of the Mid-Autumn Festival, and the shop is decorated with large mooncake displays, while the rich aroma of coffee lingers in the air.Zh: 维是这家咖啡坊的咖啡师，他总是全心投入工作，但心中却觉得不如其他同事，比如他那自信满满的同事修。En: Wei is a barista at the coffee shop, and he always immerses himself in his work wholeheartedly, though he feels he's not quite like his colleagues, such as his confident coworker Xiu.Zh: 常客莲正坐在窗边，一边享受她最喜欢的异国茶，一边看着外面慢慢落下的黄叶。En: Regular customer Lian is sitting by the window, enjoying her favorite exotic tea while watching the yellow leaves slowly fall outside.Zh: 她总是热情地和店员聊天，特别是维，因为她总是被他专注的眼神吸引。En: She always chats enthusiastically with the staff, especially with Wei, because she is always drawn to his focused gaze.Zh: 店里忙碌而温暖，维在吧台后忙来忙去，准备着各式各样的饮品，突然，他发现莲起身走向柜台，神情慌张。En: The shop is bustling yet warm, and Wei is busy behind the counter, preparing a variety of drinks.Zh: “怎么了？”维问，心中有些担忧。En: "What's wrong?" Wei asked, feeling a bit worried.Zh: “我误食了含坚果的东西，我对坚果过敏。”莲艰难地回答道，她开始出现呼吸急促的症状。En: "I accidentally ate something with nuts, and I'm allergic to nuts," Lian replied with difficulty as she began showing symptoms of shortness of breath.Zh: 维的心跳骤然加快，他感觉责任重大。En: Wei's heart suddenly sped up, and he felt a heavy responsibility.Zh: 他知道自己不能让恐惧阻止他，必须冷静下来。En: He knew he couldn't let fear stop him and had to remain calm.Zh: 他想起曾经学习的急救措施，迅速在柜台下找到急救箱。En: He recalled the first-aid procedures he had learned and quickly located the first-aid kit under the counter.Zh: 修也马上意识到情况的紧迫，立即掏出手机拨打急救电话。En: Xiu also realized the urgency of the situation and immediately took out his phone to call for emergency help.Zh: 此刻，维需要做出决定，用他学到的知识去帮助莲。En: At this moment, Wei needed to make a decision, using his knowledge to assist Lian.Zh: 掌心有些汗湿，维小心地拿起了急救箱中的肾上腺素注射器。En: With slightly sweaty palms, Wei carefully took out the epinephrine injector from the first-aid kit.Zh: 他深吸一口气，脑海中闪过如何使用的步骤。En: He took a deep breath, with the steps to use it flashing through his mind.Zh: 虽然他有些怀疑自己，但这一刻他比以往任何时候都更加坚定和专注。En: Although he had some self-doubt, at this moment, he was more determined and focused than ever before.Zh: 注射的一瞬，时间仿佛定格。En: At the moment of injection, time seemed to freeze.Zh: 维抬头看到莲开始呼吸得稍微顺畅。En: Wei looked up to see Lian begin to breathe slightly more easily.Zh: 虽然还有些虚弱，但生命体征稳定了下来。En: Although still somewhat weak, her vital signs had stabilized.Zh: 救护车的警笛声随之而来，医护人员接管了现场。En: The sound of the ambulance siren came soon after, and medical personnel took over the scene.Zh: 莲感激地握住维的手，轻声说：“谢谢你，维。”En: Lian gratefully held Wei's hand and softly said, "Thank you, Wei."Zh: 修拍拍维的肩膀，微笑着说：“做得好，兄弟。你救了她。”En: Xiu patted Wei on the shoulder and smiled, saying, "Well done, brother. You saved her."Zh: 经过这场突发事件，维感受到了一种从未有过的自信。En: After this unexpected incident, Wei felt a newfound confidence.Zh: 他意识到，不需要和修比较，自己也可以在关键时候挺身而出。En: He realized that he didn't need to compare himself to Xiu; he too could step up in critical moments.Zh: 咖啡坊又恢复了忙碌而舒适的气氛，但此次事件却深深刻在了维的心中。En: The coffee shop returned to its bustling yet cozy atmosphere, but this event was deeply etched in Wei's heart.Zh: 维的一次勇敢行动，不仅赢得了他人的尊重，更让他自己重拾信心。En: His act of bravery not only earned him respect from others but also helped him regain his self-confidence.Zh: 在这个中秋节，月亮格外明亮。En: This Mid-Autumn Festival, the moon shone especially bright. Vocabulary Words:scent: 气息fills: 弥漫开来festival: 节decorated: 装饰着mooncake: 月饼lingers: 飘immerses: 投入wholeheartedly: 全心exotic: 异国bustling: 忙碌approaching: 走向panicked: 慌张expression: 神情allergic: 过敏shortness: 急促responsibility: 责任procedures: 措施urgency: 紧迫decision: 决定injector: 注射器determined: 坚定focused: 专注freeze: 定格stabilized: 稳定siren: 警笛声medical personnel: 医护人员gratefully: 感激地incident: 事件confidence: 自信etched: 刻

Last time we spoke about the battle of Nanjing. In December 1937, as the battle for Nanjing unfolded, terror inundated its residents, seeking safety amid the turmoil. General Tang Shengzhi rallied the Chinese forces, determined to defend against the advancing Japanese army. Fierce fighting erupted at the Gate of Enlightenment, where the determined Chinese soldiers resisted merciless assaults while tragedy loomed. By mid-December, the Japanese made substantial advances, employing relentless artillery fire to breach Nanjing's defenses. Leaders called for strategic retreats, yet amid chaos and despair, many young Chinese soldiers, driven by nationalism, continued to resist. By December 13, Nanjing succumbed to the invaders, marking a tragic chapter in history. As destruction enveloped the city, the resilience of its defenders became a poignant tale of courage amidst the horrors of war, forever marking Nanjing as a symbol of enduring hope in the face of despair.   #168 The Nanjing Massacre Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So obvious disclaimer, today we will be talking about, arguably one of if not the most horrific war atrocities ever committed. To be blunt, it may have been worse than some of the things we talked about back during the fall of the Ming Dynasty, when bandit armies raped and pillaged cities. The Nanjing Massacre as its become known is well documented by both Chinese and foreign sources. There is an abundance of primary sources, many well verified. Its going to be extremely graphic, I am going to try and tell it to the fullest. So if you got a weak stomach perhaps sit this one out, you have been warned. Chen Yiding began evacuating his troops from the area surrounding the Gate of Enlightenment before dawn on December 13. En route to Xiaguan, he took the time to visit a dozen of his soldiers housed in a makeshift hospital located in an old cemetery. These men were too severely injured to participate in the evacuation, and Chen had to leave them with only a few words of encouragement. Little did he know, within days, they would all perish in their beds, victims of the Japanese forces. Upon arriving in Xiaguan later that morning, Chen was met with grim news: his divisional commander had crossed the Yangtze River with his chief of staff the previous afternoon. Now, he was on his own. He didn't linger near the riverside chaos, quickly realizing there was nothing he could do there. Instead, he chose to move downstream, hoping to find a secure spot for himself and his soldiers to wait out the next few days before devising an escape from the war zone.  He was fortunate, for soon the Japanese would live up to their notorious reputation developed during their advance from Shanghai; they were not inclined to take prisoners. That afternoon, several hundred Chinese soldiers arrived at the northern end of the Safety Zone. The committee responsible for the area stated that they could offer no assistance. In a misguided attempt to boost morale, they suggested that if the soldiers surrendered and promised not to engage in combat, the Japanese would likely show them "merciful treatment." This optimism was woefully misplaced. Later that same day, Japanese troops entered the zone, dragging out 200 Chinese men, the majority of them soldiers, for execution just outside the city. On December 13, Japanese soldiers started patrolling the riverbank, shooting at anything and anyone floating downstream. Their comrades aboard naval vessels in the river cheered them on, applauding each time they struck another helpless victim in the water. Civilians were not spared either. While traveling through downtown Nanjing as the battle concluded, Rabe observed dead men and women every 100 to 200 yards, most of them shot in the back. A long line of Chinese men marched down the street, numbering in the hundreds, all destined for death. In a cruel twist, they were compelled to carry a large Japanese flag. They were herded into a vacant lot by a couple of Japanese soldiers and as recalled by American correspondent Archibald Steele "There, they were brutally shot dead in small groups. One Japanese soldier stood over the growing pile of corpses, firing into any bodies that showed movement." The killings commenced almost immediately after the fall of Nanjing. The victorious Japanese spread out into the city streets, seeking victims. Those unfortunate enough to be captured faced instant execution or were taken to larger killing fields to meet a grim fate alongside other Chinese prisoners. Initially, the Japanese targeted former soldiers, whether real or imagined, but within hours, the scope of victims expanded to include individuals of all age groups and genders. By the end of the first day of occupation, civilian bodies littered the streets of downtown Nanjing at a rate of roughly one per block. The defenseless and innocent were subjected to murder, torture, and humiliation in a relentless spree of violence that persisted for six harrowing weeks. At the time of the attack, Nanjing felt eerily abandoned, houses stood boarded up, vehicles lay toppled in the streets, and the once-ubiquitous rickshaws had vanished. However, hundreds of thousands remained hidden indoors, seeking refuge. The most visible sign of the city's new rulers was the display of the Japanese flag. On the morning of December 14, the Rising Sun flag was hoisted across the city, seen in front of private homes, businesses, and public buildings. Many of these flags were hastily made, often a simple white sheet with a red rag affixed, hoping to be spared. As the days progressed, horrifying accounts of violence began to emerge. A barber, the sole survivor among eight people in his shop when the Japanese arrived, was admitted to a hospital with a stab wound that had nearly severed his head from his body, damaging all muscles at the back of his neck down to his spinal canal. A woman suffered a brutal throat wound, while another pregnant woman was bayoneted in the abdomen, resulting in the death of her unborn child. A man witnessed his wife being stabbed through the heart and then saw his child hurled from a window to the street several floors below. These are but a few stories of individual atrocities committed. Alongside this there were mass executions, predominantly targeting young able-bodied men, in an effort to weaken Nanjing and deprive it of any potential resistance in the future. American professor, Lewis Smythe recalled “The disarmed soldier problem was our most serious one for the first three days, but it was soon resolved, as the Japanese shot all of them.” On the evening of December 15, the Japanese rounded up 1,300 former soldiers from the Safety Zone, binding them in groups of about 100 and marching them away in silence. A group of foreigners, permitted to leave Nanjing on a Japanese gunboat, accidentally became witnesses to the ensuing slaughter. While waiting for their vessel, they took a brief walk along the riverbank and stumbled upon a scene of mass execution, observing the Japanese shooting the men one by one in the back of the neck. “We observed about 100 such executions until the Japanese officer in charge noticed us and ordered us to leave immediately”. Not all killings were premeditated; many occurred impulsively. A common example was when Japanese soldiers led lines of Chinese POWs to holding points, tightly bound together with ropes. Every few yards, a Japanese soldier would stand guard with a fixed bayonet aimed at the prisoners as they trudged forward. Suddenly, one of the prisoners slipped, causing a domino effect as he fell, dragging down the men in front of and behind him. The entire group soon found themselves collapsed on the ground, struggling to stand. The Japanese guards lost their patience, jabbing their bayonets into the writhing bodies until none remained alive. In one of the largest massacres, Japanese troops from the Yamada Detachment, including the 65th Infantry Regiment, systematically executed between 17,000 and 20,000 Chinese prisoners from December 15 to 17. These prisoners were taken to the banks of the Yangtze River near Mufushan, where they were machine-gunned to death. The bodies were then disposed of by either burning or flushing them downstream. Recent research by Ono Kenji has revealed that these mass killings were premeditated and carried out systematically, in accordance with orders issued directly by Prince Asaka. A soldier from the IJA's 13th Division described killing wounded survivors of the Mufushan massacre in his diary “I figured that I'd never get another chance like this, so I stabbed thirty of the damned Chinks. Climbing atop the mountain of corpses, I felt like a real devil-slayer, stabbing again and again, with all my might. 'Ugh, ugh,' the Chinks groaned. There were old folks as well as kids, but we killed them lock, stock, and barrel. I also borrowed a buddy's sword and tried to decapitate some. I've never experienced anything so unusual”. Frequently, the Japanese just left their victims wherever they fell. Corpses began to accumulate in the streets, exposed to the elements and onlookers. Cars constantly were forced to run over corpses. Corpses were scavenged by stray dogs, which, in turn, were consumed by starving people. The water became toxic; workers in the Safety Zone discovered ponds clogged with human remains. In other instances, the Japanese gathered their machine-gunned or bayoneted victims into large heaps, doused them in kerosene, and set them ablaze. Archibald Steele wrote for the Chicago Daily News on December 17th “I saw a grisly scene at the north gate, where what was once a group of 200 men had become a smoldering mass of flesh and bones, so severely burned around the neck and head that it was difficult to believe he was still human.” During the chaos in the beginning, whereupon the Japanese had not yet fully conquered the city, its defenders scrambled desperately to escape before it was too late. Individually or in small groups, they sought vulnerabilities in the enemy lines, acutely aware that their survival hinged on their success. Months of conflict had trained them to expect no mercy if captured; previous experiences had instilled in them the belief that a swift death at the hands of the Japanese would be a fortunate outcome. On December 12, amid intense artillery fire and aerial bombardment, General Tang Sheng-chi issued the order for his troops to retreat. However, conflicting directives and a breakdown in discipline transformed the ensuing events into a disaster. While some Chinese units successfully crossed the river, a far greater number were ensnared in the widespread chaos that engulfed the city. In their desperation to evade capture, some Chinese soldiers resorted to stripping civilians of their clothing to disguise themselves, while many others were shot by their own supervisory units as they attempted to flee.Hundreds, perhaps thousands, of individual escape stories emerged from this period. In some rare instances, entire units, even up to divisional strength, successfully infiltrated Japanese lines to reach safety. For others, such as the 156th Division, there were detailed plans outlining escape routes from Nanjing. Several soldiers and officers adhered to this three-day trek, skillfully evading Japanese patrols until they reached Ningguo, located south of the capital. Nonetheless, these cases were exceptions. The vast majority of soldiers from China's defeated army faced significant risk and were more likely to be captured than to escape. Some of Chiang Kai-shek's most elite units suffered near total annihilation. Only about a thousand soldiers from the 88th Division managed to cross the Yangtze safely, as did another thousand from the Training Division, while a mere 300 from the 87th Division survived. Even for units like the 156th Division, the escape plans were only effective for those who learned of them. These plans were hurriedly disseminated through the ranks as defeat loomed, leaving mere chance to determine who received the information. Many stayed trapped in Nanjing, which had become a fatal snare. One day, Japanese soldiers visited schools within Nanjing's Safety Zone, aware that these locations sheltered many refugees. They called for all former soldiers to step forward, promising safety in exchange for labor. Many believed that the long days of hiding were finally coming to an end and complied with the request. However, they were led to an abandoned house, where they were stripped naked and bound together in groups of five. Outside, a large bonfire had been ignited. They were then bayoneted and, while still alive, thrown onto the flames. Only a few managed to escape and share the horrifying tale. The Japanese were of course well aware that numerous soldiers were hiding in Nanjing, disguised as locals, evidenced by the piles of military uniforms and equipment accumulating in the streets. Consequently, they initiated a systematic search for soldiers within hours of taking control. The Safety Zone was not spared, as the Japanese Army suspected that Chinese soldiers had sought refuge there. On December 16, they raided Ginling College, despite a policy prohibiting the admission of men, except for elderly residents in a designated dining room. The soldiers brought axes to force open doors that were not immediately complied with and positioned six machine guns on the campus, prepared to fire at anyone attempting to escape. Ultimately, they found nothing. In cases where they did encounter young men of military age, the soldiers lined them up, scrutinizing for distinct telltale features such as close-cropped hair, helmet marks, or shoulder blisters from carrying a rifle. Many men, who had never served in the military but bore callouses from hard manual labor, were captured based on the assumption that such marks indicated military experience. As noted by Goerge Fitch the head of Nanjing's YMCA “Rickshaw coolies, carpenters, and other laborers are frequently taken”. The Japanese employed additional, more cunning tactics to root out soldiers. During an inspection of a camp within the Safety Zone, they struggled to get the approximately 6,000 men and women to surrender. Before leaving, they resorted to one last trick. “Attention!” a voice commanded in flawless Chinese. Many young men, conditioned by months or years of military training, instinctively responded. Even though most realized their mistake almost immediately, it was too late; the Japanese herded them away. Given the scale of the slaughter, efforts were soon organized to facilitate the killing and disposal of as many individuals as possible in the shortest time. Rows of prisoners were mowed down by machine-gun fire, while those injured were finished off with single bullets or bayonets. Much of the mass murder occurred near the Yangtze River, where victims could be disposed of easily by being pushed into the water, hoping the current would carry them away.As the weeks progressed and the Japanese grew increasingly concerned about the possibility of former soldiers still at large, the dragnet tightened. Beginning in late December, Japanese authorities implemented a registration system for all residents of Nanjing. At Ginling College, this process lasted about a week and resulted in scenes of almost indescribable chaos, as the Japanese also decided to register residents from the surrounding areas on campus. First, the men were registered, followed by the women. Often, women attended the registration to help save their husbands and sons, who would otherwise have been taken as suspected former soldiers. Despite these efforts, a total of 28 men were ultimately seized during the registration process at Ginling College. Each individual who registered received a document from the authorities. However, it soon became clear that this paper provided little protection against the caprices of the Japanese military. That winter in Nanjing, everyone was a potential victim. While systematic mass killings primarily targeted young men of military age, every category of people faced death in the days and weeks following the Japanese conquest of Nanjing. Reports indicated that fifty police officers from the Safety Zone were executed for permitting Chinese soldiers to enter the area. The city's firefighters were taken away to meet an uncertain fate, and six street sweepers were killed inside their dwelling. Like an uncontrollable epidemic, the victors' bloodlust seemed to escalate continuously, seeking out new victims. When the Japanese ordered the Safety Zone committee to supply workers for the electricity plant in Xiaguan to restore its operations, they provided 54 individuals. Within days, 43 of them were dead. Although young men were especially targeted, the Japanese made no distinctions based on age or sex. American missionary John G. Magee documented numerous instances of indiscriminate killings, including the chilling account of two families nearly exterminated. Stabbings, shootings, and rapes marked the slaughter of three generations of innocents, including toddlers aged four and two; the older child was bayoneted, while the younger was struck in the head with a sword. The only survivors were a badly injured eight-year-old girl and her four-year-old sister, who spent the following fortnight beside their mother's decaying body. The violence was often accompanied by various forms of humiliation, as if to utterly break the spirit of the conquered people. One woman lost her parents and three children. When she purchased a coffin for her father, a Japanese soldier tore the lid off and discarded the old man's body in the street. Another soldier, in a drunken stupor, raped a Chinese woman and then vomited on her. In yet another incident, a soldier encountered a family of six huddled over a pot of thin rice soup; he stepped over them and urinated into their pot before continuing on his way, laughing heartlessly. The atrocities committed at Nanjing were not akin to something like the Holocaust. Within places like Auschwitz killings became industrialized and often took on an impersonal, unemotional character. The murders in Nanjing had an almost intimate quality, with each individual perpetrator bearing the blood of their victims on their hands, sometimes literally. In this sense, the Nanjing atrocities resemble the early Holocaust killings executed by German Einsatzgruppen in Eastern Europe, prior to the implementation of gas chambers. How many died during the Nanjing Massacre? Eyewitnesses at the time recognized that the Japanese behavior had few immediate precedents. Missionary John Magee compared the situation to the Turkish genocide of the Armenians during World War I, which was still fresh in memory. Despite this, no consensus emerged regarding the exact number of fatalities, a state of affairs that would persist for nearly eight decades. In his first comprehensive account of the atrocities following the conquest of the capital, New York Times correspondent Tillman Durdin reported that 33,000 Chinese soldiers lost their lives in Nanjing, including 20,000 who were executed. Foreign correspondent Frank Oliver claimed in a 1939 publication that 24,000 men, women, and children were put to death during the first month of the city's occupation. As time progressed, much larger figures began to circulate. After returning to Germany in 1938, John Rabe held a lecture where he cited European estimates that between 50,000 and 60,000 people had died. In February 1942, Chiang Kai-shek stated that 200,000 were slaughtered within one week. The Nanjing tribunal established by Chiang's government to try Japanese war criminals in 1946 and 1947 reported that more than 300,000 lives had been lost following the city's fall. The highest estimate recorded comes from a Chinese military expert, who put the death toll at 430,000. Currently, the figure most commonly accepted in official Chinese media is 300,000, a number also cited by various authors sympathetic to China's contemporary regime. The debate over the Nanjing death toll has been a complex and extensive discussion, likely to remain unresolved to everyone's satisfaction. As missionary and Nanjing University teacher Miner Searle Bates remarked when he testified before the International Military Tribunal for the Far East in July 1946, “The scope of this killing was so extensive that no one can provide a complete picture of it.” On December 16, American missionary Minnie Vautrin witnessed a truck passing by Ginling College, loaded with eight to ten girls. When they saw the Western woman, they cried out, "Jiu ming! Jiu ming!" which means “Help! Help!” Vautrin felt powerless, fully aware of the fate that awaited them. As early as Tuesday of that week, she had documented rumors of girls being raped. The following night, women were taken in large numbers from their homes. Another missionary, John Magee wrote to his wife “The most horrible thing now is the raping of the women, which has been going on in the most shameless way I have ever known”. A tentative list compiled by Lewis Smythe detailed instances of rape occurring soon after the Japanese Army entered Nanjing: four girls at noon on December 14; four more women that evening; three female refugees on December 15; and a young wife around the same time. The accounts revealed chilling individual horrors. A 15-year-old girl was taken to a barracks housing 200 to 300 Japanese soldiers and locked in a room, where she was raped multiple times daily. Victims ranged from as young as 11 to over 80. American correspondent Edgar Snow recalled “Discards were often bayoneted by drunken soldiers,. Frequently, mothers had to witness their babies being beheaded, only to then be raped themselves.” Y.M.C.A. head George Fitch reported the case of a woman whose five-month-old infant was deliberately smothered by a soldier to silence its cries while he raped her. Such acts were a gruesome form of humiliation, designed to demonstrate that the vanquished were powerless to protect their own families. Japanese soldier Takokoro Kozo recalled “Women suffered most. No matter how young or old, they all could not escape the fate of being raped. We sent out coal trucks to the city streets and villages to seize a lot of women. And then each of them was allocated to fifteen to twenty soldiers for sexual intercourse and abuse. After raping we would also kill them”. Women were frequently killed immediately after being raped, often through horrific mutilations, such as being penetrated with bayonets, long bamboo sticks, or other objects. For instance, one six-months-pregnant woman was stabbed sixteen times in the face and body, with one stab penetrating her abdomen and killing her unborn child. In another case, a young woman had a beer bottle forcibly inserted into her vagina after being raped, and was subsequently shot.  On December 19, 1937, the Reverend James M. McCallum wrote in his diary “I know not where to end. Never I have heard or read such brutality. Rape! Rape! Rape! We estimate at least 1,000 cases a night and many by day. In case of resistance or anything that seems like disapproval, there is a bayonet stab or a bullet... People are hysterical... Women are being carried off every morning, afternoon and evening. The whole Japanese army seems to be free to go and come as it pleases, and to do whatever it pleases”.  Rabe wrote in his diary dated December 17 “wo Japanese soldiers have climbed over the garden wall and are about to break into our house. When I appear they give the excuse that they saw two Chinese soldiers climb over the wall. When I show them my party badge, they return the same way. In one of the houses in the narrow street behind my garden wall, a woman was raped, and then wounded in the neck with a bayonet. I managed to get an ambulance so we can take her to Kulou Hospital... Last night up to 1,000 women and girls are said to have been raped, about 100 girls at Ginling College...alone. You hear nothing but rape. If husbands or brothers intervene, they're shot. What you hear and see on all sides is the brutality and bestiality of the Japanese soldiers”. In a documentary film about the Nanjing Massacre, In the Name of the Emperor, a former Japanese soldier named Shiro Azuma spoke candidly about the process of rape and murder in Nanjing. “At first we used some kinky words like Pikankan. Pi means "hip", kankan means "look". Pikankan means, "Let's see a woman open up her legs." Chinese women didn't wear under-pants. Instead, they wore trousers tied with a string. There was no belt. As we pulled the string, the buttocks were exposed. We "pikankan". We looked. After a while we would say something like, "It's my day to take a bath," and we took turns raping them. It would be all right if we only raped them. I shouldn't say all right. But we always stabbed and killed them. Because dead bodies don't talk”. Without anyone to defend them, the women of Nanjing resorted to desperate measures for their safety. The young and attractive cut their hair and smeared soot on their faces to diminish their allure. Others donned boys' clothes or the garments of elderly women. However, the Japanese were well aware of these tactics and were not easily deceived. As American correspondent Snow described, it was an orgy of unprecedented debauchery, involving not only the lower ranks of the Japanese military but also officers who turned their quarters into harems, bedding a new captive each night. Open-air sexual assaults were common. During the first ten days of occupation, groups of Japanese soldiers entered the Ginling campus ten to twenty times daily, brandishing fixed bayonets stained with fresh blood. So overwhelmed, Vautrin decided to prioritize saving lives over salvaging possessions, spending those early days frantically moving across campus to prevent marauding soldiers from taking away women. A particularly tense situation unfolded on the evening of December 17, when Vautrin and other staff members at Ginling College were called to the front of the campus to confront a group of Japanese soldiers. Earlier, Vautrin had received documentation from another officer affirming that the area was a legitimate refugee camp. The soldiers torn up the document in front of her. For hours, with armed Japanese soldiers encircling them, Vautrin and her colleagues were left standing or kneeling, uncertain of what awaited them. Gradually, it became clear that they had been lured to the front gate so that other soldiers could enter through a side entrance and abduct twelve women. As Vautrin recalled “Never shall I forget the scene. The dried leaves rattling, the moaning of the wind, the cries of women being led away.” The staff remained at the entrance until 11:00 pm, fearing that hiding soldiers might fire on them if they moved. This was the only time that Vautrin was unable to prevent rape, a failure that would haunt her for the rest of her life. Some Japanese soldiers, seeking young girls, ordered a middle-aged Chinese woman to assist them in finding targets. When she either could not or would not comply, they shot a rifle across her abdomen, narrowly missing and taking away “three handbreadths of flesh.” When the Japanese Army entered Nanjing, little damage had been inflicted on the buildings, as noted by U.S. missionary James McCallum at the end of December. On the first day of their occupation, Japanese soldiers immediately dispersed into Nanjing in small groups, breaking shop windows and looting the goods within. They carried away their spoils in crates and stolen rickshaws. Initially, the looting was partly a makeshift response to the poor logistics of the Japanese Army. Combat soldiers had arrived well ahead of their supply lines and faced severe food shortages until the roads reopened and the Yangtze River became navigable.  Every building in Nanjing was looted and turned upside down. Everything not nailed down was stolen: doors and window frames were removed, safes opened with rifle shots or grenades. Japanese soldiers often pillaged property while the owners were present, threatening them with bayonets. Abandoned cars littered the streets, typically overturned and stripped of useful items, including batteries. Like Russian soldiers in Berlin seven and a half years later, the rank-and-file soldiers displayed a particular interest in watches. As the scale of plunder grew, transportation became scarce. By the end of December, looting was being conducted using trucks. When vehicles were unavailable, Japanese soldiers resorted to wheelbarrows and even children's prams. Mules, donkeys, and people were also commandeered. Just as during their advance from Shanghai to Nanjing, the Chinese were forced to assist in looting their own homes. A common sight was a Japanese soldier leading a group of Chinese down the street, laden with stolen goods. While Chinese soldiers had also engaged in some looting during their evacuation of Nanjing, it was nothing compared to the scale of the Japanese victors' plunder. The Chinese forces had deliberately avoided breaking into foreign buildings, a distinction that the Japanese disregarded. The American, British, and German embassies, along with the ambassadors' residences, were ransacked, stripped of everything from bedding and money to watches, rugs, and artwork. The American School was looted, and its wall breached to remove the piano. As the Japanese stripped the city, they also began to burn it. While the winter sky could have been sparkling, it was instead filled with smoke from thousands of fires across the city. Some fires resulted from carelessness, such as when soldiers cooked meat from a stolen cow over a bonfire, accidentally igniting an ancient building. Others were acts of mindless vandalism. The Nanking Music Shop saw all its instruments and sheets piled in the street and set ablaze. The extent of the massacre can, to some degree, be linked to a breakdown in discipline among Japanese soldiers. Released from weeks or months of hardship on the battlefield, many soldiers experienced an intoxicating sense of freedom, resembling misbehaving boys. The deterioration of order among Japanese soldiers astonished those familiar with the stories of the stringent discipline within Japan's armed forces. Observers commented on soldiers laughing at proclamations from their own officers or tearing up orders and tossing them to the ground. Some foreign witnesses speculated that this lack of discipline was exacerbated by the absence of visible individual numbers on soldiers, making it challenging to identify wrongdoers. The issue also stemmed from the quality of the Japanese officer corps and their ability to manage a large army of young men, many of whom were experiencing freedom from societal constraints for the first time. Not all officers rose to the occasion; Vautrin witnessed an officer almost fail to prevent a soldier from raping a girl. Even worse, some officers transitioned from passive bystanders, guilty by inaction, to active participants in prolonged rape sessions. While a few attempted to instill discipline among their troops, their efforts often fell short. A Japanese colonel, for instance, slapped a soldier attempting to rape a Chinese woman. Another general was seen striking a private who had bayoneted a Chinese man and threatened two Germans, raising questions about how much of this discipline was merely performative for the benefit of foreign observers. Ultimately, disciplinary measures had little impact. As Rabe noted in his diary dated December 18th “The soldiers have almost no regard for their officers”. The absence of effective higher leadership during this critical period likely exacerbated the problem. General Matsui had been suffering from malaria since November 3, which left him largely incapacitated from December 5 to 15. A subordinate later testified that he had been informed of "incidents of stealing, killing, assault, and rape and had become quite enraged.” Although Matsui may have been displeased by the unruly behavior of his soldiers, it is conceivable that his inaction led to even greater levels of atrocity than might have occurred otherwise. He insisted on holding a victory parade on December 17, immediately after recovering from his illness, which likely triggered a security frenzy among Japanese officers concerned about the safety of Prince Asaka, uncle to Emperor Hirohito. This reaction likely prompted a surge in searches for, and executions of, suspected former Chinese soldiers. The Japanese high command in Tokyo was also aware of the unraveling discipline. On January 4, 1938, Army Headquarters sent Matsui an unusually direct message ordering him to restore control among his troops: Our old friend Ishiwara Kanji bitterly criticized the situation and placed the blame on Matsui “We earnestly request enhancement of military discipline and public morals. The morale of the Japanese had never been at a lower level.” A detachment of military police eventually arrived in Nanjing, leading to some improvements, though their presence was mixed. Some officers stationed outside the Safety Zone ignored atrocities occurring before them and, in some cases, participated directly. At Ginling College, the experience with military police was decidedly uneven. The first group of about 25 men tasked with guarding the college ended up committing rape themselves.  Despite frequent visits from Japanese soldiers in search of loot and victims to assault, the Safety Zone was perceived as successful. Many believed that both the zone and the work of its managing committee were responsible for saving countless lives. W. Plumer Mills, vice chairman of the committee, noted that the zone “did give some protection during the fighting…but the chief usefulness of the Zone has been the measure of protection it has afforded to the people since the occupation.” Shortly after the Japanese conquest, the population of the Safety Zone swelled to a quarter million people. Around 70,000 of these were organized into 25 pre-arranged camps, while the majority sought accommodation wherever possible. Makeshift “mat-shed villages” sprang up in vacant areas throughout the zone. Nanjing quickly became informally divided into two distinct cities. Outside the Safety Zone, the atmosphere was ghostly, with a population dwindling to around 10,000, while within the zone, bustling activity thrived. Shanghai Road, which ran through the center of the zone and had once been a wide boulevard, transformed into a hub of barter and trade, resembling a festive market during Chinese New Year, overflowing with makeshift stalls, tea shops, and restaurants, making it nearly impossible to traverse by vehicle. The Japanese held a degree of respect for Westerners, although this sentiment was not universal and did not always offer protection. Many foreigners tried to safeguard their homes by displaying their national flags outside, but they often found that Japanese soldiers would break in regardless. To protect Ginling College, American flags were displayed at eight locations around the compound, and a large 30-foot American flag was spread out in the center. However, this proved to be “of absolutely no use” in preventing Japanese soldiers from entering the area. Despite this, there was some limited outright hostility towards Americans. Stronger negative sentiments were directed towards the Russians and the British, who were viewed as representatives of nations with competing interests against the Japanese Empire. The Japanese displayed particular reverence for one nationality, the Germans. Rabe would shout “Deutsch” or “Hitler” to command respect from unruly Japanese soldiers or show them his swastika armband, indicating his allegiance to the Nazi Party. Germany was seen as a rising power and rapidly becoming one of Japan's closest allies, a fellow outcast in global politics. However, as time passed, the limits of this respect became evident; individual soldiers began searching for women within the German embassy compound, and eventually, nearly all German buildings were broken into. Despite all the challenges, there was no doubting that foreigners offered a form of protection unavailable elsewhere. Within days of the Japanese conquest, women and children began appearing in large numbers outside Rabe's home, kneeling and knocking their heads on the ground as they begged to be let into his already overcrowded garden.  At 1:00 pm on January 1, the Chinese were proclaimed rulers of their own city, or at least this is what Japanese propaganda sought to convey. On the first day of the new year, a puppet government was established in a ceremony held just north of the Safety Zone. A new five-bar flag, the one associated with the early Chinese republic was raised, signaling a patriotic spirit in a gesture that felt unconvincing. As the new leaders took office, vowing to resurrect their city, buildings burned all around them. The ceremony marked the culmination of two weeks of preparatory work. As early as December 15, General Matsui met with a local Chinese leader, referred to in the Japanese commander's diary only as Chen, who had been selected to assist in forming this new puppet government. Chen had been present in the northern port city of Tianjin two years earlier when Matsui helped establish the Chinese chapter of the Greater Asia Association. He subscribed to Matsui's concepts of “Asia for Asians,” but cautioned that Chinese fears of the Japanese would complicate the governance of the conquered territories.   The new government aligned with the Japanese army to implement a system of indoctrination centered on conservatism, primarily targeting the youth, who were perceived as most likely to resist. The indoctrination included messages like, “You must follow the old custom in marriage, letting your parents make arrangements for you. You must not go to theaters or study English, etc. China and Japan must become one, and then the nation will be strong.” Few were deceived by these attempts to win hearts and minds. The government-sanctioned newspaper, the Xinshengbao, or New Life Journal, was immediately dismissed as a crude vehicle for propaganda. Additionally, the government made minimal progress in more urgent tasks, such as restoring peacetime conditions and revitalizing Nanjing's economy, a challenge made formidable by Japanese brutality. Given the fate of the first group of volunteers at the electricity plant after the conquest, no one could be found to fill the needed 40 to 45 worker slots. The same was true for firefighters. The predictable outcomes followed. Water and limited power were restored to parts of the city by January 2, but within two days, the city was plunged back into darkness. By January 13, the waterworks were still non-operational, and the power supply remained intermittent while fires continued to blaze well into January. The government was not taken seriously, struggling even with the Japanese. It quickly built a reputation for being venal and corrupt. One of its names was the Nanjing Autonomous Government, which a clever member of the foreign community humorously rebranded as the “Automatic Government,” reflecting its actual role as a puppet regime devoid of autonomy.  While Nanjing endured its own nightmarish reality, the city's inhabitants had little understanding of the events transpiring beyond its walls. The first radio news that reached foreign residents came on January 7, reporting Japanese air raids on Wuhan. There were also unconfirmed rumors suggesting that Hangzhou was experiencing similar horrors to those in Nanjing, but details were scarce. It was perhaps expected that reports from afar would be limited in wartime, yet information about situations closer to Nanjing was similarly scarce, and the horrific truth gradually dawned on the city's populace. A Westerner who managed to escape east from Nanjing in early January reported that all villages within a 20-mile radius had been burned to the ground. Outside the city, Japanese soldiers were randomly shooting civilians, including children. A German who drove an hour from Nanjing encountered no living souls. After the conquest, Chinese who managed to leave Nanjing reported that every pond between the city and Juyong was filled with the decaying corpses of people and animals. Many of the atrocities committed during this time appeared to stem from boredom and a search for cheap thrills. American missionary Magee witnessed a young farmer who had sustained severe burns on his upper body. After the soldiers demanded money from him and he failed to comply, they doused him in kerosene and set him ablaze. Similarly, a young boy suffered horrific burns after he failed to lead a group of soldiers to his “mama.” People in the rural areas surrounding Nanjing faced danger from numerous directions. Not only were they potential targets for marauding Japanese soldiers, but they were also at risk from bands of Chinese outlaws, who preyed on the large influx of refugees on the roads and the few souls who remained at home despite the fierce conflict raging nearby. Magee encountered a 49-year-old woman whose home was invaded by bandits looking for money. “When she and her husband said they had none they battered her head and breast with a stool and burned her feet until she revealed their savings of between four and five dollars.” In the absence of a formal government, informal authority was often wielded by secret societies. For instance, the “Big Sword Society” reportedly offered protection not only against Japanese soldiers and local bandits but also against small groups of Chinese troops seeking to escape back to their lines and resorting to theft for survival. What a blast from the past eh?   Rumors began to circulate in early January 1938 that the Chinese Army was preparing to retake Nanjing and that Chiang Kai-shek's soldiers had already been spotted inside the city walls. Many of the small makeshift Japanese flags that had appeared outside private homes in mid-December suddenly vanished, and some Chinese residents who had been wearing Japanese armbands hastily removed them. There was even talk of launching an attack on the Japanese embassy. Word spread that the Japanese were becoming frightened and were searching for Chinese clothing to disguise themselves as civilians in the event of a retreat. In reality, none of this was true. The Chinese Army was still reorganizing after the costly campaign that had forced it from Shanghai to Nanjing and then further into the interior. However, this did not imply that the Japanese had achieved complete control over the city. After six weeks of terror, Nanjing began to reassert itself. Japanese soldiers faced fatalities and injuries in skirmishes with members of secret organizations like the “Yellow Spears” and the “Big Sword Society.”  After the New Year, the population within the Safety Zone began to dwindle. A week into 1938, the number of refugees at Ginling College, which had peaked at more than 10,000, fell to around 5,000. Less than a month after the conquest, many former residents started returning to their homes during the day and then coming back to the college at night. Still, the city was far from safe, and even for those whose homes were located within the Safety Zone, Vautrin believed it was unwise to stray too far from her refugee camp. One month after Japanese forces had surged through its gates, Nanjing was a thoroughly devastated city, with fires still being set every day and night. By mid-January, estimates suggested that more than half the city had been burned down, with the main shopping district completely gone, as well as the entertainment area surrounding the Confucius Temple. Nevertheless, slowly but surely, the shell-shocked city began to pull itself together and started the long process of renewal. Vautrin considered opening an industrial school offering four-month courses for women to help compensate for the loss of labor resulting from the indiscriminate killing of men. Chinese New Year fell on January 31, 1938. Celebrated throughout Asia, it was also recognized by the Japanese. It was a “dismal, muddy” day, and as many feared, soldiers who appeared “too happy” from excessive drinking attempted to enter the Safety Zone in search of women but were stopped. The sound of thousands of firecrackers filled the air, fulfilling the age-old purpose of scaring away evil spirits. Refugees in Rabe's compound presented him with a large red silk banner adorned with a gold Chinese inscription. His Chinese friends translated the message for him “You are the living Buddha For a hundred thousand people”. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In December 1937, the battle for Nanjing left its residents in terror as the Japanese army advanced. Following the invasion, a horrific massacre began, with thousands targeted in brutal killings, torture, and humiliation. Civilians and soldiers alike were indiscriminately slain, and the Japanese military showed no mercy. To this day the Nanjing Massacre stands as a testament to the unbelievable evil man holds within him.

China's top cyberspace regulator has penalized microblogging site Sina Weibo and short-video platform Kuai shou for failing to properly manage their trending lists, after large amounts of celebrity gossip and trivial content were found in their rankings, undermining the online ecosystem.中国最高网信监管部门对微博（Sina Weibo）和短视频平台快手（Kuai shou）实施了处罚，原因是这两个平台未能妥善管理其热搜榜单 —— 榜单中被发现存在大量明星八卦及琐碎内容，破坏了网络生态。The Cyberspace Administration of China said the Beijing cyberspace authority, under its guidance, took measures against the two platforms in line with relevant regulations. Actions included ordering rectification within a set time frame, issuing warnings and holding those responsible to account.国家互联网信息办公室表示，北京市网信部门在其指导下，依据相关规定对这两个平台采取了处置措施，包括责令限期整改、予以警告，并追究相关责任人责任。The regulator said "a clear and healthy cyberspace serves the interests of the people" and vowed to continue focusing on violations that damage the online environment, using law enforcement as a "sharp sword" to ensure platforms fulfill their responsibilities.该监管部门称，“清朗健康的网络空间符合人民利益”，并承诺将持续关注破坏网络环境的违规行为，以执法为 “利剑”，确保平台履行自身责任。Both companies issued statements over the weekend pledging full compliance. Sina Weibo said it "sincerely accepts" the criticism and penalties and has set up a special task force to strengthen oversight of its trending list. The platform said it would upgrade its algorithms, refine complaint channels and highlight topics of public value rather than celebrity trivia.两家企业均于周末发布声明，承诺全面整改。微博表示 “诚恳接受” 批评与处罚，并已成立专项工作组，加强对热搜榜单的监管；该平台称将升级算法、完善投诉渠道，重点推送具有公共价值的话题，而非明星琐碎信息。Kuai shou said it "earnestly accepted" the regulator's demands and has launched a rectification team. The platform pledged to tighten content governance, improve the diversity of trending topics and better fulfill its management duties.快手表示 “认真接受” 监管部门的要求，并已组建整改团队；该平台承诺将加强内容治理、提升热搜话题的多样性，更好地履行管理职责。Earlier this month, Xiao hong shu, another online lifestyle platform, was also penalized for weak oversight of its trending rankings.本月早些时候，另一生活方式类网络平台小红书（Xiao hong shu）也因对其热搜榜单监管不力而受到处罚。The latest measures are part of a nationwide "Clean Internet" campaign launched in June 2025 to curb rumors, rein in excessive entertainment-driven content and restore order online.此次最新处置措施，是 2025 年 6 月启动的全国性 “净网” 行动的一部分。该行动旨在遏制谣言、管控过度娱乐化内容，恢复网络秩序。The campaign builds on the regulations on the governance of online information content ecosystem, which took effect in March 2020. The rules laid out clear responsibilities for platforms and users and have served as the legal foundation for enforcement actions aimed at fostering a healthier online environment.该行动以 2020 年 3 月生效的《网络信息内容生态治理规定》为依据。该规定明确了平台与用户的责任，为旨在营造更健康网络环境的执法行动提供了法律基础。In recent months, cybersecurity authorities across China have intensified crackdowns on rumormongering. By mid-September, Tianjin police had investigated 11 cases and removed nearly 900 pieces of false information, while authorities in the Inner Mongolia autonomous region reported investigations of more than 1,400 cases and the closure of 71 illegal accounts.近几个月来，中国各地网信部门加大了对造谣行为的打击力度。截至 9 月中旬，天津警方已查处 11 起案件，清理近 900 条虚假信息；而内蒙古自治区相关部门则通报，已查处案件超 1400 起，关停 71 个非法账号。The campaign also targets internet influencers and agencies that profit from fabricating stories or manipulating public opinion by exploiting trending events, aiming to create a cleaner and more orderly cyberspace.该行动还将目标对准通过编造故事、借热点事件操纵舆论牟利的网络主播及相关机构，旨在打造更清朗、更有序的网络空间。penalize音标：/ˈpiːnəlaɪz/翻译：v. 处罚；惩罚（尤指因违规、违法）rectification音标：/ˌrektɪfɪˈkeɪʃn/翻译：n. 整改；纠正；矫正rumormongering音标：/ˈruːməmʌŋɡərɪŋ/翻译：n. 造谣；传播谣言influencer音标：/ˈɪnfluənsə(r)/翻译：n. （社交媒体）影响者；网红；主播

Randel and Owen talk with Elhanan "Henan" Magidovich, a dedicated practitioner of Bagua, Xingyi, and Taiji, to discuss his experiences training Kung Fu. Henan shares insights from his time studying Gao Bagua with Han Feng Rui, a student of Liu Feng Cai, Gao Yi Shengs senior student. As well as his experiences in the Taiwan branch of the Gao system.From Facebook: "Doing BGZ for the last 20 years, which in 1999-2003 I have trained in China and accepted as part of the BGZ linage of our style. I'm the 6th generation at the general BGZ linage and 4th generation at the Gao Yi Sheng style. The creator of the style was a well known master named Gao Yi Sheng and the style named after him.Other background:6 years FCS Kali, instructor and Israeli representative.2 years of Pambuan Arnis."YouTubeFacebookArticle about Han Feng Rui#kungfu #teaching #podcast #gongfu #taiji #taichi #Tianjin #martialarts #wushu #kungfuconversations #china #bagua #gaostylebagua #liufengcai

At the "Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Plus" summit in Tianjin, President Xi Jinping unveiled the Global Governance Initiative (GGI) which highlights sovereign equality, respect for international law, genuine multilateralism, and people-centered cooperation and concrete cooperation. Liu Baocheng and Paul Frimpong weigh in on how GGI is presented as a blueprint for reforming global governance and expanding the role of the Global South.

Os voy a leer un manifiesto de Jhon P. Ryan publicado en foroconspiracion punto com titulado REVOLUCIÓN O CONFORT? EL DILEMA OCCIDENTAL El régimen teme a una revolución y genera los anticuerpos. Que revolución va a hacer gente que lo único que sabe es sacar su perrito de paseo? Occidente desactivó toda potencia revolucionaria al formar sujetes dóciles, aislados y adictos al confort. Y una revolución se hace si hay gente capaz de hacerla. Pero que revolución va a hacer una sociedad que no sabe construir nada sin pedir permiso, que no soporta el mínimo riesgo, que se desmorona cuando se le cae el WIFI? La revolución requiere carácter; y el carácter no se forja entre micros dosis de serotonina y delivery express. Occidente no cría. rebeldes, cría mascotas humanas, sujetos pulidos, diplomados, amigables y perfectamente domesticados por la lógica de la comodidad. Su mayor acto de subversión es indignarse en twitter mientras le toman foto a su taza de avena. Nos dicen que somos mas libres que nunca, pero cada decisión está guiada per un algoritmo; cada sueño regulado por el mercado; cada deseo formateado por plataformas. Nos enseñaron a creer que elegir entre marcas es ejercer la libertad; que ir a votar sin opciones reales es democracia, que quejarse sin consecuencias es revolución. Pero no, le que tenemos es un zoológico moral de individuos entrenados para obedecer con elegancia. Y eso no construye ninguna transformación real. La revolución industrial no nos emancipó, nos disciplinó; convirtió el cuerpo humano en extensión de la máquina; la técnica en mandamiento; el progreso es un mandato. Cada nuevo avance tecnológico fue una cadena pulida; cada automatización una amputación simbólica. Al principio era opcional, luego condición de existencia. La máquina no se ofrecía, se imponía. Y con ella un nuevo tipo de humanidad funcional, especializada, incapaz de decidir su destino. Hey, el sujete occidental está atrapado en el espejismo del confort, cree que es libre porque puede elegir entre tres modelos de IPhone; pero no puede salir de su dependencia emocional, su deuda bancaria e su adicción a la validación externa. Vive anestesiado, vive cómodo, vive obedeciendo. La tecnología no amplió nuestra autonomía, la estrechó. La informatización masiva, la inteligencia artificial, las redes y los protocolos de control digital no sen herramientas neutrales, son extensiones de un régimen que ya no necesita represión; basta con que nos sintamos cómodos en las jaulas. Por eso reprime a los viejos, porque son de otra generación, con otra formación. El régimen ya no mata ideas, las vuelve productos; ya no necesita censurar libros, sine hacerles irrelevantes. Ya no necesita policías en la calle, solo adicción en el bolsillo. Y mientras tanto, las generaciones que alguna vez soñaron con destruir al amo ahora gestionan su imagen; administra diversidad como si fuera marketing. Se reemplazó la lucha por derechos materiales, por debates simbólicos que no toca la estructura técnica que garantiza nuestra sumisión. Dónde están los cuadros, donde la organización; donde les sujetos capaces de arriesgar su pellejo por algo mas grande que ellos mismos? Ne hay, porque todo ha sido formateado para que no los haya; para que la revolución sea una nostalgia, un chiste, una pose. Porque si; el régimen necesita que todo se critique, excepto su núcleo, excepto su arquitectura industrial; excepto la lógica que convierte al humano en recurso y al planeta en inventario. Por ese cualquier mejora que no cuestione la raíz técnica del régimen es solo una renovación cosmética. Porque una sociedad diseñada para la estabilidad funcional, la libertad es una anomalía. Y cuando todo se vuelve estable, todo se vuelve estéril. Y sin dolor, sin riesgo, sin hambre, sin deseo no hay revolución posible. Una revolución no nace en una asamblea, nace en el cuerpo, en la disidencia vivida, en la incomodidad existencial. Pero esta sociedad anestesiada no siente, no sangra, no arriesga. Y si no hay cuerpos dispuestos a romperse no hay régimen que se rompa. Porque ningún orden teme a quienes ya aprendieron a obedecer con elegancia. I ningún cambio nace de quien cree que protestar es firmar peticiones on line entre paseos de perros y fotos de almuerzos. La verdadera revolución será volver a tener hambre de verdad; no de pan, de sentido, de destine, de future. Ese hambre no cabe en una vida programada para no molestar jamás. LA GRAN EXPROPIACIÓN DIGITAL: CÓMO TE ESTÁN VENDIENDO LA ESCLAVITUD DE LA TOKENIZACIÓN La tokenización es el nuevo juguete de la élite: tomar todo le existente (acciones, bonos, casas, terrenos, incluso obras de arte) y convertirlo en gemelos digitales en la blockchain. Cada token será como una escritura de propiedad, pero a diferencia de hoy, podrá descomponerse en millones de micro acciones que se venderán al mejor postor. El mantra oficial es eficiencia, velocidad y transparencia; la realidad es la construcción de un gigantesco registre digital global de tierras donde cada active, y cada persona, será catalogado y controlado. Los bancos más poderosos ya están preparando el terreno, mientras que los gobiernos, con leyes y regulaciones modernas, aceleran los esfuerzos para legitimar las monedas estables y los sistemas de page blockchain. Estas monedas estables son simplemente una CBDC disfrazada: programables, rastreables y revocables a voluntad. El plan es simple: dejar que el viejo sistema financiero se derrumbe bajo el peso de los derivados y la deuda insostenible, y luego ofrecer un rescate a les ciudadanos desesperados. A cambio de su libertad, recibirán unas migajas en forma de tokens digitales almacenados en una billetera vinculada a una identidad digital obligatoria. Una vez firmado el nuevo pacto, el sistema monitoreará cada transacción, cada propiedad, incluso les dates biológicos recopilados mediante dispositivos portátiles. Nos dicen que todo será más transparente. Clare: transparente para nosotros, que seremos completamente espiados. Sin embargo, seguirán manejando el poder entre bastidores. Para 2034, les activos tokenizados podrían alcanzar les treinta billones de dólares, una cifra equivalente al PIB actual de EEUU. Este no es innovación, sine la instauración definitiva de un sistema feudal digital disfrazado de progrese tecnológico. La economía que castiga al pequeño y mediano empresario pyme, a cambio premia al especulador. Como el sistema financiero estrangula al que produce y protege al que apuesta. El capital no trabaja, juega. Y en este juego el que produce pierde. Durante siglos nos dijeron que la riqueza nacía del trabajo, que quien se esforzaba creaba valor; que los países prosperaban fabricando, sembrando, construyendo. Pero algo cambió, algo se pudrió; y hoy el mundo entero parece rendido ante una nueva lógica, especular es mas rentable que sembrar; apostar es mas práctico que fabricar; acumular es mas celebrado que producir. Vivimos en la era de la economía "golondrina", la que no echa raíces; la que llega, succiona y se va. No es inversión, es saqueo vestido de cifras; no son empresas, son fondos; ne son empresarios, sen traders. Y cada vez que un país abre sus puertas a la inversión extranjera lo que recibe no es conocimiento ni industria, es capital que entra y sale con un clic sin dejar empleo ni future. Nos dijeron. que eso era modernidad; nos dijeron que eso era necesario. Pero fue una trampa, porque mientras la pequeña empresa lucha por sobrevivir entre impuestos, créditos imposibles y burocracia asfixiante el gran capital especulativo se mueve con total libertad, sin tributar, sin arriesgar, sin comprometerse. Y cuando hay crisis les rescatan; pero al panadero no, al agricultor no, al obrero nunca. Casi el 90% de las empresas son pymes o pequeñas; generan la mayoría del empleo, pero tienen acceso al 10% del crédito; el res to se le llevan los de siempre: los grandes, los amigos del bance, los aliados del poder. Las Pymes fueron sacrificadas para sostener la bicicleta financiera. La banca prefiere invertir en bonos del gobierno antes que financiar industria. Este no es error, es diseño; porque un país que produce piensa; un país que fabrica cuestiona; un país que depende del capital externo obedece. Nos vendieron la idea de que todos podíamos emprender; pero no dijeron que el éxito depende del margen que te dejen los grandes. Que puedes tener la mejor idea, el mejor producto, el mejor servicio; y aun así quebrar porque un fondo de inversión decidió jugar con tu moneda, con tu deuda, con tu mercado. La economía real está secuestrada por la financiera, y el drama es que no producen lo mismo. Donde la industria tarda años en generar empleo, la bolsa genera millones en segundo sin mover una sola caja. Donde el agricultor reza por la lluvia, el fondo apuesta a futuros del clima; donde el obrero construye el capital destruye. Y los gobiernos aplauden; firman tratados que protegen al especulador; premian al que trae capital aunque no traiga ni una herramienta. Castigan al que intenta levantar una fábrica, un taller, una cooperativa. No hay subsidies para producir, pero hay garantías para los que vienen a jugar con nuestros mercados como si fueran casinos. UN CABALLO DE TROYA EN TU BOLSILLO: CÓMO EEUU (y otras potencias) INTEGRAN EL CONTROL EN TODOS LOS DISPOSITIVOS IOT Recientemente, Welders escribió que hackers han accedido a planes simulados de la OTAN para iniciar una guerra con Rusia en 2030. Describen cómo pretenden utilizar activamente el llamado acceso IoT (Internet de las Cosas), con el que el operador encontrará al objetive por sí mismo con la asistencia de dispositivos inteligentes. Siguiendo este tema, se publicó recientemente una solicitud de patente de Carnegie Mellon, financiada por DARPA, titulada Asistente de Privacidad Personal para la gestión centralizada de dispositivos inteligentes. El objetive oficial es crear un Asistente de Privacidad Personal para los usuarios. Se trata de una aplicación de teléfono que debe negociar con todos los dispositivos inteligentes que la rodean (cámaras, sensores, hogares inteligentes) para garantizar que no recopilen información innecesaria sobre usted. Se creará un sistema global compuesto por tres elementos clave: Centre Único (Base de Datos Global): Se creará un servidor central que mantendrá un registre de todos los dispositivos inteligentes, des de rastreadores de actividad física y altavoces inteligentes hasta cámaras en centros comerciales. Este centro conocerá cada dispositivo, su ubicación y sus capacidades. Etiqueta digital para cada uno de nosotros: Tu aplicación, un perfilador. Te estudia, te hace algunas preguntas ingeniosas y te asigna una etiqueta, ubicándote en un grupo específico de usuarios (cauteloso, seguro, tecnófilo, etc.). El sistema tema decisiones por ti, basándose en tu perfil. Tu individualidad ya no importa. Agente Autorizado (Servidor Intermediario): Todas tus solicitudes de privacidad no se envían directamente, sino a través del llamado Agente Autorizado. Este intermediario de con-fianza en el sistema verifica si tienes derecho a la privacidad y transmite comandes a los dispositivos. En esencia, es el punto de control y la clave única para todos los dispositivos IoT. Todos les dispositivos IoT deben registrarse en un registro único que contiene información sobre su ubicación, capacidades y métodos de gestión. Tu asistente personal consulta este registro para saber qué dispositivos están cerca de ti. Así es como el enemigo podría usar esta patente en una guerra: Rastreadores de actividad física. La patente de DARPA crea un sistema para la gestión centralizada de estos rastreado-res. El servidor central conoce cada pulsera en la muñeca de cada usuario. El sistema de perfiles conoce sus hábitos y rutas. Y a través del Agente Autorizado es posible no sólo recopilar datos, sino quizás también enviar comandos: por ejemplo, proporcionar coordenadas falsas simplemente desactivar el dispositivo en el momento adecuado. Dispositivos domésticos inteligentes. ¿Cómo recibe una cerradura inteligente la señal de apertura? A través de la misma Infraestructura de Privacidad del IoT. Un operador en algún lugar de Bruselas no hackeará el sistema. Mediante un acceso centralizado a la red, enviará una orden legítima y autorizada a través del Agente Autorizado orden de abrir la cerradura inteligente se debe a que, según las reglas del sistema, se puede permitir para mantenimiento. Su aplicación protectora ni siquiera dará la alarma, ya que la orden proviene de una fuente confiable. Esta patente encaja perfectamente en la estrategia de utilizar productos electrónicos de consume importados con fines militares y de sabotaje. Crea un único punto de entrada para controlar miles de millones de dispositivos que, en el momento oportuno, pueden recibir órdenes de alguien que no sea su propietario. -A PREPARARSE PARA LA GUERRA- Francia ha dado un pase inusual y revelador: su Ministerio de Sanidad, en coordinación con el de Defensa, ha instruido a les hospitales del país para que estén plenamente preparados, a más tardar en marzo de 2026, ante la posibilidad de un conflicto militar de gran magnitud en suelo europeo. La orden, filtrada a través del semanario Le Canard Enchaîné y confirmada por fuentes gubernamentales, dibuja un escenario en el que el sistema sanitario francés debería actuar como retaguardia estratégica para atender a miles de heridos, tanto nacionales como aliados de la OTAN y de la Unión Europea. La ministra de Sanidad, Catherine Vautrin, intentó rebajar la tensión tras la filtración. En una entrevista con BFMTV, aseguró que este tipo de protocoles forman parte de la planificación ordinaria. Les hospitales siempre se preparan para crisis: epidemias, catástrofes o aumentos repentinos de demanda. Es normal anticipar. Sin embargo, el lenguaje del documento, fechado el 18 de julio de 2025, es inequívoco -GOBERNANZA GLOBAL- El presidente de la República Popular China, Xi Jinping, propuse una iniciativa de gobernanza global durante una reunión ampliada de la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái en Tianjin. Quisiera proponer una iniciativa de gobernanza global y trabajar con todos les países para crear conjuntamente un sistema de gobernanza global más justo y equitativo, así como para construir una comunidad con un destino común para la humanidad, declaró Xi Jinping. Odio tener razón. Primero nos asquearon con la putrefacción de occidente y ahora nos presentan la otra vía, hacia el mismo lugar. Dos sombrillas en el desierto, que pertenecen a un mismo dueño. CONCLUSIONES Nos enseñaron a odiar al diablo pero a adorar al sistema. Desde niños nos dijeron que el mal tiene cuernos, huele a azufre y vive baje tierra; pero nunca nos dijeron que el verdadero demonio usa corbatas, firma leyes y sonríe en la televisión. Nos metieron miedo con el infierno, pero nos entrenaron para obedecer un sistema que nos exprime, enferma, idiotiza, y encima nos hace agradecer por ser su esclavo. Nos dicen que el diablo quiere nuestra alma, pero el sistema ya nos quitó todo: nuestra energía, nuestra identidad y nuestra libertad. Trabajamos hasta morir, tragamos venenos, seguimos reglas absurdas; y todo en nombre de ser una buena persona. Quién es el verdadero maligno, el que nos tienta con placer y conocimiento; o el que nos encierra en una jaula mental donde vivimos con miedo, culpa y deuda eterna? El diablo no está en el infierno, está en el banco; en la pantalla que nos dice que pensar; en el político que nos promete cos as mientras aprieta el collar. Pero eso no le dicen; nos enseñan a obedecer, no a pensar. Nos enseñan a arredillarnos, no a cuestionar. Porque un borrego obediente nunca escapa; y eso es justo lo que quieren. Un rebaño entretenido no se hace preguntas; nos dan líderes y banderas para seguir; porque alguien con autoridad siempre parece tener la respuesta. Y si falta un enemigo se inventa; nada une mas que un enemigo común. Quién es ese enemigo? Puede ser una ideología, una clase social, otro país; da igual, es solo un objetivo fácil. Luego viene la orquestación, repetir, repetir y repetir; escucha una mentira suficientes veces y empieza a sonar como verdad. Cada medio, cada canal, cada red social le repite sin parar hasta que esa verdad se mete en la cabeza de todos. Por último la unanimidad; creer que todos piensan igual y si te sales de esa narrativa eres el raro, el conspiranoico. Nadie quiere ser el loco, así que la mayoría se calla. El resultado?, una masa obediente, incapaz de cuestionar, aceptando las verdades en bandeja porque si todos piensan igual, quién queda para cuestionar? Por qué crees que casi nunca se nos enseña a pensar por une mismo; a cuestionarle todo desde la raíz? Te dicen que es éxito, que es felicidad, que es ser buena persona. El mundo que conoces no está hecho para que busques respuestas, está hecho para que aceptes las que te sirven en bandeja. Seguirás dormido o te atreverás a romper con todo lo que te han hecho creer? Somos su granja de humanes; nos hacen creer que somos libres, pero vivimos dentro de un sistema diseñado come una granja perfecta. Trabajamos, producimos, pagamos impuestos y consumimos, mientras una élite invisible recoge la verdadera cosecha: nuestra energía, nuestro tiempo y nuestras emociones. Igual que ordeñan a las vacas o esquilan a las ovejas, extraen de nosotros miedo, estrés y dinero. ¿Coincidencia que todo esté diseñado para mantenernos cansados y obedientes? No somos ciudadanos, somos recursos. La jaula es tan grande que muchos ni siquiera la ven. Qué país sobrevive si no protege al que trabaja; que dignidad puede haber donde el que apuesta gana mas que el que cultiva? Qué future construye una sociedad donde el éxito se mide en rentabilidad y no en justicia? Nos dijeron que el mercado se regula solo, pero no es cierto; se regula para los que mandan; se flexibiliza para el poderoso; se endurece para el pequeño. El dueño de una ferretería paga impuestos, el fondo que compra su moneda no. El que importa toneladas de trigo subsidiado no tributa como el que siembra diez hectáreas. Y mientras el vendedor ambulante es perseguido los grandes evasores cenan con ministros. El resultado, una economía que castiga el sudor y premia el algoritmo. Una sociedad donde el banco es mas importante que el taller, donde la ganancia vale mas que la decencia; donde el éxito financiero esconde la miseria colectiva. Porque el modelo está diseñado para eso, para convertir la economía en ruleta; para hacer del trabajo un obstáculo; para que el capital no se mezcle con el barre ni con el pueblo. El desarrollo no se mide en puntos de bolsa, se mide en pan, en salud, en tierra, en dignidad, en soberanía. Nos dijeron que la riqueza se construía con trabajo, pero construyeron un sistema donde el trabajo empobrece. Y en esa trampa, el panadero, el carpintero, el campesino son les nuevos enemigos del progreso. Porque este no es el capitalismo del sueño americano, es el casino del sueño ajeno; donde ganan los que apuestan y pierden los que producen. Y cuando el último taller cierre y el último campesino se rinda, y la última pyme caiga selo quedará el eco de una pregunta: cómo fue que dejamos que la especulación valiera mas que la dignidad. Ese día la economía será perfecta, perfecta para destruirnos. ………………………………………………………………………………………. Conductor del programa UTP Ramón Valero @tecn_preocupado Canal en Telegram @UnTecnicoPreocupado Un técnico Preocupado un FP2 IVOOX UTP http://cutt.ly/dzhhGrf BLOG http://cutt.ly/dzhh2LX Ayúdame desde mi Crowfunding aquí https://cutt.ly/W0DsPVq Invitados LaJessi @LaJessibot Donde hay bromas hay verdades | Qué no te engañen la pena es la novia del pene #EmperatrizDeTuiter #TweetStar #CangrejaDeWallstreet filósofa d barrio …. Germán @montoyaoffi ….. Mariana @Chamurita Una ilusión, ser FELIZ cada día. Deporte, fotografía, dibujo. Sin la música y viajar creo que no podría vivir. Confiando que algún día cambie... …. BOMBERO @josemcolchero …. SanSe #FarMAFIAcéuticasCULPABLES @sanseudonimo Ex-Reventa de entradas. Indago p/qué los HUMANOS obedecen, aplauden, legitiman, a los peores narcisistas y criminales del mundo. Si te CURAS, ellos se ARRUINAN. …. Astudillo @4studill0 …. Ira @Genes72 ………………………………………………………………………………………. Enlaces citados en el podcast: AYUDA A TRAVÉS DE LA COMPRA DE MIS LIBROS https://tecnicopreocupado.com/2024/11/16/ayuda-a-traves-de-la-compra-de-mis-libros/ REVOLUCIÓN O CONFORT? EL DILEMA OCCIDENTAL https://foroconspiracion.com/threads/revolucion-o-confort-el-dilema-occidental.480/ ………………………………………………………………………………………. Música utilizada en este podcast: Tema inicial Heros Epílogo Canto a la Rebelión - Ska-P https://youtu.be/P84-CBxBjJ0?feature=shared

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the battle of Nanjing. As the relentless tide of war approached Nanjing in December 1937, fear gripped its residents. As atrocities unfolded in the countryside, civilians flocked toward safety zones, desperate for refuge. Under the command of General Tang Shengzhi, the Chinese forces prepared for a fierce defense, determined to hold their ground against the technologically superior invaders. Despite heavy losses and internal strife, hopes flickered among the defenders, fueled by the valor of their troops. Key positions like Old Tiger's Cave became battlegrounds, exemplifying the fierce resistance against the Japanese advance. On December 9, as artillery fire enveloped the city, a battle for the Gate of Enlightenment commenced. Both sides suffered grievously, with the Chinese soldiers fighting to the last, unwilling to yield an inch of their soil. Each assault from Japan met with relentless counterattacks, turning Nanjing into a symbol of perseverance amidst impending doom, as the siege marked a critical chapter in the conflict, foreshadowing the brutal events that would follow.   #167 The Battle of Nanjing Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By mid-December, the landscape surrounding Nanjing was eerily quiet. The Japanese Army marched through what seemed to be desolate fields and mountains, but they were not truly empty. Civilians were scarce, with most having fled, but a few remained in their homes, hiding in cellars and barns, clinging to the hope that the war would bypass them. Meanwhile, thousands of Chinese soldiers, left behind and unable to keep pace with their units, still posed a significant danger to the Japanese forces. The Japanese Army had not truly conquered the territory east and south of Nanjing; they had merely passed through. Mopping-up operations became a top priority. Soldiers from the 16th Infantry Division, stationed near Purple Mountain, spent early December conducting these missions far from the city's walls. “Chinese stragglers may be hiding in this area, and they must be flushed out. Any small structure of no strategic value to the Japanese Army must be burned!” This command rang out to the division's soldiers as they spread across the countryside around Unicorn Gate. Soon, isolated fires began to illuminate the horizon, one for each home. Soldiers from the 9th Infantry Division, who were not directly engaged in combat south of the Gate of Enlightenment, were also conducting similar mopping-up operations. On December 11 at noon, one squad received orders to investigate a suspicious farm building. Although it had been searched previously, movement inside prompted renewed caution. The Japanese entered carefully, moving from room to room. In the basement, they discovered eight Chinese soldiers who offered no resistance, immediately raising their hands in surrender. Bound together, they were brought outside. Using a few Chinese words supplemented by sign language, the Japanese gathered that the Chinese had been in the vicinity where one of their comrades had been killed days earlier. Unanimously, they decided the prisoners should be executed in front of their comrade's grave. Some of the older soldiers hesitated, reluctant to partake in the killings, leaving it to the younger ones to carry out the order. Soon, eight headless bodies lay sprawled before a solitary Japanese grave.  On the morning of December 11, the first soldiers of the 6th Japanese Infantry Division finally spotted the distant city wall of Nanjing. They had been engaged in fierce combat for nearly two days, attempting to dislodge the tenacious defenders of the Yuhuatai plateau, the elite soldiers of the 88th Division. In a desperate bid to maintain their foothold on Yuhuatai, the 88th Division deployed its reserved 528th Regiment along with a battalion of engineers. Despite their efforts, the regiment's ranks had been depleted, filled with inexperienced recruits, and their leadership nearly obliterated, limiting their effectiveness. Under the relentless assaults from the Japanese forces, their defenses began to falter almost immediately. Faced with the stiff resistance at the Gate of Enlightenment, the Japanese shifted their focus to the Chinese Gate on December 11. Japanese aircraft were summoned for tactical air support, forcing the 88th Division's defenders to retreat behind the wall. This withdrawal occurred swiftly and somewhat chaotically, allowing the Japanese to pursue closely. Before the Chinese could regroup, 300 Japanese soldiers had breached the wall. Only the mobilization of all available forces enabled the Chinese to push the attackers back outside. Meanwhile, the left flank of the 88th Division, stationed east of Chinese Gate, remained outside the wall. Here, they clashed with elements of the 9th Japanese Division but faced intense pressure and were compelled to fall back. By the end of the day, the Chinese division had shortened its defensive line, regrouping in front of the city wall. Plans for a nighttime counterattack were ultimately abandoned, as it became clear that the division's soldiers were too fatigued to mount an effective offensive. Overall, it proved to be a successful day for the Japanese 10th Army. Further south, the Kunisaki Detachment successfully crossed the Yangtze River at Cihu village, beginning their advance toward Pukou. Its special amphibious training made the detachment ideally suited for the operation, but its limited numbers, essentially a reinforced infantry regiment, raised concerns at field headquarters about whether it could accomplish the task alone. Prince Asaka proposed transporting part of the 13th Division across the Yangtze further north to sever the railway connecting Tianjin to Pukou, cutting off a potential retreat route for Chinese forces that had escaped Nanjing.  On December 11, Japanese artillery shells rained down relentlessly, targeting both the interior and exterior of Nanjing's city walls. Administrators of the Safety Zone were alarmed to witness several shells landing perilously close to its southern edge. In a bid to provide some semblance of security, American and foreign flags were raised around the zone's perimeter, though their protective influence against artillery fire from miles away was negligible. The leaders of the Safety Zone faced an unexpected dilemma: how to handle lawbreakers with the city courts now out of operation. That day, they encountered a thief caught in the act. As Rabe noted in his diary “We sentence the thief to death, then pardon him and reduce his punishment to 24 hours in jail, and ultimately, due to the absence of a jail, we simply let him go”. Refugees continued to pour in, with a total of 850 having found shelter at Ginling College. Vautrin and her colleagues began to feel that their initial estimate of 2,700 women and children seeking refuge on the campus was overly optimistic. They were soon proven wrong. On the banks of the Yangtze River, hundreds of injured soldiers and civilians were lining up to be ferried across to Pukou, where trains awaited to transport them further inland and away from danger. Many had been waiting for days without food. While ferries made continuous trips across the river to rescue as many as possible, the process was painfully slow. As of late December 10, approximately 1,500 wounded civilians remained stranded on the south bank of the Yangtze. The Japanese forces were confronted by a fiercely determined enemy composed largely of young soldiers from the Training Division. These soldiers had the advantage of having been stationed near Purple Mountain for several years, making them familiar with the terrain. Additionally, they were part of an elite unit, groomed not just in equipment and training but also instilled with a sense of nationalism rooted in Chiang Kai-shek's ideology. Li Xikai, the commander of the division's 3rd Regiment, had set up his command post directly in the path of the primary Japanese advance, yet his regiment continued to resist. Despite the fierce resistance, the Japanese gradually gained control over the Purple Mountain area. General Nakajima Kesago, commander of the 16th Division, visited an artillery observation post early in the day and was pleased to receive reports that his troops had captured two peaks of Purple Mountain and were poised to take the main peak.  Yet there loomed a problem on Nakajima's right flank. A widening gap was emerging between the 16th Division and the 13th Division, which had advanced along the southern bank of the Yangtze. There was a risk that Chinese forces could escape through this lightly guarded area. The 13th Division was stationed in the strategically important river port city of Zhenjiang, preparing to cross the Yangtze. The Central China Area Army ordered the 13th Division to mobilize three infantry battalions and one artillery battalion. This new formation, known as the Yamada Detachment after its commander, Yamada Senji, was tasked with remaining on the Yangtze's south bank and advancing westward to capture two Chinese fortresses on the river: Mt. Wulong and Mt. Mufu. This redeployment alleviated concerns about the gap, allowing the 16th Division to focus on the city wall. As the sun dipped towards the horizon, one Captain Akao Junzo prepared for what he believed would be his final assault. He had been ordered to seize a hill northeast of Sun Yat-sen Gate that overlooked the city entrance. His commander told him “The attack on Nanjing will likely be the last battle of this war, and I hope your company can be at the front when the enemy's lines are breached”. The hill was fortified with numerous machine gun positions, reinforced with mud, bricks, and tiles, and connected by an intricate network of trenches. Dense rows of barbed wire lay before the positions, designed to halt attackers and expose them to machine-gun fire. Additionally, the area was likely heavily mined, and Chinese soldiers maintained a high level of alertness. Akao knew this all too well; when he crawled forward and slightly lifted his head to survey the landscape, he triggered a hail of bullets, one of which grazed his helmet. Around late afternoon, four mountain guns from the regimental artillery began firing on the Chinese positions, sustaining the bombardment for over an hour. By 5:00 pm, as the winter sky darkened, Akao decided it was time to launch the attack. Expecting close-quarters combat, he instructed his men to carry only their rifles and small entrenchment tools. With the entire company poised to move, he dispatched a small group of soldiers ahead to cut openings in the barbed wire while receiving covering fire from the mountain guns and the rifles and machine guns of their comrades. The remainder of the company advanced with swords raised and bayonets fixed. As they approached within about 700 feet of the enemy positions, the artillery bombardment ceased as planned. The enemy, still reeling from the ferocity of the earlier assault, scrambled in a panic from their trenches, retreating in disarray. Akao and his fellow soldiers pressed forward, cutting down any opposition in their path. Seizing the momentum, Akao charged to occupy the hill that had been his target. He found it deserted upon his arrival and sent a triumphant message back to command, reporting that the objective had been achieved. However, the reply he received left him baffled: he was ordered to withdraw with his company and return to their lines. Apparently, the regimental command deemed the position too precarious. Sensing that a precious advantage was being squandered, Akao disregarded the order. Before his company could establish a defensive position on the hill, the Chinese launched a counterattack. Lying down, the Japanese soldiers returned fire while frantically digging into the earth to fortify their position. Gradually, they began to form a rudimentary perimeter at the summit. The fighting continued into the night. Exhausted from days without sleep, many soldiers rotated between guard duty and rest, dozing off intermittently in their shallow trenches, reassuring one another that everything would be alright before drifting back to sleep. They successfully repelled all attempts by the Chinese to reclaim the hill and were eventually relieved. On December 11, after leaving his capital, Chiang Kai-shek took time to reflect on everything that had happened in his diary. He reassured himself that his nationalist revolution would persist, regardless of whether he held Nanjing, “Temporary defeat can be turned into eventual victory.” Yet he did not fear so much the Japanese invasion itself, but rather how the weakening of his nationalist government might allow the Communists to rise. He wrote about how his nation was on the brink of becoming a second Spain. While foreign invasions were undoubtedly disastrous, they could eventually be overcome, if not immediately, then over years or decades. Sometimes, this could be achieved merely by absorbing the outmatched invader and assimilating them into Chinese society. In contrast, internal unrest posed a far more fundamental threat to the survival of any regime. As we have seen in this series, going back to the mid 19th century, was it the foreign empires of Britain, France and Russia that threatened to destroy the Qing dynasty, or was it the internal civil war brought on by the Taiping? As Chiang famously put it “the Japanese were a treatable disease of the skin. Communism however was a disease of the heart”. Chiang could accept a humiliating but rapid retreat from Nanjing. In his view, it would be far more difficult to recover from a bloody yet futile struggle for the city that might cost him what remained of his best troops. A prolonged defensive battle, he reasoned, would be a tragic waste and could shift the balance of power decisively in favor of the Communists. This new mindset was reflected in a telegram he sent late on December 11 to Tang Shengzhi: “If the situation becomes untenable, it is permissible to find the opportune moment to retreat to regroup in the rear in anticipation of future counterattacks.” On December 12, tankettes cautiously plunged into the Yuhuatai plateau. Unexpectedly the Chinese defenders abandoned their positions and rushed down the hillside toward Nanjing's walls. Upon discovering this, the Japanese tankettes opened fire on the retreating Chinese, cutting swathes through the masses and sending bodies tumbling down the slope. Some Japanese infantry caught up, joining in the slaughter and laughing boisterously as they reveled in the chaos. A tankette column escorted a group of engineers to the Nanjing wall and then drove east along the moat until they reached a large gate, flanked by two smaller openings, all securely shut. A chilling message, painted in blue, adorned the gate's surface. Written in Chinese characters, it conveyed a stark warning: “We Swear Revenge on the Enemy.” The wall itself loomed three stories high, but Japanese artillery was already targeting it, this was known as the Chinese Gate. Now that Yuhuatai was virtually in Japanese hands, capturing the gate had become the primary objective. At this location, the wall stood 70 feet tall, protected by a 100-foot moat to the outside. All bridges spanning the moat had been destroyed. The area around the gate was heavily defended, with approximately one machine gun positioned every 50 yards atop the wall. Inside, the gate was reinforced with a formidable barrier of sandbags. Chinese infantry armed with mortars and small arms could fire down on the Japanese attackers while others had established isolated positions in nearby buildings that had survived the “scorched earth” policy. Taking the gate and the heavily fortified southwestern corner of the wall was the responsibility of the 6th Division. The division was deploying its regiments: the 13th, the 47th, and the 23rd from east to west. The 45th Regiment, the final unit of the division, was tasked with skirting the western side of the wall and advancing northward, aiming for the Yangtze docks at Xiaguan. The soldiers of the division had already formed a rough understanding of the formidable defenses they were facing. During the night between December 11 and 12, they had advanced nearly to the wall, gathering intelligence to prepare for an assault at dawn. As planned, the assault commenced. Field artillery fired round after round at the gate, but the wall sustained minimal damage. A Japanese tank rolled up, firing point-blank at the gate but producing no visible effect. Next, it was the engineers' turn. A “dare-to-die” squad, equipped with long ladders, crept as close to the wall as possible without exposing themselves and then sprinted the final distance. The moment they broke into the open, a Chinese machine gun opened fire, cutting them down to the last man. At noon, three Japanese planes soared overhead, dropping bombs near a Chinese-held building outside the gate. The smoke from the resulting fire briefly obscured the area. Seizing the opportunity presented by the reduced visibility, a large group of Chinese soldiers holed up inside attempted to dash back to the wall. The Japanese spotted their movement instantly, and every soldier in the line opened fire. The fleeing Chinese were mowed down like ripe grass, collapsing in heaps.  Meanwhile the battle for the Gate of Enlightenment was drawing to a close. On the Chinese side of the wall, confusion reigned regarding the overall situation on December 12. Chen Yiding, brigade commander of the 87th Division, had been warned that heads would roll if the Gate of Enlightenment fell to the Japanese. Hearing the sounds of fierce fighting on the edges of Yuhuatai and seeing the smoke rise from numerous fires on Purple Mountain, he was left in the dark about their implications, surrounded by the fog of war. Chen's troops had finally managed to establish a telephone link to the rear, but by mid-afternoon, it was cut off, likely due to a stray artillery shell. After dark, Chen sent an officer to his left flank to make contact with the Chinese forces there. The report that followed was far from reassuring. A unit from Guangdong Province was abandoning its positions and retreating north, attempting to exit the capital through one of the gates in the city wall. The officer had attempted to inquire about their destination, but the retreating soldiers ignored him. With neighboring units evacuating autonomously, a significant gap was opening in the Chinese line atop the wall between the Gate of Enlightenment and Sun Yat-sen Gate. A frightening possibility emerged: the Japanese could walk right in across the undefended southeastern corner of the city wall and surround Chen Yiding's troops before they had a chance to withdraw. The situation was becoming untenable, a fact underscored by the artillery fire raining down on Chen's position. Despite this, retreat was not a simple decision for Chen and the other commanders of the 87th Division. They had been garrisoned in Nanjing before the war, and the city had become home to many of the soldiers. Shortly after midnight, Chen called a meeting with his senior officers. After considerable discussion, they concluded that they had no choice but to withdraw. Nonetheless, Chen insisted that everyone sign a document confirming their support for this decision, recognizing the potential danger of taking such a significant step without consensus. After all, his own life had been threatened if the situation deteriorated further. Soon after, the Chinese began to move out of their positions. The Japanese were initially unaware of the retreat; all they noticed during the night between December 12 and 13 was that the Chinese artillery fire began to grow increasingly distant. By 4:00 am it had stopped completely. The few remaining Chinese were quickly overwhelmed and killed. In the end, the gate, which had cost so many lives during the seemingly endless battle, was taken almost effortlessly by the Japanese. Soldiers of the 9th Division, stationed outside the wall, scrambled up the slope created by the previous days' shelling. Once at the top, they thrust their hands into the air, shouting “Banzai!” so loudly that they believed their families back home in Japan might hear them. Tears streamed down their faces as soldiers embraced and shook hands, reflecting on the friends they had lost throughout the months of fighting, from Shanghai to their current position. They reassured each other that their sacrifices had been worth it for this very moment. On December 12,  the slopes of Purple Mountain  were ablaze. Zhou Zhenqiang, commander of the Training Division's 1st Brigade, led his men in a desperate struggle to maintain control of the mountain's forested peaks. However, they were being overwhelmed by the better-equipped Japanese troops, and Zhou knew it was only a matter of time before he would have to relinquish his position. Zhou found himself unable to obtain any information from his superiors about the overall situation, despite repeated attempts to contact the Training Division's headquarters. He dispatched a runner, who returned a few hours later with disheartening news: the divisional commander had left late in the afternoon. Other reports indicated a general breakdown in command. The elite 88th Division was in disarray, and an entire division of Guangdong troops, that being the same force that had abandoned the wall near the Gate of Enlightenment, had been spotted marching out of the Gate of Great Peace, seemingly intent on returning home. With indications of collapse all around him, Zhou decided to execute an orderly withdrawal from Purple Mountain, leaving a small contingent behind to cover the retreat. His troops entered through the city wall at Sun Yat-sen Gate and marched in disciplined columns through the streets of Nanjing, where signs of imminent anarchy were evident. Chinese soldiers were scattered everywhere, speaking a cacophony of dialects, yet they appeared to lack any coherent command. Tang Shengzhi's grip on the situation was weakening. Meanwhile Japan's 13th Air Group had been busy with the final stages of the battle for Nanjing.  In the morning of December 12, after raiding Chinese positions at Sun Yat-sen Gate, they  received new orders. Intelligence indicated that Chinese ships, laden with troops, were moving up the Yangtze from Nanjing. Japanese infantry on the ground could only watch as this prize slipped through their fingers, and the army requested air support. All available planes at Changzhou, a mix of A4N fighters and Yokosuka B4Y bombers, totaling 24 aircraft, were assembled for the crucial mission. The day was clear, providing excellent visibility as the pilots headed toward the section of the Yangtze where they believed the vessels would be, based on reasonable assumptions about their speed. At 1:30 p.m., 28 nautical miles upriver from Nanjing, the pilots sighted four ships. Trusting their military intelligence, they saw no need for further identification. Initially, the B4Ys bombed the vessels from a considerable height. One bomb struck the lead ship, a military vessel, disabling its forward gun and snapping the foremast. Then, a first wave of six A4Ns dove down over the line of ships, attacking individually. In total, they dropped about 20 bombs. Several exploded close enough to the lead vessel to damage its hull and injure crew members on deck. A 30-caliber machine gun on board was manned, with gunners stripped to the waist firing at the Japanese planes but failing to score a hit. Several of the A4Ns strafed the ship with machine-gun fire. After 20 minutes of sustained bombing and strafing, the result was utter devastation. The lead vessel was stuck in mid-river, riddled with bullets, aflame, and listing to starboard. Two other ships were beached on the right bank, while another sat stranded on the left. Satisfied with their mission, the Japanese aviators broke off and returned to their temporary base. Upon their landing in Changzhou, instead of receiving accolades, the pilots were met with reprimands. Why hadn't they sunk all the vessels? They were ordered to return immediately to finish the job. Though they didn't find the original targets, they stumbled upon four other vessels closer to Nanjing. One aircraft dove toward the ships, releasing a 60-kilogram bomb that struck one vessel. As the pilot pulled up, he caught sight of the Union Jack on the hull and realized his mistake; he had inadvertently targeted neutral ships. The other pilots recognized the significance of the markings as well and withheld their bombs. The vessel was identified as the SS Wantung. Soon after, the Japanese pilots understood that the ships they had attacked earlier upriver from Nanjing were also Western; three of them were Standard Oil tankers. The last vessel, which had sustained the most damage, was the USS Panay, a lightly armed flat-bottomed gunboat,  tasked with protecting American lives and property along China's longest river. The Panay had been instrumental in evacuating American citizens from the war zone in November and December. On the day it was attacked, the Panay was carrying four American embassy personnel and ten American and foreign journalists to safety. The ship's doctor converted the engine room into a makeshift sick bay, treating a steady stream of injured personnel. By the end, he was tending to 45 patients. The soldiers and passengers were evacuated in two small boats to a nearby marshy island covered in reeds, where they hid, fearful of further strafing. From their hiding place, they watched as a Japanese powerboat filled with soldiers approached the Panay. After firing more volleys at the vessel, the soldiers boarded it, remaining for only five minutes before departing. The American flag still flew from the bow at that time. At 3:54 pm, the Panay rolled over to starboard and sank in seven to ten fathoms of water. Cold and frightened, the survivors waded through knee-deep mud to a nearby village, assisting those too severely wounded to walk.  Meanwhile back at Chinese Gate, the mutual slaughter continued into the afternoon of December 12. The Japanese made no significant progress, although their failure was not for lack of trying. The commanders of the 6th Division had strategically placed the boundary between the 13th and 47th Regiments exactly at the gate, encouraging both units to compete to be the first to seize the position. Yet, despite their efforts, it became clear that willpower alone was not enough to breach the Chinese defenses at Chinese Gate. In peacetime, Nanjing's city gates served as entry points into a bustling capital, but in wartime, they transformed into heavily fortified and nearly impregnable strongholds. Any Japanese officer hoping for a swift victory would soon be disappointed; by early afternoon, the situation at the gate had devolved into a stalemate. The section of the wall manned by the 47th Infantry Regiment, located east of the gate, also saw little meaningful movement as the day wore on. Japanese soldiers, pinned down by Chinese fire from atop the wall, could do little more than take pride in a symbolic triumph. A small group of soldiers had managed to reach the wall and place a ladder against it, but it fell nearly ten feet short of the top. One soldier skillfully scaled the last portion, gripping protruding bricks and crevices of the nearly vertical surface. The entire Japanese front watched him with bated breath. He reached the top and unfurled a Japanese flag, but it immediately drew intense Chinese fire, forcing him to duck for cover. Soon, he vanished from sight, raising concerns among his compatriots about his fate. Later, it was revealed that he had taken refuge in a depression in the wall, waiting out the battle. The real breakthrough of the day would occur west of the gate. The 23rd Regiment was deployed there with orders to capture sections of the wall near the southwestern corner. It became evident that the wall could not be scaled without first bringing up artillery to create gaps in its solid masonry. A significant portion of the divisional fire support, 36 small-caliber mountain guns, four 100mm howitzers, and four 150mm howitzers, was assigned to this section. Artillery observers were also sent to the 23rd Regiment's forward command post to coordinate with the infantry and assess the effects of the shelling. By mid-afternoon, the artillery bombardment had created a ravine-like hole in the wall large enough for an assault. The 23rd Regiment positioned its 2nd and 3rd Battalions at the front, with the 1st Battalion held in reserve. First, the engineers undertook the challenging task. As the assault commenced, the rest of the regiment provided covering fire to force the Chinese defenders to seek shelter while the engineers charged into the 70-foot-wide moat. Once a human chain formed, they held up ladders as a makeshift bridge, allowing a company from the 3rd Battalion to rush across and into the gap in the wall. As the batteries switched to close infantry support, they laid down a barrage around the breach to prevent Chinese interference as the attack entered its decisive phase. The Japanese soldiers scrambled up the rubble, created by the artillery fire, which rose several dozen feet high. Shortly before 5:00 p.m., the Japanese seized control of the southwestern segment of the wall. The Chinese launched several counterattacks to reclaim the position, but none were successful. This action ultimately sealed Nanjing's fate; beyond the wall, there was nothing left to save the ancient city and its inhabitants. As defeat appeared imminent, more and more civilians sought safety in foreign-controlled areas, though danger still loomed large. Bits of shrapnel narrowly missed Dr. Robert Wilson while he operated in the Safety Zone. Every square foot of John Rabe's property became filled with families, many camping in the open with their own blankets. Some sought refuge under his large swastika flag, believing that this would make the area especially “bomb-proof” given the growing friendship between Tokyo and Berlin; they assumed Japanese aviators would think twice before targeting a region seemingly under German protection. With just hours left before the Japanese Army was expected to gain control, the residents of Nanjing made their last preparations, prioritizing personal survival. The brutal behavior of Japanese troops in conquered territories fueled intense concern over the possible fate of injured soldiers who might fall into enemy hands. As Nanjing's last hours as a free city unfolded, it became imperative for local hospitals to evacuate as many wounded soldiers as possible across the Yangtze. On December 12, doctors found a motorboat stranded on the riverbank, having apparently broken down. They managed to repair it and ferried several hundred patients to safety throughout the day. Throughout December 12, the citizens of Nanjing were subjected to the unsettling cacophony of heavy shelling, mixed with the roar of bombers overhead. By evening, the entire horizon south of the city glowed with flames. The sound of fighting emanated from all directions, continuing long after sunset. However, in the middle of the night, activity began to wan. Every few minutes, the muffled thuds of shells could still be heard, though their origin was unclear. For the most part, an eerie silence prevailed, as if the city was holding its breath in anticipation of the final onslaught. Chiang Kai-shek had indicated he would understand if Tang chose to abandon the capital. However, on December 12, he reversed his stance, sending a telegram to Tang expressing optimism that the Nanjing garrison could hold out significantly longer. In his words “If you do not shy away from sacrifices, you will be able to hold high the banner of our nation and our army, and this could transform defeat into victory. If you can hold out one more day, you will add to the pride of the Chinese nation. If you can hold out for half a month or more, the domestic and international situation could see a substantial change.” Tang adopted a hardline approach toward any signs of defeatism among his troops. When he learned that General Sun Yuanliang, commander of the formerly elite 88th Division, was leading approximately 2,000 men from the Gate of Enlightenment to the dock area, Tang acted swiftly. He dispatched Song Xilian, the commanding general of the 36th Division, to halt the retreat. When the two units met, a fratricidal clash nearly occurred. Fortunately, the 88th Division agreed to return to the gate and continue fighting. Whatever Tang's plans, they were rendered irrelevant at 3:00 pm,  when he received another telegram from Chiang, this time ordering a full retreat. Rumors that the Chinese Army had started evacuating Nanjing triggerec panic among many units. Thousands abandoned their positions and joined the throngs of soldiers and civilians moving slowly down the city's main avenues. The crowd seemed to have collectively decided that getting a boat out of Nanjing was the best option, and by late afternoon, a solid mass of humanity stretched for miles through the city toward the dock areas at Xiaguan. To reach Xiaguan, everyone had to pass through Yijiang Gate. This relatively modern structure had served as the main entry point for visitors arriving in Nanjing by boat in recent decades and now only half of the main entrance was open. A crowd of that size trying to get through such a narrow bottleneck was a recipe for disaster. Those unfortunate enough to be right at the front felt the crushing pressure of tens of thousands of individuals pushing from behind. In that densely packed throng, stumbling and falling to the ground was akin to a death sentence; anyone who went down was inevitably crushed by the oncoming waves of terrified civilians and soldiers. As chaos erupted, discipline evaporated entirely. Officers lost control over their men, leading to infighting among the soldiers. Pushing and shoving escalated into fistfights, and trucks drove directly into the mass of people to force their way through. Tanks, emitting sounds akin to prehistoric beasts, rolled through the mob, crushing many under their weight. Amid the madness, some soldiers, driven by frustration over the lack of movement, began shooting into the crowd at random. To relieve the pressure at Yijiang Gate, some units were ordered to exit Nanjing via the Gate of Great Peace at the northeastern corner of the city wall. Upon arrival, they found the entrance nearly sealed shut. Thick walls of sandbags had been erected around it, leaving only a narrow opening through which one person could pass at a time. Massive crowds fought among themselves to get through; even under perfect order and discipline, it would have taken the entire night and most of the following day for everyone to pass. In the midst of the frantic chaos, it could take a week or more. During the night of the 12th, a select group of Japanese soldiers, chosen for the offensive, stripped their equipment down to the bare essentials: rifles, bayonets, and helmets. They avoided any gear that could produce a metallic noise, alerting the Chinese defenders to their approach. Stealthily, they moved up to the wall, carrying bamboo ladders tied together in threes for added height. Ascending the rungs, they ensured not to make a sound that could betray their position to an alert Chinese sentry. Everything hinged on remaining undetected; even a couple of hand grenades tossed down the wall could halt the attack in its tracks. Reaching the top without being noticed, the soldiers quickly fanned out. Chinese soldiers stationed on the wall saw the swift dark figures and opened fire, but it was too late to thwart the assault. A brief fight ensued; most Japanese soldiers were too close to use their rifles and immediately resorted to their bayonets. The stunned defenders were pushed back, and the successful assault team established a perimeter, awaiting reinforcements from outside the wall. They didn't have to wait long. A massive assault along the length of the 6th Division's front line commenced at dawn on December 13. Japanese artillery concentrated its fire on a narrow section of the city wall, progressively working its way from the bottom up. Gradually, the shells formed a slope of debris that soldiers could use to scale the wall. A short air raid was executed, and after the planes had weakened the remaining resistance, a group of soldiers rushed up the slope. While their comrades provided covering fire, they climbed the last stretch, rolling down a rope ladder. Within minutes, 40 other Japanese soldiers had joined them. By 10:30 am, the Rising Sun flag was flying over the wall. The Japanese invaders were met with a horrific sight at the top of the wall. Beyond lay the grim aftermath of days of shelling. Some houses were leveled, while others burned. The ground was littered with bodies, some decapitated or disemboweled, and pools of blood surrounded them. As Chiang Kai-shek's order to abandon the city gradually filtered down to the troops manning the wall around Nanjing, things began to move rapidly.  By late morning on December 13, all the major entry points into the city had fallen to the Japanese. These included Chinese Gate in the southwest, the Gate of Enlightenment in the south, and Sun Yat-sen Gate in the east. The first thing that struck the Japanese soldiers upon ascending the wall was how starkly different it was from their expectations. They had anticipated a bustling city teeming with people, but instead, the area adjacent to the wall was characterized by farm plots, resembling countryside more than an urban center. The second notable observation was the complete absence of inhabitants. Cautiously, the Japanese soldiers entered the city they had just conquered, their bayonets fixed and rifles at the ready. Yet, surprisingly, very few shots were fired. After weeks of fearing death and injury, once the immediate danger receded, a certain stupor settled in. For most civilians in Nanjing, their initial encounter with the city's new rulers was uneventful. It took several hours for the Japanese to move from the wall into the urban parts of the capital. It was not until around noon that residents noticed the first groups of Japanese soldiers marching down the streets in clusters of six to twelve men. Initially, many met the conquerors with relief, hoping they would be treated fairly. Their optimism was bolstered by Japanese planes dropping leaflets over the city, reassuring residents of humane treatment. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On December 9, fierce battles erupted, especially at the Gate of Enlightenment. Despite heavy fighting, the Chinese showed remarkable resilience, turning Nanjing into a symbol of determination. However, the tide shifted as overwhelming Japanese artillery and tactics began to breach defenses. By December 13, as chaos engulfed the city, the invaders claimed victory, but not without significant loss. Civilians, caught amid the destruction, clung to hope amid despair.

Sous le coup d'un mandat d'arrêt de la Cour pénale internationale, Vladimir Poutine a enchainé les tapis rouges au mois d'août 2025 : il y a d'abord eu cette rencontre en Alaska avec Donald Trump, rencontre très attendue qui finalement n'a débouché sur rien. Aucune avancée vers un cessez-le-feu en Ukraine et d'éventuelles négociations…D'autant qu'en proposant à Volodymyr Zelensky de venir le rencontrer à Moscou, Vladimir Poutine connaissait à l'avance la réponse de son homologue ukrainien Le  31 août 2025, le sommet de l'organisation de la coopération de Shangaï s'est ouvert à Tianjin, dans le nord de la Chine, avec une photo qui a fait le tour du monde : le Russe Poutine, le Chinois Xi et l'Indien Modi. 3 hommes visiblement ravis de ce pied de nez fait aux Occidentaux, États-Unis en tête. Et c'est depuis une place d'honneur en tribune que le président russe a assisté le 3 septembre au défilé militaire organisé par Xi Jinping.  Pendant ce temps, l'armée russe n'a cessé de progresser sur le front et elle intensifie ses attaques sur les villes. Dimanche dernier (8 septembre 2025), Moscou a même bombardé le siège du gouvernement à Kiev et lancé quelque 800 drones sur l'Ukraine. Dans la nuit de mardi 9 au mercredi 10 septembre 2025, nouvelle escalade avec une salve de 450 drones et missiles contre l'Ukraine mais surtout l'intrusion de 19 drones présumés russes dans l'espace aérien de la Pologne, pays membre de l'alliance atlantique. Colère de Varsovie et de ses alliés européens qui dénoncent une provocation du Kremlin. Varsovie a mobilisé ses avions et ceux de plusieurs pays de l'OTAN pour faire face à la menace. Au moins 3 des 19 drones sont abattus. Vladimir Poutine a-t-il voulu tester les capacités de réaction de l'OTAN ? Les Européens doivent-ils se préparer à d'autres provocations de Moscou ? Ont-ils les moyens d'aider l'Ukraine à se défendre contre les drones meurtriers ? L'hiver qui approche sera-t-il l'hiver de tous les dangers pour Kiev ? Vladimir Poutine, fort de son impunité, se sent-il intouchable ? 3 invités : - Alexandra Gougeon, maître de conférences à l'Université de Bourgogne , autrice  de « Ukraine : de l'indépendance à la guerre », aux éditions Le Cavalier bleu - Cyrille Bret, géopoliticien, expert à l'Institut Montaigne, spécialiste de la Russie et de l'Europe orientale - Guillaume Lasconjarias, historien militaire, professeur associé à Sorbonne Université.

La parata militare di Pechino del 3 settembre e gli incontri precedenti alla riunione Eco a Tianjin: due eventi rilevanti e un insieme di messaggi che la Cina ha voluto inviare a tanti interlocutori e non solo all'Occidente. Le fonti audio della puntata sono tratte da: Japanese Enter Peking (1937), canale YouTube British Pathè, 13 aprile 2014; Xi Jinping inspects troops at China's Victory Day parade, Channel NewAsia, 3 settembre 2025; 曹操给老外翻译九三阅兵, https://www.bilibili.com/video/BV1vGaazjEKu/?spm_id_from=333.337.search-card.all.click; 'Dead To Rights' trailer: Survival, resistance and rolls of film, Cgtn, 9 agosto 2025. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Why it's significant that China and India declare they are not rivals but partners. Synopsis: Every second Friday of the month, The Straits Times’ senior columnist Ravi Velloor distils 40 years of experience covering the Asian continent, with expert guests. In this episode, Ravi speaks with Dr Henry Huiyao Wang, co-founder and head of the Centre for China and Globalisation, a non-government think tank in Beijing, about the Chinese view on recent developments in Sino-Indian ties, and the summit in early August between President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Dr Wang says perceptions that India may be dragged by fellow Quad nations into diluting its non-aligned instincts, and the lack of exchanges during the prolonged Covid-19 shutdowns, contributed to a chill in ties. The Xi-Modi summit in Tianjin revives hope of vastly improved ties, and China’s close ties with Pakistan, and improving ties with India, could contribute to peace on the sub-continent, he adds. Highlights (click/tap above): 1:05 What went so wrong when things seemed to be going right 4:00 The ‘Quad’ factor in ties 10:05 India is nobody’s quisling 13:15 China’s reasons to mend fences 14:45 The Russia factor 16:30 Belts and Roads 19:30 How China views recent US-India troubles Host: Ravi Velloor (velloor@sph.com.sg) Read Ravi's columns: https://str.sg/3xRP Follow Ravi on X: https://twitter.com/RaviVelloor Register for Asian Insider newsletter: https://str.sg/stnewsletters Produced and edited by: Fa’izah Sani Executive producer: Ernest Luis Follow Asian Insider Podcast on Fridays here: Channel: https://str.sg/JWa7 Apple Podcasts: https://str.sg/JWa8 Spotify: https://str.sg/JWaX Feedback to: podcast@sph.com.sg SPH Awedio app: https://www.awedio.sg --- Follow more ST podcast channels: All-in-one ST Podcasts channel: https://str.sg/wvz7 Get more updates: http://str.sg/stpodcasts The Usual Place Podcast YouTube: https://str.sg/4Vwsa --- Get The Straits Times app, which has a dedicated podcast player section: The App Store: https://str.sg/icyB Google Play: https://str.sg/icyX --- #STAsianInsiderSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Why it's significant that China and India declare they are not rivals but partners. Synopsis: Every second Friday of the month, The Straits Times’ senior columnist Ravi Velloor distils 40 years of experience covering the Asian continent, with expert guests. In this episode, Ravi speaks with Dr Henry Huiyao Wang, co-founder and head of the Centre for China and Globalisation, a non-government think tank in Beijing, about the Chinese view on recent developments in Sino-Indian ties, and the summit in early August between President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Dr Wang says perceptions that India may be dragged by fellow Quad nations into diluting its non-aligned instincts, and the lack of exchanges during the prolonged Covid-19 shutdowns, contributed to a chill in ties. The Xi-Modi summit in Tianjin revives hope of vastly improved ties, and China’s close ties with Pakistan, and improving ties with India, could contribute to peace on the sub-continent, he adds. Highlights (click/tap above): 1:05 What went so wrong when things seemed to be going right 4:00 The ‘Quad’ factor in ties 10:05 India is nobody’s quisling 13:15 China’s reasons to mend fences 14:45 The Russia factor 16:30 Belts and Roads 19:30 How China views recent US-India troubles Host: Ravi Velloor (velloor@sph.com.sg) Read Ravi's columns: https://str.sg/3xRP Follow Ravi on X: https://twitter.com/RaviVelloor Register for Asian Insider newsletter: https://str.sg/stnewsletters Produced and edited by: Fa’izah Sani Executive producer: Ernest Luis Follow Asian Insider Podcast on Fridays here: Channel: https://str.sg/JWa7 Apple Podcasts: https://str.sg/JWa8 Spotify: https://str.sg/JWaX Feedback to: podcast@sph.com.sg SPH Awedio app: https://www.awedio.sg --- Follow more ST podcast channels: All-in-one ST Podcasts channel: https://str.sg/wvz7 Get more updates: http://str.sg/stpodcasts The Usual Place Podcast YouTube: https://str.sg/4Vwsa --- Get The Straits Times app, which has a dedicated podcast player section: The App Store: https://str.sg/icyB Google Play: https://str.sg/icyX --- #STAsianInsiderSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The reset between India and China appears to be holding. Nearly two weeks after President Xi Jinping and Prime Minister Narendra Modi met on the sidelines of the SCO summit in Tianjin, five years of frigid ties between the two Asian powers are steadily thawing.  However, it will take more than summits and statements to rebuild trust, particularly among Indian policymakers who remain wary of China's close ties with Pakistan and Beijing's broader ambitions across South Asia. Constantino Xavier, a senior fellow at the Centre for Social and Economic Progress in New Delhi and co-author of an in-depth report on Chinese engagement in South Asia, joins Eric to discuss how Modi aims to balance ties with China, the U.S. and Russia while preserving India's legendary non-alignment strategy. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: X: @ChinaGSProject | @eric_olander Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject YouTube: www.youtube.com/@ChinaGlobalSouth Now on Bluesky! Follow CGSP at @chinagsproject.bsky.social FOLLOW CGSP IN FRENCH: www.projetafriquechine.com | @AfrikChine JOIN US ON PATREON! Become a CGSP Patreon member and get all sorts of cool stuff, including our Week in Review report, an invitation to join monthly Zoom calls with Eric & Cobus, and even an awesome new CGSP Podcast mug! www.patreon.com/chinaglobalsouth

The Shanghai Cooperation Summit in Tianjin, China, concluded with many substantive agreements between 'partner' countries surrounding the creation of a new bank, the addition of new members, and the creation of a global economy that suits the interests of developing countries.But does it create the trajectory for the charting of a new world order? Did the Summit really throw up the real possibility of the coming about of a Russia-India-China trilateral?In this episode of 'All Things Policy', Manoj Kewalramani answers these questions in conversation with Anushka Saxena. Tune in to know more, and do not forget to participate in Takshashila's 2025 'China Challenge' Survey to make your mark on India's policy on its largest neighbour: http://bit.ly/ChinaSurvey2025.All Things Policy is a daily podcast on public policy brought to you by the Takshashila Institution, Bengaluru.⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Find out more on our research and other work here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://takshashila.org.in/research-areas⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Check out our public policy courses here: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://school.takshashila.org.in⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠

Burning Bright and Ghost dive into the Sovereign Alliance and the emergence of a Multipolar World Order, exploring how Donald Trump is helping dismantle the Western Globalist Hegemon using Fifth-Generation Warfare. They provide detailed analysis of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Tianjin and the Beijing Victory Parade, highlighting how these events signal a dramatic realignment of global power. The hosts also discuss India's rapprochement with China, underscoring how former rivals are moving toward cooperation in the face of Western decline. Rounding out the conversation, they trace how far back Trump's strategic alliances with Russia and Saudi Arabia go, showing the long game being played against globalist dominance. With sharp commentary, humor, and a focus on narrative warfare, this episode offers a big-picture look at the forces reshaping the world stage.

This is an excerpt from my podcast This Week in Geopolitics. I record new episodes every Monday so give me a follow if you would like to see more!

In today's episode we talk about, Trump and RFK Jr. Bringing accountability to vaccine makers and Dr. Faucci. Then we talk about the recent Russian bombing of the Ukrainian parliament building and the state of Ukraine's war effort. And lastly we'll discuss the SCO meeting in Tianjin and the speeches given by Putin, Modi, and Xi . All that and more!

Multipolar Shifts at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) SummitTopicsSCO Summit in Tianjin, ChinaChina-India ThawPower of Siberia Gas PipelineWhat's in it for Armenia?GuestGilbert DoctorowHostsHovik ManucharyanAsbed BedrossianEpisode 469 | Recorded: September 4, 2025Subscribe and follow us everywhere you are: linktr.ee/groong

Host Nancy Derringer talks with guests, public relations specialist Beverly Watts, automotive journalist Paul Eisenstein, editor-in-chief of Headlight News; attorneys Bill Seikaly and Joel Sklar, community and labor activist Barb Ingalls and Deadline Detroit co-founder Allan Lengel.They talk about: U.S. Navy attacks ship out of Venezuela, kills 11 Onboard; Detroit auto journalist Paul Eisenstein talks about Elon Musk's ridiculous compensation and why he's ethically challenged;  Trump mulls plan to pay Gazans $5,000 to leave for 10 years for his “Riviera” rebuild project;  Trump foreign policy humiliation as Russia, China and India come together at Tianjin summit; . Schmuck of the Week.

Vladimir Putin and other world leaders alienated by the West gathered in China this week – first for an economic summit in Tianjin and then a military parade in Beijing. The meetings offer a glimpse of what Chinese leader Xi Jinping's New World Order might look like. Also: today's stories, including how U.S. President Donald Trump's normalizing armed troops patrolling Washington absent a security crisis could impact how Americans are governed in years to come; concerns over President Trump's executive order to create a “quick reaction force” using National Guard units; and how one grassroots organization in India is fighting for women's legal rights against human traffickers. Join the Monitor's Christa Case Bryant for today's news.

Over the weekend, the leaders of countries like China, Russia, India and Pakistan arrived in Tianjin, China for the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit. Meanwhile, on Tuesday, Chinese President Xi Jinping was joined by Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong Un for a victory parade celebrating the end of the Second World War in Tiananmen Square. As Xi spoke of nothing less than creating a new global security and economic order, while U.S. President Trump claimed that the trio were conspiring against America, what are the real takeaways from such high-profile events? Shifts away from the U.S. are nothing new, but in this rapidly changing world, could this be different? GPF Chairman George Friedman joined Talking Geopolitics host Christian Smith to discuss it all, as well as how India factors into the equation. Visit http://www.geopoliticalfutures.com for world-class geopolitical analysis and discussion.   *Note: In reference to China GDP data mentioned in this episode, China's growth rate is a little below 4% whereas at its highest point it was 15%.

While most of the world's attention at this week's Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Tianjin was on Xi Jinping's meetings with leaders from the big powers, namely India and Russia, the Chinese President also spent considerable time with heads of state from many of the world's smallest countries, like the Maldives and Nepal, among others. This is part of China's longstanding small-state diplomacy strategy, where Beijing cultivates relationships with these countries in the Global South through high-level gatherings and the same diplomatic pomp that leaders from more powerful countries receive when they visit the Chinese capital. Alonso Illueca, CGSP's non-resident fellow for Latin America, joins Eric to discuss his latest article on how China's small-state outreach is playing out on the tiny Caribbean island of Dominica (population 75,000) and why it's so effective. SHOW NOTES: The China-Global South Project: Small State, Big Gains: Why Dominica Matters in China's Global Strategy by Alonso Illueca The China-Global South Project: In Bolivia, China's Lithium Extraction Plans Went to the Polls and Lost Badly by Alonso Illueca JOIN THE DISCUSSION: X: @ChinaGSProject | @stadenesque | @eric_olander Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject YouTube: www.youtube.com/@ChinaGlobalSouth Now on Bluesky! Follow CGSP at @chinagsproject.bsky.social FOLLOW CGSP IN FRENCH AND ARABIC: Français: www.projetafriquechine.com | @AfrikChine Arabic: عربي: www.alsin-alsharqalawsat.com | @SinSharqAwsat JOIN US ON PATREON! Become a CGSP Patreon member and get all sorts of cool stuff, including our Week in Review report, an invitation to join monthly Zoom calls with Eric & Cobus, and even an awesome new CGSP Podcast mug! www.patreon.com/chinaglobalsouth

Tommy & Ben discuss China's summit in Tianjin, which brought together leaders from 20 countries, including India, Iran, Russia, and North Korea, and how it signals a major shift in global alliances. They talk about the schism between Trump and India's President Narendra Modi and how Trump keeps conceding to China on issues like AI and student visas despite his many empty threats. Also covered: the administration's illegal airstrike on a Venezuelan boat allegedly carrying drugs, the new for-profit ethnic cleansing plan for Gaza, how the gutting of USAID is hobbling the response to Afghanistan's devastating earthquake, and Steve Witkoff's stupendous incompetence in his role as special envoy for….everything. Then, Tommy speaks with journalist Jasper Nathaniel, who covers the West Bank on his Substack, Infinite Jaz. They talk about what life is like for Palestinians there, the far-right's goal of achieving total annexation of the territory, and the pipe dream of a two-state solution. For a closed-captioned version of this episode, click here. For a transcript of this episode, please email transcripts@crooked.com and include the name of the podcast.Donate to  Uplift Afghanistan's earthquake relief efforts here. Get tickets to CROOKED CON November 6-7 in Washington, D.C at http://crookedcon.com

The 25th Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit wasn't just a meeting; it was the unveiling of a strategy. Hosted by Xi Jinping, the summit served as a calculated demonstration of Sino-Russian convening power. More importantly, it marked a concrete effort to operationalize an alternative, multipolar system designed explicitly to bypass Western economic and technological architectures.We just witnessed a significant inflection point in the global strategic competition. The rhetoric in Tianjin was overtly adversarial, with Xi Jinping denouncing "bullying behavior" and a "Cold War mentality." But beyond the rhetoric, the summit launched China's Global Governance Initiative (GGI), formalized commitments to building parallel financial infrastructure, and featured a strategically significant—and complex—détente between China and India.To break down the implications of this pivotal gathering, SCSP's President and CEO Ylli Bajraktari sat down with colleagues David Lin (China/East Asia/Tech), Joe Wang (Russia/Europe), and Sameer Lalwani (U.S.-India Defense) for an immediate assessment.The Propaganda Coup and Autocratic Convening PowerThe immediate takeaway from the summit was the sheer spectacle. Xi positioned himself at the center of the largest gathering in the organization's history, flanked by Vladimir Putin and, significantly, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.The timing was deliberate. As David Lin noted, it was a "big week for Xi." The SCO meeting was strategically sandwiched between the first-ever public meeting of Putin, Kim Jong Un, and Xi, and a massive World War II anniversary parade in Beijing featuring thousands of troops and military hardware."It's a huge propaganda win for Beijing," Lin observed. "It gives Xi an opportunity to promote itself as being this global convener," while simultaneously pushing a tech-focused agenda.For Vladimir Putin, the summit was essential for mitigating diplomatic isolation and promoting the SCO as an alternative to NATO."Look at the past couple of weeks of Putin... he's going to be riding high right now," said Joe Wang. While few concrete deals may have materialized immediately that changed the dynamics in Ukraine, the optics were invaluable. "Being seen with President Xi, being seen with Modi... it's like Russia's back. For him, it's a great PR coup."The Architecture of a New Techno-Economic OrderThe summit demonstrated that the SCO is evolving from a regional security forum into the primary vehicle for the PRC to consolidate a bloc resistant to U.S. influence. We are witnessing the acceleration of a bifurcated world, characterized not just by differing political ideologies, but by competing technological ecosystems and financial systems.1. The Export of Digital AuthoritarianismXi formally introduced the Global Governance Initiative (GGI). While promoting "sovereign equality," the GGI is, in practice, a strategic blueprint to legitimize digital sovereignty—the right of states to control domestic information ecosystems, data flows, and technological infrastructure without adherence to democratic norms.The SCO's endorsement provides an institutional foundation for the PRC to export its model of techno-authoritarian control. This isn't just theoretical."At the SCO in particular, China was trying to push a lot of its techno-political agenda," David Lin emphasized. This included announcements that Beijing wants to set up S&T cooperation centers, an “AI application cooperation center,” launch joint solar and wind projects, and push Beidou, its alternative to GPS, across the SCO member states. Taken together, this could directly challenge the open, interoperable architecture championed by the U.S. and its allies, moving toward a fractured, PRC-controlled digital ecosystem across Eurasia.2. Accelerating Financial De-CouplingThe most concrete outcome was the political decision to fast-track the establishment of an SCO Development Bank, seeded with significant Chinese capital. This mechanism, coupled with agreements to expand the use of local currencies for intra-SCO trade, is explicitly designed to circumvent the SWIFT system and erode the efficacy of U.S. financial sanctions.This coordinated effort directly challenges the foundation of U.S. economic statecraft by building a resilient, alternative financial architecture among major energy producers (Russia, Iran) and the world's largest manufacturer (China).The India Factor: A Strategic RecalibrationThe most significant geopolitical development, and the one that caused the most consternation in Washington, was the visible rapprochement between Xi Jinping and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi—Modi's first visit to China in seven years."For a lot of US-India relationship watchers, Prime Minister Modi's visit to Beijing and attending this meeting came as a big surprise. It was a shock," Ylli Bajraktari noted.How should the U.S. interpret this move by a critical Quad partner?"Honestly, I think this was inevitable in some ways. India has been rebalancing," explained Sameer Lalwani. India has always professed itself to be a multi-aligned country, but recent U.S. actions also played a significant role. "The elephant in the room is, the United States has been pushing India around a little bit more... in terms of tariffs, additional tariffs because of Russian oil."Lalwani argued that India was "demonstrating they had some options." However, this does not signal a fundamental shift. "It shouldn't be lost on us that before India went to this, they stopped in Japan first." Furthermore, Modi notably absented himself from the military parade, signaling nuance in his engagement—he would participate in the SCO, but not the military spectacle.The underlying strategic realities also remain unchanged."India has a border with China that's still disputed, and China continues to coerce India... [and] China armed, trained and wired the weapons that Pakistan used to fight India" in a recent conflict. — Sameer Lalwani"I don't think that's forgotten for India," Lalwani added. The U.S.-India defense relationship remains a strong ballast, pointing to ongoing joint exercises (like Yudh Abhyas currently underway in Alaska) and India's reliance on U.S. platforms for maritime reconnaissance.The Limits of the Axis (And Why We Can't Ignore It)While the summit projected unity, the SCSP analysts urged a nuanced view of the underlying relationships."It is important to remember that a lot of this is perhaps only skin deep," David Lin cautioned, pointing to the recent history of violent border clashes between China and India, and the tight spot Beijing was put in by Russia's invasion of Ukraine.Yet, dismissing the SCO would be a strategic error. The organization has evolved significantly."I remember I was in grad school when [the SCO] first came up... we all kind of jokingly just laughed it off," Joe Wang recalled. "Fast forward 15, 20 years and see where it is now... Things don't just happen overnight."While the "bromance between Putin and Xi" is undeniable, the integration is not comparable to U.S. alliances like NATO or the U.S.-Japan relationship. "There's still a level of distrust that I think we need to be mindful about," Wang noted.The trap is assuming this alignment is already solidified, while simultaneously failing to plan for the contingency that it might be. "If you're in the US government, you don't have the luxury of not taking a lot of these statements at face value," Wang said. "We need to plan ahead."The U.S. Response: Competing in the Gray ZoneThe 2025 SCO Summit confirms that the organization is the leading edge of China's campaign to fracture the global order. How should the United States respond?1. Offer a Compelling Alternative Tech Stack. "One of the lowest hanging fruit things the U.S. should do is show that there is an alternative to this," David Lin argued. As the SCO bloc develops internal capacities and indigenous technology standards, the U.S. must demonstrate there is a viable, democratic alternative to the "China tech stack" that Beijing is actively exporting.2. Master the Game of Global Diplomacy. The U.S. must regain its strategic agility and relearn how to operate in a complex world. "After the Cold War, one of the things that America stopped doing well was play the game of global diplomacy," Joe Wang argued. The U.S. has often viewed the world in black-and-white terms, assuming its preeminence was undisputed."We've lost that strategic foresight and ability to be nimble and operate in this sort of gray zone... We need to see the world for being the gray zone that it is." — Joe WangThis means avoiding the trap of reacting to events like Modi's visit by assuming allegiances have permanently shifted—"Oh my God, Modi is in China. Therefore it must mean that he's now on their side"—while still applying pressure and offering incentives to keep partners aligned.3. Double Down on Real Alliances. The U.S. must emphasize the depth of its own partnerships, which Lin noted "runs so much deeper" than the transactional relationships within the SCO.For India specifically, Sameer Lalwani urged action over reaction. "I don't think there's any need to overreact to cheap talk." Instead, the U.S. bureaucracy needs to move faster on concrete deliverables, and Congress should confirm key diplomatic nominees. "When India says it wants to buy Javelin missiles and it's ready to do so, I don't want that to get stalled in a process when we need the political wins now."The competition is no longer just between the U.S. and China; it is between the U.S.-led democratic order and a sophisticated, resource-rich, PRC-led coalition. The Tianjin Summit is a clear signal that this coalition is moving from rhetoric to action. The U.S. must do the same. This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit scsp222.substack.com

Este miércoles se celebró en Pekín un desfile militar para conmemorar el octogésimo aniversario de la victoria de China sobre Japón en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Este evento, que se realiza todos los años desde 2014, es ya una tradición, pero este año tuvo un carácter especial por tratarse de un aniversario redondo y, sobre todo, por la voluntad de Xi Jinping de mostrar el recrecido poder militar chino y enviar un mensaje a Occidente sobre su influencia en todo el mundo. El desfile en la plaza de Tiananmen consistió en una gran exhibición de armamento moderno como misiles hipersónicos, drones y plataformas de combate no tripuladas. Junto a las máquinas desfilaron miles de soldados perfectamente uniformados. Xi Jinping, acompañado por líderes de 26 países, entre ellos Vladimir Putin, Kim Jong-un y Masoud Pezeshkian, el presidente de Irán, proyectaba la imagen de una China poderosa que cuenta con aliados estratégicos repartidos por todo el mundo. La presencia de estos líderes, especialmente Putin y Kim Jong-un, era todo un desafío a Estados Unidos y a Europa en un momento especialmente tenso en el ámbito geopolítico. En su discurso, Xi Jinping destacó la imparable ascensión de China y presentó al partido comunista como el garante de la soberanía nacional. El desfile buscaba despertar el orgullo patrio entre los ciudadanos chinos y consolidar el relato histórico del partido como artífice en la victoria contra Japón. Lo cierto es que esa guerra la combatieron todos los chinos durante una tregua en la guerra civil, pero eso el régimen lo oculta. Para el público internacional el evento era una demostración de poderío militar, político y diplomático reforzado por la asistencia de líderes de Asia Central y el Sudeste Asiático, regiones donde China ha ganado influencia frente a Estados Unidos. Pekín se engalanó con 200.000 banderas, parterres florales y un despliegue de seguridad que paralizó la ciudad. El día fue declarado festivo para animar a la participación ciudadana. La producción televisiva, con múltiples cámaras y planos aéreos, nos habla de una planificación muy esmerada con idea de amplificar el impacto propagandístico. La realidad es que China no atraviesa su mejor momento. La economía no marcha tan bien como le gustaría a Xi Jinping. El desempleo juvenil es alto, la deuda no hace más que crecer y la crisis inmobiliaria no da tregua. Además, las recientes purgas contra altos oficiales del ejército suscitan dudas sobre la preparación militar china, cuya última experiencia en combate data de 1979. El presupuesto militar chino, que se ha duplicado en la última década hasta alcanzar los 250.000 millones de dólares, es indicativo de su ambición por competir con Estados Unidos. China ha expandido su arsenal nuclear y su armada, para la que en breve estrenará un nuevo portaaviones con tecnología avanzada. A nivel diplomático, la presencia de mandatarios como Narendra Modi es muestra del atractivo de China como alternativa a la hegemonía estadounidense, especialmente tras la ofensiva arancelaria de Donald Trump. El desfile de Pekín y la cumbre de la Organización de Cooperación de Shanghái celebrada poco antes en la vecina Tianjin, le ha servido al régimen chino como plataforma para proyectarse como un pilar de estabilidad frente a un Estados Unidos que, según Xi Jinping, genera demasiada incertidumbre. Aunque los países asistentes no forman ni de lejos una alianza, la capacidad de China para reunirlos señala su emergente estatus como superpotencia. En La ContraRéplica: 0:00 Introducción 3:56 China exhibe músculo 32:35 El barco de Ada Colau 38:46 La heladería de Barcelona 44:07 La cría de pollos · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #china #xijinping Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

This week's Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Tianjin signaled China's ambition to redefine global governance. Leaders from more than 20 countries endorsed the Tianjin Declaration, pressing for a multipolar order, tighter security cooperation, and expanded economic integration. The joint statement also went further than past communiqués, condemning Israel's actions in Gaza and reflecting the bloc's growing willingness to weigh in on global conflicts. Eric & Cobus discuss the powerful optics that emerged from this year's gathering, which appeared specifically choreographed to send a clear, unmistakable message to U.S. President Donald Trump. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: X: @ChinaGSProject | @stadenesque | @eric_olander Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject YouTube: www.youtube.com/@ChinaGlobalSouth Now on Bluesky! Follow CGSP at @chinagsproject.bsky.social FOLLOW CGSP IN FRENCH AND ARABIC: Français: www.projetafriquechine.com | @AfrikChine Arabic: عربي: www.alsin-alsharqalawsat.com | @SinSharqAwsat JOIN US ON PATREON! Become a CGSP Patreon member and get all sorts of cool stuff, including our Week in Review report, an invitation to join monthly Zoom calls with Eric & Cobus, and even an awesome new CGSP Podcast mug! www.patreon.com/chinaglobalsouth  

Last time we spoke about the battle of Lake Tai. In November 1937, as Japanese forces advanced, Nanjing's fate hung in the balance. Commander Tang Shengzhi led the desperate defense amidst disarray among Chinese generals, many advocating retreat. Despite political strife, civilians rallied, fortifying the city, knowing its fall could destroy Chiang Kai-Shek's government. On November 19, Japanese Commander Yanagawa seized the moment, directing his troops towards Nanjing, igniting panic in Tokyo.  As fierce battles erupted around Lake Tai, the Chinese forces, though outmatched in technology, employed guerilla tactics and stubborn resistance. Chinese artillery delivered devastating blows, and bold counterattacks kept Japanese momentum in check. However, as the month closed, the tide turned, logistical challenges and internal chaos hampered communication. The stage was set for one of the darkest chapters of modern Chinese history, where the battle for Nanjing would symbolize the struggle against oppression.   #165 Nanjing Surrounded Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On December 1st, Jiangyin fell. That same day Japanese Army General Staff Deputy Chief Tada Hayao arrived to the Shanghai region to conduct an inspection of the front lines and personally deliver Tokyo's orders authorizing an assault upon Nanjing. The directive was exceptionally brief: “The Central China Area Army is to attack Nanjing in coordination with the Navy.”  Later that same day, at 7:00 pm more detailed instructions were issued by the Central China Area Army. The 10th Army was set to begin its decisive assault on Nanjing on December 3, advancing along two primary routes toward the capital. The left flank was to advance through Wuhu, while the right flank would move via the city of Lishui. The Shanghai Expeditionary Force, having endured more strain than the 10th Army due to its longer tenure at the front, was scheduled to launch its attack two days later, concentrating its forces around Danyang and Jurong. On December 2nd, Matsui received a promotion, given overall command of the Central China Area Army. The responsibility for the Shanghai Expeditionary Force was entrusted to a recent appointee in the Shanghai theater, Prince Asaka Yasuhiko, a member of the Imperial family. As Matsui noted in his diary that day "It's a great honor”. He promptly issued orders to ensure the prince's comfort and safety by all available means. At the age of 55, Prince Asaka, Emperor Hirohito's uncle, boasted a successful military background, including a tenure at the Japanese embassy in Paris. However, this experience had left its mark on him in two significant ways: he walked with a limp due to a car accident in France and spoke French fluently. Despite his talents and efforts, he did not earn the highest regard from Hirohito. He had not demonstrated the loyalty expected of him during the February 26th Coup attempt in 1936 and had since been met with a cold shoulder from the emperor Command in China presented a crucial opportunity for him to restore his standing in the eyes of Hirohito. Meanwhile over in the capital a war for air supremacy raged. More and more soviet pilots were arriving alongside their Polikarpov I-16 fighters. Exhausted from the long distance travel to Nanjing, the Soviet pilots were given no respite and tossed into the fray, performing 5 sorties in their first day. The Soviets were kept very busy as the Japanese increasingly unleashed raids against the airfields in the Nanjing region. The raids became so intense, the Chinese had to relocate their aircraft to bases hundreds of miles behind the front. While the Polikarpov I-16's were severely hampering the Japanese, suddenly a new adversary emerged. The Mitsubishi A5M fighter, still a prototype was rushed into service to help escort the bombers. This was the predecessor to the legendary A6M Zero fighter. Like I mentioned previously I wrote the Kings and Generals episode on the A6M Zero Fighter's history and over at my patreon I have a hour long podcast on it. Needless to say the A5M changed everything in the theater, taking away the advantage the Soviet fighters had wielded for a brief window of time.  At 9:00 am on December 2, a small customs cruiser waving a swastika flag docked at the Nanjing waterfront after making an overnight journey down the Yangtze River from Wuhan. German Ambassador Oskar Trautmann quickly disembarked, accompanied by embassy councilor Heinz Lautenschlager and Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Xu Mo. Trautmann's mission was so secretive that although he had dined with a secretary from the Italian embassy, an Axis partner just hours before departing from Wuhan, he made no mention of his impending trip.  Despite the secrecy surrounding his visit, news of Trautmann's arrival in Nanjing spread rapidly within the German community. Businessman John Rabe, noted in his diary that day “I assume his return has something to do with Germany's attempt to act as a mediator”. Just before Trautmann's arrival, Chiang Kai-shek had a meeting with his closest advisers, primarily military generals. Vice Foreign Minister Xu briefed those present on the peace conditions proposed by the Japanese nearly a month prior. Many in attendance were hearing these terms for the first time and were startled to discover that Japan did not require reductions in Chinese armaments. Bai Chongxi was the first to speak “If these are the only terms, then why should there be war?” Given that the Japanese proposal seemed to allow for the continuity of the Kuomintang led Chinese nation, the generals present, including Tang Shengzhi, agreed to use it as a basis for negotiations. Later, at 5:00 pm Chiang met with Trautmann. The German diplomat said “I believe it is necessary for China to declare its willingness to discuss the Japanese terms in a conciliatory spirit.” Chiang replied, “I intend to do so, but I also expect the same from Japan.” Chiang then explained that they needed to be addressed for peace talks with Japan to proceed, explicitly stating that he would not accept Japanese control over northern China and that he was unwilling to sacrifice his recent friendship with the Soviet Union to achieve peace with Japan. Having secured Chiang's agreement to initiate talks with Japan, Trautmann promptly returned to the German embassy to report to his superiors in Berlin. He then headed back to the docks, boarding the same vessel that had brought him to Nanjing, traveling back up the dark Yangtze River. One particular concern weighed heavily on Trautmann's mind: a request from Chiang to maintain absolute secrecy regarding the upcoming Sino-Japanese negotiations. Trautmann believed that Germany should support this request. He was convinced that if news leaked about Chiang's willingness to engage with the despised Japanese, it could spell the end of his government in China, allowing the Soviets to take charge. At this time, both the Germans and Japanese feared fragmenting China further. Both wanted the Kuomintang to remain in charge and maintain the status quo as they benefitted from it greatly. Staff officer Kawabe Torashiro after a recent tour of the front lines had this to say, “To dismantle the Chiang regime would leave it in a dire situation, giving it the desperate tenacity of a cornered rat in its struggle against Japan. Whether we destroy it or not, we would ultimately contribute to a fragmented China for many years, one that would be a significant drain on the Empire's resources well into the future.” Meanwhile, the city of Changzhou fell on December 2nd, without any resistance. Private Azuma Shiro landed at Changzhou and was ordered alongside his 20th regiment to prepare an assault upon Danyang,  a walled city located about 25 miles northwest of Changzhou. The road between the two locations was nearly straight, running parallel to the railway connecting Shanghai and Nanjing, allowing the 20th Regiment to make swift progress. Upon arriving at Danyang, Azuma's platoon cautiously approached a bamboo grove concealing a Chinese position. Suddenly, a ZB vz 26 machine gun opened fire. Taking cover, the Japanese soldiers entered a nearby cemetery, where the small grave mounds offered some protection. The platoon's knee mortars responded, firing shells that silenced the machine gun. Seizing the opportunity, they launched their assault, swords raised and bayonets fixed, shouting at the top of their lungs. As they closed the distance to the bamboo grove, the machine gun sliced them down. When they finally reached the trench, they discovered it was already abandoned; the occupants had fled mere moments before. Danyang also fell on December 2, clearing one of the significant obstacles in the 16th Division's path to Jurong. Meanwhile to the south, the 9th Division was advancing from Tianwangsi towards Chunhua village, just miles from the capital, while elements of the 3rd Division were also making significant headway. At the northern end of the front, the Amaya Detachment was approaching the Yangtze port city of Zhenjiang, preparing to cross the river and sweep west along the opposite bank. As Matsui noted in his diary that day “The enemy's entire defensive line has been breached, and their morale has declined sharply. I believe there won't be much fight left in them moving forward”. Although the Shanghai Expeditionary Force had yet to launch its final assault on the capital, the soldiers were managing to advance at an impressive pace. Matsui noted in his diary on December 4th “I plan for an orderly occupation of Nanjing. Before entering the city, we must offer Chiang Kai-shek or the garrison commander the opportunity to surrender. While occupying Nanjing, I hope we can avoid unnecessary damage to the city and harm to the population.” Over in Nanjing, Henri Johan Diederick de Fremery, a Dutch officer serving as an advisor to the Chinese army, had assessed the city's fortifications prior to the war and found them lacking. He noted that coastal batteries had been installed to the north and northeast of the city, including outdated muzzle-loaders. In his report he stated  “They might serve against warship attacks, but who would think of attacking this city with warships?” Although some artillery pieces were positioned along the city wall, they were insufficient in number. Some locations were poorly constructed due to material shortages. For instance, a portion of the wall between Sun Yat-sen Gate and the Gate of Enlightenment had been reinforced with makeshift structures, concrete on the outside and a fragile network of bamboo within. It was a façade that would collapse upon the impact of the first Japanese shell. Natural obstacles like Purple Mountain to the east and the Yuhuatai hills to the south existed, but little was done to incorporate these features into the defensive network. The river, which served as a natural moat, became shallower on the eastern side, allowing for relatively easy crossing. As further noted by de Fremery “Nanking cannot be justifiably termed a heavily defended city”. Meanwhile the Chinese Army was engaged in a frantic effort to prepare for the anticipated Japanese onslaught. Engineers readied to demolish strategic bridges, and in many cases, entire villages were set ablaze, blackening the horizon with thick smoke. Heart-wrenching scenes unfolded as farmers were evicted from homes that had been in their families for generations.  By the end of the first week of winter, distant bombings echoed through the air, with explosions powerful enough to rattle windows within the city. The front lines were alarmingly close, leading to a steady influx of injured Chinese soldiers into Nanjing on foot. A pervasive sense of foreboding enveloped the city. Amidst the gloom, there lingered a belief that despite impending challenges, life would somehow continue. On the morning of December 3, a ship departed from Nanjing, loaded with treasures that represented three millennia of Chinese history. Thousands of crates filled with irreplaceable bronzes, porcelain, paintings, and other art objects were sent upriver. These invaluable items had been moved from Beijing four years earlier and stored in vaults in Nanjing. It was evident that the situation could deteriorate rapidly, leaving little time to respond. On December 5, all US citizens in Nanjing were urged to pack their essential belongings and be prepared to leave the city on short notice. The following day, a final order was issued: all American passport holders were directed to make their way to the Yangtze docks and board a river gunboat awaiting them, the USS Panay. As the Japanese Army advanced westward toward Nanjing, it left behind a horrifying trail of arson, rape, and murder. Helpless civilians who fell into the hands of the victorious soldiers endured brutal treatment that often defied comprehension. Now similar to other episodes I have done on my own channel or Pacific War Week by Week, this is a disclaimer, I am about to talk about some gut wrenching horrifying stuff. We are reaching Nanjing, and yes the infamous massacre is going to be told to the fullest. So warning, its about to get graphic. At the hamlet of Nanqiantou 38 residents were met with atrocities that would become more and more common. The Japanese Army set fire to the twelve homes that comprised the hamlet, forcing the captives to witness the destruction. When some of the residents attempted to escape and salvage their belongings, the soldiers trapped them inside, locking the doors and sealing their fate as the roofs collapsed in flames. Among the victims, two women, one of whom was pregnant, were subjected to repeated rapes. In a particularly gruesome act, the soldiers “cut open the belly of the pregnant woman and gouged out the fetus.” Amid the chaos, a 2 year old boy cried out, and a soldier seized him from his mother's arms, throwing him into the flames. The frantic mother was bayoneted and discarded into a nearby creek. The remaining captives met a similar fate, dragged to the water's edge, stabbed, and pushed into the stream. The 170 miles between Shanghai and Nanjing transformed into a nightmarish wasteland of death and destruction. For miles, the only living beings visible were the deceased. The reputation of the Japanese soldiers preceded them, leading many Chinese civilians to prefer a swift death at their own hands rather than the prospect of a slow demise at the hands of the Japanese. While passing through the town of Pinghu on their way to Nanjing, First Lieutenant Nishizawa Benkichi and his men from the 114th Division spotted two Chinese girls across a river. They appeared to be strolling hand in hand, possibly sisters. As they stepped onto a bridge, the girls began to walk towards the Japanese soldiers but suddenly stopped. Still clasping hands, they jumped into the river, disappearing into the swift current. Military efficiency was accompanied by a staggering brutality, where victories against armed opponents were often followed by the massacre of unarmed women and children. This pattern parallels the incomprehensible behavior of German soldiers on the Eastern Front, though there are significant differences. The Germans viewed themselves as a superior race compared to their Slavic adversaries, labeling them as "untermensch." In contrast, the Japanese could not deny their connections to the Chinese. Japan's historical role as a major influence on Chinese civilization was undeniable, as reflected in aspects as basic as the shared writing system. To many Japanese, their nation's relationship with China resembled that of two brothers, one younger and righteous, the other older and misguided, in need of redemption. Matsui Iwane embodied this perspective. Alongside his military duties, he held a deep interest in fostering cooperation among the peoples of Asia, who he believed remained under the yoke of Western imperialism. Since his youth, Matsui had been captivated by China, and while other ambitious officers sought postings in Western capitals like Paris or London, he applied to serve in China, remaining there for nearly a decade as part of Japan's diplomatic representation. By the 1930s, Matsui's commitment to this pan-Asian vision had gained a political dimension, leading him to become a prominent founder of the Greater Asia Association in 1933. This of course was created mostly through the work of Kanji Ishiwara. What was once a exclusive on my patreon can be found over at Echoes of War or my youtube channel, its a four part series on the life of Ishiwara and it goes into the history of how he tried to forge pan asianism, but ultimately failed against his adversaries like Hideki Tojo. Its fascinating stuff, please if you are interested check it out on youtube and comment where you came from.  This organization, though dominated by Japan, has been described as "probably the single most influential organization propagating Pan-Asianism during the 15 year war. During a visit to China in late 1935, Matsui helped establish the Chinese Greater Asia Association in the northern port city of Tianjin. For individuals like Matsui, Japan's actions on the Asian mainland were akin to liberating its peoples. They viewed the establishment of the Japanese-controlled puppet state, Manchukuo, in northeast China in 1932, as a bold experiment in nation-building, hoping the rest of China would benefit similarly. As Matsui wrote in 1933 “Next, we must also extend to the 400 million people of China the same help and deep sympathy that we provided to Manchuria, relieving them of their miserable condition of political, economic, and intellectual subjugation by various countries of the world.” The violence perpetrated by the Japanese Army stemmed from numerous variables. One was a grotesque belief they were actually liberators to what they deemed, ungrateful Chinese. The Japanese believed their presence in China was partly for the benefit of the Chinese people and felt a messianic obligation to save them. This led to frustration akin to that of a father confronting a disobedient son, compelling them to punish what they perceived as disobedience. While the rank-and-file soldiers might not have reflected deeply on these issues, such philosophies filtered down from their leaders. Of course there is a lot more to it, and sorry again for shamelessly plugging it, but on my patreon I specifically did an episode titled “why the Japanese army was so brutal” where I went through everything involved. It ran from cultural issues, to the brutal system of abuse in the military, to racism, radicalization of male youth in Japan, its a very complicated matter. Because again, most of the atrocities were committed by 20-30 year old grunts who had families back home. This was not like the traditional “I was following orders” type of situation, these were atrocities committed by the lowest ranks upwards.  The safety zone, created by Rabe and a handful of other foreigners, began to take shape in the first week of December. It was officially announced, and four committees were established to manage food, housing, finances, and sanitation. Once the plans for the zone were publicized in local newspapers, scared Chinese civilians flocked to it by the hundreds. From its inception, the zone faced numerous problems. Thousands of bags of rice and flour intended for the future residents of the zone were left unguarded and quickly looted, leading many to assume they had been stolen by military personnel. More troubling were the issues that arose when Chinese military units began digging trenches and setting up field telephones within the safety zone, putting it at heightened risk of a Japanese attack. Chinese officers assured organizers that they would vacate the area, but the delay led to growing frustration among those overseeing the zone. Until all Chinese soldiers withdrew, the organizers could not erect flags to formally designate the area as demilitarized. Although the Japanese refused to officially recognize the safety zone, they pledged to respect it.    Following the outbreak of the battle for Shanghai, the Chinese Red Cross stepped in where military medicine had faltered, establishing first-aid teams and emergency hospitals while ensuring that wounded soldiers were accommodated in existing medical facilities. In October, they opened a 3,000-bed hospital on the campus of the National Central University, staffed by 300 doctors, nurses, and 400 orderlies. By the end of October, the hospital had admitted 1,200 patients and performed over 50 operations daily, primarily amputations. However, as the Japanese forces advanced toward Nanjing, doctors and nurses were evacuated westward along the Yangtze River. The entire Red Cross hospital was dismantled, and at the American Mission Hospital, the staff, which had initially numbered nearly 200 doctors, nurses, and trained personnel, dwindled to just 11 by the onset of winter.  With medical facilities on the brink of collapse, a group of foreigners took the initiative to improve conditions, achieving small victories along the way.  Back at the front, the 10th Army continued their march to Nanjing. On the right flank, the 114th Division had marched through Liyang within hours, covering 40 miles over the next two days to reach Lishui on December 4. Behind them, the 6th Division was still lagging somewhat, struggling to catch up after making a large detour east of Lake Tai. The Kunisaki Detachment was tasked with reaching the Yangtze at Taiping, crossing the river, and heading for Pukou, directly opposite Nanjing, to cut off any retreating Chinese forces. To the left of the 6th and 114th Divisions, the 18th Division received orders on December 2 to march northwest from the Guangde area toward Nanjing. However, when intelligence reports indicated that large numbers of Chinese troops were withdrawing south toward Ningguo, trying to escape encirclement, thus the 18th Division had its mission altered. On December 4, they were instructed to change course and press straight west, aiming to trap as many Chinese soldiers as possible. The residents of Nanjing were jolted awake by the roar of airplanes shortly before 6:00 am on December 7. It was the sound of Chiang Kai-shek and Song Meiling departing the capital. Three days before his departure, Japanese forces had advanced dangerously close, and their shelling had intensified to the point that he was forced to move from his residence on Purple Mountain to a villa belonging to a famous scholar who had since passed away, located within the city walls. While organizing his departure, Chiang kept the morale of the troops and civilians trapped in Nanjing at the forefront of his mind. In his diary, Chiang noted, “Staying in Nanjing until the last moment has not only enabled us to complete military preparations, but it has also boosted the morale of soldiers and civilians alike. The evacuation of necessary material has been carried out without disorder. I cannot imagine what might have happened if I had left ten days earlier.” On one of his last nights in Nanjing, Chiang gathered all officers of major general rank and above at Tang Shengzhi's headquarters in the Railroad Ministry. With the First Lady by his side, he delivered an inspiring pep talk ahead of the impending battle, emphasizing that although the Chinese had faced temporary setbacks, they had managed to strike back at the Japanese forces, thwarting their plans for a swift victory. Additionally, he noted that China had garnered the sympathy and support of the international community. “You're being watched by the entire nation, indeed by the whole world. We cannot abandon Nanjing!” He then formally handed overall responsibility for the defense of the capital to Tang Shengzhi, urging the officers to obey him as they would obey Chiang himself. He insisted that this would not be merely a symbolic fight; a sustained defense of Nanjing could tie down Japanese forces, giving the bulk of the Chinese Army the opportunity to regroup and strengthen. He promised that three divisions, fully equipped and at peak strength, would soon arrive from the southwestern province of Yunnan. He pledged to personally lead them back to Nanjing to break the siege.  Meanwhile on the front of the Shanghai Expeditionary Force, the 16th Division had broken through Chinese lines at the crucial town of Jurong, located 30 miles east of the Nanjing city wall, and was now advancing toward the village of Tangshui. To the south, the 9th Division had reached Chunhua, another strategic town straddling the approaches to the capital. Meanwhile, to the north, soldiers from the 13th Division were crossing the Yangtze River at Zhenjiang to establish a foothold on the other side. Progress was similarly swift in the 10th Army's sector. The 114th Division had advanced all the way to Molingguan, a town less than 20 miles south of Nanjing. The 6th Division, having rushed to the front since the order to capture China's capital had been issued in early December, was expected to arrive later that day. To the south of these two divisions, the 18th Division was set to capture the city of Ningguo while continuing its push toward the Yangtze, effectively completing the encirclement of Nanjing. By December 5th, Matsui and his staff completed its transfer from Shanghai to Suzhou, they issued a general directive for the attack on Nanjing. This order outlined two possible scenarios. In the best-case outcome, the Chinese defenders would surrender and open the city gates. In that event, each Japanese division would send in one battalion to complete the pacification of the city and eliminate any remaining pockets of resistance from soldiers unwilling to capitulate. In the worst-case scenario, if the Chinese commanders disregarded Japanese offers to surrender and prepared for a prolonged defense of their capital, Japan would unleash the full force of its artillery on the city. Each division would then send in one regiment to breach the city gates and engage in a fierce battle, fighting street by street and house by house. It quickly became evident to the Japanese, the Chinese had no intention to simply hand over their capital. New York times correspondent, F Tillman Durdin witnessed action between the recently arrived 154th and 156th divisions from southern China who were quickly encircled atop a cone-shaped peak. “The Japanese set a ring of fire around the peak. The flames, consuming trees and grass, gradually crept closer and closer to the summit, forcing the Chinese upward until, huddled together, they were mercilessly machine-gunned to death.” As the Japanese troops closed in on Nanjing, the level of destruction left in the wake of the Chinese defenders became increasingly apparent. Near the capital, hardly a bridge remained intact as efforts intensified to hinder the invaders. The rush to reach Nanjing heightened rivalries within the Japanese Army. In early December, soldiers from the 16th Infantry Division traversed hilly terrain at what they believed was a vigorous pace. Suddenly, to their left, they spotted a parallel column of Japanese soldiers, quickly identifying them as members of the 9th Infantry Division's 35th Regiment. The company commander shouted “Don't let the 35th beat us to Nanjing! Get moving!”  Cities, towns, villages, and hamlets lay in the path of Japan's multifaceted advance on Nanjing. Some areas fell without much resistance, while others were fiercely defended by Chinese soldiers determined to hold their ground until the end. Chunhua, a town located roughly 15 miles southeast of Nanjing, was among the latter. The town was defended by troops from the Chinese 51st Infantry Division, who had participated in some of the toughest battles around Shanghai during the autumn months. The 51st Division found its withdrawal to Nanjing cut off by fast-moving Japanese columns. Only with the assistance of local civilians were various units able to sneak back to the capital, filtering through enemy lines. Upon arrival, the division's soldiers had hoped for a chance to cross the Yangtze for much-needed rest. Instead, Chiang Kai-shek ordered them to immediately reinforce the defenses at Chunhua. As the troops arrived in Chunhua village in early December, they were dismayed to find the pillboxes in disrepair. Some bunkers had been buried too deep to function effectively as defensive structures, while others had excessively large embrasures that offered little to no protection from enemy fire. Most frustratingly, keys to the bunkers were often missing, making entry problematic. The division worked tirelessly to improve their positions using whatever materials could be requisitioned from the area, but time was too short to bring the defenses up to the standard the commanders desired. Nonetheless, they achieved significant upgrades: three lines of defenses in front of Chunhua, centered around several pillboxes; two rows of barbed wire; and an antitank ditch to complicate any advance. Hidden machine gun nests also provided surprises for the Japanese infantry. On December 4, the Japanese vanguard, a column of about 500 soldiers from the 9th Division, was spotted, and over the next two days, the solitary company at Shuhu endured intense assaults. The Chinese dispatched an armored platoon as temporary reinforcements, marking one of the rare instances when Chinese tanks confronted Japanese infantry directly. The Chinese lost three armored vehicles, while the Japanese reported around 40 casualties among their infantry. By the afternoon of December 6, the surviving Chinese soldiers at Shuhu, numbering fewer than 30, abandoned their positions and fought their way back to Chunhua, leaving their fallen comrades behind. Advancing units of Japan's 9th Division closely followed, initially avoiding contact with the Chinese defenses to conduct reconnaissance. Based on their observations, the Japanese concluded that although the Chinese defenses appeared well-prepared, they were thinly manned. Costly fighting resulted in the Japanese gaining control over only the first of the three Chinese defense lines. Determined to capture the next two lines, they once again depended heavily on their artillery.  In several sectors along the front, soldiers of the 9th Japanese Division found themselves caught in the deadly crossfire of Chinese machine guns, creating a virtual kill zone from which there was no escape. For the Chinese defenders, the conditions were equally horrific. As recalled by the commander of the Chinese 51st division, Wang Yaowu “The shelling was incessant. Body parts were flying through the air. Some men lost legs, others arms. Brains were splattered everywhere”. The division's 301st Regiment, which bore the brunt of the battle, suffered approximately 1,500 casualties among its officers and soldiers. On the second day of the battle for Chunhua, December 7, their left flank made some gains, penetrating the area behind the village. The breakthrough, however, came in the afternoon of December 8 when an entire regiment that had been lagging behind the rest of the 9th Division arrived just in time to join the fight. This bolstered the morale of the Japanese troops and provided momentum to their attack. By the end of that day, Chunhua was firmly under Japanese control. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. As the Japanese forces advanced, Nanjing's fate teetered on the brink. Commander Tang Shengzhi led a beleaguered defense amidst chaos, while civilians fortified the city, aware of its significance. On December 1, General Matsui officially ordered an assault on Nanjing. As Japanese troops closed in, brutality loomed on the horizon, heralding one of China's darkest chapters in its fight against oppression.

The US government has long tried to divide China, India, and Russia, but Washington's aggressive actions have only brought them together. Donald Trump's tariffs, in particular, angered Indian PM Modi, who visited the Chinese city Tianjin for the 2025 Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit, where the Eurasian countries deepened their relations. Ben Norton analyzes the important results of this historic meeting, and how the US empire's aggression has blown back. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qsFGCUtzzQ8 Topics 0:00 US imperial overstretch 1:25 China, Russia, India unite 3:38 Shanghai Cooperation Org (SCO) summit 4:48 Global Governance Initiative 6:50 New multipolar order 8:08 Members of SCO 9:29 Population of SCO 10:07 Economy of SCO 11:01 US empire seeks to divide Eurasia 12:49 Trump attacks India 13:37 Donald Trump's tariffs 14:52 India moves closer to China 16:23 Views India and China share 18:59 Modi meets with Xi Jinping 21:33 US war hawks are furious 22:02 (CLIP) John Bolton on India-China ties 23:20 US war hawks are furious 24:05 (CLIP) Jake Sullivan on India-China ties 25:17 USA alienates its "allies" 25:53 Trump makes China great again (川建国 Chuan Jianguo) 26:50 Trump accelerates US imperial decline 29:09 Dedollarization 30:48 CBDCs 32:42 Dedollarization 33:30 China proposes SCO development bank 33:48 SCO Tianjin Declaration 35:51 Need for UN reform 40:20 Multipolarity 41:07 International financial system 42:53 Xi Jinping's speech 46:43 Open-source artificial intelligence (AI) tech 47:38 Oppose the new cold war 48:15 Global South vision of multipolar world 50:45 Outro

It's Tuesday, September 2nd, A.D. 2025. This is The Worldview in 5 Minutes heard on 140 radio stations and at www.TheWorldview.com.  I'm Adam McManus. (Adam@TheWorldview.com) By Kevin Swanson Pakistani Muslim kidnapped 16-year-old Christian girl Pakistan is in the persecution news again. This time for a 16-year-old Christian girl kidnapped and forced into sex slavery by a Muslim in the Punjab district. She was rescued by court order on August 14th. This is just one of thousands of these cases occurring each year, where girls and women are kidnapped and forced into conversions, marriages, and prostitution. Pakistan is the seventh worst nation in the world on The Worldview's International Morality Index, and the eighth worst on Open Doors' World Watch List. Finnish politician tried third time for condemning perversion A Finnish Member of Parliament, Päivi Räsänen, is back in court this month, after already being acquitted twice for the so-called hate crime of calling homosexual relationships “sinful.” Räsänen has been charged with “agitation against a minority group” under the Finnish criminal code addressing “war crimes and crimes against humanity.” She's been under attack for seven years. This time the prosecutor is taking the case to Finland's Supreme Court. Afghanistan earthquake claims 800 lives In God's providence, Afghanistan has been hit by a third major earthquake since the Taliban took over, reports Reuters. This has claimed 800 lives and wounded 2,800 more, mostly in the Kunar Province. The 2022 quake killed over 1,000 people and the 2023 quake killed over 2,000 people. Russia's Putin, India's Modi and China's Jinping met in summit The new Axis power base was further solidified yesterday in a meeting which took place in Tianjin, China, with the presidents of China, India, and Russia — Presidents Xi Jinping, Narendra Modi, and Vladimir Putin. This was Modi's first visit to China in seven years. Modi expressed his desire to Putin that the two nations deepen cooperation “in all sectors.”  The meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization boasts “the world's largest regional organization” including nations with a combined economic output of nearly $30 trillion. That's just over the United States' annual Gross Domestic Product. Russia's Putin called the alliance the beginnings of a “new system” of security in Eurasia.  The Shanghai Cooperation Organization consists of the communist, Hindu, and Islamic states of Russia, Belarus, China, India, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Pakistan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. Chinese Navy boasts more warships than America The BBC reports that the Chinese Navy has exceeded America's Navy in number of warships -- 234 to 219. However, the Chinese are still behind the United States in overall tonnage and aircraft carriers.  Importantly, the Chinese shipyards have upwards of 200 times the ship-building capacity of America at this point. Brazilian socialists want to lock up Jair Bolsonaro Socialist elements in the Brazilian government are looking at locking up the nation's previous president Jair Bolsonaro for 30 years. Bolsonaro is accused of staging a coup after disagreeing with the election results in January of 2023.   The Associated Press reports that the evidence includes “an unsigned document that sought to invalidate the election and his alleged push for supporters to destroy government buildings in Brasilia on January 8, 2023.”  Low Scottish birth rate Scotland's birth rate is the lowest on record — hitting 1.23 children per woman. The nation's abortion rate is 17.9 per 1,000 women. Out of 50 countries, that's the fifth lowest birth rate in Europe. Only Malta, Spain, Lithuania, and Italy have lower birth rates.  Deuteronomy 7:12 and 14a makes a promise to a nation. “Because you listen to these judgments, and keep and do them. …You shall be blessed above all peoples; there shall not be a male or female barren among you or among your livestock.” Not so much for Scotland. Vice President JD Vance defends prayer U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance defended prayer as a proper response to the recent massacre at the Minneapolis, Minnesota Catholic School. His X post explained that, “We pray because our hearts are broken. We pray because we know God listens. We pray because we know that God works in mysterious ways, and can inspire us to further action.” Vance was responding to Jen Psaki, Joe Biden's previous press secretary, who skeptically asserted that “Prayer is not freaking enough. Prayers does [sic] not end school shootings. Prayers do not make parents feel safe sending their kids to school. Prayer does not bring these kids back.” In addition to Vice President Vance, CNN's conservative commentator Scott Jennings defended prayer as well. Listen. JENNINGS: “I think it's wrong, frankly, to vilify or attack people of faith. I think ‘thoughts and prayers' are the most solid on days of tragedy for people who live their faith every day. And I think on a day like today, particularly in a church community, there are probably people praying harder for comfort today than they have ever prayed in their life. “And I heard others on the Left today go down this line of attack against people of faith, sort of denigrating the idea that they might want to pray today.” Proverbs 28:9 reminds us that “If one turns away his ear from hearing the law, even his prayer is an abomination.” And Proverbs 15:29 says, “The LORD is far from the wicked, but He hears the prayer of the righteous.” Chip and Joanna Gaines roll out “LGBTQ roller skating show” The reality show pop-star couple and known-to- be professing Christians, Chip Gaines and his wife, Joanna, are under fire again. This time, they are producing a program on their Magnolia Network featuring what has been termed “an LGBTQ+ roller skating reality show” called “Roller Jam.” Joanna Gaines called it “a show the whole family can watch together,” according to Protestia and FaithWire.  Office mortgages hit record 11.7% delinquency rate In economic news, delinquency rates on office mortgages in the United States have hit a record 11.7%, exceeding the last record set during the 2008 recession. That delinquency rate was only 1.6% just two years ago. Silver and gold keep climbing According to TradingView.com, silver surged to $40.76 per ounce and gold hit $3,475 per ounce on Monday — record highs for the metals. Married mothers happier than childless single women And finally, no surprise here. The Institute for Family Studies surveyed 3,000 women and found that married mothers were more likely to enjoy life.   The report documented that 47% of married mothers say their lives are enjoyable most or all the time, compared to 34% of unmarried, childless women who say the same thing. Psalm 127:3 says, “Children are a heritage from the Lord, offspring a reward from Him.” Close And that's The Worldview on this Tuesday, September 2nd, in the year of our Lord 2025. Follow us on X or subscribe for free by Spotify, Amazon Music, or by iTunes or email to our unique Christian newscast at www.TheWorldview.com.  I'm Adam McManus (Adam@TheWorldview.com). Seize the day for Jesus Christ.

durée : 00:03:10 - Géopolitique - par : Pierre  Haski  - En marge du Sommet de l'organisation de coopération de Shanghai (SCO), les dirigeants russe, indien et chinois se sont affichés tout sourire, en pensant à l'« absent » : Donald Trump. La bataille de l'ordre mondial du 21e siècle en une photo. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

Edition No239 | 02-09-2025 - Autocrats assemble. These are not nice people. Not kind people, nor generous or moral. They have reached the top of the pile in their respective countries, many of which are authoritarian or quasi authoritarian regimes. What does it take to achieve that, an to stay top of the pile for years, sometimes decades. For a start you must be the biggest bully in the playground, the most vicious fish in the pond. You may have had to dispose of rivals, - both authoritarian or democratic. Probably silence many journalists and critics. Subvert their legal systems and institutions of government. In a word, these people are the biggest C.U.N.T.S in their respective societies, most have no accountability to their populations, and some have thieved and raped their populations of resources and opportunities. Now, they have gathered in China, for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit (SVO meets SCO).At the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin, we witnessed what can only be described as a global warm embrace of authoritarian regimes — even as the world burns from war, repression, and in Ukraine stolen children. At the heart of this embrace, Xi Jinping, Vladimir Putin, and Narendra Modi posed as a new triumvirate of international order, with cheering applause for Russia's war machine. But it is an alliance of disorder and death. ----------SOURCES: https://edition.cnn.com/2025/09/01/china/china-putin-xi-meeting-sco-summit-intl-hnkhttps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/9/2/chinas-victory-day-military-parade-whos-attending-and-why-it-mattershttps://abcnews.go.com/International/north-koreas-kim-crosses-china-meet-xi-putin/story?id=125172027https://www.independent.co.uk/asia/east-asia/kim-jong-un-arrive-china-victory-parade-vladimir-putin-b2818199.htmlhttps://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/9/2/china-russia-pledge-new-global-order-at-shanghai-cooperation-summithttps://news.sky.com/story/chinese-russian-and-indian-leaders-seek-to-show-unity-and-push-for-new-world-order-in-beijing-meeting-13423244https://www.reuters.com/world/china/putin-thanks-xi-his-dear-friend-warm-welcome-china-2025-09-02/https://www.politico.eu/article/chinas-xi-welcomes-putin-modi-trump-roils-global-relations/----------Partner on this video: KYIV OF MINE 'Kyiv of Mine' is a documentary series about Ukraine's beautiful capital, Kyiv. The film production began in 2018, and much has changed since then. It is now 2025, and this story is far from over.https://www.youtube.com/@UCz6UbVKfqutH-N7WXnC5Ykg https://www.kyivofmine.com/#theprojectKyiv of Mine is fast paced, beautifully filmed, humorous, fun, insightful, heartbreaking, moving, hopeful. The very antithesis in fact of a doom-laden and worthy wartime documentary. This is a work that is extraordinarily uplifting. My friend Operator Starsky says the film is “Made with so much love. The film series will make you laugh and cry.” ----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur events of the first half of the year in Lviv, Kyiv and Odesa were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. Any support you can provide for the fundraising campaign would be gratefully appreciated. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------

C dans l'air du 2 septembre 2025 - Xi Jinping, Poutine, Modi : ils font trembler l'Occident Ce sont des images qui en disent long sur l'évolution du monde. Vladimir Poutine, Xi Jinping et Narendra Modi se tenant par la main, tout sourire. Le sommet de Tianjin, près de Pékin, organisé par le président chinois, vient de s'achever, avec sur la photo officielle 26 chefs d'État ou de gouvernement. Parmi eux, les dirigeants russe, biélorusse, indien, iranien, turc, et une vingtaine de leaders eurasiatiques représentant presque la moitié de la population mondiale. Des dirigeants qui ne sont pas d'accord sur tout, mais qui entendent se tenir à distance de l'Occident, et en premier lieu de l'Amérique de Donald Trump.Un front du refus mis en scène avec un objectif : montrer, à l'heure des droits de douane américains et des tensions géostratégiques, qu'un autre modèle international est possible, avec la Chine en son centre.Un peu plus de deux semaines après avoir été reçu en grande pompe par Donald Trump en Alaska, Vladimir Poutine est présent en Chine. Il aura des discussions avec son hôte et grand allié chinois ce mardi à Pékin, après avoir parlé du conflit en Ukraine lundi à Tianjin avec son homologue turc, et du dossier nucléaire avec son homologue iranien. Une rencontre était également à l'agenda ce jour-là avec le Premier ministre indien. Car Narendra Modi, qui est loin d'être le meilleur ami du président chinois, était aussi présent. Il s'agissait en effet de la première visite en Chine du nationaliste hindou depuis 2018.Les deux dirigeants étaient en froid depuis l'affrontement, en 2020, de leurs soldats sur les hauteurs du Ladakh, une région himalayenne contestée, qui avait fait 20 morts du côté indien et un nombre indéterminé du côté chinois. Mais les tarifs douaniers de 50 % récemment imposés aux marchandises indiennes par le président américain ont semble-t-il convaincu le Premier ministre indien de faire baisser la tension avec Xi Jinping.Un dirigeant chinois qui a d'ailleurs débuté son discours inaugural par une charge à peine voilée contre les États-Unis, évoquant la nécessité de s'opposer à la "mentalité de guerre froide et de confrontation de blocs, ainsi qu'aux actes d'intimidation". Au-delà du discours politique, le défilé militaire qui aura lieu mercredi sur la place Tian'anmen, en présence du leader nord-coréen, s'annonce comme une nouvelle démonstration de force. La Chine, dont la flotte dépasse aujourd'hui en nombre celle des États-Unis, entend apparaître comme un rival crédible.Alors, pourquoi cette rencontre entre les dirigeants russe, chinois et indien est-elle si importante ? La politique de Donald Trump est-elle en train de renforcer la Chine ?LES EXPERTS :- Isabelle LASSERRE - Correspondante diplomatique - Le Figaro, spécialiste des questions de stratégie et de géopolitique- Pierre HASKI - Chroniqueur international - France Inter et Le Nouvel Obs - Valérie NIQUET - Spécialiste de l'Asie - Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique, auteure de L'Indo-Pacifique, nouveau centre du monde - Agatha KRATZ - Economiste, Spécialiste des relations Chine-Union Européenne et Chine- États Unis- Alain BAUER (en duplex des États-Unis) -Professeur de criminologie au CNAM responsable du Pole Sécurité Défense Renseignement

Guido Santevecchi traccia un bilancio degli incontri al vertice di Tianjin: un successo del presidente cinese Xi Jinping ma anche e soprattutto di quello russo e del dittatore nordcoreano. Paolo Ottolina spiega come difendersi se i propri dati finiscono online, tipo sulla pagina web di cui la Polizia postale avrebbe scoperto il gestore. Antonella Mollica racconta il caso dell'ex capogruppo di FdI al Comune di Prato, tra foto osé e massoneria.I link di corriere.it:Putin «mano nella mano» con Xi incassa un nuovo accordo sul gas: annunciata la firma per il «Power of Siberia 2»Sito sessista, trovato il gestore di Phica.eu: indagini su un 45enne italiano, usava i nickname «Phica Master» e «Boss Miao»Prato, ricatti sessuali all'ex consigliere Tommaso Cocci: sette le denunce arrivate agli inquirenti

Groong Week in Review - August 31, 2025In this Week in Review, we look at Armenia's role at the SCO summit, where Pashinyan struck a new “strategic partnership” with China while also meeting Putin, raising questions about Yerevan's shifting alignments. We examine the August 8 Washington documents on TRIPP, where words like “corridor” and “99-year lease” swirl despite Armenia's denials, and ask what Azerbaijan's demand for constitutional change really means. We cover rising tensions between Moscow and Baku after Aliyev called Russia an occupier and Zatulin warned against seeing Azerbaijan as a partner. And we discuss the UK's push to raise relations with Armenia to a strategic level, even as London courts Baku and maintains loopholes in its arms embargo.Topics:  - SCO Summit in China  - The UK in Armenia  - TRIPP / Zangezur Corridor  - Russian Azerbaijani RelationsGuest:  Benyamin PoghosyanHosts:  - Hovik Manucharyan  - Asbed BedrossianEpisode 467 | Recorded: September 1, 2025SHOW NOTES: https://podcasts.groong.org/467VIDEO: https://youtu.be/kTh52542vtUSubscribe and follow us everywhere you are: linktr.ee/groong

Vor einem regionalen Gipfel in Tianjin trifft der indische Premierminister Narendra Modi den chinesischen Staatschef Xi Jinping. Dabei betonen beide Seiten die Bedeutung von Zusammenarbeit, obwohl langjährige Spannungen weiter bestehen.

MeidasTouch host Ben Meiselas reports on Donald Trump appearing to physically deteriorate even worse as his cover up attempts look even more pathetic all the while he is weakening the United States abroad and China's leader Xi Jinping meets with India's leader Modi in Tianjin. Visit https://meidasplus.com for more! Remember to subscribe to ALL the MeidasTouch Network Podcasts: MeidasTouch: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/meidastouch-podcast Legal AF: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/legal-af MissTrial: https://meidasnews.com/tag/miss-trial The PoliticsGirl Podcast: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-politicsgirl-podcast The Influence Continuum: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-influence-continuum-with-dr-steven-hassan Mea Culpa with Michael Cohen: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/mea-culpa-with-michael-cohen The Weekend Show: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/the-weekend-show Burn the Boats: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/burn-the-boats Majority 54: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/majority-54 Political Beatdown: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/political-beatdown On Democracy with FP Wellman: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/on-democracy-with-fpwellman Uncovered: https://www.meidastouch.com/tag/maga-uncovered Coalition of the Sane: https://meidasnews.com/tag/coalition-of-the-sane Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Rescue workers in Afghanistan are trying to reach villages in remote mountainous areas in the east of the country following a magnitude six earthquake. A Taliban official said more than eight-hundred people had died and more than two-thousand-five-hundred had been injured in the provinces of Kunar and Nangarhar. Helicopters have been deployed to collect the wounded as landslides have cut off roads. The UN says that twenty assessment teams have so far been deployed to areas worst hit by the quake. The emergency comes as Afghanistan is suffering from a severe drought and food crisis. Also: at a summit of world leaders in the Chinese city of Tianjin, the Chinese President, Xi Jinping, said the group would challenge what he called bullying behaviour - in apparent reference to the tariffs that President Trump has imposed on India and other countries, and details of how Queen Camilla fought off an attempted assault when she was a teenager are revealed in a new book about the British monarchy:The Global News Podcast brings you the breaking news you need to hear, as it happens. Listen for the latest headlines and current affairs from around the world. Politics, economics, climate, business, technology, health – we cover it all with expert analysis and insight. Get the news that matters, delivered twice a day on weekdays and daily at weekends, plus special bonus episodes reacting to urgent breaking stories. Follow or subscribe now and never miss a moment. Get in touch: globalpodcast@bbc.co.uk

Emergency crews are struggling to reach the mountainous eastern Kunar province of Afghanistan where the UN says more than 800 people have been killed in a magnitude 6.0 earthquake. We speak to the Afghan Red Crescent.Also in the programme: China, India and Russia unite in their criticism of the West at a summit in the northern Chinese city of Tianjin; and why millions of people around the world who take an aspirin a day to ward off strokes and heart attacks might soon be taking a different drug.(IMAGE: Afghan men search for their belongings amidst the rubble of a collapsed house after a deadly magnitude-6 earthquake that struck Afghanistan around midnight, in Dara Mazar, in Kunar province, Afghanistan, September 1, 2025 / CREDIT: Reuters/Stringer)

Representatives from around 20 countries, including Narenda Modi, India's prime minister, and Vladimir Putin, Russia's president, arrived in Tianjin, China, for a Shanghai Co-operation Organisation leaders' meeting. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

durée : 00:03:10 - Géopolitique - par : Pierre  Haski  - Avec le sommet régional de Tianjin et l'imposant défilé militaire prévu mercredi à Pékin, en présence de Vladimir Poutine et d'autres dirigeants non-occidentaux, la Chine de Xi Jinping montre son ambition de se poser en leader d'un « front du refus » de l'Amérique de Trump. Vous aimez ce podcast ? Pour écouter tous les autres épisodes sans limite, rendez-vous sur Radio France.

The SCO summit ended Monday with the Tianjin declaration which condemned Pahalgam & Jaffar express terror attacks. During his visit to China, PM Modi held crucial bilateral meetings with Xi Jinping & Putin. The bonhomie between Putin-Xi-Modi was on display with leaders holding hands, and the Russian President's car ride with PM Modi. Just hours after the meetings in China, Trump termed US-India trade a ‘one-sided disaster', and said that India has now offered to cut the tariffs to ‘nothing'. Tonight's #CutTheClutter with Shekhar Gupta untangles the geopolitical games— from China to Moscow, and explains where India stands.

Social Media lit up like a Christmas tree over the weekend after a post from President Donald Trump went crazy viral, what was all the fuss about? Nothing much, just an AI image of him standing over a burning Earth, holding a ‘Q+' QAnon symbol in his left hand, with a legend saying ‘The world will soon understand nothing can stop what is coming'. QAnon is the Deep State, and they seem to still be very much in charge of this president and his administration. That warning shot to his right ear last summer in Butler, PA, continues to pay them dividends.“Then his master shall bring him unto the judges; he shall also bring him to the door, or unto the door post; and his master shall bore his ear through with an aul; and he shall serve him for ever.” Exodus 21:6 (KJB)On this episode of the Prophecy News Podcast, have you looked out your window lately? The world is a swirling cauldron of end times activity both here in America and around the globe. The leaders of Russia, China and India met at a regional summit in Tianjin, with Putin, Xi and Modi photographed holding hands and hugging each other. All this intended to send a pointed message to America that Trump doesn't have the relationship he thinks he has with any of these world leaders. Peter Thiel of Palantir is preparing a 4-part lecture series on the coming Antichrist that's been sold out for weeks. The United Nations is very close to reaching the 160 nation state voting requirement for officially recognizing a state of Palestine. While all this is going on, Donald Trump is flashing QAnon symbols and promising something unstoppable that will shock the world. Don't get mad at me, I'm just the messenger. Today we get you up to speed on all these rapidly changing end times events.

Federico Rampini spiega di che cosa parleranno i  leader di Russia e  India  col presidente cinese a Tianjin. Monica Ricci Sargentini racconta della missione umanitaria che ha lo scopo di raggiungere Gaza per portare via mare  aiuti umanitari alla popolazione della Striscia. Rinaldo Frignani parla delle perquisizioni e dei sequestri ordinati nei confronti di portali e utenti che pubblicavano (e commentavano) foto di donne a loro insaputa.I link di corriere.it:Il «resto del mondo» da Xi: perché il vertice in Cina con Putin e Modi è tra i più importanti dell'annoLe navi della Global Sumud Flotilla partite da Genova e Barcellona: «Arriveremo a Gaza»Siti sessisti, è l'ora delle perquisizioni e dei sequestri: caccia in tutta Europa ai server dei portali e agli utenti

Xi Jinping, Narendra Modi i Władimir Putin razem na szczycie Szanghajskiej Organizacji Współpracy w porcie Tianjin na północy Chin. A zaraz potem spektakularna parada wojskowa w Pekinie z udziałem między innymi lidera Korei Północnej Kim Dzong Una, za to bez wysokich rangą przedstawicieli Zachodu. To program ofensywy dyplomatyczno-militarnej szykowanej przez Chiny w najbliższych dniach. Czy obawa przed skutkami agresywnej polityki handlowej Donalda Trumpa wystarczy, by pogodzić sprzeczne interesy państw Globalnego Południa? I czy zgodzą się one na to, by w roli mediatora wystąpiły Chiny? Jak przebiega proces budowania alternatywnego dla Pax Americana porządku światowego, w którym Pekin chce odgrywać kluczową rolę?Kolejne śmiercionośne ataki Rosji na Kijów i inne miasta ukraińskie. W stolicy Rosjanie zabili co najmniej 23 cywilów. Moskwa nie zgadza się na rozejm, Putin wyklucza rozmowy z Zełenskim. A w Polsce prezydent wetuje ustawę o przedłużeniu pomocy dla Ukraińców i opłat za system satelitarny Starlink. Jakie mogą być tego skutki?Nie będzie traktatu, który miał ograniczyć skalę i skutki zanieczyszczenia plastikiem. Niby wszyscy się zgadzają, że tworzywa sztuczne szkodzą człowiekowi i środowisku, ale nie ma zgody co do tego, jak walczyć z zanieczyszczeniem plastikiem. Dlaczego?Australia wydala ambasadora Iranu pod zarzutem wspierania przez ten kraj antysemickich zamachów w Sydney i Melbourne. A równocześnie zapowiada uznanie państwa palestyńskiego. Premier Albanese wchodzi w konflikt zarówno z Iranem, jak i Izraelem. Dlaczego?Czym jest kontrolowany przez Elona Muska system Starlink, do czego służy i dlaczego wykorzystywanie go rozbudza polityczne emocje. Czy są alternatywy dla Starlinka?Komuniści wymordowali więcej ludzi niż faszyści. Dlaczego zatem postawienie pomnika ofiarom zbrodni komunistycznych budzi we Francji sprzeciw?Rozkład jazdy: (03:21) Michał Lubina: Chiny budują nowy światowy ład(25:06) Zbigniew Parafianowicz: Kijów pod ostrzałem, dylematy Ukrainy(55:14) Grzegorz Dobiecki: Świat z boku - Stare i nowe mury(1:02:00) Podziękowania(1:08:26) Marcin Żyła: Co robić z plastikiem: przetwarzać czy nie produkować?(1:27:49) Łukasz Wójcik: Australia w sporze z Iranem i Izraelem(1:50:02) Tomasz Rożek: Dlaczego Starlink jest ważny(2:13:47) Do usłyszenia---------------------------------------------Raport o stanie świata to audycja, która istnieje dzięki naszym Patronom, dołącz się do zbiórki ➡️ ⁠https://patronite.pl/DariuszRosiak⁠Subskrybuj newsletter Raportu o stanie świata ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠➡️ ⁠https://dariuszrosiak.substack.com⁠Koszulki i kubki Raportu ➡️ ⁠https://patronite-sklep.pl/kolekcja/raport-o-stanie-swiata/⁠ [Autopromocja]