Podcasts about nra

Originally aired June 2022 Robert is joined by Matt Lieb to discuss Harlon Carter and NRA. SOURCES: https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.dallasnews.com/news/2018/04/27/meet-the-2-texans-who-took-over-the-nra-and-made-the-gun-rights-group-a-feared-and-powerful-force/%3foutputType=amp https://www.nytimes.com/1991/11/22/us/harlon-b-carter-longtime-head-of-rifle-association-dies-at-78.html https://www.linktv.org/the-legacy-of-the-texas-rangers-a-look-at-the-long-history-of-violence-at-the-border https://timeline.com/harlon-carter-nra-murder-2f8227f2434f https://bostonreview.net/articles/america-as-a-tactical-gun-culture/ https://www.nytimes.com/1981/05/04/us/hard-line-opponent-of-gun-laws-wins-new-term-at-helm-of-rifle.html https://nraontherecord.org/harlon-carter/ https://medium.com/epic-magazine/sons-of-guns-a250e6637593 https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2012/04/23/battleground-america https://scholar.colorado.edu/downloads/s1784m73m https://addran.tcu.edu/history/files/Dissertation-Prospectus-2.pdf http://web.archive.org/web/20190331211610/http://www.davekopel.com/NRO/2000/Misfiring-at-Harlon-Carter.htm https://newhampshirebulletin.com/2022/05/31/how-nra-evolved-from-backing-1934-ban-on-machine-guns-to-where-it-is-now-commentary/ https://www.thetrace.org/2020/01/gun-industry-legal-immunity-plcaa/ https://www.apa.org/science/about/psa/2013/02/gun-violence https://www.bloomberg.com/news/features/2018-02-28/how-defective-guns-became-the-only-product-that-can-t-be-recalled https://www.amazon.com/dp/B005LW0MNW/ref=dp-kindle-redirect?_encoding=UTF8&btkr=1 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This week it's plans for the NRA's AMERICA'S RIFLE CHALLENGE. Plus, how you can get ready for competition. MichaelBane.TV - On the Radio episode # 275. Scroll down for reference links on topics discussed in this episode. Disclaimer: The statements and opinions expressed here are our own and may not represent those of the companies we represent or any entities affiliated to it. Host: Michael Bane Producer: Flying Dragon Ltd. More information and reference links: Recover Tactical 20/20 Kit Steiner Micro Pistol Sight Banish 9K Suppressor[For a limited time, claim a free tax stamp ($206 Value) with purchase. Use STAMP at checkout] NRA AMERICA'S RIFLE CHALLENGE Rifles Only Instruction Mastery (book)/George Leonard Ed Monk: Strategies to Escape an Active Shooter/ACLDN Interview Many Are Called: The Lion of the Deseret (book)/Mike Barham Tales From the Front (book)/James Tarr The Music of Soraya Ravenie The Music of Isaku Kageyama

In this episode of ComixLaunch, Clay Adams interviews Aaron Wroblewski, the writer and creator of multiple comic book series such as 'Blood and Fire', 'Ice and Bone', and 'NRA'. Aaron shares his journey into the world of comic creation, transitioning from a TV writer to a successful crowdfunding comics creator.

This we talk about the closeted gay ex-NRA slam poet character that Brian created for a failed Comedy central pilot and how to keep healthy boundaries with single moms.  Follow Brian on Threads, Instagram and X - Support the show and get bonus audio/video episodes, ringtones, bonus footage and more!! All at patreon.com/brianmccarthy. 

This week on Breaking Battlegrounds, we kick things off with Congressman Randy Fine, who joins us to discuss rising antisemitism and the push to label the Muslim Brotherhood a terrorist organization. Then, Congressman Jimmy Patronis joins the show to talk about his transition from Florida CFO to Congressman and filing his first bill to investigate the “Biden Big Lie.” Next, financial expert and former mayor Gary Gygi returns with advice for those in their 50s on how to catch up on retirement savings. And to close the show, Brennen Evans—songwriter of the Kiley's Corner theme—is filling in this week to share his own take on Kiley's Corner.www.breakingbattlegrounds.voteTwitter: www.twitter.com/Breaking_BattleFacebook: www.facebook.com/breakingbattlegroundsInstagram: www.instagram.com/breakingbattlegroundsLinkedIn: www.linkedin.com/company/breakingbattlegroundsTruth Social: https://truthsocial.com/@breakingbattlegroundsShow sponsors:Invest Yrefy - investyrefy.comOld Glory DepotSupport American jobs while standing up for your values. OldGloryDepot.com brings you conservative pride on premium, made-in-USA gear. Don't settle—wear your patriotism proudly.Learn more at: OldGloryDepot.comDot VoteWith a .VOTE website, you ensure your political campaign stands out among the competition while simplifying how you reach voters.Learn more at: dotvote.vote4Freedom MobileExperience true freedom with 4Freedom Mobile, the exclusive provider offering nationwide coverage on all three major US networks (Verizon, AT&T, and T-Mobile) with just one SIM card. Our service not only connects you but also shields you from data collection by network operators, social media platforms, government agencies, and more.Use code ‘Battleground' to get your first month for $9 and save $10 a month every month after.Learn more at: 4FreedomMobile.comAbout our guest:Randy Fine is a self-made businessman and third-generation Floridian who successfully built and ran three companies, retiring by the age of 40 to spend time with his wife and two sons. As the child of two public educators and a product of public schools, Randy worked full-time while earning his undergraduate degree magna cum laude from Harvard College.He later graduated from Harvard Business School as the youngest MBA in his generation and a Baker Scholar, the school's highest academic honor.In the Florida State House of Representatives, Randy sponsored the largest school choice expansion in U.S. history and has consistently fought for conservative values. As the only Jewish Republican in the Florida Legislature, Randy has championed pro-Israel legislation, leading the fight against antisemitism and promoting a strong U.S.-Israel alliance.Randy's legislative work includes securing hundreds of millions of dollars for infrastructure and environmental preservation, such as hurricane resiliency projects and efforts to stop sewage spills. He is proud to have advocated for individuals with disabilities and assisted in clearing the wait list for services for children with special needs. Randy has pushed legislation to clamp down on illegal immigration, hold insurance companies accountable, lower taxes, and protect the second amendment, which earned him an A rating from the NRA.Committed to advancing the America First agenda, in Congress, Randy will work to cut job-killing regulations, secure the border, strengthen the economy, and ensure future generations can achieve the American Dream.-Jimmy Patronis Jr., a Republican, serves as Congressman for Florida Congressional District 1, encompassing Escambia, Santa Rosa, Okaloosa and Walton counties in Florida's Western Panhandle. As a Panhandle native, Jimmy Patronis is a Christian, supporter of President Trump, a staunch defender of 2nd Amendment rights, and a supporter of first responders, law enforcement and America's veterans and active military servicemembers.-Mr. Gygi was hired by the Investment firm Dean Witter (became Morgan Stanley) after college and worked for the firm for about 15 years. During this time he achieved the position of First Vice President, Investment and branch manager of the Midvale, Utah office. Mr. Gygi won numerous sales awards and held the position of Branch Managed Money Coordinator and Branch Insurance Coordinator. Mr. Gygi left Morgan Stanley in 2003 to join the Investment management firm of Smoot Miller Cheney (later became SMC Capital) as a Senior Vice President. Mr. Gygi holds a dual registration so while affiliating with Smoot Miller Cheney; he also was a registered rep with Independent broker/dealer WBB Securities, LLC. In 2008, Mr. Gygi left SMC Capital to found Gygi Capital Management as President and CEO. Gygi Capital serves the Institutional and individual marketplace with investment management solutions. Gygi Capital is a State regulated Registered Investment Advisory firm located in Cedar Hills, Utah. Gygi affiliates with Union Capital Co. which is an independent broker/dealer firm. Get full access to Breaking Battlegrounds at breakingbattlegrounds.substack.com/subscribe

Riding Shotgun With Charlie  Pit Stop Brandon Maddox I was able to get some time with Brandon Maddox from  ⁨@SilencerCentral⁩  at  ⁨@NRA⁩  Annual Meeting's Voices of the Second Amendment. Check it out! Silencer Central Website https://www.silencercentral.com/ X https://x.com/Silencercentral Instagram https://www.instagram.com/silencercentral Facebook https://www.facebook.com/SilencerCentral/ US Law Shield Legal Defense for Self Defense. Use "RSWC" as the discount code and get 2 months for free! https://www.uslawshield.com/ Patriot Mobile Use this link and get one month for free! https://patriotmobile.com/partners/rswc  

Kids today have a lot to worry about. Getting through adolescence was hard enough in generations past, but these days, kids have more anxieties than ever. And who can blame them? There were 83 school shootings in 2024 and gun violence is now the number one cause of death for kids.In 2023, 40% of high school students reported persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness, and that increases to 53% when you just ask girls. And if you ask LGBTQ kids, that number goes all the way up to 65%. Even sadder, suicide has become the second-leading cause of death for kids between 10 and 14.There's a lot of concern about kids' phone use, especially social media, and that certainly plays a role. But some experts believe that just two things are primarily to blame for most mental health crises: poverty and violence. And of course the Trump administration has been making both of those issues worse, catering to the NRA and cutting programs that support working families. He closed the White House Office for Gun Violence Prevention and, just last month, approved the sale of “forced reset triggers” that allow normal guns to fire like machine guns.Trump also cut $1 billion in funding for student mental health services. Yes, one billion dollars taken away from helping kids with their mental health.There's no lack of internet opinions about parenting, and when it comes to things like social media, you know your own kids best. But we know how to improve outcomes for kids across the country: funding for mental health services, better gun safety laws, assistance for families who need help with food or housing, and protection for kids who live with domestic abuse. The Trump administration has been moving us backwards on every one of these issues and it's on us to speak up for kids.For a transcript of this episode, please email comms@redwine.blue. You can learn more about us at www.redwine.blue or follow us on social media! Twitter: @TheSWPpod and @RedWineBlueUSA Instagram: @RedWineBlueUSA Facebook: @RedWineBlueUSA YouTube: @RedWineBlueUSA

Kids today have a lot to worry about. Getting through adolescence was hard enough in generations past, but these days, kids have more anxieties than ever. And who can blame them? There were 83 school shootings in 2024 and gun violence is now the number one cause of death for kids.In 2023, 40% of high school students reported persistent feelings of sadness or hopelessness, and that increases to 53% when you just ask girls. And if you ask LGBTQ kids, that number goes all the way up to 65%. Even sadder, suicide has become the second-leading cause of death for kids between 10 and 14.There's a lot of concern about kids' phone use, especially social media, and that certainly plays a role. But some experts believe that just two things are primarily to blame for most mental health crises: poverty and violence. And of course the Trump administration has been making both of those issues worse, catering to the NRA and cutting programs that support working families. He closed the White House Office for Gun Violence Prevention and, just last month, approved the sale of “forced reset triggers” that allow normal guns to fire like machine guns.Trump also cut $1 billion in funding for student mental health services. Yes, one billion dollars taken away from helping kids with their mental health.There's no lack of internet opinions about parenting, and when it comes to things like social media, you know your own kids best. But we know how to improve outcomes for kids across the country: funding for mental health services, better gun safety laws, assistance for families who need help with food or housing, and protection for kids who live with domestic abuse. The Trump administration has been moving us backwards on every one of these issues and it's on us to speak up for kids.

We Like Shooting Episode 612 This episode of We Like Shooting is brought to you by: Black Rhino Concealment, Swampfox Optics, RMA Defense, Die Free Co., XTech Tactical, Night Fision, and Medical Gear Outfitters   Welcome to the We Like Shooting Show, episode 612! Our cast tonight is Jeremy Pozderac, Aaron Krieger, Nick Lynch, and me Shawn Herrin, welcome to the show! GunCon   PUBLIC EVENT - June 28th Location - Cleveland, Ohio at the Twist Drill Building (1242 E 49th St) Industry/Media Events - June 25-28 (Mixed locations around Cleveland area) https://guncon.net/event/guncon-2025/ Use code wlsislife for $5 off   GOALS August 9th and 10th in Knoxville, Tennessee. https://events.goa.org/goals/   Wes Huber - Vice President of Operations at Shield Arms https://www.shieldarms.com/ Instagram: @shield.arms   Memorial Day moment of silence Gear Chat Nick - Staker SAM Staker SAM Shawn - YouTuber Explores DIY Solutions for Countering Drones The article discusses the use of improvised ammunition by Russian soldiers in the Russo-Ukrainian conflict to combat threats from drones. Efforts to create DIY shotshells for rifles like the AK-74 are highlighted, showcasing various methods tested by soldiers and YouTube channels. The developments could influence the gun community by demonstrating innovative approaches to ammunition manufacturing and usage in combat scenarios. Shawn - 733 C7 build (no summary available) Bullet Points Shawn - Understanding the National Firearms Act: A Historical Overview The article discusses the historical context and current developments regarding the National Firearms Act (NFA) of 1934, highlighting proposed changes in legislation, particularly the "Big Beautiful Bill," which aims to eliminate the $200 tax stamp on NFA items and remove silencers from NFA regulations. If these changes are enacted, they are expected to significantly impact the gun community, potentially leading to increased demand and sales of silencers and NFA items. Shawn - Maztech X4 System Review and Insights (no summary available) Shawn - Cool 3D Printed Rook! 3d Printed Rook Gun Fights Step right up for "Gun Fights," the high-octane segment hosted by Nick Lynch, where our cast members go head-to-head in a game show-style showdown! Each contestant tries to prove their gun knowledge dominance. It's a wild ride of bids, bluffs, and banter—who will come out on top? Tune in to find out! WLS is Lifestyle Aaron's Alley 1911 vs. Gun Control Fools 1911 vs. Gun Control Fools Going Ballistic Another Day, Another Gun Grab U.S. Senate Measure Would Ban Use Of Firearm-Specific Merchant Category Codes ACLU's Immigration Flop ACLU Attempt to Block Criminal Illegal Alien Removals Fails Spectacularly Age Ban? Not on My Watch! Gun Owners Still Fighting to Undo Anti-Gun Age Ban in Florida Cash for Silence? Classic Move! Former NRA President Claims Gun-Control Group Offered $5 Million for Her to Quit Oops! Another Gun Control Fail FBI Agent Faces Gun Charges After Fatal Stafford County Shooting Former NRA President's Shocking Revelation: Gun Control Advocates Try to Buy Silence with $5 Million A former NRA president alleges that a gun-control organization attempted to persuade her to resign by offering her $5 million. This claim highlights the ongoing tensions between gun rights advocates and gun control activists, indicating that financial incentives are being used in the battle over gun legislation, further galvanizing the gun community's resolve against such tactics. H9 shilling has reached a fever pitch. (no summary available) When Armed Homeowners Take Out the Trash An armed homeowner in California confronted an alleged intruder, resulting in the intruder's death.

  Last time we spoke about the Xi'an Incident. In December 1936, tensions in China erupted as Nationalist General Chiang Kai-shek faced a revolt led by his commanders, Zhang Xueliang and Yang Hucheng. Disillusioned by Chiang's focus on battling communists instead of the Japanese invaders, the generals swiftly captured him in a coup. Confined in Xi'an, Chiang initially resisted their demands for a united front against Japan but eventually engaged in negotiation with Zhang and the Chinese Communist Party. As public sentiment shifted against him, Chiang's predicament led to urgent discussions, culminating in an unexpected alliance with the communists. This pact aimed to consolidate Chinese resistance against Japanese aggression, marking a critical turning point in the Second Sino-Japanese War. By December 26, Chiang was released, and this uneasy collaboration set the stage for a more unified front against a common enemy, though underlying tensions remained between the factions.   #152 China Prepares for War Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Before we jump into the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945, which I honestly have no idea how long will take us, I thought it would be a good idea to dedicate two episodes to how both China and Japan prepared themselves for war.  Going all the way back to the 1910s, Chinese intellectuals began to view an outright conflict between Japan and China was inevitable. In the discussions about China's strategic options, Jiang Fangzhen pioneered a strategy of protracted warfare, a concept that would later shape China's approach during the Sino-Japanese War. Having studied in Japan during his youth, Jiang developed a keen understanding of the Japanese government and military. As early as 1917, he predicted that China and Japan would become embroiled in a long-term conflict, with the battleground likely to be west of the Peiping–Wuhan and Guangzhou–Wuhan railways. In his work titled "Guofang Lun" or “On National Defense”, Jiang reiterated the importance of protracted warfare as a means to thwart Japan's aspirations for a swift victory. He argued that China should leverage its vast population and extensive territory to extend the conflict, gradually wearing down Japanese strength and turning the situation to its advantage. Jiang recommended that China not focus on defending its coastal regions but instead confront the enemy west of the Peking–Wuhan Railway.   Chiang Kai-shek would eventually come to share Jiang's belief that “the longer the war drags on, the more advantageous it will be for China.” Despite significant public criticism, both the Nationalist government and General Zhang Xueliang, decided against military resistance when Japan invaded Manchuria in September 1931 and attacked Shanghai in 1932. Chiang was particularly hesitant to engage Japan directly, as he was also dealing with a Communist insurgency in central China. He feared that Chinese forces would suffer quick defeat, predicting that Japan would capture key coastal areas and critical infrastructure within just three days, crippling China by dismantling its military and economic lifelines. Following the invasion of North China Chiang was forced to adopt a firmer stance. The Nationalist government proposed a dual strategy of pursuing peace and security while simultaneously preparing for war. If peace proved impossible, China would mobilize its resources for ultimate victory through prolonged conflict. This approach was formalized in the National Defense Plan, which China adopted by prioritizing protracted warfare as its core strategy. After the Sino-Japanese clash in Shanghai on January 28, 1932, the Military Affairs Commission devised a plan that divided China into four defense areas along with a preparation area. While some troops were assigned local security, commanders were directed to concentrate their remaining forces for potential confrontations with Japan. That year, the Military Affairs Commission issued General Defense Guidelines that outlined two strategic responses to a potential Japanese invasion. The first, conservative approach focused on maintaining key positions and utilizing protracted warfare to impede the enemy. The second strategy advocated for decisive battles in key regions to thwart Japan's ambitions and protect China's territorial integrity, prioritizing disengagement from Japanese forces along the Yangtze River and coastline. In August 1935, German military adviser General Alexander von Falkenhausen provided recommendations to Chiang Kai-shek based on his predictions of Japanese advance routes into China. He identified three main routes: one from northern Hebei to Zhengzhou, the second from Shandong toward Xuzhou, and the third crossing the Yangtze River to Nanjing and onwards to Wuhan. He suggested treating the Yangtze River as the primary combat zone and highlighted Sichuan as a possible retreat area. Taking all of this into consideration. in 1936, a draft of a new National Defense Plan divided the country into four zones: a war zone, a defense zone, an internal security zone, and a preparation area. The war zone encompassed ten provinces and established strategies for retreating to predetermined defensive positions when necessary, with Sichuan designated as the main base for the war. In January 1937, the Chinese General Staff Department introduced its annual War Plan, outlining three possible military conflict regions between China and Japan. It proposed two main strategies: Proposal A emphasized sustained combat and retreat to fortified positions if the situation became unfavorable, aiming to eventually go on the offensive against Japan. Proposal B focused on repelling Japanese invasions along the coast and from the north, prioritizing counter offensives against Japanese units stationed near key locations. To prepare, the NRA completed several critical projects outlined in its plans, establishing military supply depots in Nanjing, Bengbu, Xinyang, Huayin, Nanchang, and Wuchang to manage logistics for supplies across various strategic railways. These depots were equipped to sustain the military, with ample ammunition and provisions, including 60 million rounds of small-arms ammunition and food for hundreds of thousands. Despite these preparations, not all projects were completed by the time war broke out in July 1937. In contrast to the Japanese military's tactics, Chinese forces prioritized defensive strategies. For example, at the Mount Lushan Military Officer Training Camp in July 1934, Chiang Kai-shek outlined four possible approaches against Japan, favoring a defense-as-offense strategy. Other options included building fortifications, tenaciously defending key positions, and employing guerrilla warfare through irregular forces to constrain enemy advances. Chiang stressed the importance of national mobilization for the war effort.  There was a significant disparity in equipment between the Japanese and Chinese armies. To give you an idea, each Japanese division included a mechanized group featuring thirty-nine light military vehicles and 21 light armored cars, supplemented by 6,000–7,000 horses, 200–300 automobiles, and specialized troops such as poison gas teams. In contrast, Nationalist divisions lacked any of these capabilities, a typical nationalist division theoretically had an armored regiment, but this unit was equipped with fewer than 72 armored vehicles. Another major weakness of the Nationalist forces was their insufficient artillery. In 1936, a division was officially assigned one artillery battalion, which was divided into three batteries totaling twelve guns. It also included a mechanized cannon company with four direct-fire weapons. By comparison, a Japanese division boasted four infantry regiments and one mountain artillery or field artillery regiment, with each artillery regiment comprising three field artillery battalions and one howitzer battalion. The infantry regiment itself included a mountain artillery section with four mountain guns, while the infantry battalion had one Type 70 mountain gun section with two guns. In total, a Japanese division possessed sixty-four artillery pieces of various calibers, four times the number of a Chinese division and of significantly higher quality. In reality, in 1936, twelve of the twenty elite Chinese “reformed divisions” still lacked artillery battalions. The ordnance available in the “reformed divisions” mostly consisted of the outdated Type 60 mountain gun. Nationwide, very few of the 200 divisions were equipped with any artillery, and those that did often used obsolete field artillery pieces or mountain artillery provided to local forces. Some units even relied on trench mortars as a makeshift solution. The artillery weapons came from various countries, but they frequently lacked necessary observation and signal components, and were often low on ammunition. The majority of mountain guns and field artillery were of the Type 75, which, while capable of providing fire support, had limited range and inflicted minimal damage. To give you an idea of the striking inadequacy of the Chinese artillery, during the Shanghai fighting in 1937, the mountain artillery of the Guangxi 21st Army Group could only reach targets within 1,200 yards, while Japanese field artillery had an effective range of 8,000 yards. Chinese-made mountain artillery suffered due to inferior steel-making technology; the gun shields were constructed from low-quality steel, and the barrels often overheated after firing just a few rounds, increasing the risk of explosions. Additionally, the equipment of local forces varied greatly in quality. In fact, some local units had superior equipment compared to Nationalist units. For example, before the Sino-Japanese War, troops from Yunnan were equipped with French antitank guns and heavy machine guns, which were better than the German water-cooled machine guns used by the Nationalist forces. However, the majority of local troops relied on inferior equipment; the 122nd Division under Wang Mingzhang from Sichuan, noted for its brave defense of Tengxian County during the Xuzhou Battle, was armed with locally produced light and heavy machine guns that frequently malfunctioned, and their Type 79 rifles, also made in Sichuan, were often outdated, with some dating back to the Qing Dynasty. These weapons had limited range and sometimes malfunctioned after fewer than one hundred rounds. Now before the war, both Nationalist and local forces acquired weaponry from diverse foreign and domestic sources. Even domestically produced weapons lacked standardization, with those made in Hanyang and Manchuria differing in design and specifications. Arms manufactured in Germany, France, Russia, Japan, and Italy were similarly inconsistent. Consequently, even within a single unit, the lack of uniformity created significant logistical challenges, undermining combat effectiveness, particularly in the early stages of the war. Despite Nationalist ordnance factories producing over three million rounds of small-arms ammunition daily, the incompatibility of ammunition and weapons diminished the usable quantity of ammunition. Chinese communications infrastructure was inadequate. In the Nationalist army, signal units were integrated into engineering units, leading to low-quality radio communications. In emergencies, telegrams could remain undelivered for days, and orders often had to be dispatched via postal services. By 1937, the entire country boasted only 3,000 military vehicles, necessitating heavy reliance on horses and mules for transport. To effectively equip twenty Nationalist divisions, 10,647 horses and 20,688 mules were needed, but by the end of 1935, only 6,206 horses and 4,351 mules were available. A statistic from 1936 indicated a 5 percent mortality rate among military horses, with some units experiencing a rate as high as 10 percent. The distribution of weaponry led to disputes during army reorganization efforts following the Northern Expedition. Although Chiang Kai-shek's forces were part of the regular army, the quality of their equipment varied significantly. Domestic production of weapons was limited, and imports could not close the gap. Priority was given to small arms; through army reorganization, Chiang aimed to diminish the influence of forces less loyal to him. Nationalist army staff officers observed that troops loyal to Chiang received the best weapons. Northwest and Northeast forces, having cultivated good relations with the KMT, were similarly better equipped, while Shanxi troops received inferior supplies. Troops associated with the Guangxi Clique were given even poorer quality weapons due to their leaders' stronger political ambitions. Troops regarded as “bandit forces,” such as those led by Shi Yousan, Li Hongchang, and Sun Dianying, were naturally assigned the least effective weaponry. This unequal distribution of arms increased some local forces' inclination to align with the KMT while alienating others, which inadvertently led to additional turmoil in the aftermath of the Northern Expedition. Logistical accounting within the Nationalist military was severely lacking. Military expenditures accounted for a significant portion of government spending, roughly 65.48 % in 1937, with personnel costs being the largest component. However, military units prioritized boosting their own resources over accurate accounting. Surpluses were not returned but rather utilized to reward military officers and soldiers for merits in battle, care for the wounded, or to create a reserve. Conversely, if deficits arose, troops would resort to “living off vacancies,” a practice in which they would fail to report desertions promptly and would falsely claim new soldiers had arrived. Military leaders typically appointed their most trusted subordinates to serve as accountants and logistic officers. As the war commenced, these issues became readily apparent. During the Battle of Shanghai in 1937, frontline soldiers sometimes went days without food and went months without pay. Wounded soldiers and civilians had to search tirelessly for medical treatment, and when main forces relocated, they often abandoned grain, ammunition, weapons, and petroleum along the way. General Chen Cheng, the commander in chief during the Battle of Shanghai, noted, “This phenomenon clearly revealed our inability to supply frontline troops, indicating that China remains a backward country with poor management.” Many logistical shortcomings severely impacted troop morale and combat effectiveness. In a 1933 speech, Chiang Kai-shek acknowledged that poor food, inadequate clothing, and ineffective logistics contributed to widespread desertion. Soldiers were further demoralized by reduced or embezzled salaries. A lack of professional medical staff and equipment hampered healthcare efforts, leading to high disease and mortality rates. According to official statistics from 1936, approximately 10 percent of soldiers fell ill annually, with a mortality rate as high as 5 percent. Japanese military authorities reported that one in three wounded Japanese soldiers died, while a Dutch military officer present during the early stages of the Sino-Japanese War observed that one in every two wounded Nationalist soldiers perished. Due to inadequate equipment and limited transport options, Nationalist forces were compelled to recruit farmers and rent vehicles, as they lacked essential facilities such as tents. This reliance on local resources inevitably led to frequent conflicts between military personnel and civilians. China is clearly a vast nation with an extensive coastline, requiring the construction of several significant fortresses during the modern era. These included Wusong, Jiangyin, Zhenjiang, Jiangning, and Wuhan along the Yangtze River, as well as Zhenhai, Humen, and Changzhou along the seacoast. Except for the Wuhan fortress, built in 1929-1930, all other fortifications were established during the late Qing Dynasty and featured uncovered cannon batteries. These fortresses suffered from inadequate maintenance, and many of their components had become outdated and irreplaceable, rendering them militarily negligible. Following the January 1932 Shanghai Incident, the Japanese military destroyed the Wusong forts, leaving the entrance to the Yangtze River completely unfortified. Consequently, there were no defenses along the coastline from Jiangsu to Shandong, allowing the Japanese to land freely. In December 1932, the Military Affairs Commission established a fortress group tasked with constructing fortresses and defensive installations, seeking assistance from German military advisers. After the North China Incident in 1935, the Nationalist government accelerated the construction of defensive structures in line with national war planning, focusing particularly on Nanjing. The Nationalists prioritized building fortifications along the seacoast and the Yellow River, followed by key regions north of the Yellow River. The government also ordered a significant quantity of heavy artillery from Germany. This included several dozen pieces of flat-fire antiaircraft and dual-purpose heavy artillery, which were installed at fortifications in Jiangyin, Zhenjiang, Nanjing, and Wuhan. By the summer of 1937, the construction of nine fortified positions was complete: Nanjing, Zhenjiang, Jiangyin, Ningbo, Humen, Mawei, Xiamen , Nantong, and Lianyungang. In total, China had established 41 forts and equipped them with 273 fortress cannons. Some defensive installations were poorly managed, with many units assigned to their perimeters lacking training and access to proper maps. The barbette positions in the fortresses were not well concealed and could hardly store sufficient ammunition. Troops stationed at these fortresses received little training. Despite these shortcomings, the fortresses and fortifications were not entirely ineffective. They bolstered Chinese positions along the defense line stretching from Cangxian County to Baoding and from Dexian County to Shijiazhuang, as well as in southern Shandong.  Before the war, China's political and economic center was situated along the seacoast and the Yangtze River. As Japanese influence expanded, the Nationalist government was compelled to establish bases in China's inner regions, very similar to how the USSR pulled back its industry further west after Operation barbarossa.The Japanese attack on Shanghai in 1932 prompted the Nationalists to relocate their capital to Luoyang. On March 5, during the Second Plenary Session of the KMT's Fourth Congress, the Western Capital Preparation Committee was formed to plan for the potential relocation of all governmental bodies to Xi'an in the event of full-scale war. In February 1933, the Central Political Conference approved the Northwest Development Bill, and in February 1934, the National Economic Commission set up a northwestern branch to oversee development projects in the region. On October 18, 1934, Chiang Kai-shek traveled to Lanzhou, recording in his diary that “Northwest China has abundant resources. Japan and Russia are poised to bully us. Yet, if we strengthen ourselves and develop northwest China to the fullest extent, we can turn it into a base for China's revival.” Interestingly, it was Sichuan, rather than the northwest, that became China's rear base during the 2nd Sino-Japanese War. In October 1934, the Communist army evacuated its Soviet base in southern China, initiating the Long March that would ultimately end in the northwest. By this time, Chiang Kai-shek had decided to designate Sichuan as the last stronghold for China. In January 1935, the Nanchang Field Headquarters of the Military Affairs Commission, responsible for combatting the Communists and serving as the supreme military and political authority over most provinces along the Yangtze River and central China, dispatched a special advisory group to Chongqing. Following this, the Nationalist army advanced into Sichuan. On February 10, the Nationalists appointed a new provincial government in Sichuan, effectively ending the province's long-standing regionalism. On March 2, Chiang traveled to Chongqing, where he delivered a speech underscoring that “Sichuan should serve as the base for China's revival.” He stated that he was in Sichuan to oversee efforts against the Communist army and to unify the provincial administration.  After the Xinhai revolution, the Republic of China was still suing the Qing Dynasty's conscription system. However, once in power, the Nationalist government sought to establish a national military service program. In 1933, it enacted a military service law, which began implementation in 1936. This law categorized military service into two branches: service in the Nationalist army and in territorial citizen army units. Men aged eighteen to forty-five were expected to serve in the territorial units if they did not enlist in the Nationalist army. The territorial service was structured into three phases: active service lasting two to three years, first reserves for six years, and second reserves until the age of forty-five. The Ministry of Military Affairs divided China into sixty divisional conscription headquarters, initially establishing these headquarters in the six provinces of Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui, Jiangxi, Henan, and Hubei. By December 1936, approximately 50,000 new soldiers had been drafted. The military service law disproportionately favored the middle and upper classes. Government personnel were exempt from enlistment, allowing privileged families to register their children with government agencies. Similarly, students in middle and higher education were excused from service, while youth from poorer backgrounds often felt compelled to enlist due to financial constraints that limited their educational opportunities. Village and town leaders were responsible for executing the recruitment process and frequently conspired with army recruiters. Recruitment principles often favored wealthier families, with guidelines stating that one son should be drafted for every three sons, two for five sons, but no drafts if there was only one son. Wealthy families could secure exemptions for all their male children, while poor families might see their only son conscripted if they were unable to provide the requisite bribe. Town and village heads wielded significant power in recruitment. This new recruitment system also created numerous money-making opportunities. Military personnel assigned to escort draftees to their units would often allow draftees to escape for a fee. Additionally, draftees could monetize their service by agreeing to serve as substitutes for others. For some, being drafted became an occupation. For example, in 1936, 600 individuals were drafted in the Wuhu area of Anhui province, and accounts from regional administrators indicated that every draftee had either been traded, replaced, or seized. Beginning in 1929, the Nationalist government also instituted military training for high school students and older individuals. Students were required to participate in one theoretical class and one practical class each week, totaling three hours. Starting in 1934, students had to complete a three-month military training program before graduating. Graduates of military academies were employed as military instructors. By the end of 1936, over 237,000 high school students had undergone military training. This student military training was overseen by the Society for the Implementation of the Three People's Principles of Sun Yat-sen, which also provided political education and sometimes gathered information on students' political beliefs.  Although the Nationalists made significant efforts to improve the military training of both officers and troops, they inherited deep-seated challenges that they were unable to completely overcome. A lack of facilities, outdated training manuals, low regard for military instructors, and the ongoing influence of regionalism and warlordism hindered progress. The Japanese would also later exploit these shortcomings of the Nationalist army. The Central Military Academy, which evolved from the Whampoa Military Academy established in 1923 in Guangzhou to train officers for the Northern Expedition, became the primary training institution for junior military officers. The academy offered a basic course, lasting eighteen months, which included general education, specialized training in various subjects, and field practice. This was followed by a two-year cadet training program focused on developing the skills necessary for junior military officers. Seventeen classes were admitted before the outbreak of war. Admission to the academy was highly competitive, with military officers receiving attractive salaries. For instance, in 1935, the academy received 10,000 applications for the twelfth class, but only 7% were accepted. Upon graduation, cadets were typically assigned to divisions within the Nationalist army loyal to Chiang Kai-shek. Their training, influenced by German advisors, resulted in a high-quality cadre. In modern China, most sergeants were veterans. While some units provided training for sergeants, a lack of formal education led to their diminished status. Truly qualified sergeants were rare. During his tenure as Minister of Military Training, General Bai Chongxi proposed establishing a sergeant school and creating a professional noncommissioned officer system; however, the Ministry of Military Affairs opposed this on financial grounds. While commanding officers enjoyed rapid promotions, military instructors did not. Furthermore, there was no system for transferring instructors to field commands or assigning commanders to military academies for extended periods. Despite minor updates to cover modern warfare concepts such as tank warfare and machine guns, Qing Dynasty military manuals were still in use at the Central Military Academy at the start of the war. Yeah, 1937 they were still rocking the old Qing books. Following the establishment of the Ministry of Military Training, a bureau for military translation was set up to evaluate existing course materials and translate military manuals, but its contributions were limited. Another significant shortcoming of military instruction focused on theory at the expense of practical application.  To enhance the quality of military officers, the Nationalist army instituted specialized schools for artillery, infantry, transport, engineering, and signals starting in 1931. These institutions were considered to have high-quality administrators and facilities. The Nationalists adopted German military training models, replacing the previously used Japanese models. They appointed German advisors to oversee instructor training at military academies and established three instructional divisions. By the onset of the Sino-Japanese War, 15,000 students had graduated from programs with a German military influence, resulting in the creation of about fifty combat divisions from these instructional units. However, the progress of other Nationalist army units was limited because their training was not aligned with contemporary battlefield realities. Before World War I, troops operated in close formations due to limited firepower. The widespread introduction of machine guns after World War I necessitated a shift to dispersed formations. Although a new drill manual issued by the Ministry of Military Training in 1935 introduced small-group tactics, few units adopted these methods. General Chen Cheng highlighted another underlying issue in 1938, commenting on the outmoded focus on parade ground drills and formal military manners. He noted, “We have paid too much attention to stereotypical formality and procedures of no practical use. Sometimes, even though soldiers could not get a haircut or take a bath for several months, their camps had to be in order. They underwent intensive training in close-order drill but learned little about gun handling, marksmanship, or maneuvering. This was inappropriate in peacetime, yet we continued this practice even after the Sino-Japanese War started, even using it on highly educated youth.” In contrast, the Communist army simplified training, emphasizing two essential skills: live-fire exercises and physical endurance, which significantly enhanced troop effectiveness in the challenging terrain characteristic of the Sino-Japanese War. Ultimately, the Nationalist army's training did not reach all soldiers. Only about half of all combat soldiers received adequate training, while the rest were neglected. According to statistics from the time, there were approximately five million military personnel during the Sino-Japanese War, with three million serving in logistics. Most of these logistics personnel had received little training, leading to disastrous consequences for overall combat effectiveness. As warfare has become more complex, the role of highly trained staff officers has become increasingly important. Napoleon developed operational plans close to the front and communicated orders via courier. During World War I, military commanders collected information at their headquarters and utilized telephones and automobiles to relay orders to the front lines. In World War II, with the battlefield expanding to include land, sea, and air, senior commanders often made decisions from headquarters far from the action, relying on a significant number of staff officers with specialized skills to keep them informed. In China, however, the staff officer system was underdeveloped. By 1937, only about 2,000 commanders and staff officers had received training. Prior to the Sino-Japanese War, most commanders managed staff work themselves, with staff officers serving primarily as military secretaries who drafted orders, reports, and maps. Many staff officers had no formal military training, and as a whole, the branch lacked respect, causing the most talented officers to avoid serving in it. The situation was even more dire for staff officer departments within local forces. For example, in March 1937, Liu Ziqing, a graduate of the Whampoa Military Academy, was appointed as the director of political instruction in the Forty-fourth Army, a unit under Sichuan warlord Liu Xiang. Liu Ziqing's account illustrates the dysfunction within the ranks: “The commander in chief was not supposed to manage the army and even did not know its whereabouts... But he could appoint relatives and former subordinates—who were officials and businessmen as well—to the army. Each month they would receive a small stipend. At headquarters, there was a long table and two rows of chairs. Around ten o'clock in the morning, senior officers signed in to indicate their presence. Those with other business would leave, while the remaining officers sat down to leisurely discuss star actresses, fortune-telling, business projects, mah-jongg, and opium. Occasionally they would touch on national affairs, chat about news articles, or share local gossip. In the afternoons, they primarily played mah-jongg, held banquets, and visited madams. Most mornings, the commander usually presided over these activities, and at first, I reported for duty as well. But I soon realized it was a waste of time and came very rarely. At headquarters, most staff members wore long gowns or Western-style suits, while military uniforms were a rare sight.” Most senior military personnel were trained at the Baoding Military Academy during the early republic. 2/3rds of commanders in chief, 37 %of army commanders, and 20 % of division commanders were Baoding graduates. Higher-ranking officers were more likely to have launched their careers there. In contrast, only 10 % of division commanders and a few army commanders were graduates of the Whampoa Military Academy. Additionally, commanders trained in local military schools and those with combat experience accounted for 1/3rd of all commanders. While the prevalence of civil war provided opportunities for rapid promotion, it also hindered officers' ability to update their training or gain experience in different military branches. German advisors expressed their concerns to Chiang Kai-shek, emphasizing that officers should first serve in junior roles before taking command. During one battle in 1938, Chiang noted, “Our commanders in chief are equivalent only to our enemy's regiment commanders, and our army and division commanders are only as competent as our enemy's battalion and company commanders.” Despite not viewing high-ranking Japanese officers as great strategists, Nationalist officers respected them as highly competent, diligent, and professional commanders who rarely made critical errors. The infantry was the primary component of the Nationalist army, with middle and junior infantry officers constituting over 80 %of all army officers. A 1936 registry of military officers listed 1,105 colonels and 2,159 lieutenant colonels within the infantry, demonstrating a significant outnumbering of Baoding graduates at ranks below lieutenant colonel. However, the quality of middle and junior infantry officers declined during the Sino-Japanese War; by 1944, only 27.3 % of these officers were from formal military academies, while those promoted from the ranks increased to 28.1 %. In 1937, 80 % of officers in an ordinary infantry battalion were military academy graduates, but this percentage dropped to 20 % during the war. Its hard to tell how educated soldiers were before the war, but it is generally believed that most were illiterate. In 1929, sociologist Tao Menghe surveyed 946 soldiers from a Shanxi garrison brigade and found that only 13 percent could compose a letter independently, while the rest had either never learned to read or were unable to write. In contrast, in August 1938, General Feng Yuxiang found that 80 percent of a regiment in Hunan were literate. Regardless, during the Sino-Japanese War, the quality of recruits steadily declined. More than 90 percent of soldiers were illiterate, and few possessed any basic scientific knowledge, which hindered their ability to master their weapons. On the battlefield, they heavily relied on middle and junior officers for guidance.  In autumn 1933, General Hans von Seeckt, the architect of the post World War I German army, visited China at the personal invitation of Chiang Kai-shek. In his recommendations for military reform, he identified China's greatest problem as its excessively large forces drawn from diverse backgrounds. He stated, “At present, the most pressing goal is to... establish a small, well-equipped army with high morale and combat effectiveness to replace the numerous poorly armed and trained forces.” He suggested forming an army of sixty divisions and recommended the establishment of a training regiment for military officers to equip them with the skills needed for modern warfare. Chiang Kai-shek accepted von Seeckt's proposals, and on January 26, 1935, he convened a National Military Reorganization Conference in Nanjing. On March 1, the Army Reorganization Bureau was established in Wuchang, under the leadership of General Chen Cheng. In the same month, General Alexander von Falkenhausen took charge of the German Military Advisors Group. Before war broke out, around nineteen divisions, roughly 300,000 troops received training from German advisors and were equipped with German-style weapons. At the onset of the Sino-Japanese War, the forces stemming from the First Army of the National Revolutionary Army and the Whampoa cadets, who had fought in the Northern Expedition, held the highest reputation and were referred to as the “core central forces” by the Japanese. Other notable forces included the Guangxi Army, Northwestern Army, Northeastern Army, some Uyghur units, the Guangdong Army, and the Shanxi Army. In contrast, provincial forces such as the Yunnan Army and Sichuan Army were viewed less favorably. Nationalist forces were generally far inferior to those of the Japanese enemy. In 1937, General He Yingqin noted that Nationalist forces had failed to prevail in 1932 and 1933, even when outnumbering the Japanese by 4-1.  In November 1937, during a national defense conference, Chiang Kai-shek stated, "In recent years we have worked hard, prepared actively, and achieved national unification. By the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, we were in a better domestic situation and had improved military preparedness compared to before. Since 1935, our strength has doubled. It increased by more than two to three times since January 1932 or September 1931 [when Japan attacked Shanghai and Mukden]. If peace had been achievable, we should have delayed the war for two or three years. Given an additional three years, our defensive capabilities would have been drastically different... Now, if we merely compare the military strength of China and Japan, we are certainly inferior." However, such assessments were overly optimistic, as Chiang failed to recognize that Japan's military capabilities would not have stagnated. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Generalissimo Chiang Kai-Shek certainly was dealt a difficult hand of cards for the upcoming poker match he was to play. Yet the Chinese were resilient and they had to be for the absolute horror that would be inflicted upon them from 1937-1945. Until this point, their enemies had been far more lenient, the Empire of Japan would show no mercy.

Hello everyone and welcome back to This Week in Guns, brought to you by Patriot Patch Company, FFLPayments, and MAF Corporation. This show offers commentary on the latest firearms industry news, information and buzz. I'm your host Matthew Larosiere and I'm joined by the ratman. Rare DWEEBS and NAGR take a big big L President Donald Crump Will CUT ABUSES Traditional Arms: Fuddbusters and Ratman Surprising Surprisers Surprise? Or not. Or yes. Or not.  Weapons Grade Illiteracy Causes Much Angst MAF Corp: Fudbdusterss SCOTUS Denies Cert in Minnesota 18-21 Ban Case, Law Goes Bye Bye Washington Permit to Purchase Passes and also Mag Bans will stay FFL Payments Hawaiian Assault Weapon Ban Somehow Killed Patriot patch Co. TWIG10   Matt Larosiere and Ivan T. Troll dive into the Ruger 10/22 controversy, exploring its reliability and quality, and discuss modifications and a .22 self-loading guns project. They analyze the force reset trigger settlement, examining legal challenges, public reactions, and historical court rulings. The episode critiques the Cargill decision's impact and the settlement's legal significance, while questioning the credibility of organizations like NAGR. They address the White House's press release and ATF policies, and discuss homemade firearms and the Supreme Court's stance. The episode also covers HR 1 implications, Silencer Central's lobbying controversy, and the NRA's historical influence on gun rights. Timestamps: 0:00 Episode introduction and sponsor mentions 1:01 Ruger 10/22 controversy: reliability and quality 10:33 Ruger 10/22 modifications and .22 self-loading guns project 14:44 Force reset trigger settlement: analysis and legal challenges 27:15 Force reset trigger settlement: public reactions and historical court rulings 31:08 Legal strategies, implications, and potential outcomes of the settlement 38:32 Impact of the Cargill decision and critique of settlement's legal significance 45:17 Credibility and intentions of NAGR and national organizations' mistakes 53:10 White House press release and ATF policies critique 55:47 Homemade firearms, the Supreme Court's stance, and '65 Ford analogy 1:02:22 Potential settlement scenarios under different administrations 1:04:16 Sponsor: Traditional Arms 1:05:20 HR 1 implications and the Byrd rule's impact on gun laws 1:17:09 Silencer Central lobbying controversy and misinformation in gun rights 1:27:06 NRA's historical impact and Supreme Court decisions on gun rights 1:32:45 Media sensationalism, audience fatigue, and repetitive content critique 1:34:33 Permit to purchase law and magazine ban ruling in Washington 1:40:10 Sponsor: FFLpaymentprocessing.com 1:40:23 Hawaii's assault weapon ban defeat and Patriot Patch Company mention 1:43:26 Apologies, upcoming content, and community engagement 1:44:45 Closing remarks

 In this gripping episode, we sit down with Stephen Willeford, the man who courageously intervened during the 2017 Sutherland Springs church shooting, one of the deadliest mass shootings in American history. Willeford, a former NRA instructor and lifelong resident of Sutherland Springs, recounts the harrowing events of that day—how he heard gunfire from his home, grabbed his rifle, and confronted the gunman, barefoot. But this conversation goes deeper than headlines. We explore the aftermath: the emotional toll, his reflections on faith, the responsibilities of gun ownership, and how one act of courage changed the course of many lives. This episode is a powerful meditation on trauma, heroism, community, and personal responsibility in the face of unimaginable violence.  

-Donald Trump receives a hero's welcome at the NRA convention, emphasizing Second Amendment rights and national restoration. -Rob confronts the media's longstanding Biden cover-up and the new prostate cancer reports. Today's podcast is sponsored by : BIRCH GOLD - Protect and grow your retirement savings with gold. Text ROB to 98 98 98 for your FREE information kit! EASY PLANS : Make buying life insurance easy at http://EasyPlans.com   To call in and speak with Rob Carson live on the show, dial 1-800-922-6680 between the hours of 12 Noon and 3:00 pm Eastern Time Monday through Friday…E-mail Rob Carson at : RobCarsonShow@gmail.com Musical parodies provided by Jim Gossett (www.patreon.com/JimGossettComedy) Listen to Newsmax LIVE and see our entire podcast lineup at http://Newsmax.com/Listen Make the switch to NEWSMAX today! Get your 15 day free trial of NEWSMAX+ at http://NewsmaxPlus.com Looking for NEWSMAX caps, tees, mugs & more? Check out the Newsmax merchandise shop at : http://nws.mx/shop Follow NEWSMAX on Social Media:  -Facebook: http://nws.mx/FB  -X/Twitter: http://nws.mx/twitter -Instagram: http://nws.mx/IG -YouTube: https://youtube.com/NewsmaxTV -Rumble: https://rumble.com/c/NewsmaxTV -TRUTH Social: https://truthsocial.com/@NEWSMAX -GETTR: https://gettr.com/user/newsmax -Threads: http://threads.net/@NEWSMAX  -Telegram: http://t.me/newsmax  -BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/newsmax.com -Parler: http://app.parler.com/newsmax Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In This Episode Erin and Weer'd discuss: Washington state's magazine ban having been upheld by the WA supreme court; some 2A bills that have stalled in House committees; Delaware possibly repealing their ban on automatic knives; Tennessee protecting the lawful commerce of firearms manufactures inside its borders; and the House introducing a bill to reduce the $200 tax fee on suppressors to $0. Suicide touched David's life recently, and he wants to discuss its prevention; and Weer'd gets NRA Director Amanda Suffecool's thoughts on how the annual meeting went. Did you know that we have a Patreon? Join now for the low, low cost of $4/month (that's $1/podcast) and you'll get to listen to our podcast on Friday instead of Mondays, as well as patron-only content like mag dump episodes, our hilarious blooper reels and film tracks. Show Notes Main Topic Washington cements ‘high-capacity' magazine ban in landmark ruling Stalled 2A Bills Need Your Support Delaware Switchblade Ban Repeal Bill Out of Committee Tennessee Broadens Gun Company Liability Protections U.S. House Committee releases plan: Suppressor tax from $200 to $0. Act now to fully remove Suppressors from the NFA! Gun Lovers and other Strangers Walk the Talk America American Foundation for Suicide Prevention Suicide Prevention Resource Center Veterans Crisis Line National Alliance on Mental Illness Mayim Bialik: Suicide Prevention Hold My Guns Brena Bock Author Page David Bock Author Page Team And More Amanda Suffecool Amanda Suffecool Facebook Amanda Suffecool NRA Petition Dark Web of Taxpayer's Money Funds Anti-Gun Organizations The Bloomberg Conspiracy  

James and Nick welcome a couple folks from Western Justice, the NRA for the "western" way of life. A very different vibe from the last episode

NRA's Shooting Illustrated Editor-in-Chief Ed Friedman joins Gun Talk Nation's Ryan Gresham. Ed and Ryan discuss trends in the firearm industry, lasers co-existing with red dots, threat de-escalation do's & don'ts, what exciting new products have gotten their attention, how the NRA is heading in the right direction, and much more.This Gun Talk Nation is brought to you by Leupold, Colt, Range Ready Studios, Tisas USA, Armasight, and Ruger.Get 5% off any order at Optics Planet with code GUNTALK.For more content, subscribe to Gun Talk at guntalktv.com, on Gun Talk's Roku, Apple TV, iOS app, Android app, or find Gun Talk on YouTube, Rumble, Facebook, Instagram, X and guntalk.com. Listen to all Gun Talk Podcasts with Spreaker, iHeart, Apple Podcasts, Spotify or wherever you find podcasts.Copyright ©2025 Freefire Media, LLCBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/gun-talk--6185159/support.

Original Air Date 6/4/2022 Today we take a look at some of the obvious steps we need to take to reduce gun violence in the United States, debunk some of the favored propaganda supporting unfettered gun ownership and explore the origins of how Gun Culture™ was invented by corporations as the frontier era need for guns began to vanish pushing them to convert guns from tools that were needed but not loved into items that were loved though no longer needed. Be part of the show! Leave us a message or text at 202-999-3991 or email Jay@BestOfTheLeft.com Full Show Notes | Transcript BestOfTheLeft.com/Support (Members Get Bonus Shows + No Ads!) Use our links to shop Bookshop.org and Libro.fm for a non-evil book and audiobook purchasing experience! Join our Discord community! SHOW NOTES Ch. 1: Igor Volsky on Ending Gun Violence - CounterSpin - Air Date 5-27-22 Ch. 2: NRA's "Good Guy With A Gun" Theory Failed In Real Time In Uvalde - All In with Chris Hayes - Air Date 5-27-22 Ch. 3: Jordan Klepper Debunks The "Good Guy with a Gun" Argument - The Daily Show - Air Date 12-11-15 Ch. 4: The Second Amendment Isn't About Killing Politicians or Overthrowing Democracy - The Thom Hartmann Program - Air Date 5-31-22 Ch. 5: Supreme Court Justice Warren Burger speaking to Charlayne Hunter-Gault - PBS NewsHour - Air Date 12-16-1991 Ch. 6: How the Gun Industry Used Marketing to Change a Culture - Letters and Politics - Air Date 8-7-19 Ch. 7: Mass Shootings: American Exceptionalism of the Worst Kind - Breaking the Sound Barrier by Amy Goodman - Air Date 5-26-22 SHOW IMAGE: Description: A pencil sketch of a larger-than-life hand gun on the shoulders of a weary man, in the image of Jesus carrying the cross. He stands in a pool of red blood. Credit: “Gun Culture” by Christopher Dombres, Flickr | Public Domain | Changes: Cropped   Produced by Jay! Tomlinson Listen Anywhere! BestOfTheLeft.com/Listen Listen Anywhere!

In This Episode Erin and Weer'd discuss: The Human Behavior Podcast's take on the Nashville shooter; Donald Trump addressed the NRA in a video, and it was underwhelming; Pam Bondi restored the gun rights to 10 people; California is moving to ban Glocks because of switches; Adam Schiff has introduced a new assault weapons ban, and Weer'd fisks it; and Weer'd invited NRA Board of Directors member John Richardson to discuss what happened at the Annual Meeting. Did you know that we have a Patreon? Join now for the low, low cost of $4/month (that's $1/podcast) and you'll get to listen to our podcast on Friday instead of Mondays, as well as patron-only content like mag dump episodes, our hilarious blooper reels and film tracks. Show Notes Main Topic Human Behavior Podcast:  The Parking Lot President Donald J. Trump's Address to NRA Members at the 2025 NRA Annual Meetings & Exhibits Attorney General Granting of Relief; Federal Firearms Privileges California Moves Forward with Controversial “Glock Ban” How to Identify Your Glock's Generation Weer'd Audio Fisk Adam Schiff Announces Assault Weapons Ban Chris Murphy Announces Assault Weapons Ban Adam Schiff Press Release on Assault Weapons Ban Assault Weapons Ban 2025 (PDF) FBI Active Shooter Incidents 20-Year Review, 2000-2019 An Updated Assessment of the Federal Assault Weapons Ban: Impacts on Gun Markets and Gun Violence, 1994-2003 27 Statistics That Describe How Criminals Use and Obtain Illegal Firearms Keeping with Tradition: Preference for the Longstanding Definition of Mass Shooting (PDF) Court says banning gun sales to young adults under 21 is unconstitutional Cities nationwide not reporting crime data to FBI John Richardson 2025 NRA Elected Committees And Appointees Victory In Atlanta! Running By Petition Enters 21st Century  

In This Hour:-- Caleb Giddings details some of the new pistols, revolvers and even rifles from Taurus.-- Is it time for gun owners to return to the NRA after the debacle of the Wayne LaPierre era?  Jeff Knox, of the Firearm Coalition, thinks it is, and explains why.--  Mother's Day discussions of Moms and their guns.Gun Talk 05.11.25 Hour1Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/gun-talk--6185159/support.

Managing Editor Rob Drieslein and Editor Tim Spielman start the show with a Minnesota walleye opener preview, plus a breakdown (already!) on how waterfowl seasons will unfold this year. Then Sharon Stiteler, the Birdchick, drops in to talk spring migration. Linda Bylander joins the show to talk about her retirement as the Minnesota Becoming an […] The post Episode 539 – Fishing opener, birdwatching, outdoors women programs, Iowa bears, new NRA president appeared first on Outdoor News.

Contributing writer Jake Fogleman and I unpack federal lobbying data from the first quarter of 2025, which show that gun-rights groups have been far outspending gun-control advocates on the Hill. We also cover new monthly gun sales data showing a continued slump for the industry. Finally, we discuss a new gun industry liability shield signed into law in Tennessee before wrapping up with some stories from outside The Reload.

Episode 386 Description (Hustler Style):This week on the Cigar Hustlers Podcast, Episode 386, the boys dive into the wild world of trending headlines: Trump wants to bring back Alcatraz—yes, that Alcatraz—sparking a debate hotter than a box of fresh Lanceros. We toast Cinco de Mayo with a nod to history and tequila, while the Real ID deadline looms and travelers panic. Then it's back to what we love—cigar news. Tariffs are lighting up the industry with price hikes from CLE, JRE, Perdomo, and more. We cover the AGANORSA Aniversario drop, the spicy legal drama between Gurkha and Davidoff, and Hooten Young's new RTBA cigar launch at the NRA event. Light up and settle in—this one's packed tighter than a 60-ring gauge!

NRA's Director of Competitive Shooting Cole McCullough shares details of the organization's new America's Rifle Challenge shooting competition.

Last time we spoke about the Battle for the Great Wall of China. In 1933, the Kwantung Army faced logistical struggles and sought political deals with Chinese warlords to seize North China. Despite capturing key areas, chaos reigned as their unauthorized operations defied Tokyo's orders. When Emperor Hirohito demanded a withdrawal, the army reluctantly complied, derailing a coup attempt. Though peace talks followed, distrust persisted, and rogue Japanese commanders plotted fresh offensives. The Tanggu truce was anything but fair to China. The Japanese followed it up with continuous negotiations aimed at slicing more and more out of China. By 1935 North China was practically annexed if but all in official terms. The Japanese seized postal rights, train rights, airline rights, set up puppets to police a new demilitarized zone and seemed never appeased fully. Yet they did not only have their eye on Northern China.    #149 Incidents in North China: Operation Chahar Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. May 1935, marked the peak of Sino-Japanese efforts at reconciliation. Yet this quickly fell apart in June as the Kwantung Army continued to encroach in North China. More specifically they began to look at Chahar province. Between January and May of 1935 some 50 instances of anti-Japanese violence had broken out in North China and behind these outbursts seemed to be Yu Xuecheng, the chairman of Hubei's provincial Government. He was not alone in his efforts as many KMT members, generals in the Central Army and Blue Shirt Society also had helping hands to play. The Japanese were particularly infuriated by incessant attacks from the bandit army led by Sun Yungqin and the assassinations of two pro-Japanese figures operating in Tientsin, Pai Yuhuan and Hu Enpu. Even with th support of the Kwantung Army, maintaining law and order in the demilitarized region established by the Tanggu Trace proved a serious undertaking. The Nanjing government tried exploit the situation, encouraging Sun Yungqin's bandits to create chaos in the demilitarized region. Sun Yungqin's bandit frequently crossed the Great Wall into Rehe in raids. Each time the Kwantung Army attempted to catch them as they fled into the demilitarized region. They particularly liked to do so in the Zunhua district where the official He Xiaoyi supplied the bandits with munitions and provisions. On May 17th, the Kwantung Army was fed up and elected to cross the Great Wall to crush Sun Yungqin once and for all. The Japanese army attache at Peiping, Major Takahasi Tan, notified the Chinese authorities of this decision, claiming the Kwantung Army had the authority to do so under certain provisions within the Tanggu agreement. Beginning on May 20th, the Sugihara Mixed Brigade began its hunt and claimed to have uncovered evidence that Yu Xuecheng had helped guide Sun Yingqin's bandits away from their force. The Japanese also argued the bandits were operating in Manchuria and were calling themselves the “Northeastern Patriotic Volunteers” led by General He Yingqing, the current chairman of the Peiping Branch Military Council.  The bandits were said to have been completely crushed within 5 days by a single brigade. The Japanese also forced the resignation of Yu Xuecheng who refused to organize an anti-chiang kai-shek movement. Shortly before the operation launched, two pro-Japanese newspaper publishers, secretly supported by the Japanese Special Service Agency were assassinated in Tientsin. On May 2nd, Hu Enpu of the Kuochuan pao “national rights” was shot in bed at the Peiyang Hotel in the Japanese concession. That same night, Pai Yuhuan of Chen Pa was murdered in his home. Consul General Kawagoe reported to Tokyo, Hu Enpu and Pai Yuhuan were performing a mission through their newspapers to arouse anti-chiang Kai-shek sentiment in North China. As stated by Kawagoe "Hu and Pai did not have a particularly close personal relationship, but they were regarded with extreme suspicion by the Chinese. Since they were assassinated on the same night, we immediately suspected there was some political intrigue behind these crimes."   Japanese police looked into the matter and discovered the criminals had used a car bearing the plate number 1063 which was owned by Shen Qucheng who was a resident of the Japanese concession. Many suspects were interrogated, and given what they were saying, the Japanese suspected the man behind the assassinations was General Yang Hu, the peace preservation commissioners of Shanghai and an alleged member of the Blue Shirt Society. The Japanese also believed Yang Hu was hiding in the French concessions in Shanghai. In protest of this, the Japanese invoked the Boxer Protocol and Tanggu Truce: “1) The Sun incident and the assassinations of the pro-Japan, proManchukuo newspaperpublishers violated the North China [T'angku] Cease-fire Agreement of May 1933. The North China Cease-fire Agreement stipulated that China would not take any action disturbing the peac e on either side of a line from Lut'ai to Paoti and T'ungchou. The above provision extends to all of China and should of course be applied to any defiant deeds of Chines e officials that threaten the peac e in the Peiping-Tientsin region. The Sun incident and the assassinations of Pai and Hu are clearly contrary to the above agreement.  2) The official note exchanged by China and Japan upon the return of Tientsin in 1902 is applicabl e to the murder of Pai Yühuan. This note stated: "In the event a Chines e national who is employed by a foreign army is accused of disobeying the law, the commander of the army that employs the said Chines e national, in order that the matter may be decided in the most suitable manner has the option of punishing him personally or voluntarily delivering him to the appropriate Chinese authorities. Your government must agree to this arrangement.” Since Pai, as already stated, was in the employ of the Japanese army, his murder is clearly a deed which violates the above note."  Thus the Japanese invoked the right that the commander of the Tientsin garrison had the authority to maintain security and try any criminals. Because the Japanese Army claimed it had authority to conduct investigations, trials and deal punishment within two miles of the Peiping-Shanhaigaun rail line it insisted to do so given the recent events. This actually distorted some of the specifics of the Tanggu Treaty, thus the Japanese were on loose grounds. On May 25th, Tokyo HQ was forewarned of the actions the Kwantung Army would undertake in North China. So Tokyo sent Colonel Sakai Takashi the Tientsin army chief of staff and attache Takahasi Tan called upon Yu Qiaqi, the secretary general of the Political affairs council and General He Yingqin. In fact Sakai backed this up with a threatening public statement: “The execution of anti-Manchukuo plots under the direction of the Chinese authorities, assistance to the "Chinese Patriotic Volunteer Forces," and various acts of terrorism directed against Japan are destructive of the cease-fire agreement. The headquarters for these crimes are in Tientsin and Peiping. Should this state of affairs continue, it will become necessary to incorporate the above two cities in the demilitarized zone. The murders of Hu and Pai are violations of the provisions of the Boxer Settlement and a challenge to Japan. If similar acts hereafter occur, Japan will, on the basis of its treaty rights, be forced to consider what action is necessary for the defense of its rights”. Additionally, Sakai demanded the withdrawal of all KMT aligned units, Blue Shirt Society members, the Political Training Corps of the Peiping Branch Military Council and the 3rd Regiment Military Police from North China. He also wanted Yu Xuecheng dismissed as chairman of Hubei. The next day in a move to intimidate Yu Xuecheng, the Tientsin Army deployed armored vehicles, artillery and machine guns directly in front of his official residence. It seemed now the Japanese sought to incorporate all of Hubei into the new demilitarized region. To make this happen, Sakai had independently put forward these demands, but they were recognized as an ultimatum from Japan, one for which for now had no deadline.  Chiang Kai-Shek, Wang Jingwei, Huang Fu and He Yingqin conferred over the situation and chose to informally talk with the Japanese while they kept the press quiet on the matter. The Chinese took their time, so to pressure them further, the Kwantung Army deployed a infantry battalion and one cavalry brigade at Shanhaiguan, while the Kawaguchi detachment concentrated around Gubeikou and two air force squadrons were brought over to Jinzhou. The Tientsin Army readied two battalions at Tientsin and Tangshan, both prepared to advance to Peiping at a moments notice. After sending numerous orders not to escalate things, Tokyo HQ sent Colonel Kita Seiichi, the chief of its China desk to demand the Kwantung Army not use anymore force. Meanwhile the Imperial Japanese Navy, under the fear of Anglo-American intervention avoided escalating the situation, but kept the 3rd fleet on full alert.  Under immense pressure the Chinese buckled. At 6pm on June 10th, He Yingqin orally advised Major Takahashi that Nanjing would issue a directive ordered the immediate withdrawal of local KMT organs from Hubei; that the 51st NRA Army would depart by rail from Hubei between June 11th and 25th; that the end and 25th NRA divisions of the Central Army would also depart Hubei and that the KMT would issue a directive prohibiting anti-japanese activities throughout China. It was an incredibly embarrassing act and became known as the He-Umezu agreement. Under its provisions the Japanese had expelled the Central Army from North China, Yu Xuecheng's forces, all anti-Japanese organizations of any sort and all anti-Japanese officials were removed. The Japanese had heavily capitalized on the assassinations in Tientsin, however other incidents enabled our good friend Doihara to cause further mayhem.  Following the Tanggu truce, Song Queyuan's 29th Army, consisting of the 37th, 38th and 132nd divisions had been deployed throughout Chahar with his headquarters based at Kalgan. His troops understandably displayed a lot of anti-japanese attitude and behaviors. Like a broken record, it was only a matter of time until an incident organically presented itself. One of the first ones broke out in Changpei. According to the Japanese, so get your grains of salt ready, a group of 8 led by staff officer Kawaguchi Kiyotake of the Tientsin garrison and Ikeda Katsumi of the consulate at Kalga and planned an excursion to Inner Mongolia late October 1934. After completing all the necessary paperwork and procedures, such as securing visas and giving advance notice to the Chinese officials in the areas they would voyage, the Japanese departed Kalgan for Tolun on October 27th. Upon entering Changpei's south gate they were suddenly stopped by troops under Song Queyuans 132nd division alongside some Peace Preservation Corps men. Their commanding officer punched Ikeda as the rest of the party were threatened with Dao swords and rifles. After 40 minutes a Chinese security officer showed up to allow them all to pass through the South Gate.  The Japanese foreign Ministry and Army were obviously outraged by this incident. The vice Consul at Kalgan, Hashimoto Masayasu complained to the chief of staff of the 132nd division and Major Takahasi at Peiping lodged an official complaint with Song Queyuan. On November 25th, Song Queyuan ordered the general commanding the 132nd division, Chao Tengyu, to apologize and dismissed the officer who punched Ikeda. Song Queyuan then guaranteed safe travel for all Japanese throughout Chahar, without any inspection of their possession and he promised to withdraw his troops west of the Great Wall. All of this because a guy was punched, you can really get the sense the Chinese were walking on eggshells. In late 1934, a large contingent of Song Queyuan's cavalry had deployed to the area around Fengning in Rehe. They were defending strategic positions and establishing large peace preservation corps. The Kwantung Army repeatedly demanded they withdraw from the area and the Chinese had made promises as to such by December 31st. Rather than comply, the Chinese launched an offensive and captured 40 Manchukuo militiamen. Song Queyuan rewarded his men with a bounty of 300 silver yuan and ordered the arms of the enemy by handed to the district government of Kuyuan.  On January 17th, the Kwantung Army moved the Nagami detachment of the IJA 8th Division from Chengde to launch a punitive expedition against Song Queyuan's forces in the Kuyuan area. On the 20th the Peiping Branch Military Council informed the Kwantung Army Song Queyuan was already withdrawing his men. Thus the Nagami detachment who had advanced as far as Tat'an turned around for the Great Wall on the 22nd, when they were suddenly attacked by Song Queyuan's troops near Hungnit'an. The Kwantung Army were outraged by what they were calling the first incident in western Rehe. The so-called incident would be resolved on February 2nd nar Ta'an when Zhang Yueting acting on behalf of the NRA 37th division and Major General Tani Hisao on behalf of the IJA 7th division agreed to the following terms: “1) In the future China will strictly prohibit actions that antagonize the Japanese army and will neither move troops into Manchukuo nor adopt a threatening attitude toward Manchukuo. The Chinese will completely suspend their current spying activities, such as scouting the movements of the Kwantung Army.  2) If China violates the above pledges in the future, the Japanese  army will act independently and firmly, but the responsibility will be borne by the Chinese . If the Chinese forces increase their military strength or contemplate strengthening their fortifications, the Japanese army will regard these moves as hostile acts.  3) China is to have the government of Kuyuan district return all arms confiscated (from the Manchukuo militia and turn them over to the Japanese army at Nanweitzu by February 7.  4) The outcome of this conference will be jointly announced on February 4. In particular, the Chinese should be careful that in making their announcement they do not distort the contents of the agreement or engage in counterpropaganda”. Can you imagine there was a second incident at Changpei? 4 members of the Japanese Special Services Agency based out of Abga, some 40 miles northwest of Tolun had come to the same southgate around 4pm on June 5th, traveling to Kalgan. There they were detained by units of the 132nd division who refused to recognize their identification papers. They were apparently held without proper bedding or food, threatened with Dao swords and bayonets. The Japanese claimed it was all done under orders from Song Queyuan's chief of staff and that their officials were interrogated by the chief of military police at Changpei. On June 11th, Lt Colonel Matsui Gennosuke, the head of the Japanese Special Service Agency at Kalgan, demanded an apology from Song Queyuan and for the men responsible to be punished and for further guarantees for safe travel. Matsui also insinuated that unless Song Queyuan severed ties to Nanjing and became Pro-Japanese he might suffer the same fate that had befallen Yu Xuecheng. Clearly the Kwantung Army was looking to remove Song Queyuan's army from Chahar province. There were two major reasons for such a thing, so they could better protect the northwestern flank of Manchukuo and to support Prince De who was attempting a campaign to make Inner Mongolia independent from China.  On June 11th the Kwantung Army directed the Mukden Special Service Agency chief of staff, our old buddy, Doihara, currently in Peiping, to confer with the army attache there and with the Tientsin garrison. They were to push for Song Queyuan's army to be withdrawn south of the Yellow River as rapidly as possible. Tokyo HQ always keeping a close eye on their troublesome Kwantung Officers dispatch this notice to Doihara "Although we desire the evacuation of Song Queyuan's army from Chahar province, we disagree that we should, at this time, demand its withdrawal south of the Yellow River. Rather, its transfer to the Peiping-Hankow Railway line would be advisable." On June 13th, the General Staff advised the Kwantung Army the same message. The General staff then ordered every detachment in North China to act discreetly "If we shun excessive publicity at this time, we should, in view of the present situation, be able to achieve practical results without publicity." Since they were already getting their way in Hubei, Tokyo HQ did not want to risk rocking the boat in Chahar concurrently.  Then came a second western Rehe incident, according to the Chengde Special Service Agency, "On June 11, when a party led by a senior official of Fengning hsien was about to enter the town of Tungchatzu [in Manchukuo, about eight kilometers north of Tushihk'ou], it was attacked by rifle fire from Sung Che-yuan's troops stationed at Tushihk'ou. The next day, June 12, a member of the border police force in Hsiaoch'ang [in Manchukuo, about fifteen kilometers north of Tushihk'ou] was also fired upon by the same troops of Sung in the vicinity of Hsiaoch'ang."  On June 17th, the Kwantung Army General Minami Jiro met with the Tientsin Army chief of staff Sakai and the Special Service Agency chief at Kalgan, Matsui for a full report on the incident. After reviewing it, Minami drafted a policy to guide the Kwantung Army:  “The withdrawal of Sung Che-yuan's army will worsen the confusion in the Peiping-Tientsin region. This incident should be handled separately from the North China problem and should be negotiated locally with Sung Che-yuan. Our demands will be limited to the following:  1) withdrawal of the troops invading Manchukuo, together with their advance unit at Tolun;  2) removal of the forces back to the Kalgan area;  3) an apology by Sung Che-yuan;  4) punishment of those directly responsible for the Changpei incident; and  5) prohibition of anti-Japanese actions in the future.” The Chinese realized they needed to reach a quick settlement with the Kwantung Army. On the 18th He Yingqin met with Consul General Suma over in Nanjing. Suma was presented with a set of harsh demands from the Kwantung Army and that same day reported to the Executive Yuan he had decided to relieve Song Queyuan of his posts as governor and commander of the 29th Army. He then appointed as acting governor and provincial commissioner of civil affairs, Qin Dechun, who would take the 132nd division implicated in the Changpei incident south. The message was relayed to the Japanese military attache in Nanjing, Lt Colonel Amamiya Tatsumi. The man who relayed the message was Vice Foreign Minister Tang Yujen who also stated this "In view of the fact that China has moved voluntarily to dismiss Sung Che-yuan, to transfer his army, and to punish those responsible, we request that we not be confronted with an ultimatum in the form of various demands from the Kwantung Army with a deadline for reply." On June 19th, Nanjing officially implemented the promises made by He Yingqin and Tang Yujen and in turn the Kwantung Army wired Doihara in Peiping to stand down and wait to see if the Chinese did what they said they would. Doihara was probably disappointed he could not perform his 100th false flag operation he must have been cooking up. For any of you who watch my Youtube content, I used clips from the Chinese WW2 Drama series “Young Marshal” that depicts Doihara hilariously. You can check it out in my long format documentary on the Japanese invasion of Manchuria, its meme gold Doihara's clips, freaking out and smashing phones and such.  At 10 pm on June 23rd, Doihara, alongside Matsui and Takahasi visited Qin Dechen at his residence to negotiate a final understanding. There Doihara demanded China implement several measures to promote better relations with Japan such as withdrawing Song Queyuan's army southwest; give an apology for the Changpei incident; punish all those responsible; dissolve all the anti-japanese organizations in the region; ban Chinese immigration into Inner Mongolia; cease any oppressive actions against Mongolians and cooperate and encourage trade between Manchukuo, Inner Mongolia, North China; and appoint more Japanese military and political advisers. Just a laundry list he had worked up. So Qin Dechen apologized for the Changpei incident, stated they were already withdrawing Song Queyuan's men and dissolving all the anti-japanese organizations. Now he was orally agreeing to all of this, but he refused to put it in writing, prior to receiving the greenlight from Nanjing. Doihara understood and gave him time to talk to his government. The next day however another incident occurred, this time near Tuxukou. There a contingent of Song Queyuan's withdrawing troops fired upon Manchukuo police forces and in response the Tolun Special Service Agency dispatched a Mongolian unit led by Li Shuxin. It was not really much of an incident, just a minor confrontation all things given, so the Kwantung Army told Doihara to deal with Qin Dechen in private about it.On June 27th, Qin Dechen sent a formal reply to Doihara's demands in what became known as the Qin-Doihara agreement. It conformed with all the demands, seeing Song Queyuan's troops depart southwest while the security of Chahar was entrusted to two peace preservation units. One unit was responsible for the Chinese population, the other over the Mongolian. On August 28th, Song Queyuan was appointed garrison commander over the Peiping-Tientsin region with his 29th division joining Chao Tengyu's 132nd division and Liu Juming's 2nd division. Thus after the He-Umezu and Qin-Doihara agreements the Japanese had now expanded their influence into both Hubei and Chahar. 1935 saw a wave of incidents break out in the demilitarized region, prompting the Japanese to go into numerous negotiations with the Chinese to clamp down on anything they didn't like. Then on October 4th, Japan unleashed a document titled  “Concerning Policy towards China”: “The goal of our foreign policy is the development of East Asia and the maintenance of the security of East Asia through the cooperative concert of Japan, Manchukuo, and China, with Japan as the nucleus; this is likewise the objective of our policy toward China. To realize this objective on the basis of the outline below, the central and regional authorities of China must, by fair and just means, adjust their relations with Japan and Manchukuo so as to bring about an environment favorable to the establishment of basic relations between Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  1) China should adopt a good neighbor policy toward Japan, thoroughly suppress anti-Japanese activities, and abandon its policy of reliance on Europe and the United States. It should put this policy into practice and as a matter of course cooperate with Imperial Japan on practical problems.  2) Although China must eventually extend formal recognition to Manchukuo, until then it must recognize de facto the independence of Manchukuo and abandon its anti-Manchukuo policy. At least in North China, which borders on Manchukuo, the Chinese should promote economic and cultural cooperation with Manchukuo.  3) In view of the Communist threat emanating from Outer Mongolia and posing a common menace to Japan, Manchukuo, and China, China should cooperate in measures aimed at eliminating this menace from the region bordering Outer Mongolia.  4) When the above points have been put into effect and we recognize the good faith of China concerning friendly cooperation with Japan and Manchukuo, we shall first conclude comprehensive agreements on friendly cooperative relations between China and Japan, and thereafter draw up the agreement needed for regulating new relations between Japan, Manchukuo, and China” To this Chiang Kai-Shek replied could not recognize Manchukuo but that his government would do whatever it could peacefully to maintain economic activity between the people north and south of the Great Wall. He also stated no other country on earth was more concerned with the Communist menace in Mongolia than China. All of the appeasement efforts had brought Wang Jingwei to his boiling point and on August 8th he departed for Shanghai as he and his entire cabinet resigned. Chiang Kai-Shek personally came over and asked Wang Jingwei to withdraw his resignation given he offered him further support, and Wang Jingwei relented. Then on the morning of November 1st, after attending a meeting, Wang Jingwei was shot by a Chinese reporter for the Chenkuang Press, a company notably associated with Chiang Kai-Shek. Rumors spread the assassination attempt was inspired by anti-japanese elements such as Generals Yang Qi and Tang Shengzhi. With Wang Jingwei in the hospital, Chiang Kai-Shek was forced to take a larger role with the North China situation. Then Wang Jingwei departed for Europe seeking better medical care and wired his resignation on November 29th. Thus Chiang Kai-Shek succeeded him as president of the Executive Yuan and the coalition between him and Wang Jingwei had officially ended. With Chiang Kai-Shek now the only funnel from which action could be directed, the Japanese sent Ambassador Ariyoshi to China to persuade Chiang Kai-Shek to grant some form of autonomy for North China. By this point autonomy for North China had become part of Japan's national policy. Chiang Kai-Shek in response to this growing threat went to Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi, to meet with Yan Xishan. There he proposed that if Yan Xishan could unite the Northern Warlords, Chiang Kai-Shek would appoint him chairman of the political affairs council, with added authority over finances and diplomacy. Chiang Kai-Shek urged him to come attend the 6th plenum of the Kuomintang Central Executive Committee scheduled for November 1st. At this time Yan Xishan's Shanxi was struggling financially so he reconciled with Chiang Kai-Shek. To this effect Chiang Kai-Shek sent his vice chief of the Army General Staff Xing Pin to tour the north trying to persuade those like Song Queyuan and Han Fuju to not support the North China autonomy movement. The Japanese interpreted these efforts to thwart the autonomy movement as the underlying cause of all the anti-japanese incidents breaking out continuously. To this the Nanjing government disclaimed no responsibility and insisted they were doing everything the Japanese asked of them.  The Japanese began a massive campaign aimed at all the important leaders in North China. One man they managed to gain influence over was Yin Jukeng who on November 25th at Tungzhou, announced the inauguration of the East Hubei Anti-Communist Autonomous Council, claiming autonomy for the entire demilitarized region. Yin Jukeng's council consisted of 9 members whereupon he was chairman and took charge of foreign relations and military affairs. As you can imagine Nanjing immediately labeled him a traitor and ordered his arrest. Chiang Kai-Shek then rapidly sent word to the Japanese an official response to their “Concerning Policy towards China” document:  “To satisfy the various demands from the Japanese side, there should first of all be established in Hopei province an autonomous political administration; ultimately, this administration should be similar to that governing the southwestern region. Whether or not this administration should be extended to other regions will be determined after the results in Hopei have been ascertained.  1) Although the campaign to wipe out the Communists is progressing, the Communist bandits have fled toward Kansu. Since this raises the danger that the Communists may spread into Inner Mongolia, the defense against the Communists in North China should be conducted jointly.  2) Certain aspects of the new monetary system are not suited to North China, and appropriate modifications will be made in this respect.  3) Efforts are to be made to harmonize economic interchange among the people on both sides of the Great Wall.  4) To meet the special needs of the region, the local administration should be given authority to enable it to exercise suitable control over financial matters in North China.  5) Pending issues are to be settled locally in a rational manner.  6) The aim will be to employ talented people to carry out the above tasks and to establish an ideal government.” Chiang Kai-Shek dispatched He Yingqin to reign in the situation at Peiping, but upon his arrival he believed the situation was beyond his control. He Yingqin reported that it was his belief the only way for Nanjing to retain some degree of authority in the region was to create a new political organ to do so. Thus on December 11th, the Nationalist government established the Hubei-Chahar Political Council chaired by Song Queyuan. Song Queyuan declared the new council would assume all responsibility for administering Hubei and Chahar and promised  "to respect the wishes of the people, endeavor in particular to relieve the economic distress of the region, and maintain the peace of East Asia on the basis of Sino-Japanese amity."  Thus within all this madness now two autonomous regimes co-existed in North China. The East Hubei Anti-Communist Autonomous Council would administer 22 prefectures while the Hubei-Chahar Political Council would administer Hubei, Chahar, Peiping and Tientsin. As you might imagine, relations between these two councils was complex and ambiguous. The 22 prefectures the former administered were under the jurisdiction of the other. One was a Japanese puppet, the other was controlled by Nanjing who refused to recognize the other. Japan immediately exploited their newfound chaotic gains in North China. In May of 1936 the 2000 troops of the Tientsin garrison army was boosted to 5600 led by General Tashiro Kan'ichiro. This was done under the guise it was to defend against communists and protect Japanese citizens. The position of the commander of the Tientsin garrison was officially promoted to encompass full responsibility for the situation in North China, exactly the same as the Kwantung Army's role over Manchukuo. Thuse both the Kwantung Army and what was henceforth called the China Garrison had clearly defined roles. One would be responsible for Manchukuo, the other over North China. Japan had neutralized Rehe, Chahar and Hubei, all of whom would fall directly under their influence. But was Japan satisfied?  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Its not always through military means that nations can encroach upon other nations. Japan was showcasing how it could bully away parts of China through threats alone it was working miracles. How long could Chiang Kai-Shek carry on like this? Would it be Japan or his own people that would hang him for losing China?

This week, we're taking a deep dive into the National Rifle Association's latest financial report. That's why we have non-profit expert and Ohio State University accounting professor Brian Mittendorf back on the show. The NRA just had its annual meeting in Atlanta, Georgia, which I was able to attend and pick up copies of the group's latest annual report. That report shows the membership dues, legal spending, and even conflicts of interest at what remains by far the nation's largest gun group. Professor Mittendorf said the numbers showed an organization that's still in decline, and still racked by legal costs. However, he also said the NRA's slide is slowing, and there are clear opportunities for them to stabilize or even rebound. He noted that legal spending, while still sky-high compared to their pre-scandal days, is falling. In fact, the group's new CEO said legal fees had dropped dramatically from even the time the latest report covers. Mittendorf said that alone could free up tens of millions of dollars, without raising new funds, to put toward the core services the group has cut over the years--something that could pull members back in. Special Guest: Brian Mittendorf.

No golden fiddles were found, but Weer'd,  David, and Oddball all went down to Atlanta for the NRA Annual Meeting. Join us as we discuss the things we saw! Did you know that we have a Patreon? Join now for the low, low cost of $4/month (that's $1/podcast) and you'll get to listen to our podcast on Friday instead of Mondays, as well as patron-only content like mag dump episodes, our hilarious blooper reels and film tracks. Show Notes BA Global Defense Tactical Grit Eeylar Gear Cases Whispertech Suppressors Whisperchicks Suppressors Hooten Young Distillery SRC Tactical Underwear PTR Industries Curves N Combat Boots Mantis Titan X Infitac Night Vision Kel-Tec Trigger Tech Franklin Armories Microtech Knives  

Democrats lose it when AG Barr decides not to testify, a pedestrian hit by multiple vehicles in the middle I-5, KIRO Radio’s Aaron Granillo talks about the uneventful May Day and a Kent man arrested after directing death threats toward Ben Shapiro. Stephen Gutowski writes for Free Beacon – He breaks down the NRA in-fighting. A girl who punched a law enforcement officer in the groin will not face charges. 

Summary In this episode of Armed American Radio, host Mark Walters discusses various topics related to gun control, the political landscape surrounding the Second Amendment, and the implications of recent legislative efforts such as the assault weapons ban. Joined by Paul Markle, they delve into the motivations behind gun control advocacy, the importance of personal freedom, and the economic factors influencing the current political climate. The conversation emphasizes the need for proactive engagement in defending rights and the historical context of gun control measures. Takeaways The assault weapons ban is a significant topic of discussion. Political motivations often prioritize control over public safety. Gun ownership is framed as a personal freedom issue. The economic landscape influences political decisions. Historical context shows that disarming citizens is a common tactic of tyrannical governments. The NRA plays a crucial role in lobbying against gun control measures. Public sentiment can be swayed by emotional appeals rather than logic. Legislative efforts often target specific models and manufacturers. Engagement in political discourse is essential for preserving rights. Training and education in firearm safety are vital for responsible ownership. Armed American Radio, gun control, assault weapons ban, political commentary, freedom, Second Amendment, personal safety, government policy, economic insights, public safety  

Contributing Writer Jake Fogleman and I discuss a series of legal filings from the Department of Justice urging the Supreme Court not to hear a case on the federal gun ban for non-violent felons. We also look at a brief it filed on the other side of a gun rights issue, urging the Court to overturn a ruling upholding Hawaii's "sensitive places" restrictions on gun carry. Finally, I recap my time covering the NRA's annual meeting, where reformers made major gains at the highest levels of the organization.

Today we have a special guest to help us with our NRA Annual Meeting after-action. Former and Future NRA Board Member, Isaac Demarest joins us to discuss the current state of the NRA, as well as a number of other topics. During our Tech Talk from EOTech Inc. Professor Paul will address an inquiry about putting a mini red dot on a PCC? We also have a question from the SOTG Mailbag about sighting in handguns. For our SOTG Homeroom from Student of the Gun University, we will consider a mass killing in Canada? How did it happen? Why didn't all the Canadian gun control prevent it? Can we learn anything from the incident? FEATURING: AP News, Shrine Sportsmen, Madison Rising, Jarrad Markel, Paul Markel, SOTG University PARTNERS: EOTech, Spikes Tactical FIND US ON: iTunes, iHeart Radio, Stitcher, Facebook, X, Amazon, Instagram, YouTube, Threads TOPICS COVERED THIS EPISODE Huge thanks to our Partners: EOTech | Spike's Tactical [0:04:25] EOTech Talk - EOTechInc.com TOPIC: Should you put a Mini-Red Dot on PCC?Century Arms AP5SD first shots [0:18:15] SOTG Homeroom - SOTG University TOPIC: 5-year-old girl and her parents among the dead in a car attack at a Filipino festival in Vancouver apnews.com [0:36:11] NRAAM 2025 After-Action with Isaac Demarest shrinesportsmen.com

Summary In this episode of Armed American Radio, host Mark Walters discusses various topics including insights from the recent NRA convention, the engagement of SIG Sauer in school safety initiatives, and addresses controversies surrounding the P320 firearm. The conversation also explores new products from SIG, particularly the 1911X, and emphasizes the importance of gun rights and safety training. Takeaways Mark Walters introduces the show and its sponsors. The NRA convention had a positive atmosphere and high engagement. Phil Strader from SIG Sauer discusses the company's involvement in school safety. SIG Sauer is providing free training for school resource officers in Florida. The P320 controversy is addressed, emphasizing that the gun only fires when the trigger is pulled. SIG Sauer has conducted extensive testing on the P320 to ensure its safety and reliability. The importance of proper training and equipment for school safety is highlighted. The 1911X is introduced as a new product with innovative features. Phil Strader shares insights on the rigorous testing process for SIG firearms. The episode concludes with a focus on the significance of supporting gun rights. Armed American Radio, NRA Convention, SIG Sauer, P320, School Safety, 1911X, Firearms, Second Amendment, Gun Rights, Phil Strader  

Judges are going to jail and The NRA annual convention had some cool new products. Merch: https://fit-to-a-tee-promotions-inc.printavo.com/merch/american-crossfire YouTube: http://www.youtube.com/@americancrossfire Twitter: American Crossfire (@AmericanCfire) / X Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/AmericanCrossfire Health Y Sol Soap Affiliate: https://healthysolsoap.com?sca_ref=7272975.4Fusf3bLVy Join AmmoSquared and get $25 in ammo! https://ammo2.me/americancrossfire Buzzsprout Affiliate: https://www.buzzsprout.com/?referrer_id=2316041 To stay up to date with the latest firearms news join the Pew Report @ pew.report

Glen Hoyer: Law Enforcement Division of the NRA joins "On The Range Podcast" hosted by Rick Hogg and Mark Kelley. Find the NRA Law Enforcement Division: https://le.nra.org/  Visit the SHOW at: https://ontherangepodcast.com Mark Kelley: https://kelleydefense.com  Rick Hogg: https://warhogg.com  Don't miss out on exclusive bonus content for "CREW" members after the show, and make sure to visit ONTHERANGEPODCAST.COM  to sign up and more information on upcoming events. Become 1% Better Everyday!!  JOIN Order Your Copy of “The Firearms Training Notebook”: https://amzn.to/3DfIOkz Listen to On The Range Podcast at - Apple - https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast... Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/0GBzNxH... Please subscribe to the show on the podcast platform you listen to, and leave us a rating and review to help increase our reach. Thank you! Artist: TrackTribe “Riffs For Days” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SBw0kBJlaVU Artist: Jimena Contreras “Alpha Mission” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RWi3CangMgQ&list=PL-0N3ETTFkNvksN9dMRY7utkQB0y6bEP-

Armed American Radio, NRA Convention, ATF, Firearms, Second Amendment, Gun Rights, Privacy, Gun Control, Lee Williams, Mark Walters Summary In this episode of Armed American Radio, host Mark Walters discusses various topics related to gun rights, the NRA convention, and the ATF's recent actions. He is joined by Lee Williams, who provides insights into the ATF's policies and the case of a young sailor facing severe legal consequences. The conversation highlights concerns about the integrity of the ATF and the implications of their new privacy measures for gun owners. Takeaways Mark Walters emphasizes the importance of freedom and gun rights. The NRA convention showcased changes and a renewed sense of purpose. Lee Williams discusses the ATF's questionable practices and policies. The case of the young sailor raises concerns about legal overreach. ATF's new privacy measures are seen as a response to past abuses. The conversation reflects on the need for accountability within the ATF. Mark and Lee express skepticism about the ATF's intentions. The discussion highlights the ongoing battle for Second Amendment rights. The importance of staying informed about gun legislation is stressed. The episode concludes with a call to action for listeners to support their rights. Titles Exploring Gun Rights with Mark Walters Insights from the NRA Convention Understanding ATF Policies and Practices The Young Sailor's Legal Battle

NRA head of General Operations Josh Savani and Director of Advancement JP Carter join Cam at the 2025 Annual Meetings to discuss their roles in rebuilding the organization.

NRA Convention, gun rights, membership decline, reform movement, Lexington and Concord, Second Amendment, gun control, activism, American history, civil rights, NRA, gun rights, firearm training, inclusivity, gun control myths, media bias, women's empowerment, community building, mental health, activism, firearms, TAL-50, NRA Show, gun technology, X9 handgun, Tommy Gun, Second Amendment, gun rights, innovative firearms, shooting sports Takeaways The NRA convention saw notable changes since 2019, reflecting post-pandemic dynamics. Attendance estimates ranged from 60,000 to 70,000, but some believe numbers may be inflated. The NRA is facing significant membership decline, dropping from nearly 6 million to about 3.5 million. Reform movements within the NRA are gaining traction, focusing on transparency and accountability. The 250th anniversary of the shot heard around the world was celebrated with significant events in Massachusetts. Activism and engagement are crucial for the future of gun rights in America. The atmosphere at the NRA convention was more relaxed compared to previous years. The presence of anti-gun politicians at historical sites raises questions about their commitment to civil rights. Community events can energize and mobilize supporters of gun rights. The fight for Second Amendment rights is ongoing and requires collective effort. The NRA convention exceeded expectations for many attendees. There is a growing focus on women's resources within the NRA. Community building is essential for engaging new gun owners, especially women. Mental health professionals often hold biases against gun ownership. Education and exposure to firearms can change perceptions among clinicians. Media representation of gun ownership is often inaccurate and biased. The NRA is attempting to reconnect with its historical roots and values. Gun control myths are perpetuated by media and political agendas. Public perception of gun ownership is influenced by misinformation. Advocacy for reasonable gun laws is necessary to counteract extreme views. The TAL-50 features revolutionary technology that eliminates recoil. Shooting the TAL-50 does not require hearing protection, making it unique. The X9 handgun offers a smooth trigger experience likened to 'butter'. The Tommy Gun remains an iconic piece of American history. New models of the Tommy Gun are lighter and more affordable. The market for firearms is evolving with innovative designs. Gun rights discussions are crucial in today's political climate. The importance of supporting firearm manufacturers and their innovations. Engaging with the community at events like the NRA Show is vital. Understanding the history of firearms enhances appreciation for modern designs. Summary The conversation delves into the recent NRA convention, highlighting changes since 2019, attendance dynamics, and the ongoing challenges the NRA faces, including significant membership decline. The discussion also touches on the reform movements within the NRA, the celebration of the 250th anniversary of the shot heard around the world, and the importance of community engagement in the fight for Second Amendment rights. The speakers emphasize the need for activism and collective effort to ensure the future of gun rights in America. In this episode, Mark Walters and co-hosts Ryan Petty and Amanda Hardin discuss their experiences at the NRA convention, reflecting on the organization's direction and inclusivity efforts. They emphasize the importance of community building, particularly for women in the firearms space, and Amanda shares her initiative to educate mental health professionals about firearms. The conversation also touches on media bias regarding gun control and the misconceptions surrounding gun ownership, highlighting the need for accurate representation and advocacy. In this engaging conversation,

NRA Convention, gun rights, membership decline, reform movement, Lexington and Concord, Second Amendment, gun control, activism, American history, civil rights, NRA, gun rights, firearm training, inclusivity, gun control myths, media bias, women's empowerment, community building, mental health, activism, firearms, TAL-50, NRA Show, gun technology, X9 handgun, Tommy Gun, Second Amendment, gun rights, innovative firearms, shooting sports Takeaways The NRA convention saw notable changes since 2019, reflecting post-pandemic dynamics. Attendance estimates ranged from 60,000 to 70,000, but some believe numbers may be inflated. The NRA is facing significant membership decline, dropping from nearly 6 million to about 3.5 million. Reform movements within the NRA are gaining traction, focusing on transparency and accountability. The 250th anniversary of the shot heard around the world was celebrated with significant events in Massachusetts. Activism and engagement are crucial for the future of gun rights in America. The atmosphere at the NRA convention was more relaxed compared to previous years. The presence of anti-gun politicians at historical sites raises questions about their commitment to civil rights. Community events can energize and mobilize supporters of gun rights. The fight for Second Amendment rights is ongoing and requires collective effort. The NRA convention exceeded expectations for many attendees. There is a growing focus on women's resources within the NRA. Community building is essential for engaging new gun owners, especially women. Mental health professionals often hold biases against gun ownership. Education and exposure to firearms can change perceptions among clinicians. Media representation of gun ownership is often inaccurate and biased. The NRA is attempting to reconnect with its historical roots and values. Gun control myths are perpetuated by media and political agendas. Public perception of gun ownership is influenced by misinformation. Advocacy for reasonable gun laws is necessary to counteract extreme views. The TAL-50 features revolutionary technology that eliminates recoil. Shooting the TAL-50 does not require hearing protection, making it unique. The X9 handgun offers a smooth trigger experience likened to 'butter'. The Tommy Gun remains an iconic piece of American history. New models of the Tommy Gun are lighter and more affordable. The market for firearms is evolving with innovative designs. Gun rights discussions are crucial in today's political climate. The importance of supporting firearm manufacturers and their innovations. Engaging with the community at events like the NRA Show is vital. Understanding the history of firearms enhances appreciation for modern designs. Summary The conversation delves into the recent NRA convention, highlighting changes since 2019, attendance dynamics, and the ongoing challenges the NRA faces, including significant membership decline. The discussion also touches on the reform movements within the NRA, the celebration of the 250th anniversary of the shot heard around the world, and the importance of community engagement in the fight for Second Amendment rights. The speakers emphasize the need for activism and collective effort to ensure the future of gun rights in America. In this episode, Mark Walters and co-hosts Ryan Petty and Amanda Hardin discuss their experiences at the NRA convention, reflecting on the organization's direction and inclusivity efforts. They emphasize the importance of community building, particularly for women in the firearms space, and Amanda shares her initiative to educate mental health professionals about firearms. The conversation also touches on media bias regarding gun control and the misconceptions surrounding gun ownership, highlighting the need for accurate representation and advocacy. In this engaging conversation,

NRA Convention, gun rights, membership decline, reform movement, Lexington and Concord, Second Amendment, gun control, activism, American history, civil rights, NRA, gun rights, firearm training, inclusivity, gun control myths, media bias, women's empowerment, community building, mental health, activism, firearms, TAL-50, NRA Show, gun technology, X9 handgun, Tommy Gun, Second Amendment, gun rights, innovative firearms, shooting sports Takeaways The NRA convention saw notable changes since 2019, reflecting post-pandemic dynamics. Attendance estimates ranged from 60,000 to 70,000, but some believe numbers may be inflated. The NRA is facing significant membership decline, dropping from nearly 6 million to about 3.5 million. Reform movements within the NRA are gaining traction, focusing on transparency and accountability. The 250th anniversary of the shot heard around the world was celebrated with significant events in Massachusetts. Activism and engagement are crucial for the future of gun rights in America. The atmosphere at the NRA convention was more relaxed compared to previous years. The presence of anti-gun politicians at historical sites raises questions about their commitment to civil rights. Community events can energize and mobilize supporters of gun rights. The fight for Second Amendment rights is ongoing and requires collective effort. The NRA convention exceeded expectations for many attendees. There is a growing focus on women's resources within the NRA. Community building is essential for engaging new gun owners, especially women. Mental health professionals often hold biases against gun ownership. Education and exposure to firearms can change perceptions among clinicians. Media representation of gun ownership is often inaccurate and biased. The NRA is attempting to reconnect with its historical roots and values. Gun control myths are perpetuated by media and political agendas. Public perception of gun ownership is influenced by misinformation. Advocacy for reasonable gun laws is necessary to counteract extreme views. The TAL-50 features revolutionary technology that eliminates recoil. Shooting the TAL-50 does not require hearing protection, making it unique. The X9 handgun offers a smooth trigger experience likened to 'butter'. The Tommy Gun remains an iconic piece of American history. New models of the Tommy Gun are lighter and more affordable. The market for firearms is evolving with innovative designs. Gun rights discussions are crucial in today's political climate. The importance of supporting firearm manufacturers and their innovations. Engaging with the community at events like the NRA Show is vital. Understanding the history of firearms enhances appreciation for modern designs. Summary The conversation delves into the recent NRA convention, highlighting changes since 2019, attendance dynamics, and the ongoing challenges the NRA faces, including significant membership decline. The discussion also touches on the reform movements within the NRA, the celebration of the 250th anniversary of the shot heard around the world, and the importance of community engagement in the fight for Second Amendment rights. The speakers emphasize the need for activism and collective effort to ensure the future of gun rights in America. In this episode, Mark Walters and co-hosts Ryan Petty and Amanda Hardin discuss their experiences at the NRA convention, reflecting on the organization's direction and inclusivity efforts. They emphasize the importance of community building, particularly for women in the firearms space, and Amanda shares her initiative to educate mental health professionals about firearms. The conversation also touches on media bias regarding gun control and the misconceptions surrounding gun ownership, highlighting the need for accurate representation and advocacy. In this engaging conversation,

NRA executive vice president and CEO Doug Hamlin sits down with Cam at the 2025 Annual Meetings in Atlanta to discuss the future of the NRA and the efforts to reform the organization from within.

This week on Gun For Hire Radio... recording from Atlanta at the NRA annual meeting.  We have great training tips for you and the entire family. Please listen, learn, like, follow, share, and volunteer . The post The Gun For Hire Radio Broadcast: Episode 727 appeared first on Best Gun Range NYC and NJ Area | Gun Range Near Me.

Brownell's CEO Pete Brownell sits down with Cam at the 2025 NRA Annual Meetings in Atlanta to discuss the current state of the industry, as well as the future of the NRA.

NRA 1st Vice President Bill Bachenberg joins Cam from the 2025 Annual Meetings in Atlanta to talk about the ongoing efforts to reform the organization, and why he's running to become the NRA's next president.

On this  installment of the Gutowski Files we sit down with investigative reporter Stephen Gutowski of thereload.com and discuss the NRA's woes from plummeting membership to the presidential snub as they prepare to have their annual meeting this week in Atlanta. Active Self Protection exists to help good, sane, sober, moral, prudent people in all walks of life to more effectively protect themselves and their loved ones from criminal violence. On the ASP Podcast you will hear the true stories of life or death self defense encounters from the men and women that lived them. If you are interested in the Second Amendment, self defense and defensive firearms use, martial arts or the use of less lethal tools used in the real world to defend life and family, you will find this show riveting.  Join host and career federal agent Mike Willever as he talks to real life survivors and hear their stories in depth. You'll hear about these incidents and the self defenders from well before the encounter occurred on through the legal and emotional aftermath. Music: bensound.com 

gun control, student activism, school safety, Florida State University, Second Amendment, Mark Walters, Ryan Petty, Armed American Radio, protests, classroom security Summary In this episode of Armed American Radio, host Mark Walters discusses the recent protests at Florida State University regarding gun control following a shooting incident. Joined by Ryan Petty, a Parkland father, they explore the demands of student activists, the effectiveness of current gun laws, and the importance of classroom safety measures. The conversation delves into the indoctrination of students regarding gun control, the media's portrayal of protests, and practical solutions for enhancing school safety. The episode concludes with a call for responsible activism and the need for a strong Second Amendment advocacy. Takeaways Gun control protests often lack practical solutions. Classroom safety measures are crucial for student protection. Media representation can skew public perception of protests. Students are often influenced by indoctrination in education. Practical solutions for school safety are often overlooked. The Second Amendment is a fundamental right that should be defended. Activism should focus on real issues rather than slogans. Gun-free zones can attract violent incidents. The NRA plays a vital role in Second Amendment advocacy. Public safety should be prioritized without infringing on rights. Titles Gun Control Protests: A Call for Change Student Activism and the Fight for Safety Classroom Security: A Critical Discussion The Role of Media in Shaping Gun Control Narratives

This week Michael covers the “soft launch” of the NRA's newest competition, AMERICA'S RIFLE CHALLENGE for America's most popular rifle, the AR-15. The match, held last weekend at Camp Atterbury in Indiana, was a huge success! Also this week, in self-defense, is speed enough? MichaelBane.TV - On the Radio episode # 267. Scroll down for reference links on topics discussed in this episode. Disclaimer: The statements and opinions expressed here are our own and may not represent those of the companies we represent or any entities affiliated to it. Host: Michael Bane Producer: Flying Dragon Ltd. More information and reference links: NRA America's Rifle Challenge NRA America's Rifle Challenge: A Beginner-Friendly AR Competition/John Parker, SSUSA Building the ARC — NRA Brings Back the America's Rifle Challenge Competition/Paul Erhardt, Shooting News Weekly Camp Atterbury JP Rifles Leupold 1.5-4x ARE Ballistic The Music of Amos Ever Hadani The Music of the Baldy Brothers

The NRA Tried to Shut Him Down. What Happened Next Made Him a Millionaire – Tim Schmidt #169 Tim Schmidt is the founder of USCCA — a company with nearly 1 million members and over 700 employees, dedicated to firearms education, self-defense, and Second Amendment rights. But Tim didn't start at the top. In this raw and riveting episode of On The Homefront, Jeff Dudan uncovers Tim's journey from getting fired for outperforming his boss, to working 12-hour overnight shifts, to launching a failing magazine that transformed into a self-defense empire. You'll hear how Tim fought off a hostile takeover by the NRA, built a national instructor network, and turned personal protection into a mission-driven movement. If you've ever doubted yourself, been underestimated, or needed a reason to keep going — this one's for you.

In This Hour: --  The Trump White House issues an executive order to review and redirect how the federal government treats gun owners and the Second Amendment.  What does this mean? --  Is the NRA back?  John Commerford, executive direction of the Institute for Legislative Action at the NRA addresses the changes and reveals what the lobbyists are working on. --  Is it you or is it your ammo?  Doug Koenig, one of the world's best shooters, says the problem might be what you are putting in your gun. Gun Talk 02.09.25 Hour 1-REBROADCASTBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/gun-talk--6185159/support.

The Ukrainian parliament just voted to extend martial law for another 90 days. That means no elections and no chance for the people to democratically oust the tyrant Zelensky from his throne. Zelensky and his militia are still kidnapping people and now, horrifically, have turned to training children as young as 10 for war. Hopefully, however, peace is on the horizon, and Donald Trump is able to finally cement a deal. Next up, Dan Reid of the NRA joins the show to discuss all things gun rights. Colorado and Oregon have both moved to pass draconian Second Amendment-suppressing bills. The question is, is that even constitutional? Lastly, Karemlo Anthony, the 17-year-old who murdered student Austin Metcalf, is now free with a whole rally of support behind him. Is our social fabric unraveling by design? You'll have to stick around and find out. All this and more on today's Untamed.  

Last time we spoke about Manchukuo. In the early 1930s, Ishiwara Kanji sought to dominate Manchuria to secure resources and counter American influence. He envisioned Manchukuo as a Pan-Asian league promoting racial cooperation, despite it being a puppet state under Japan. With Puyi as a figurehead, Ishiwara aimed for autonomy, but his plans faced resistance from the Kwantung Army, which prioritized control. As conflicts arose, Ishiwara's vision of unity clashed with military interests, leading to his eventual isolation and reassignment, marking a tumultuous chapter in Manchukuo's history. In November 1931, Doihara orchestrated the "Tianjin Incident," facilitating the removal of Puyi from his home to establish the puppet state of "Manchukuo." By March 1932, Puyi was declared its ruler, but his authority was merely symbolic, overshadowed by Japanese control. Despite international condemnation, Japan solidified its grip on Manchuria, exploiting its resources and suppressing local resistance. By the late 1930s, Manchukuo became a colonial entity, suffering under harsh economic policies while Puyi's regime served as a facade for Japanese imperial ambitions.   #146 Operation Nekka: the Invasion of Rehe Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. From the very beginning of their consolidation of Manchukuo, the Kwantung Army regarded the province of Rehe, today's Jehol province, to be an integral part of it. According to some of the Kwantung Army leadership, all of Rehe would be necessary to consummate Manchukuo. In April of 1932, the IJA 8th Division based at Hirosaki in Aomori prefecture was transferred to Manchukuo under secret orders to prepare for an invasion of Rehe. Now Rehe province covers 160,00 square kilometers and back then held some 2.3 million people. Since 1926 it was ruled by General Tang Yulin. His direct command was over the NRA 36th division, consisting of 13,000 regular troops with a provincial militia of 8500 men. As was the Warlord practice of the time, Tang Yulin exploited his population. Now until July of 1932, Tang Yulin's attitude towards the emerging state of Manchukuo directly to his east was certainly favorable. That is because Tang Yulin favored the Japanese. During the debacle that was the invasion of Manchuria, Tang Yulin had done everything possible to prevent Zhang Xueliang from moving into Rehe whenever he was trying to consolidate forces there. Now Tang Yulin had no greater aspirations, its not like he loved Japan, or believed the Japanese were better leaders for his nation. What he was motivated by was a very practical concern, economics, more precisely the opium trade. Rehe number one source of income was opium, and they number one purchaser of it, was Manchuria. Thus as one can imagine, when Manchukuo was being formed, and the opium door closed on him, well he took heavy financial losses.  On July 17th of 1932, an incident broke out between the towns of Chaoyangxu and Nanling. A Japanese civilian employed by the Kwantung Army, Ishimoto Gonshiro was abducted by a Rehe militia group while taking the train from Jinzhou to Chaoyang. General Nishi Yoshikazu, the commander of the IJA 8th Division stationed at Jizhou, dispatched a small unit to rescue Ishimoto. In doing so they occupied Chaoyangxi, where they also protested the Rehe provincial government. This did not see Ishimoto handed over to them, so General Nishi bombarded Chaoyangxu and then had his forces advance upon Nanling. Even doing so, no Ishimoto to be found. So Nishi withdrew back to Jinzhou. The following year during what would become the invasion of Rehe, Ishimoto's body would be found at Chaoyangxu. Zhang Xueliang utilized this small incident to advance into Rehe. Claiming he was acting upon orders from Nanjing, he moved his Northeastern Army to the border of Rehe, due south of the Great Wall. Zhang Xueliang then threatened Tang Yulin and bribed his subordinates to defect over to him. Consequently, by late July, Tang Yulin tossed the towel and for the first time sanctioned passage of a volunteer army through Rehe. Come August Zhang Xueliang organized a volunteer force 40,000 strong, obviously all from his Northeastern army to advance from Gubeikou into Rehe, where he sought to confront the Kwantung Army if they advanced. Zhang Xueliang was heavily in contact with Chiang Kai-Shek during this period. Zhang Xueliang was making multiple proclamations about retaking Manchuria, and Chiang Kai-Shek was supporting him in that endeavor as best as he could. Meanwhile Tang Yulin was sort of stuck in the middle.  Between October 1932 to January 1933, Shanhaiguan, the strategic gateway and midpoint between Mukden and Beijing became the focal area of 3 major skirmishes.  The Boxer Protocol of 1901 dictated that some of the 8 nation alliance members, notably, France, Italy and Japan were allowed to maintain small contingents at Shanhaiguan. In 1932, the Japanese garrison there was 261, France had 61 men and Italy 69. After the establishment of Manchukuo, Japan had increased its garrison to have some more border guards in the town of Shanhaiguan itself. Of course the Chinese also had local troops, that was the 9th Independent Brigade commanded by Ho Chukuo, a force roughly of 9000 men. The first skirmish at Shanhaiguan broke out on October 1st, between Ho Chukuo's men and an armored train of troops from the IJA 8th Division. Another exact same event occurred on December 8th, both occasions were settled locally and peacefully with the Chinese offering an apology and indemnity payment. Then a third clash broke out on January 1st, but this one got out of hand.  The mastermind behind the third incident was Major Ochiai Jinkuro, the leader of the Japanese garrison at Shanhaiguan. Upon his orders, at 9pm, 3 Japanese soldiers tossed two hand grenades each into the backyard of the Japanese military police detachment and the railway track running in front of the Japanese garrison. This was of course immediately blamed upon the Chinese and at 11:30 pm Ochiai presented the local Chinese with 2 demands. The first was to evacuate the Chinese force and the second to allow the Japanese to occupy their south gate at Shanhaiguan for the time being. Now the Japanese had legitimate pretext for these demands based off the Boxer Protocol. It allowed them the right to ensure the security of the railway and telegraph lines and to defend their citizens and property within two miles of the railway zone. Since Ho Chukuo's troops allegedly disturbed the peace in said zone, the Japanese were in their right to ask them to depart.  According to Japanese sources, the Chinese refused at first then consented at 4:50 am on January 2nd. This effectively saw them surrender the south gate. However at 9:30 am the chief of staff for the Chinese Brigade requested that the takeover of said gate be postponed until the scheduled arrival of Ho Chukuo, coming over from Beiping. Ochiai turned down this request, whereupon the Chinese agreed that the south gate would be included within the area overseen by the Japanese. Yet at 10:50 am Japanese troops went to take over guarding the south gate whence Chinese guards tossed grenades at them. Yes, it is most certainly the Japanese who tossed those grenades. The Chinese account of this event is somewhat different. It asserts the Japanese attacked the gate while the issue of surrender was still being negotiated. By January 11th, China sent a formal appeal to Britain, France, the US and other signatories of the Boxer Protocol charging the Japanese for perverting the treaty to seize the south gate of Shanhaiguan. Meanwhile General Ho Chukuo called Ochiai from Qinhuangdao to tell him he would arrive by 8am on January 3rd to negotiate. But by 10am he failed to show up, as the Chinese and Japanese fired upon another. Ochiai thereupon resolved to take the south gate by force. By that point the IJA 8th Division had strengthened its position in front of Shanhaiguan. Two companies had become 10 and one air force company was made ready to strike. Additionally the commander of the 2nd China Fleet, Tsuda Shizue dispatched Hirado and the 16th Destroyer Squadron to Shanhaiguan and Qinhuangdao “to defend Japanese residents and assist the troops in case of hostilities”. At dawn on January 3rd, the Japanese launched a combined land, sea and air assault and by 2pm had taken Shanhaiguan. Ho Chukuo's forces were pushed to the Shih River where they were reinforced during the night and hastily constructed fortifications against the incoming Japanese. Henceforth a propaganda war emerged over Rehe. Japan charged that Zhang Xueliang was mobilizing large forces to advance into Rehe, while China claimed the same of the Japanese. The Chinese protested the Japanese seizure of Shanhaiguan, but none of the western powers would intervene. However the League of Nations constant condemnation of Japan ever since the Mukden incident provoked the Japanese on march 27th to simply walk out on the league. The ordeal also prompted Prince Saioji Kimmochi to dispatch Major General Umezu Yoshijiro, the chief of General affairs of the army general staff and Consul Tanaka Sotaro of the foreign ministry to go over and restrain the unruly troops at various positions in the Beiping-Tientsin region. Saionji's main concern was elevated by Army Minister Araki Sadao, who on March 6th stated to Harada Kumao “that if Japan were to land about 3 divisions at Qingdao and they strike into the Peiping-Tientsin region via Tsinan, Zhang Xueliang will probably flee even before they reach Tsinan. If we do anything at all, I'd like to act boldly and go that far”. Despite claims by various sources, mostly Chinese, the Shanhaiguan incident as it became known was not actually preplanned by the Kwantung Army, it really was an arbitrary act on the part of the garrison commander. How everything went down at Shanhaiguan provided vital intel on the Northeastern Army, and what to expect in Rehe. In December of 1932, the IJA 6th Division was dispatched to Manchuria and assigned security detail in southern Jilin province. They were given further secret orders to participate in what was going to be an operation in Rehe once they arrived to Manchuria. When the Shanhaiguan incident broke out, the Rehe operation was expedited rapidly. Therefore the IJA 6th and 8th Divisions west of the Liao River were immediately tossed into the operation. Given the foreign and domestic conditions, the Rehe operation was extremely dangerous. Tokyo HQ yet again sought to reign in the men, so they sent General Umezu to Manchuria to talk to the Kwantung leadership. The Kwantung leadership was adamant the operation be unleashed before the spring that, provided the operation did not extend beyond the Great Wall. To this Tokyo HQ yet again relented.  On January 27th of 1933, General Muto Nobuyoshi, then commander of the Kwantung Army, issued the following general order for the Rehe operation designated, Operation Nekka “The situation in Jehol has become increasingly serious day by day and has now developed into a state of affairs necessitating intervention. To strengthen the foundations of Manchukuo, the time is close at hand, as far as military operations by the Kwantung Army are concerned, to put the finishing touch on our sublime task. First, the affairs of Jehol province are unquestionably an internal problem of Manchukuo. They neither embrace nor are accompanied by any international implications. Because subjugation of the province is designed to strike a fatal blow to anti-Manchukuo, anti-Japan elements, these elements purposely confuse the distinction between Jehol and North China. They move troops into the province and, glossing over these matters, raise a loud outcry, propagandizing that Japan harbors designs of territorial aggression. In this manner they have endeavored to draw the restraining attention of the world, and every move of the Kwantung Army in Jehol—even the slightest raising of a hand or the stretching of a leg—is now the object of worldwide surveillance” At this stage the Kwantung Army treated the Rehe Operation as an internal matter of Manchukuo and did not openly talk about extending it beyond the Great Wall into Hubei. But their gunna. On January 26th, General Muto issued Order 466, kinda funny how its almost order 66, but I digress. This order directed the IJA 6th and 8th Divisions to prepare to invade Rehe. On February 9th, Muto drafted the “Rehe Subjugation Plan” to some staff officers. It stated “without specific orders, operations are not to be carid out in Hubei”. It also stipulated they should “foster and promote a climate leading to the downfall of Zhang Xueliang in North China, which is the strategic base for the disturbance of Manchukuo”. On February 27th, Muto issued Order 473 which repeated to the men again not to move into Hubei. On the 29th, Muto issued another  order “The subjugation of Jehol is purely and simply an internal problem of Manchukuo. In the light of our national policy, it must not develop into a provocation for war with China. This is why Kwantung Army Operations Order 473 stipulated that, unless specific orders are issued, operations are not to be conducted beyond the Great Wall in Hopei province. I fully expect you to issue strict orders to the various units under your command that, although our forces may act freely in Jehol, which is a part of Manchukuo, they are not, without an imperial command, allowed to take any action in Hopei province, which is separated from Jehol by the Great Wall. They should be admonished that, even in the light of local circumstances, they must never be blinded by tactical considerations and miss the main point of our national policy. (In particular, the garrison at Shanhaikuan should be doubly careful and not act beyond its authorized limits.) I have learned that His Imperial Majesty, the supreme commander, is gravely concerned about the foregoing and again issue these instructions in awe of His Majesty's concern”. Thus one can read between the lines here. Emperor Hirohito put his foot down and demanded no forces go past the great wall and to this the Kwantung Army obeyed. For Operation Nekka, the IJA 6th and 8th Division would have their own theaters of operation along a line running from Paotzu, the eastern most town in Rehe to Chaoyang. The northern zone was the IJA 6th divisions theater, the southern one was the 8th's. Geneal Sakamoto Masemon led the 6th Division and ordered his forces on February 23rd to advance north along the rail line between Tahushan and Tungliao, then on towards Tienshan, Xiawa and Chaoyang. Afterwards they would carry out operations in the Chifeng-Linxu-Tolun region.  General Nishi ordered his 8th Division, excluding one unit to advance along the border around Peipiao, towards Suichung on the 27th, then into the Lingyuan region. The other unit would secure as fast as possible the important gateways along the Great Wall of China: Qilingkou, Lenkou, Xufengkou, Lowenyukou and Manlankuan to protect their divisions flank. Afterwards they would seie Chengde and Gubeikou. However he also gave explicit orders "Without specific orders, operations must not be extended beyond the Great Wall into Hopei province,". So yeah, while they had direct orders to not advance beyond the Great Wall. . . they were going to basically capture all of the key passes of the Great Wall. Kind of playing with fire.  On the other side, on January 23rd, Zhang Xueliang was meeting with Chiang Kai-Shek and our old friend Duan Qirui to discuss how to prepare for what seemed to be an impending invasion of Rehe. Chiang Kai-Shek politely said to Duan Qirui "I sincerely hope that you will come south and give me your guidance at this time of national crisis,". The real reason he sent this request was because he did not want the Japanese to enlist their former lacky against him. At the meeting, according to a Japanese intelligence report, Zhang Xueliang insisted that Chiang Kai-Shek personally come north and assume direct command of the Northern troops. Chiang Kai-Shek refused on the grounds he had to deal with the communists in Jiangxi and sent in his place Yang Que, the current president of the Army Staff College and a graduate of the Japanese Army War College. Yang would arrive to Peiping with his staff on January 30th, where he devised a plan for joint operations with Zhang Xueliang. They anticipated the Kwantung Army would cross the Great Wall at Shanhaiguan, so their basic strategy was to concentrate a large force in its region, especially east of the Luan River. That forces mission would be to defend at all costs the front line at Qinhuangdao. The Japanese intelligence indicated the Chinese had roughly 50,000 men, including 7700 men of the 25th Division ld by Kuan Lincheng and 12800 men of the 2nd Division led by Yang Que who were sent to Miyun and Gubeikou. There were also reports that ancient art objects and documents from Peiping were being transported to Nanjing, beginning on January 10th. To the Chinese public this was shocking news as one could imagine. Operation Nekka was unleashed and showcased the rapid efficiency of the Kwantung Army. By March 2nd, the IJA 6th Division routed the 41st Army of General Sun Tienying; the IJA 14th Mixed Brigade of the IJA 8th Division captured the Lengkou pass on March 4th; while the Kawahara detachment captured Chengde near the border with Hubei. General Nishi then assembld his main force at Lingyuan as the 14th Mixed Brigade withdrew to Chapeng. On March 4th, Muto issued Order 480, directing the troops "to make preparations for operations in North China, firmly seizing the major passes along the Great Wall, mopping up resistance by remnant troops and bandits, and restoring peace and order in Jehol province." One unit of the IJA 8th Division was given the task of seizing the Gubeikou Pass and advanced to such on the 7th. Within the vicinity of Changshanyu, around 40 kilometers southwest of Chengde, they encountered 5000 advancing Chinese forces. Here one of the first of many fierce battles along the Great Wall came to be. Until roughly March 20th, the Kwantung Army was met with fierce counterattacks, coming from the main gateways of the Great Wall. Initially the fighting went tremendously wall for the Japanese, yet by March 10th, the 14th Mixed Brigade had taken Tungqiaku, Tiehmenkuan and Xifengkou. Two days later the IJA 8th Division began an assault upon Gubeikou. Nishi then sent the Hayakawa Brigade to seize Lowenyukou. Then on the 10th, after receiving reports the main passes were secured, General Muto took his HQ from Jinzhu to Changchun, believing everything was already won and done. However he would be very wrong, they had misjudged the Chinese strength.  On the 13th, Muti and Nishi received a report, that on the night of the 10th, the 14th Mixed Brigade at Xifengkou had come under heavy attack by a Chinese force led by General Song Qeyuang. Reinforcements were rapidly sent over, but they were unable to relieve the trapped brigade. On the 14th, Muto ordered Genera Sakamoto to lead the Mukai unit from the 6th Brigade to help out. With this the Chinese forces were driven off and then the Japanese began assaults upon Lengkou, Lowenyukou and Quehlingkou. On the 16th, the IJA 8th Division took Quehling, but the next day received a vicious counterattack by the NRA 116th Division. At Lowenyukou the Hayakawa Brigade was counterattacked by Song Cheyuan. The Hayakawa Brigade was still able to secure on portion of the Great Wall, it was constantly under attack and unable to progress further.  On the 22nd, Nishi was forced to order his Brigade to pull back to Chengde. Over at Lengkou, the Mukai unit managed to capture the town as the 14th Mixed Brigade at Xifengkou was attacked by the NRA 139th Division. Unable to repel the counterattacks, Nishi ordered his forces back 13 kilometers on the 24th. The battles at Quehlingkou and Lowenyukou were very intense. On March 18th, Muto realized the casualties were severe and taking the gateways was not showing progress. He therefore decided to divert the 6th Divisions attention to Lengkou in a flanking maneuver aimed at severing the Chinese supply lines to the gateways and as a result this would extend operations south of the Great Wall into the region east of the Luan River. Thus there we have it, they were going past the Great Wall against Emperor Hirohito's orders.  Operation Nekka, similar to Operation Jinzhou was deemed essential to establish and protect Manchukuo. However while the battles along the Great Wall were deemed necessary to create the borders for Manchukuo, their extension past that boundary literally brought them into the heart of North China. Unlike in Manchuria, the Chinese forces in North China held excellent morale, they were very willing to fight. On top of that, they had better logistics and were fighting on top of the Great Wall, which offered significant advantages. Thus from a tactical standpoint, the Japanese had to seize the gateways and flush out the Chinese from the areas. The Chinese remained defiant. Atop the walls the Chinese defenders would shout at the Japanese waving anti-Manchukuo and anti-Japanese flags.  Outside the ongoing battle, Chiang Kai-Shek had his own, perhaps in his mind, more important battle, the one with the communists. The encirclement campaigns had all gone to shit thus far. Added to this was the invasion of Manchuria and Shanghai. As Chiang Kai-Shek would later put it "tantamount to subjecting the Government to a pincer attack both from within and without." Basically Chiang Kai-Shek could choose to focus on the Japanese or communists. He figured going into a full war against Japan would be the end of himself and his government. Thus he worked to reach an agreement with the Japanese in May of 1932 which had ended the Shanghai incident. After doing so he released a slogan "first internal pacification, then resist external aggression". Upon doing so he unleashed his full attention upon the communists. As we have seen, Chiang Kai-Sheks last encirclement campaign proved successful. But as he was in the middle of it, Operation Nekka was unleashed. It looked extremely bad for Chiang Kai-Shek, for the KMT and for China in general. On March 20th, as a gesture to indicate to the masses Chiang Kai-Shek was doing his job, he dispatched 5 divisions, roughly 50,000 men from the Central Army north. Chiang Kai-Shek personally traveled north from Hankou to Beiping, but no further than that. Back on the 10th he had received the resignation of Zhang Xueliang, who had publicly been calling for a massive war against Japan so that Manchuria could be recovered. Chiang Kai-Shek had to replace him with General He Yingqin.  Another major development at this time, was our old and dear friend who never causes any trouble, Wang Jingwei returned from I believe his 20th time in exile. He came to resume his post as president of the Executive Yuan. Yet again Wang Jingwei was trying to reconcile with Chiang Kai-Shek. In reality and as many of you might guess, the only reason Chiang Kai-Shek never had this guy shot was because Wang Jingei had the firm backing of the left, thus in order to really grab the majority of the political class he had to play nice with him. For Wang Jingwei's part, much like starscream in transformers, yes I am using this as an analogy, hes just trying to overthrow megatron every chance he gets, but always fails like a dumb idiot. There was also the dichotomy between the two men. Wang Jingwei was seen as a civilian leader while Chiang Kai-Shek was seen as a military leader. So together they seemed like a perfect team, despite the fact they loathed each other. So Wang Jingwei became the civil administrator while Chiang Kai-Shek focused on the military. In regards to Japan, Wang Jingwei was following a conciliatory policy of "resistance on the one hand and negotiation on the other,” based on Chiang Kai-Sheks slogan "first internal pacification, then resist external aggression."  Following a fight with Zhang Xueliang in August of 1932 over the issue of defending Manchuria against the Kwantung Army, Wang Jingwei had resigned, trying to strongarm Chiang Kai-Shek to get rid of the young marshal. Thus like what had happened countless times before, Wang Jingwei said he was out on sick leave, and departed for Europe for supposed treatment. When he returned 6 months later, Operation Nekka had begun, although the Japanese troops had not yet then reached the Great Wall. Wang Jingwei immediately became acting foreign minister in place of Lu Wenkuan, a supporter of Zhang Xueliang, who was notably anti-japanese. Wang Jingwei kicked Lu Wenkuan over to Xinjiang to deal with some conflicts breaking out there, fun times for him as we know.  Meanwhile He Yingqin had been placed as the head of the Peiping branch military council, entrusted with control over all military matters in North China. He Yingqin went to work reorganizing the forces in north china in mid March, forming them into an effective battle order to face the Japanese. By bringing together the local, very disorganized forces into a unified command, He Yingqin hoped they would be capable alone to block the Japanese advance, leaving the central army out of the conflict. This was because Chiang Kai-Shek did not want to risk losing his central army, considered the most elite one in all of china. But Chiang Kai-Shek did come around to the idea of at least testing some units against the Kwantung forces. Above all Chiang Kai-Shek wanted to have his cake and eat it to. He wanted he population of China to think he was actively resisting, while in reality he was biding time. Central army units deployed around Gubeikou, the main gateway leading to the Peiping-Tientsin region. When the Kwantung army leaders were planning operation Nekka, they had believed it would not be necessary to go beyond the Great Wall, but once the fighting around the walls and gateways kicked off, they knew immediately they could not hope to take the wall areas without getting behind the enemy. Particularly they needed to get past the area east of the Luan River. Some 20 Chinese divisions had assembled in the Peiping-Tientsin region and were tossing endless counter attacks along the line of the Great Wall. In the Lengkou region a force of 7000 Central Chinese Army units had penetrated deep into Rehe and smashed the Mukai detachment of the IJA 8th Division. These counterattacks reaffirmed the Kwantung Army leadership it was necessary to go beyond the Great Wall. It should also be noted the Kwantung Army's operations in North China were not just military. The Japanese were plagued with logistical problems. There was a shortage of troops because they had driven into Rehe with only 20,000 men. Even the most determined Kwantung general did not believe their military prowess could overcome the plains of Hubei packed with an immeasurable amount of Chinese troops. Therefore they had to augment this military operation with political schemes aimed at the regional warlords. During the pacification of Manchuria, the tactic of bribing local elites had worked wonders and there was zero reason to believe it would not work in North China. All of this was done without any supervision from Tokyo HQ. On February 13th of 1933, Itagaki Seishiro, at the time chief of the Mukden Special Service Agency, was transferred to the General Staff without any official announcement of this promotion. He took a post in Tientsin, specifically to begin political maneuvers in eastern Hubei. This saw the birth of the Tientsin Special Service Agency. Initially this agency was attempting to lure all the competing warlords in North China, such as, Duan Qirui, Wu Peifu, Sun Chuanfang, but then began targeting Zhang Qingyao. Zhang Qingyao had once been the protege of Duan Qirui, acting as the civil and military governor of Henan province. He had fought against Zhang Zuolin in 1925 whereupon his allegiance had shifted over to Wu Peifu. During the second phase of the Northern Expedition, Zhang Qingyao had fought again against Zhang Zuolin, then controlling the National Pacification Army. When the Northern expedition was over, he joined Yan Xishans forces in Shanxi. Thus one could easily see he was not a man of many principals, nor any specific loyalties. The Tientsin Special Service Agency first proposed to reach out to Zhang Qingyao in the hopes he could organize a coup d'etat against Chiang Kai-Shek. It was further hoped he could get Song Queyuan, Zhang Zuoxiang, Fang Chenwu, Xu Yusan, Zhang Tingshu, Sun Tienying and Feng Zhanhai to join in. If they managed this, North China would fall in a single stroke. It was hoped this would be achieved as they were taking the Great Wall and were enroute towards Peiping. However on May 7th, Zhang Qingyao was assassinated, completely ruining the plan. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Operation Nekka had been unleashed with a large bang. 20,000 Japanese troops stormed Rehe province under strict orders not to go past the Great Wall of China. So they immediately began planning how to go past the Great Wall of China. Yet what they did not expect was the determination of the Chinese defenders, who were not going to allow them an easy time.