Podcasts about deputy chief

Events are moving rapidly in the Middle East, so we wanted to provide our loyal podcast listeners with some context to help digest everything that's happened so far. We hope to provide a longer view of the what, where, who, how and why and offer some perspective on this military action's broader historical, political, and legal implications.Ted Postol is Professor of Science, Technology and National Security Policy Emeritus in the Program in Science, Technology, and Society at MIT. His expertise is in nuclear weapon systems, including submarine warfare, applications of nuclear weapons, ballistic missile defense, and ballistic missiles more generally. He previously worked as an analyst at the Office of Technology Assessment and as a science and policy adviser to the chief of naval operations. In 2016, he received the Garwin Prize from the Federation of American Scientists for his work in assessing and critiquing the government's claims about missile defenses.Ambassador Chas Freeman is a retired career diplomat who has negotiated on behalf of the United States with over 100 foreign governments in East and South Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and both Western and Eastern Europe. Ambassador Freeman was previously a Senior Fellow at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, and served as U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense, U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and Deputy Chief of Mission and Chargé d'Affaires in the American embassies at both Bangkok and Beijing. He was Director for Chinese Affairs at the U.S. Department of State from 1979-1981. He was the principal American interpreter during the late President Nixon's historic visit to China in 1972. In addition to Chinese, Ambassador Freeman speaks French and Spanish at the professional level and can converse in Arabic and several other languages.Bruce Fein is a Constitutional scholar and an expert on international law. Mr. Fein was Associate Deputy Attorney General under Ronald Reagan and he is the author of Constitutional Peril: The Life and Death Struggle for Our Constitution and Democracy, and American Empire: Before the Fall.Ralph Nader Radio Hour is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Thanks for reading Ralph Nader Radio Hour! This post is public so feel free to share it. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

In this episode, we look at Egypt's role in the shifting post-war picture around Gaza. Recorded during a media briefing, Daniel J. Levy speaks with Ruth Wasserman Lande. They discuss the implications of emerging plans for Gaza's future governance, Egypt's approach to Rafah and Sinai, and the wider regional influence of actors including Turkey and Qatar. Ruth Wasserman Lande is an Arab affairs commentator. She previously served as Israel's Deputy Chief of Mission in Cairo and was a member of the Knesset for Blue and White, where she founded the Knesset caucus for the promotion of the Abraham Accords.

With early exposure to Paul Tudor Jones and then stints on the sell-side in credit research, Michael Contopoulos is now Deputy CIO of Richard Bernstein Advisors, a macro-oriented asset manager overseeing roughly $20 billion across long-only portfolios. Our discussion centers on portfolio construction in an era of extreme equity concentration and shifting global leadership.On the equity side, the firm is under-weight the most concentrated segments of U.S. equities and overweight international markets, citing valuation gaps, earnings acceleration abroad, and under-ownership by investors.Using his background in quantitative credit strategy and a Merton framework for modeling  spread risk, Michael brings a structural lens to today's corporate debt markets. Our conversation focuses on the surge in long-dated issuance tied to AI infrastructure build-outs. He argues that history rarely rewards lenders who finance capital-intensive growth booms at their peak.Drawing parallels to late-1990s telecom boom, Michael questions whether investors are being adequately compensated for duration and technology risk embedded in 40- and 50-year debt issued by hyperscalers building data centers. The core concern is twofold: that AI-driven revenue gains may not justify the scale of investment, and that infrastructure built today may not remain technologically relevant decades from now.I hope you enjoy this episode of the Alpha Exchange, my conversation with Michael Contopoulos.Editing and post-production work for this episode was provided by The Podcast Consultant (⁠https://thepodcastconsultant.com⁠)

675,836 views Streamed live on Feb 9, 2026 #arestovych #rustle #war#arestovych #rustle #war #zelensky #trump

Chyanne Eyde, Deputy Chief of School Planning for the Government of the District of Columbia joined the podcast to discuss how not to engage historically marginalized communities in public outreach. She shared difficulties she was having in engagement and how it was negatively impacting her work. She then discussed how the engagement process has evolved and lessons learned in engagement. Host: Toney Thompson

Ep. 80 - Joining me is Jim Dudley, host of Police1's acclaimed podcast Policing Matters. Jim was with the San Francisco Police Department for 32 years, rising to the rank of Deputy Chief. He takes us back to policing in San Francisco in the 1980s and walks through how the profession — and crime itself — evolved over the decades, from the crack epidemic to today's open drug use and reforms impacting law enforcement like reducing felony charges to misdemeanors. He reflects on his time as an Investigator in the Bureau of Inspectors, working cases ranging from burglary and property crimes to domestic violence, assaults, and serious violent offenses.Jim also speaks candidly about the critical incident in which he used deadly force to save his own life and his partner's during a struggle with an armed suspect. We discuss the reality of being investigated after a fatal use-of-force incident, the emotional toll that follows, and how that experience shaped his leadership style when supporting officers navigating their own critical incidents.Since retiring in 2013, Jim has continued serving the profession as the host of Policing Matters and as a criminal justice instructor at San Francisco State University, where he has taught for 14 years. We touch on a topic of particular interest to me and that is the impact criminal justice professors can have on framing the national narrative on policing. Thank you, Jim.I also want to thank the listeners who I mention in the episode: @Luv fitness pal and @Emandagat01left very kind words in their five-star reviews on Apple podcasts. It means a lot to me. Here's where you can find Jim and Policing Matters: Policing Matters podcastPolicing Matters YouTubeInstagram:https://www.instagram.com/policing_matterspodcast/ LinkedIn:https://www.linkedin.com/in/jimdudley1946/ My interview with Jim Dudley on “Policing Matters”Thanks for listening to On Being a Police Officer. YOU are what keeps me going.Find me on my social or email me your thoughts:Instagram: on_being_a_police_officerFacebook: On Being a Police Officer Abby@Ellsworthproductions.comwww.onbeingapoliceofficer.com©Abby Ellsworth. All booking, interviews, editing, and production by Abby Ellsworth. Music courtesy of freesound.org

Host Rob Lorton sits down with two senior leaders to explore the world of government contracting in an overseas environment. He is joined by Alex Hight, Deputy Director of Contracting, Air Force Installation Contracting Center, Germany, and Casey Kopecky, Deputy Chief of Contracts, NAVSUP Fleet Logistics Center, Italy. Alex and Casey share their extensive experience leading teams and executing contracts across Europe and Africa. They discuss the unique challenges and nuances of operating overseas, from navigating Status of Forces Agreements (SOFAs) and country-specific laws to the complexities of managing different currencies and the critical role of local national employees in ensuring mission continuity. The conversation also highlights the distinct contracting portfolios found abroad, including the Air Force's support to two combatant commands and the Navy's specialized work in ship repair and "husbandry" services. The guests explain how these demanding roles offer unparalleled opportunities for professional growth and a chance to work directly in support of the warfighter at the "point of the spear." Finally, for anyone considering one of these "dream assignments," Alex and Casey offer a candid look at both the personal and professional benefits, while also providing invaluable advice on how to best position yourself for these highly competitive and rewarding opportunities. If you would like to share feedback on the podcast, please submit via thecontractingexperience@gmail.com. Register at https://www.dvidshub.net/ to access transcripts of the podcast.

Last time we spoke about The Battle of Suixian–Zaoyang-Shatow. Following the brutal 1938 capture of Wuhan, Japanese forces aimed to solidify their hold by launching an offensive against Chinese troops in the 5th War Zone, a rugged natural fortress in northern Hubei and southern Henan. Under General Yasuji Okamura, the 11th Army deployed three divisions and cavalry in a pincer assault starting May 1, 1939, targeting Suixian and Zaoyang to crush Nationalist resistance and secure flanks. Chinese commander Li Zongren, leveraging terrain like the Dabie and Tongbai Mountains, orchestrated defenses with over 200,000 troops, including Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group. By May 23, they recaptured Suixian and Zaoyang, forcing a Japanese withdrawal with heavy losses, over 13,000 Japanese casualties versus 25,000 Chinese, restoring pre-battle lines. Shifting south, Japan targeted Shantou in Guangdong to sever supply lines from Hong Kong. In a massive June 21 amphibious assault, the 21st Army overwhelmed thin Chinese defenses, capturing the port and Chao'an despite guerrilla resistance led by Zhang Fakui. Though losses mounted, Japan tightened its blockade, straining China's war effort amid ongoing attrition.   #188 From Changkufeng to Nomonhan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Well hello again, and yes you all have probably guessed we are taking another detour. Do not worry I hope to shorten this one a bit more so than what became a sort of mini series on the battle of Changkufeng or Battle of Lake Khasan. What we are about to jump into is known in the west as the battle of khalkin Gol, by the Japanese the Nomohan incident. But first I need to sort of set the table up so to say. So back on August 10th, 1938 the Litvinov-Shigemitsu agreement established a joint border commission tasked with redemarcating the disputed boundary between the Soviet Union and Japanese-controlled Manchukuo. However, this commission never achieved a mutually agreeable definition of the border in the contested area. In reality, the outcome was decided well before the group's inaugural meeting. Mere hours after the cease-fire took effect on the afternoon of August 11, General Grigory Shtern convened with a regimental commander from Japan's 19th Division to coordinate the disengagement of forces. With the conflict deemed "honorably" concluded, Japan's Imperial General Headquarters mandated the swift withdrawal of all Japanese troops to the west bank of the Tumen River. By the night of August 13, as the final Japanese soldier crossed the river, it effectively became the de facto border. Soviet forces promptly reoccupied Changkufeng Hill and the adjacent heights—a move that would carry unexpected and profound repercussions. Authoritative Japanese military analyses suggest that if negotiations in Moscow had dragged on for just one more day, the 19th Division would likely have been dislodged from Changkufeng and its surrounding elevations. Undoubtedly, General Shtern's infantry breathed a sigh of relief as the bloodshed ceased. Yet, one can't help but question why Moscow opted for a cease-fire at a juncture when Soviet troops were on the cusp of total battlefield triumph. Perhaps Kremlin leaders deemed it wiser to settle for a substantial gain, roughly three-quarters of their objectives, rather than risk everything. After all, Japan had mobilized threatening forces in eastern Manchuria, and the Imperial Army had a history of impulsive, unpredictable aggression. Moreover, amid the escalating crisis over Czechoslovakia, Moscow may have been wary of provoking a broader Asian conflict. Another theory posits that Soviet high command was misinformed about the ground situation. Reports of capturing a small segment of Changkufeng's crest might have been misinterpreted as control over the entire ridge, or an imminent full takeover before midnight on August 10. The unexpected phone call from Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov to the Japanese embassy that night—proposing a one-kilometer Japanese retreat in exchange for a cease-fire along existing lines—hints at communication breakdowns between Shtern's headquarters and the Kremlin. Ironically, such lapses may have preserved Japanese military honor, allowing the 19th Division's evacuation through diplomacy rather than defeat. Both sides endured severe losses. Initial Japanese press reports claimed 158 killed and 740 wounded. However, the 19th Division's medical logs reveal a grimmer toll: 526 dead and 914 injured, totaling 1,440 casualties. The true figure may have climbed higher, possibly to 1,500–2,000. Following the armistice, the Soviet news agency TASS reported 236 Red Army fatalities and 611 wounded. Given Shtern's uphill assaults across open terrain against entrenched positions, these numbers seem understated. Attackers in such scenarios typically suffered two to three times the defenders' losses, suggesting Soviet casualties ranged from 3,000 to 5,000. This aligns with a Soviet Military Council investigation on August 31, 1938, which documented 408 killed and 2,807 wounded. Japanese estimates placed Soviet losses even higher, at 4,500–7,000. Not all victims perished in combat. Marshal Vasily Blyukher, a decorated Soviet commander, former warlord of the Far East, and Central Committee candidate, was summoned to Moscow in August 1938. Relieved of duty in September and arrested with his family in October, he faced charges of inadequate preparation against Japanese aggression and harboring "enemies of the people" within his ranks. On November 9, 1938, Blyukher died during interrogation a euphemism for torture-induced death.Other innocents suffered as well. In the wake of the fighting, Soviet authorities deported hundreds of thousands of Korean rice farmers from the Ussuri region to Kazakhstan, aiming to eradicate Korean settlements that Japanese spies had allegedly exploited. The Changkufeng clash indirectly hampered Japan's Wuhan offensive, a massive push to subdue China. The influx of troops and supplies for this campaign was briefly disrupted by the border flare-up. Notably, Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group, slated for Wuhan, was retained due to the Soviet threat. Chiang Kai-shek's drastic measure, breaching the Yellow River dikes to flood Japanese advance routes—further delayed the assault. By October 25, 1938, when Japanese forces captured Hankow, Chiang had relocated his capital to distant Chungking. Paradoxically, Wuhan's fall cut rail links from Canton inland, heightening Chiang's reliance on Soviet aid routed overland and by air from Central Asia. Japan secured a tactical win but missed the decisive blow; Chinese resistance persisted, pinning down a million Japanese troops in occupation duties. What was the true significance of Changkufeng? For General Koiso Suetaka and the 19th Division, it evoked a mix of bitterness and pride. Those eager for combat got their share, though not on their terms. To veterans mourning fallen comrades on those desolate slopes, it might have felt like senseless tragedy. Yet, they fought valiantly under dire conditions, holding firm until a retreat that blended humiliation with imperial praise, a bittersweet inheritance. For the Red Army, it marked a crucial trial of resolve amid Stalin's purges. While Shtern's forces didn't shine brilliantly, they acquitted themselves well in adversity. The U.S. military attaché in Moscow observed that any purge-related inefficiencies had been surmounted, praising the Red Army's valor, reliability, and equipment. His counterpart in China, Colonel Joseph Stilwell, put it bluntly: the Soviets "appeared to advantage," urging skeptics to rethink notions of a weakened Red Army. Yet, by World War II's eve, many British, French, German, and Japanese leaders still dismissed it as a "paper tiger." Soviet leaders appeared content, promoting Shtern to command the Transbaikal Military District and colonel general by 1940, while honoring "Heroes of Lake Khasan" with medals. In a fiery November 7, 1938, speech, Marshal Kliment Voroshilov warned that future incursions would prompt strikes deep into enemy territory. Tokyo's views diverged sharply. Many in the military and government saw it as a stain on Imperial Army prestige, especially Kwantung Army, humiliated on Manchukuo soil it swore to protect. Colonel Masanobu Tsuji Inada, however, framed it as a successful reconnaissance, confirming Soviet border defense without broader aggression, allowing the Wuhan push to proceed safely. Critics, including Major General Gun Hashimoto and historians, questioned this. They argued IGHQ lacked contingency plans for a massive Soviet response, especially with Wuhan preparations underway since June. One expert warned Japan had "played with fire," risking Manchuria and Korea if escalation occurred. Yet, Japanese commanders gleaned few lessons, downplaying Soviet materiel superiority and maintaining disdain for Red Army prowess. The 19th Division's stand against outnumbered odds reinforced this hubris, as did tolerance for local insubordination—attitudes that would prove costly. The Kremlin, conversely, learned Japan remained unpredictable despite its China quagmire. But for Emperor Hirohito's intervention, the conflict might have ballooned. Amid purges and the Czech crisis, Stalin likely viewed it as a reminder of eastern vulnerabilities, especially with Munich advancing German threats westward. Both sides toyed with peril. Moderation won in Tokyo, but Kwantung Army seethed. On August 11, Premier Fumimaro Konoye noted the need for caution. Kwantung, however, pushed for and secured control of the disputed salient from Chosen Army by October 8, 1938. Even winter's chill couldn't quench their vengeful fire, setting the stage for future confrontations. A quick look at the regional map reveals how Manchukuo and the Mongolian People's Republic each jut into the other's territory like protruding salients. These bulges could be seen as aggressive thrusts into enemy land, yet they also risked encirclement and absorption by the opposing empire. A northward push from western Manchuria through Mongolia could sever the MPR and Soviet Far East from the USSR's heartland. Conversely, a pincer movement from Mongolia and the Soviet Maritime Province might envelop and isolate Manchukuo. This dynamic highlights the frontier's strategic volatility in the 1930s. One particularly tense sector was the broad Mongolian salient extending about 150 miles eastward into west-central Manchukuo. There, in mid-1939, Soviet-Japanese tensions erupted into major combat. Known to the Japanese as the Nomonhan Incident and to the Soviets and Mongolians as the Battle of Khalkhin Gol, this clash dwarfed the earlier Changkufeng affair in scale, duration, and impact. Spanning four months and claiming 30,000 to 50,000 casualties, it amounted to a small undeclared war, the modern era's first limited conflict between great powers. The Mongolian salient features vast, semiarid plains of sandy grassland, gently rolling terrain dotted with sparse scrub pines and low shrubs. The climate is unforgivingly continental: May brings hot days and freezing nights, while July and August see daytime highs exceeding 38°C (100°F in American units), with cool evenings. Swarms of mosquitoes and massive horseflies necessitate netting in summer. Rainfall is scarce, but dense morning fogs are common in August. Come September, temperatures plummet, with heavy snows by October and midwinter lows dipping to –34°C. This blend of North African aridity and North Dakotan winters supports only sparse populations, mainly two related but distinct Mongol tribes. The Buriat (or Barga) Mongols migrated into the Nomonhan area from the northwest in the late 17th to early 18th centuries, likely fleeing Russian expansion after the 1689 Treaty of Nerchinsk. Organized by Manchu emperors between 1732 and 1735, they settled east of the river they called Khalkhin Gol (Mongolian for "river"), in lands that would later become Manchukuo. The Khalkha Mongols, named for the word meaning "barrier" or "shield," traditionally guarded the Mongol Empire's northern frontiers. Their territories lay west of the Buriats, in what would become the MPR. For centuries, these tribes herded livestock across sands, river crossings, and desert paths, largely oblivious to any formal borders. For hundreds of years, the line dividing the Mongolian salient from western Manchuria was a hazy administrative divide within the Qing Empire. In the 20th century, Russia's detachment of Outer Mongolia and Japan's seizure of Manchuria transformed this vague boundary into a frontline between rival powers. The Nomonhan Incident ignited over this contested border. Near the salient's northeastern edge, the river, called Khalkhin Gol by Mongols and Soviets, and Halha by Manchurians and Japanese, flows northwest into Lake Buir Nor. The core dispute: Was the river, as Japan asserted, the historic boundary between Manchukuo and the MPR? Soviet and MPR officials insisted the line ran parallel to and 10–12 miles east of the river, claiming the intervening strip. Japan cited no fewer than 18 maps, from Chinese and Japanese sources, to support the river as the border, a logical choice in such barren terrain, where it served as the sole natural divider. Yet, Soviets and Mongolians countered with evidence like a 1919 Chinese postal atlas and maps from Japanese and Manchukuoan agencies (1919–1934). Unbeknownst to combatants, in July 1939, China's military attaché in Moscow shared a 1934 General Staff map with his American counterpart, showing the border east of the river. Postwar Japanese studies of 18th-century Chinese records confirm that in 1734, the Qing emperor set a boundary between Buriat and Khalkha Mongols east of the river, passing through the hamlet of Nomonhan—as the Soviets claimed. However, Kwantung Army Headquarters dismissed this as non-binding, viewing it as an internal Qing affair without Russian involvement. Two former Kwantung Army officers offer a pragmatic explanation: From 1931 to 1935, when Soviet forces in the Far East were weak, Japanese and Manchukuoan authorities imposed the river as the de facto border, with MPR acquiescence. By the mid- to late 1930s, as Soviet strength grew, Japan refused to yield, while Mongolians and Soviets rejected the river line, sparking clashes. In 1935, Kwantung Army revised its maps to align with the river claim. From late that year, the Lake Buir Nor–Halha sector saw frequent skirmishes between Manchukuoan and MPR patrols. Until mid-1938, frontier defense in northwestern Manchukuo fell to the 8th Border Garrison Unit , based near Hailar. This 7,000-man force, spread thin, lacked mobility, training, and, in Kwantung Army's eyes, combat readiness. That summer, the newly formed 23rd Division, under Kwantung Army, took station at Hailar, absorbing the 8th BGU under its command, led by Lieutenant General Michitaro Komatsubara. At 52, Komatsubara was a premier Russian specialist in the Imperial Army, with stints as military attaché in the USSR and head of Kwantung's Special Services Agency in Harbin. Standing 5'7" with a sturdy build, glasses, and a small mustache, he was detail-oriented, keeping meticulous diaries, writing lengthy letters, and composing poetry, though he lacked combat experience. Before departing Tokyo in July 1938, Komatsubara received briefings from Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations Section chief. Amid planning for Changkufeng, Inada urged calm on the Manchukuo-MPR border given China's ongoing campaigns. Guidelines: Ignore minor incidents, prioritize intelligence on Soviet forces east of Lake Baikal, and study operations against the Soviet Far East's western sector. Familiar with the region from his Harbin days, Komatsubara adopted a low-key approach. Neither impulsive nor aggressive, he kept the green 23rd Division near Hailar, delegating patrols to the 8th BGU. An autumn incident underscores his restraint. On November 1, 1938, an 8th BGU patrol was ambushed by MPR forces. Per Japanese accounts, the three-man team, led by a lieutenant, strayed too close to the border and was attacked 50 meters inside Manchukuo. The lieutenant escaped, but his men died. Komatsubara sent an infantry company to secure the site but forbade retaliation. He pursued body recovery diplomatically, protested to MPR and Soviet officials, and disciplined his officers: garrison leaders got five days' confinement for poor troop training, the lieutenant thirty days. Despite this caution, pressures at AGS and KwAHQ were mounting, poised to thrust the 23rd Division into fierce battle. Modern militaries routinely develop contingency plans against potential adversaries, and the mere existence of such strategies doesn't inherently signal aggressive intentions. That said, shifts in Japan's operational planning vis-à-vis the Soviet Union may have inadvertently fueled the Nomonhan Incident. From 1934 to 1938, Japanese war scenarios emphasized a massive surprise assault in the Ussuri River region, paired with defensive holding actions in northwestern Manchuria. However, between mid-1938 and early 1939, a clandestine joint task force from the Army General Staff  and Kwantung Army's Operations Departments crafted a bold new blueprint. This revised strategy proposed containing Soviet forces in the east and north while unleashing a full-scale offensive from Hailar, advancing west-northwest toward Chita and ultimately Lake Baikal. The goal: sever the Transbaikal Soviet Far East from the USSR's core. Dubbed Plan Eight-B, it gained Kwantung Army's endorsement in March 1939. Key architects—Colonels Takushiro Hattori and Masao Terada, along with Major Takeharu Shimanuki—were reassigned from AGS to Kwantung Army Headquarters to oversee implementation. The plan anticipated a five-year buildup before execution, with Hattori assuming the role of chief operations staff officer.  A map review exposes a glaring vulnerability in Plan Eight-B: the Japanese advance would leave its southern flank exposed to Soviet counterstrikes from the Mongolian salient. By spring 1939, KwAHQ likely began perceiving this protrusion as a strategic liability. Notably, at the outbreak of Nomonhan hostilities, no detailed operational contingencies for the area had been formalized. Concurrently, Japan initiated plans for a vital railroad linking Harlun Arshan to Hailar. While its direct tie to Plan Eight-B remains unclear, the route skirted perilously close to the Halha River, potentially heightening KwAHQ's focus on the disputed Mongolian salient. In early 1939, the 23rd Division intensified reconnaissance patrols near the river. Around this time, General Grigory Shtern, freshly appointed commander of Soviet Far Eastern forces, issued a public warning that Japan was gearing up for an assault on the Mongolian People's Republic. As Plan Eight-B took shape and railroad proposals advanced, KwAHQ issued a strikingly confrontational set of guidelines for frontier troops. These directives are often cited as a catalyst for the Nomonhan clash, forging a chain linking the 1937 Amur River incident, the 1938 Changkufeng debacle, and the 1939 conflict.Resentment had festered at KwAHQ over perceived AGS meddling during the Amur affair, which curtailed their command autonomy. This frustration intensified at Changkufeng, where General Kamezo Suetaka's 19th Division endured heavy losses, only for the contested Manchukuoan territory to be effectively ceded. Kwantung Army lobbied successfully to wrest oversight of the Changkufeng salient from Chosen Army. In November 1938, Major Masanobu Tsuji of KwAHQ's Operations Section was sent to survey the site. The audacious officer was dismayed: Soviet forces dominated the land from the disputed ridge to the Tumen River. Tsuji undertook several winter reconnaissance missions. His final outing in March 1939 involved leading 40 men to Changkufeng's base. With rifles slung non-threateningly, they ascended to within 200 yards of Soviet lines, formed a line, and urinated in unison, eliciting amused reactions from the enemy. They then picnicked with obentos and sake, sang army tunes, and left gifts of canned meat, chocolates, and whiskey. This theatrical stunt concealed Tsuji's real aim: covert photography proving Soviet fortifications encroached on Manchukuoan soil. Tsuji was a singular figure. Born of modest means, he embodied a modern samurai ethos, channeling a sharp intellect into a frail, often ailing body through feats of extraordinary daring. A creative tactician, he thrived in intelligence ops, political scheming, aerial scouting, planning, and frontline command—excelling across a tumultuous career. Yet, flaws marred his brilliance: narrow bigotry, virulent racism, and capacity for cruelty. Ever the ambitious outsider, Tsuji wielded outsized influence via gekokujo—Japan's tradition of subordinates steering policy from below. In 1939, he was a major, but his pivotal role at Nomonhan stemmed from this dynamic. Back in Hsinking after his Changkufeng escapade, Tsuji drafted a response plan: negotiate border "rectification" with the Soviets; if talks failed, launch an attack to expel intruders. Kwantung Army adopted it. Deputy Chief of Staff Major General Otozaburo Yano flew to Tokyo with Tsuji's photos, seeking AGS approval. There, he was rebuffed—Changkufeng was deemed settled, and minor violations should be overlooked amid Tokyo's aversion to Soviet conflict. Yano's plea that leniency would invite aggression was countered by notes on Europe's tensions restraining Moscow. Yano's return sparked outrage at KwAHQ, seen as AGS thwarting their imperial duty to safeguard Manchukuo. Fury peaked in the Operations Section, setting the stage for Tsuji's drafting of stringent new frontier guidelines: "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes." The core tenet: "If Soviet troops transgress the Manchukuoan frontiers, Kwantung Army will nip their ambitions in the bud by completely destroying them." Specific directives for local commanders included: "If the enemy crosses the frontiers … annihilate him without delay, employing strength carefully built up beforehand. To accomplish our mission, it is permissible to enter Soviet territory, or to trap or lure Soviet troops into Manchukuoan territory and allow them to remain there for some time… . Where boundary lines are not clearly defined, area defense commanders will, upon their own initiative, establish boundaries and indicate them to the forward elements… . In the event of an armed clash, fight until victory is won, regardless of relative strengths or of the location of the boundaries. If the enemy violates the borders, friendly units must challenge him courageously and endeavor to triumph in their zone of action without concerning themselves about the consequences, which will be the responsibility of higher headquarters." Major Tsuji Masanobu later justified the new guidelines by pointing to the "contradictory orders" that had hamstrung frontier commanders under the old rules. They were tasked with upholding Manchukuo's territorial integrity yet forbidden from actions that might spark conflict. This, Tsuji argued, bred hesitation, as officers feared repercussions for decisive responses to incursions. The updated directives aimed to alleviate this "anxiety," empowering local leaders to act boldly without personal liability. In truth, Tsuji's "Principles for the Settlement of Soviet-Manchukuoan Border Disputes" were more incendiary than conciliatory. They introduced provocative measures: authorizing commanders to unilaterally define unclear boundaries, enforce them with immediate force "shoot first, ask questions later", permit pursuits into enemy territory, and even encourage luring adversaries across the line. Such tactics flouted both government policy and official army doctrine, prioritizing escalation over restraint. The proposals sparked intense debate within Kwantung Army's Operations Section. Section chief Colonel Takushiro Hattori and Colonel Masao Terada outranked Tsuji, as did Major Takeharu Shimanuki, all recent transfers from the Army General Staff. Tsuji, however, boasted longer tenure at Kwantung Army Headquarters since April 1936 and in Operations since November 1937, making him the de facto veteran. Hattori and Terada hesitated to challenge the assertive major, whose reputation for intellect, persuasion, and deep knowledge of Manchuria commanded respect. In a 1960 interview, Shimanuki recalled Tsuji's dominance in discussions, where his proactive ideas often swayed the group. Unified, the section forwarded Tsuji's plan to Kwantung Army Command. Commander Lieutenant General Kenkichi Ueda consulted Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai and Vice Chief General Otozaburo Yano, seasoned leaders who should have spotted the guidelines' volatility. Yet, lingering grudges from AGS "interference" in past incidents like the Amur River and Changkufeng clouded their judgment. Ueda, Isogai, and Tsuji shared history from the 1932 Shanghai Incident: Tsuji, then a captain, led a company in the 7th Regiment under Colonel Isogai, with Yano as staff officer and Ueda commanding the 9th Division. Tsuji was wounded there, forging bonds of camaraderie. This "clique," which grew to include Hattori, Terada, and Shimanuki, amplified Tsuji's influence. Despite Isogai's initial reservations as the group's moderate voice, the guidelines won approval. Ueda issued them as Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488 on April 25, 1939, during a division commanders' conference at KwAHQ. A routine copy reached AGS in Tokyo, but no formal reply came. Preoccupied with the China War and alliance talks with Germany, AGS may have overlooked border matters. Colonel Masazumi Inada, AGS Operations head, later noted basic acceptance of Order 1488, with an informal expectation—relayed to Hattori and Terada—of prior consultation on violations. KwAHQ dismissed this as another Tokyo intrusion on their autonomy. Some Japanese analysts contend a stern AGS rejection might have prevented Nomonhan's catastrophe, though quelling Kwantung's defiance could have required mass staff reassignments, a disruptive step AGS avoided. Tsuji countered that permitting forceful action at Changkufeng would have deterred Nomonhan altogether, underscoring the interconnectedness of these clashes while implicitly critiquing the 1939 battle's location. Undeniably, Order 1488's issuance on April 25 paved the way for conflict three weeks later. Japanese records confirm that Khalkha Mongols and MPR patrols routinely crossed the Halha River—viewed by them as internal territory, 10 miles from the true border. Such crossings passed uneventfully in March and April 1939. Post-Order 1488, however, 23rd Division commander General Michitaro Komatsubara responded aggressively, setting the stage for escalation. The Nomonhan Incident ignited with a border clash on May 11–12, 1939, that rapidly spiraled into a major conflict. Over a dozen "authoritative" accounts exist, varying in viewpoint, focus, and specifics. After cross-referencing these sources, a coherent timeline emerges. On the night of May 10–11, a 20-man Mongolian People's Republic border patrol crossed eastward over the Halha River (known as Khalkhin Gol to Mongols and Soviets). About 10 miles east, atop a 150-foot sandy hill, lay the tiny hamlet of Nomonhan, a cluster of crude huts housing a few Mongol families. Just south flowed the Holsten River, merging westward into the broader Halha. By morning on May 11, Manchukuoan forces spotted the MPR patrol north of the Holsten and west of Nomonhan. In the MPR/Soviet perspective, Nomonhan Hill marked the Mongolia-Manchuria border. To Manchukuoans and Japanese, it sat 10 miles inside Manchukuo, well east of the Halha. A 40-man Manchukuoan cavalry unit repelled the Mongolians back across the river, inflicting initial casualties on both sides—the Manchukuoans drawing first blood. The MPR patrol leader exaggerated the attackers as 200 strong. The next day, May 12, a 60-man MPR force under Major P. Chogdan evicted the Manchukuoans from the disputed zone, reestablishing positions between the Halha and Nomonhan. The Manchukuoans, in turn, reported facing 700 enemies. Sporadic skirmishes and maneuvering persisted through the week. On May 13, two days post-clash, the local Manchukuoan commander alerted General Michitaro Komatsubara's 23rd Division headquarters in Hailar. Simultaneously, Major Chogdan reported to Soviet military command in Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia's capital. What began as a Mongolian-Manchukuoan spat was poised to draw in Soviet and Japanese patrons. Attributing the May 10–11 violation hinges on border interpretations: both sides claimed the Halha-Nomonhan strip. Yet, most accounts concur that Manchukuoan forces initiated the fighting. Post-May 13 notifications to Moscow and Tokyo clarify the record thereafter. Midday on May 13, Komatsubara was leading a staff conference on the newly issued Kwantung Army Operations Order 1488—Major Tsuji Masanobu's aggressive border guidelines. Ironically, the first Nomonhan combat report arrived mid-discussion. Officers present recall Komatsubara deciding instantly to "destroy the invading Outer Mongolian forces" per Order 1488. That afternoon, he informed Kwantung Army Headquarters of the incident and his intent to eradicate the intruders, requesting air support and trucks. General Kenkichi Ueda, Kwantung commander, approved Komatsubara's "positive attitude," dispatching six scout planes, 40 fighters, 10 light bombers, two anti-aircraft batteries, and two motorized transport companies. Ueda added a caveat: exercise "extreme caution" to prevent escalation—a paradoxical blend of destruction and restraint, reflective of KwAHQ's fervent mood. Ueda relayed the details to Tokyo's Army General Staff, which responded that Kwantung should handle it "appropriately." Despite Kwantung's impulsive reputation, Tokyo deferred, perhaps trusting the northern strategic imbalance, eight Japanese divisions versus 30 Soviet ones from Lake Baikal to Vladivostok, would enforce prudence. This faith proved misguided. On May 14, Major Tsuji flew from KwAHQ for aerial reconnaissance over Nomonhan, spotting 20 horses but no troops. Upon landing, a fresh bullet hole in his plane confirmed lingering MPR presence east of the Halha. Tsuji briefed 23rd Division staff and reported to Ueda that the incident seemed minor. Aligning with Order 1488's spirit, Komatsubara deployed a force under Lieutenant Colonel Yaozo Azuma: an armored car company, two infantry companies, and a cavalry troop. Arriving at Nomonhan on May 15, Azuma learned most MPR forces had retreated westward across the Halha the prior night, with only token elements remaining, and those withdrawing. Undeterred, he pursued. The advance met scant resistance, as foes had crossed the river. However, Japanese light bombers struck a small MPR concentration on the west bank, Outpost Number 7, killing two and wounding 15 per MPR reports; Japanese claimed 30–40 kills. All agree: the raid targeted undisputed MPR territory. Hearing of May 15's events, Komatsubara deemed the Mongolians sufficiently rebuked and recalled Azuma to Hailar on May 16. KwAHQ concurred, closing the matter. Soviet leaders, however, saw it differently. Mid-May prompted Soviet support for the MPR under their 1936 Mutual Defense Pact. The Red Army's 57th Corps, stationed in Mongolia, faced initial disarray: Commander Nikolai Feklenko was hunting, Chief of Staff A. M. Kushchev in Ulan Ude with his ill wife. Moscow learned of clashes via international press from Japanese sources, sparking Chief of Staff Boris Shaposhnikov's furious inquiry. Feklenko and Kushchev rushed back to Ulaanbaatar, dispatching a mixed force—a battalion from the 149th Infantry Regiment (36th Division), plus light armor and artillery from the 11th Tank Brigade—to Tamsag Bulak, 80 miles west of the Halha. Led by Major A. E. Bykov, it bolstered the MPR's 6th Cavalry Division. Bykov and Cavalry Commander Colonel Shoaaiibuu inspected the site on May 15, post-Azum's departure. The cavalry arrived two days later, backed by Bykov (ordered to remain west of the river and avoid combat if possible). Some MPR troops recrossed, occupying the disputed zone. Clashes with Manchukuoan cavalry resumed and intensified. Notified of renewed hostilities, Komatsubara viewed it as defiance, a personal affront. Emboldened by Order 1488, he aimed not just to repel but to encircle and annihilate. The incident was on the verge of major expansion. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The ghosts of the Changufeng incident have come back to haunt both the USSR and Japan. Those like Tsuji Masanobu instigated yet another border clash that would erupt into a full blown battle that would set a precedent for both nations until the very end of WW2. 

Send us a textWe Own the NightFor Season 16 Episode 5, TGTPTU dives deep into what writer-director James Gray considers the conclusion of his NYC crime trilogy WE OWN THE NIGHT (2007) while also starting the first of two planned sizzurp episodes with host Ken sick and sipping on some strong cold medicine. And joining this top to the third temporal pincer™️ pairing is special guest and inveterate bookworm Shannon.   For his third film, and second time being booed at Cannes (Harvey Scissorhands' cut of The Yards being the occasion for his first), Gray after seven years in development had his first financial success with his unique, untrademarked combination of family drama, crime, and Greek tragedy. Together again but reversing roles from The Yards, Mark Wahlberg plays supporting as Cpt Joe Grusinsky while Joaquin Phoenix takes the lead as night club manager Bobby Green/Grusinsky. That slash becomes important as Bobby has adopted his dead mother's surname prior to the start of the movie to distance himself from his brother Joe and their Deputy Chief cop daddy Burt Grusinsky, played by Robert Duvall. When Brother Captain Joe's pursuit of a drug smuggler leads to his family being targeted by the Russian Mob who are also owners of Bobby's club and his surrogate family, Bobby's different last name comes in handy as he goes undercover for the po-po.   Oh, and it's a period piece occurring in the late-80s set in NYC, so cover those squares on your Gray bingo card.   This ep, guest Shannon bumps on overwritten cop dialogue culled from Gray's NYPD ride-alongs; former co-host Jack weighs in off-mic on Gray's best use of CGI for rain during the car chase scene; Ryan suggests this is the last Phoenix role before he became too fussy, and Ken suggests it's the last of Wahlberg actually being interesting while effectively suppressing a cough; Ryan questions the merits of the temporal pincer movement being applied to Gray's filmography; and Thomas considers it his favorite Gray film of the five he's watched.   THEME SONG BY: WEIRD A.I.Email: thegoodthepodandtheugly@gmail.comFacebook: https://m.facebook.com/TGTPTUInstagram: https://instagram.com/thegoodthepodandtheugly?igshid=um92md09kjg0Bluesky: @goodpodugly.bsky.socialYouTube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC6mI2plrgJu-TB95bbJCW-gLetterboxd (follow us!):Podcast: goodpoduglyKen: Ken KoralRyan: Ryan Tobias

AP correspondent Laurence Brooks reports on the shooting of a Russian military official in Moscow.

In this episode, Sham Firdausi, Deputy Chief Financial Officer of County of Santa Clara Health System, shares how a mission driven finance and revenue cycle strategy is helping one of the nation's largest public health systems navigate historic funding headwinds. He discusses payer provider collaboration, responsible AI adoption, and building operationally integrated finance teams to protect access to care.

In this episode of Peace Matters, we examine the growing challenges facing European security. As defence budgets rise, U.S. priorities shift, and crises stretch from Ukraine to the Arctic and beyond, security decisions are increasingly made under pressure—and often at a distance from public debate.Drawing on perspectives from Europe's Eastern Flank as well as EU governance and democratic accountability, the discussion explores whether Europe is emerging as an independent security actor, how defence trade-offs are communicated to citizens, and where democratic legitimacy fits into rapid crisis decision-making. From NATO burden-sharing and sanctions to threat perceptions, internal divisions, and public trust, the episode asks a central question: how can Europe defend itself while remaining democratically accountable in an age of uncertainty?Guests:Teresa Coratella is Deputy Head and a Policy Fellow of the Rome office of the European Council on Foreign Relations, a pan-European think tank. She works on Italian foreign policy, European populists and Eurosceptics parties, disinformation and hybrid threats. Half Italian and half Polish, she also follows closely Polish foreign politics as well as the Visegrad group. She is a College of Europe and IVLP Alumna as well as mentor of Women in International Security Italy. Brigadier General Tomasz K. Kowalik is the Deputy Chief of Staff Support at NATO's Multinational Corps Northeast in Szczecin, Poland. A career officer in the Polish Armed Forces since 1993, he has held senior roles across Poland's Ministry of National Defence, the Polish General Staff, and NATO Headquarters in Brussels, where he served as Special Assistant to the Chairman of the NATO Military Committee. He previously directed Poland's Department of Military Foreign Affairs, overseeing bilateral defence relations and defence attachés worldwide. A graduate of West Point, with a PhD in pedagogy, Brig. Gen. Kowalik is also a published author on NATO security and defence transformation.Moderation:Gjergj Loka, Project Assistant at the IIPThe episode was recorded on 28 January 2026.

Send us a textWhat do AI companions, deepfakes, and White House briefings have in common? Bruce Reed. In this episode, Mallory Mejias and Amith Nagarajan are joined by Bruce Reed, Head of AI at Common Sense Media and former Deputy Chief of Staff in the Biden-Harris White House. Bruce shares an insider's view on how the U.S. government reacted to the launch of ChatGPT, the urgent need for AI guardrails for youth, and why you don't need to be a tech expert to lead responsibly. Bruce Reed is Head of AI at Common Sense Media and a senior White House policy adviser across three administrations. He served as President Clinton's chief domestic policy adviser, chief of staff to Vice President Biden, and Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy in the Biden-Harris administration, helping shape 17 State of the Union addresses. Dubbed President Biden's “AI Whisperer,” Reed led landmark government efforts on AI safety, securing voluntary commitments from major tech companies and advancing a sweeping executive order on responsible AI.  Common Sense Media - https://www.commonsensemedia.org/ Time AI 100 - https://shorturl.at/2NeQZ

AP correspondent Laurence Brooks reports on a plane crash in India that has killed a deputy chief minister.

Be sure and join us live Thursday night, January 22nd at 8pm on our Youtube Channel with our special guest, FDNY 40-year veteran, Deputy Chief Joseph Jardin. Chief was appointed to the FDNY on 12/9/1985 and recently retired in October of 2025. With over 4 decades of service to the FDNY, Chief Jardin has had the honor of working with and learning from some of the greats within the FDNY. We'll hear all about his career and the many stories he's sure to share. Once appointed to the FDNY he went on to: -Assigned to E-210: 2/86 -Transferred to L-154: 10/88 -Transferred to R2: 10/95 -Promoted to Lt. : 12/2002 Assigned to R-6 & Sq-252 -Promoted to Capt.: 2007 Div-14 & amp; Rescue Operations -Promoted to BC: 2012 Div-11/Div 15 & UFO Rescue Battalion -Promoted to DC: 6/2017 – XO to Chief of Safety/Acting Chief of Safety -Promoted to DAC: 9/2018 – Bureau of Fire Prevention -Promoted to AC: 10/2019 – Chief of Fire Prevention -Demoted to DC: 3/23 – Div 13 Going to be another great show. We will get the whole skinny. You don't want to miss this one. Join us at the kitchen table on the BEST FIREFIGHTER PODCAST ON THE INTERNET! You can also Listen to our podcast ...we are on all the players #lovethisjob #GiveBackMoreThanYouTake #Oldschool #Tradition #volunteerfirefighters #FDNY #nationalfallenfirefightersfoundation #fdny #Rescue2 #fdnyfirepreventionBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/gettin-salty-experience-firefighter-podcast--4218265/support.

Suspended Ekurhuleni Deputy Police Chief Commissioner Julius Mkhwanazi claims he was targeted over the 'blue lights' saga. He has been giving testimony before the Ad Hoc Committee investigating allegations of criminal infiltration, corruption and political interference in the justice system. Mkhwanazi has testified that his relationship with attempted murder accused, Vusumuzi "Cat" Matlala developed into a brotherly relationship.

Welcome to the CRE podcast. 100% Canadian, 100% commercial real estate. What if solving Canada's housing affordability crisis was actually simpler than politicians make it? In this episode of the Commercial Real Estate Podcast, hosts Aaron Cameron and Adam Powadiuk are joined by Aled ab Iorwerth, Deputy Chief Economist at CMHC, for a data-driven conversation... The post The Housing Affordability Myth Politicians Won't Touch with Aled ab Iorwerth, Deputy Chief Economist at CMHC appeared first on Commercial Real Estate Podcast.

In this episode of the Cape CopCast 'Chief's Chat,' Chief Sizemore explains how we're scaling the department to match the city's rapid growth. Over five years, we've onboarded hundreds and promoted 70 people, pushing the limits of span of control. To maintain quality, accountability, and training, Patrol is moving from a Bureau within the Police Operations Division to its own Division led by a Deputy Chief. This structure isn't red tape—it's how we sustain faster response, stronger supervision, and safer outcomes as call volume rises. Cape Coral is booming, calls are up, and we're building the capacity to keep you safe.We also talk about a recent clip on the news that showed an older couple wandering onto someone's property while they weren't home, and a headline that suggested “police can't do anything.” We break down the real process for Trespassing in plain English: what counts as notice, what “trespass after warning” means, when loitering and prowling fit, and how signage or pre‑authorization changes what officers can do on scene. We also touch on the e‑bike surge sweeping Cape Coral. The hardware matters—some “e‑bikes” are actually motorcycles under the law—but the bigger issue is behavior. From kids riding four abreast and blocking lanes to filming stunts in traffic, the risk is real. After rounds of education, we've shifted to enforcement: citations for blocking the road and helmet violations, and in serious cases, fleeing and eluding charges when riders bolt from a lawful stop. Parents, we share practical steps to check your child's vehicle classification, set clear rules of the road, and prevent the kind of crash or confrontation that changes everything.

This week we focus on the Trump Administration's seizure of Venezuelan president Nicolas Maduro as Ralph welcomes legendary former ambassador, Chas Freeman, who calls it nothing more than a “gas station stick-up.” Then our resident Constitutional scholar, Bruce Fein, lays out some of the legal ramifications of the whole affair.Ambassador Chas Freeman is a retired career diplomat who has negotiated on behalf of the United States with over 100 foreign governments in East and South Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, and both Western and Eastern Europe. Ambassador Freeman was previously a Senior Fellow at Brown University's Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, and served as U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense, U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia, acting Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, and Deputy Chief of Mission and Chargé d'Affaires in the American embassies at both Bangkok and Beijing. He was Director for Chinese Affairs at the U.S. Department of State from 1979-1981. He was the principal American interpreter during the late President Nixon's historic visit to China in 1972. In addition to Chinese, Ambassador Freeman speaks French and Spanish at the professional level and can converse in Arabic and several other languages.We have been engaged in murder on the high seas, people who are suspected on flimsy grounds of carrying narcotics. If they are carrying narcotics, it is not to the United States [but] between Venezuela and Trinidad, from which the drugs go to Western Europe and West Africa. We have been guilty of acts of piracy, seizing vessels on the high seas, on the basis of no authority. And (very dangerously) we have seized a Russian-flagged tanker…And we are risking a war with a nuclear-armed superpower over an issue that is peripheral to Venezuela.Ambassador Chas FreemanDomestically, we have a constitutional crisis. We are the most powerful country on the planet, and our domestic constitutional crisis has turned out to be contagious to the international system. And so we're seeing the disappearance of well-established norms of human behavior, interactions between states. It will not be easy to resurrect those. The precedents we've just set could come home to trouble us.Ambassador Chas FreemanI think we have scared everybody around the world. If there is no protection from international law, people will arm themselves as heavily as they can to defend themselves. So diplomacy is not prospering in this environment. And I would just conclude by saying that the Trump administration has more than decimated our diplomatic service. About one third of the diplomatic service has left or is in the process of leaving public service of the government. So they join scientists and engineers in trying to bail out from what they consider to be an increasingly intolerable situation. Not a happy picture.Ambassador Chas FreemanBruce Fein is a Constitutional scholar and an expert on international law. Mr. Fein was Associate Deputy Attorney General under Ronald Reagan and he is the author of Constitutional Peril: The Life and Death Struggle for Our Constitution and Democracy, and American Empire: Before the Fall.The fact is, if you read the NATO Charter Article 5—I think right now we've got 32 members of NATO, and 31 countries would be obliged to take up war and arms against the United States. [The United States' intervention in Venezuela] is an invasion. It's every bit as much of an invasion as Hitler going into the Sudetenland after Munich. Everybody knows this isn't going to be a voluntary secession. If it isn't by military conquest, it'll be by coercion, by threats. So we may be at war with all the other NATO members. That's why I liken this to the Napoleonic Era when France and Napoleon were against all of Europe. He had no allies anymore, and I think we will have no allies either. Bruce FeinNews 1/9/25* Our top story this week is, of course, the kidnapping of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Maduro, who has served as president of the Bolivarian Republic since 2013, was abducted from his home, along with his wife, by the Fort Bragg-based Delta Force squadron. Maduro was then transported to New York and is now being held in detention pending trial. Before getting into the fallout of this operation, it is critical to note the complicity of the mainstream press. Semafor reports, “The New York Times and Washington Post learned of a secret US raid on Venezuela soon before it was scheduled to begin Friday night — but held off publishing what they knew.” The preeminent American newspapers justified their decision to withhold this critical information from the public by claiming that publishing what they knew could have endangered American soldiers. This decision however raises longstanding questions about what the role of the media should be in national security matters. Is it their responsibility to protect American forces as they carry out legally dubious missions? Or is it their responsibility to inform the public of their own government's shadowy operations if they might endanger all Americans?* Meanwhile, the future of Venezuela appears deeply uncertain. Despite pressure from the Venezuelan exile community to install one of their own to lead the country, such as Maria Corina Machado, Trump has shown little interest in this path, saying Machado “doesn't have the support within or the respect within the country,” per Reuters. Instead, he has so far supported the elevation of Vice President Delcy Rodríguez. Rodríguez, who has been “likened…to a sort of Venezuelan Deng Xiaoping,” according to NBC, has sought to court Trump in the past and it seems that for the time being at least, he is content to keep her in place so long as she is willing to accede to the demands of the American oil companies.* Whatever the long-term outlook for Venezuela in general, this incident is sure to have certain short-term consequences. At the administration level, this operation was seen as a rousing success and is likely to embolden them to attempt similar operations in other countries deemed adversarial. The Hill reports Trump said “Colombia…[is] Run by a sick man,” referring to Colombian President Gustavo Petro, but won't be for “very long.” Similarly, he remarked that “We're going to have to do something [about Mexico].” Cuba, he said, is “ready to fall.” South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham, traveling with Trump, added that Cuba's days are “numbered.” It remains to be seen how far Trump will go with regime change operations in these sovereign nations, but the success of the Maduro abduction makes each one – and the inevitable blowback from these actions – that much more likely.* Beyond Latin America, Trump is again pressing for an American annexation of Greenland. According to the BBC, the administration is discussing “a range of options” including military force. Ironically, the White House is claiming that the acquisition of Greenland – a semi-autonomous region of Denmark – is a “national security priority,” despite Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen's warning that any attack would mean the end of NATO, rattling the foundations of U.S. international security architecture. Nevertheless, Trump has continuously returned to the idea of annexing Greenland, so do not count on this quietly fading away, consequences be damned.* Moving to domestic politics, the AP reports the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the private entity created in 1967 to shepherd public funding to PBS, NPR and hundreds of public television and radio stations across the country, has voted to dissolve itself. The CPB has been under heavy assault by the Trump administration, which pushed Congress to defund the entity last year. Patricia Harrison, the organization's president and CEO, is quoted saying “CPB's final act would be to protect the integrity of the public media system and the democratic values by dissolving, rather than allowing the organization to remain defunded and vulnerable to additional attacks.” With the shuttering of CPB, the future of public media hangs in the balance. It will be up to the next Congress to restore funding, or allow these cherished institutions to fall into the dustbin of history.* Alongside the federal assault on public media, the federal government continues its assaults on public health. The New York Times reports Jim O'Neill, acting director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, has “announced dramatic revisions to the slate of vaccines recommended for American children,” drawing down the number from 17 to just 11. The six vaccines on the chopping block, those for hepatitis A, hepatitis B, meningococcal disease, rotavirus, influenza and respiratory syncytial virus – which, the Times notes, is the “leading cause of hospitalization in American infants,” – will only be recommended for some high-risk groups. Meanwhile, the New York Post reports Dr. Mehmet Oz, administrator for the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services, has unveiled new federal guidelines recommending alcohol use. Dr. Oz is quoted saying “Alcohol is a social lubricant that brings people together…it does allow people an excuse to bond and socialize, and there's probably nothing healthier than having a good time with friends in a safe way.” He added that the takeaway should be, “Don't have it for breakfast.” Given the well documented health risks of alcohol consumption, it is difficult to see this as anything besides a sop to the alcohol industry.* In more local news, the primary race between incumbent Congressman Dan Goldman and former Comptroller Brad Lander in New York's 10th congressional district is turning into nothing short of a proxy war between different factions within the Democratic Party. Goldman, who officially announced his reelection bid this week, was immediately endorsed by New York Governor Kathy Hochul and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, per the New York Daily News. Lander on the other hand, can boast the endorsement of Mayor Zohran Mamdani along with support from Senators Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren, among other local progressives, per ABC7. With so much political muscle on both sides, this primary is sure to have important ramifications for the future direction of the Democratic Party.* For his part, Mayor Zohran Mamdani has hit the ground running. On January 5th, Mamdani signed Executive Orders No. 9, on combatting hidden junk fees, and No. 10 on fighting subscription tricks and traps. Among other things, these executive orders will Establish a Citywide Junk Fee Task Force, to be cochaired by Deputy Mayor of Economic Justice and former Biden Administration Secretary of Labor Julie Su. This announcement ends with a message stating that Mayor Mamdani “takes the protection of New York consumers and tenants seriously,” citing his recent “executive order to hold ‘Rental Ripoff' hearings in every borough,” which will “provide an opportunity for working New Yorkers to speak about the challenges they face – from poor building conditions to hidden fees on rent payments,” to be followed by a report and policy recommendations. This all from NYC.gov.* A fascinating new poll has been released by “Speaking with American Men,” also known as the SAM Project, which seeks to understand young American men of various backgrounds. One startling number from this study is that 31% report having been homeless or near-homeless in the past five years. In more direct political findings though, only 27% say Trump is delivering for them, and slightly less, 25%, say Republicans are delivering. However, despite these abysmal numbers, just 18% say Democrats are delivering for them. Clearly, while young men are not joined at the hip to the Republican Party, the Democrats have a long way to go to win them back and won't get there without profoundly changing their approach to courting this key voting bloc.* Finally, the battle between Netflix and Paramount over corporate control of Warner Bros. Discovery continues to drag on. This week, WB announced they would formally reject Paramount's latest bid, their eighth so far, arguing that it is inferior to Netflix's proposal, citing the “extraordinary amount of incremental debt,” Paramount would have to incur in order to take over the larger company. This is estimated to be over $50 million. Although Paramount's hostile bid is higher per share than Netflix's offer, Paramount's bid includes WB's cable assets, such as CNN, which the company believes will be worth more if spun off from the rest of the company. This from CNN itself. Meanwhile, Paramount – led by the Ellison family – is calling in political favors on their behalf. In a letter to the House Judiciary antitrust subcommittee, Paramount Chief Legal Officer Makan Delrahim, who led the Antitrust Division of the DOJ under Trump 2017-2021, accused the proposed Netflix WB merger of being “presumptively unlawful,” because it would “further cement [Netflix's] dominance in streaming video on demand,” per Deadline. Congress cannot directly block a merger or acquisition, that power rests with the DOJ, but it does possess oversight power in that realm and can exert pressure to this end. Given the high stakes of this fight, expect all parties to call in their chits on Capitol Hill and in the administration in order to win the big prize.This has been Francesco DeSantis, with In Case You Haven't Heard. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

President Trump's saber rattling on Greenland has escalated with threats of military invasion, annexation or purchase of the world's largest island. Today, Trump said that the U.S. would take Greenland, "whether they like it or not." This week, Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller threatened, “The United States should have Greenland as part of the United States. There is no need to even think or talk about this in the context that you're asking of a military operation. Nobody is going to fight the United States militarily over the future of Greenland.” In our latest, we talk with journalist Adam Federman about recent developments around Greenland. Bio//Adam Federman is a reporting fellow with Type Investigations who has written widely on environmental policy, public lands, the Arctic and corporate and police spying on environmental activists. He has written for In These Times, Politico Magazine, The Washington Post, Wired, Slate, The Nation, and other publications. --------------------------------

25 years of combination experience. Deputy Chief with Lower Paxton Township Bureau Of Fire in Pennsylvania. Growing up Brett wanted to be in Law Enforcement. But starting at an early age he was able to join a local volunteer organization where he became a junior Firefighter. While growing up throughout that time he was able to secure a position in Law Enforcement but it wasn't the organization he was going for. In life they're roads that we are meant to be on even if we don't understand it at the time. So as he was able to obtain years in the fire service he decided that he was going to try and make it a career. Fast forward to the position Brett is in now it's safe to say he made the right choice. Brett was able to be apart of something that I personally think most areas within the country are struggling with when it comes to volunteers and being able to get rigs out the doors with proper staffing. I don't want to give the episode away but I truly hope the listeners can tune in and listen to what happens when you realize it's not about your pride and ego when it comes to the citizens we serve. The paint scheme or name on the side of the rig means nothing to person who is calling for help. Sometimes we must look in the mirror and ask ourselves are we truly doing what's best "For THEM?' Brett most certainly dropped some truth bombs in this episode and I hope you all enjoy the conversation.

Joseph Schnitt, a Department of Justice official, was recently caught in a sting operation by a James O'Keefe operative posing as a date on a dating app. During the secretly recorded meeting, Schnitt claimed the DOJ planned to redact Republican names from the Jeffrey Epstein files while leaving liberal names visible, fueling suspicions of political bias in the release of the documents. He also alleged that Ghislaine Maxwell's transfer to a minimum-security prison was essentially a favor to keep her quiet, and described internal conflict between Attorney General Pam Bondi and FBI Deputy Director Dan Bongino over whether to release the files.After the footage surfaced, the DOJ quickly distanced itself from Schnitt's comments, calling them “personal views based on media reports” with “absolutely zero bearing on reality.” Schnitt himself insisted he didn't know he was being recorded and that he was speaking offhand, not offering insider information. Still, the incident embarrassed the DOJ, provided fresh fuel for critics of the Epstein cover-up, and underscored just how easily an official could spill sensitive claims in an unguarded moment.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Top DOJ Official Spills Jeffrey Epstein Cover-Up Plans to HoneytrapBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-moscow-murders-and-more--5852883/support.

Joseph Schnitt, a Department of Justice official, was recently caught in a sting operation by a James O'Keefe operative posing as a date on a dating app. During the secretly recorded meeting, Schnitt claimed the DOJ planned to redact Republican names from the Jeffrey Epstein files while leaving liberal names visible, fueling suspicions of political bias in the release of the documents. He also alleged that Ghislaine Maxwell's transfer to a minimum-security prison was essentially a favor to keep her quiet, and described internal conflict between Attorney General Pam Bondi and FBI Deputy Director Dan Bongino over whether to release the files.After the footage surfaced, the DOJ quickly distanced itself from Schnitt's comments, calling them “personal views based on media reports” with “absolutely zero bearing on reality.” Schnitt himself insisted he didn't know he was being recorded and that he was speaking offhand, not offering insider information. Still, the incident embarrassed the DOJ, provided fresh fuel for critics of the Epstein cover-up, and underscored just how easily an official could spill sensitive claims in an unguarded moment.to contact me:bobbycapucci@protonmail.comsource:Top DOJ Official Spills Jeffrey Epstein Cover-Up Plans to HoneytrapBecome a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-epstein-chronicles--5003294/support.

Frank Yiannas, M.P.H. is a renowned food safety leader and executive, food system futurist, author, professor, past president of the International Association of Food Protection (IAFP), and advocate for consumers. Most recently, he served under two different administrations as the Deputy Commissioner for Food Policy and Response at the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA), a position he held from 2018–2023, after spending 30 years in leadership roles with Walmart and the Walt Disney Company. After retiring from FDA, Mr. Yiannas founded Smarter FY Solutions to help organizations address critical food safety and supply chain challenges. He also advises several well-known companies, offering consultancy services to modernize compliance strategies and ensure that clients meet regulatory requirements and industry standards. Throughout his career, Mr. Yiannas has been recognized for his role in strengthening food safety standards in new and innovative ways, as well as building effective food safety management systems based on modern, science-based, and tech-enabled prevention principles. Drew McDonald is the Senior Vice President of Quality and Food Safety at Taylor Fresh Foods in Salinas, California, where he oversees the quality and food safety programs across the foodservice, retail, and deli operations under both FDA and U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) jurisdictions. Mr. McDonald works with an impressive team developing and managing appropriate and practical quality and food safety programs for fresh food and produce products. He has more than 30 years of experience in fresh produce and fresh foods. Over the course of his career, Mr. McDonald has worked with growers and processors of fresh food and produce items across the globe. He currently serves on numerous food safety-related technical committees and has participated in the authorship of many produce safety articles and guidelines. He serves on the Food Safety Summit Educational Advisory Board and is a former chair of the Center for Produce Food Safety's Technical Committee and United Fresh's Technical Council. Mr. McDonald received his education from Lawrence University in Wisconsin. John Besser, Ph.D. worked for ten years as Deputy Chief of the Enteric Diseases Laboratory Branch at the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), where he was involved in national and global programs to detect, characterize, and track gastrointestinal diseases. Prior to CDC, Dr. Besser led the infectious disease laboratory at the Minnesota Department of Health (MDH) for 19 years and served as a clinical microbiologist at the University of Minnesota Hospital for five years. He currently works as an independent contractor and consultant. Dr. Besser is the author or co-author of more than 70 publications. He received his Ph.D. and M.S. degree from the University of Minnesota. Craig Hedberg, Ph.D. is a Professor in the Division of Environmental Health Sciences at the University of Minnesota and Co-Director of the Minnesota Integrated Food Safety Center of Excellence. He promotes public health surveillance as a prerequisite for effective food control, and his work focuses on improving methods for collaboration among public health and regulatory agencies, academic researchers, and industry to improve foodborne illness surveillance and outbreak investigations. With a background in public health practice, Dr. Hedberg also focuses on public health workforce development and works with state, local, and tribal public health partners to build capacity for preparedness and emergency response. He is a member of the Council of State and Territorial Epidemiologists, the Minnesota Environmental Health Association, and IAFP. Dr. Hedberg holds a Ph.D. in Epidemiology and an M.S. degree in Environmental Health, both from the University of Minnesota. In this episode of Food Safety Matters, we speak with Mr. Yiannas, Mr. McDonald, Dr. Besser, and Dr. Hedberg [6:43] about: The increasing rate of food recalls issued by federal regulatory agencies, and what that might imply about the current systems for outbreak investigation and disease surveillance How federal and state public health agencies conduct foodborne illness outbreak investigations and the current success rates of these investigations Elements of the foodborne illness outbreak investigation process that are working well Potential areas for improvement for foodborne illness outbreak investigations and the metrics for "success" An idea for a National Foodborne Outbreak Investigation Board, similar to the model used for airlines with the National Transportation Safety Board, and how such a system might help improve food safety in the U.S. Sponsored by: Michigan State University Online Food Safety Program We Want to Hear from You! Please send us your questions and suggestions to podcast@food-safety.com

Let us know what you think of this episode with a text!Special guest Deputy Chief Bob Christopherson of the Oak Brook, Illinois Police Department returns to the show to break down how his agency's commitment to cutting-edge technology is transforming the way they fight crime. From smarter tools to better outcomes, Bob explains why embracing innovation isn't optional—it's essential.https://www.facebook.com/share/17rbM1NPG8/?mibextid=wwXIfrhttps://www.instagram.com/oakbrookpolice?igsh=MXdnYndxbXJ1dWpsZQ==Email: 3copstalk@gmail.comWebsite: https://www.3copstalk.comYoutube: https://youtube.com/channel/UCFWKMerhChCE6_s5yFqc4awFacebook: 3 Cops Talk | FacebookInstagram: https://instagram.com/3copstalk?igshid=YmMyMTA2M2Y=

Host Dave Fiore speaks with David Clark, owner of Allegiant Strategies Group and MyGovGuide. The Tallahassee-area native is a former military officer and entrepreneur with a passion for leadership and making the most of every opportunity. David began his career answering phones at the Florida Department of Environmental Protection, saw opportunities to make himself invaluable and eventually was named Deputy Chief of Staff to Gov. Ron DeSantis, which included helping deliver Florida's response to the worldwide pandemic. Raised by a World War II veteran father and a mother from British Guiana, David learned early the value of hard work, humility and learning from others. That perspective carried him into the Army, where he graduated at the top of his class and allowed him to choose his assignment to the 82nd Airborne to honor his father. After a parachute malfunction and traumatic brain injury ended his military service, David transitioned into entrepreneurship. They talk about being coachable, servant leadership and the importance of mentorship, faith, and most of all, family. The conversation also covers David's decision to start multiple companies—including Allegiant Strategies Group, MyGovGuide, and also Divergent Solutions, all while pursuing concurrent MBA degrees. When it comes to tackling new challenges, David's philosophy is actually pretty simple. He just asks himself, "Why not, why not me, and why not now."

Downtown Columbus is changing rapidly, and local leaders are working to build a safer, more vibrant, and more connected urban core. We bring together experts from public safety, urban development, and community strategy to explore what it will take to strengthen the heart of the city. From new safety initiatives to long-term planning and partnership models, the conversation highlights how a thriving downtown Columbus drives Central Ohio's regional success. Featuring: Greg Davies, CEO, Downtown Columbus, Inc. Robin Davis, Executive Director, Safer Downtown Smith Weir, Deputy Chief of the Columbus Division of Police The host is Dawn Tyler Lee, former Deputy Chief of Staff with The City of Columbus, and Founder and CEO, Forrest Street Consulting. Amy Taylor, President of Downtown Columbus, Inc., presents opening remarks on the state of downtown. This forum was sponsored by Downtown Columbus, Inc., Event Marketing Strategies, MKSK, and The Robert Weiler Company. The presenting sponsor of the CMC livestream was The Center for Human Kindness at the Columbus Foundation. CMC's livestream partner was The Columbus Dispatch. This forum was also supported by The National Veterans Memorial and Museum. If you would like to keep exploring this week's forum topic, our partners at The Columbus Metropolitan Library recommend reading Walkable City: How Downtown Can Save America One Step at a Time by Jeff Speck (2022). This forum was recorded before a live audience at The National Veterans Memorial and Museum in Columbus, Ohio on December 17, 2025.

Deputy Chief Ryan Power of the Spokane County Fire in Washington talks about the lost art in the fire service, "The Human Factors of Communication." Chief dives into the 4 C's of Communication: 1) Connection, 2) Choice, 3) Competency, 4) Consistency. Chief also dives into the different styles of communicators: 1) Social, 2) Direct, 3) Empathetic, 4) Logical. Effective communication is a cornerstone to effective leadership and the best leaders can transition between the different styles seamlessly. Chief Power emphasizes that communication and emotional intelligence are tactical skills and they should be practiced like anything else, and that you can't lead people effectively if you don't understand people.

How might a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan unfold? China's anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) strategy—a combination of missiles, submarines, sensors, and air defenses—is designed specifically to block and disrupt US air, sea, and even space and cyber power.But the true outcome of the operation will hinge on the rapid mobilization of People's Liberation Army (PLA) ground forces, argues recently retired four-star general Charles Flynn, former commander of U.S. Army Pacific.He warns that the real “center of gravity” of a Chinese invasion will lie in its ability to rapidly assemble, deploy, and transport land forces across the Taiwan Strait.“What keeps me up at night is their ability to actually pull that off in 96 hours,” Flynn says.He is convinced that building a “strategic land power network” and forging deep, enduring ties with partner armies in Asia will be vital to deterring the Chinese regime.In this episode, Flynn lays out a roadmap for how the U.S. military should rethink its strategy, technology, and partnerships to deter Beijing and safeguard its allies in the Indo-Pacific.“This century is going to be defined by the relationship between the United States and China. … We've said we've pivoted to the Pacific for more than a decade, and in actual behavior and actions, that's not accurate,” Flynn says.Before commanding U.S. Army Pacific, Flynn served as the Army's Deputy Chief of Staff for Operations, Plans and Training (G3/5/7). He is the brother of General Michael Flynn, former national security advisor to President Donald Trump.Views expressed in this video are opinions of the host and the guest, and do not necessarily reflect the views of The Epoch Times.

Lindsey Burke returns to Freedom to Learn to discuss the Trump administration's plans to “return education to the states.” Lindsey, who serves as Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy and Programs at the U.S. Department of Education (ED), discusses the Department's origin story, what it does and does not do, and the pernicious impact of […]

In this special Engage at the Bush Center event presented by NexPoint, Dori Thornton Waller, former White House Deputy Social Secretary, Sara Armstrong, former Deputy Chief of Staff to Mrs. Laura Bush, and Susan Whitson, former Press Secretary to Mrs. Laura Bush, shared memorable stories and cheerful moments from their holidays in the People's House.

For decades Western policymakers have struggled to understand the mindset of the Russian people and their leaders. This episode of The Transatlantic brings together two Russia experts who provide unique perspectives into the challenges American leaders often face when negotiating with Russian officials. Join James Collins, former Ambassador to Russia, and Wayne Merry, the officer in Embassy Moscow who authored a 1993 dissent cable predicting the adversarial turn of post-Soviet Russia, for a wide-ranging conversation about their combined decades inside Russia, a look inside the Vladimir Putin's world, and their thoughts on what will determine the future of Russia. -- Read E. Wayne Merry's Dissent Cable here: https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/document/32704-document-1-wayne-merry-dissent-channel-cable-american-embassy-moscow -- Ambassador James F. Collins is an expert on the former Soviet Union, its successor states, and the Middle East. Ambassador Collins was the U.S. ambassador to the Russian Federation from 1997 to 2001. Prior to joining the Carnegie Endowment, he served as senior adviser at the public law and policy practice group Akin, Gump, Strauss, Hauer & Feld, LLP. Before his appointment as Ambassador to Russia, he served as Ambassador-at-Large and Special Adviser to the Secretary of State for the newly independent states in the mid-1990s and as Deputy Chief of Mission and Chargé d'affaires at the U.S. embassy in Moscow from 1990 to 1993. In addition to three diplomatic postings in Moscow, he held positions at the U.S. embassy in Amman, Jordan, and the consulate general in Izmir, Turkey. He is the recipient of the Secretary of State's Award for Distinguished Service; the Department of State's Distinguished Honor Award; the Secretary of State's Award for Career Achievement; the Department of Defense Medal for Distinguished Public Service; and the NASA Medal for Distinguished Service. Before joining the State Department, Ambassador Collins taught Russian and European history, American government, and economics at the U.S. Naval Academy. -- E. Wayne Merry is Senior Fellow for Europe and Eurasia at the American Foreign Policy Council in Washington, DC. He is widely published and a frequent speaker on topics relating to Russia, Central Asia and the Caucasus, the Balkans, European security and trans-Atlantic relations. In twenty-six years in the United States Foreign Service, he worked as a diplomat and political analyst specializing in Soviet and post-Soviet political issues, including six years at the American Embassy in Moscow, where he was in charge of political analysis on the breakup of the Soviet Union and the early years of post-Soviet Russia. He also served at the embassies in Tunis, East Berlin, and Athens and at the US Mission to the United Nations in New York. In Washington he served in the Treasury, State, and Defense Departments. In the Pentagon he served as the Regional Director for Russia, Ukraine and Eurasia during the mid-nineties. He also served at the Headquarters of the US Marine Corps and on Capitol Hill with the staff of the US Commission for Security and Cooperation in Europe. He was later a program director at the Atlantic Council of the United States

A House Homeland Security Committee hearing turned tense as lawmakers clashed over the source and impact of violent rhetoric toward law enforcement. Democrats focused on January 6th and ICE conduct, while Republicans and union officials warned that rising threats, including last week's fatal shooting of two National Guard soldiers in Washington, D.C., show officers are facing unprecedented danger. Colorado Congressman and former police officer Gabe Evans joins the Rundown to discuss why he believes there are consequences to this rhetoric and how it's affecting recruitment, safety, and public trust.Democrats are saying they have reason to celebrate too, even after Republican Matt Van Epps won Tuesday's special congressional election in Tennessee. That's because his opponent, Democrat State Rep. Aftyn Bain, lost by nine percentage points in a district President Trump won by more than 20 points last year. Democrats see this as a sign they have momentum, but should the GOP actually be worried? Fox News contributor and former Deputy Chief of Staff to President George W. Bush, Karl Rove, joins the Rundown to discuss the implications of the Tennessee election result for the upcoming midterm elections and what the GOP needs to focus on if they want to keep control of the House and Senate. Plus, commentary from the host of “Tomi Lahren is Fearless" on Outkick, Tomi Lahren. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

A House Homeland Security Committee hearing turned tense as lawmakers clashed over the source and impact of violent rhetoric toward law enforcement. Democrats focused on January 6th and ICE conduct, while Republicans and union officials warned that rising threats, including last week's fatal shooting of two National Guard soldiers in Washington, D.C., show officers are facing unprecedented danger. Colorado Congressman and former police officer Gabe Evans joins the Rundown to discuss why he believes there are consequences to this rhetoric and how it's affecting recruitment, safety, and public trust.Democrats are saying they have reason to celebrate too, even after Republican Matt Van Epps won Tuesday's special congressional election in Tennessee. That's because his opponent, Democrat State Rep. Aftyn Bain, lost by nine percentage points in a district President Trump won by more than 20 points last year. Democrats see this as a sign they have momentum, but should the GOP actually be worried? Fox News contributor and former Deputy Chief of Staff to President George W. Bush, Karl Rove, joins the Rundown to discuss the implications of the Tennessee election result for the upcoming midterm elections and what the GOP needs to focus on if they want to keep control of the House and Senate. Plus, commentary from the host of “Tomi Lahren is Fearless" on Outkick, Tomi Lahren. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

A House Homeland Security Committee hearing turned tense as lawmakers clashed over the source and impact of violent rhetoric toward law enforcement. Democrats focused on January 6th and ICE conduct, while Republicans and union officials warned that rising threats, including last week's fatal shooting of two National Guard soldiers in Washington, D.C., show officers are facing unprecedented danger. Colorado Congressman and former police officer Gabe Evans joins the Rundown to discuss why he believes there are consequences to this rhetoric and how it's affecting recruitment, safety, and public trust.Democrats are saying they have reason to celebrate too, even after Republican Matt Van Epps won Tuesday's special congressional election in Tennessee. That's because his opponent, Democrat State Rep. Aftyn Bain, lost by nine percentage points in a district President Trump won by more than 20 points last year. Democrats see this as a sign they have momentum, but should the GOP actually be worried? Fox News contributor and former Deputy Chief of Staff to President George W. Bush, Karl Rove, joins the Rundown to discuss the implications of the Tennessee election result for the upcoming midterm elections and what the GOP needs to focus on if they want to keep control of the House and Senate. Plus, commentary from the host of “Tomi Lahren is Fearless" on Outkick, Tomi Lahren. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

This week on The Conservative Woman's Guide, Karin Lips is joined by Dr. Lindsey Burke, Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy and Programs at the U.S. Department of Education. They discuss K-12 education reform, the role of parents in education, and the challenges in higher education. Lindsey shares insights from her work in the Trump Administration and explains why […]

The All Local Monday, December 1st

The All Local Afternoon Update for Monday, December 1st 2025

28 years of combination experience 2nd generation Firefighter. A Capt on Rescue 11 with Charlotte Fire Department and Deputy Chief with Town Of Davidson. Joel always knew he wanted to become a Firefighter. The path to get there might not of been the way he wanted but at the end of the day all we can do is work hard and keep ourselves grounded for success. Joel is definitely a mentor of mine who I believe brings value to an already long list of individuals who have graciously accepted my invitation. Although he was hesitant at first on coming on he certainly did not disappoint with his mindset and thoughts on various topics we discussed. I truly hope the listeners can tune into gems being dropped. And lastly if you know someone who has truly helped you in bettering yourself for the good don't be afraid to let them know while they're still here.

From Rookie To Chief of Police: His Journey in Ohio. In a special episode available for free on the Law Enforcement Talk Radio Show website, also on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Youtube and most major podcast platforms, listeners are taken deep inside the world of American law enforcement through the story of Rodney Muterspaw, the retired Chief of Police from Middletown, Ohio. His journey, from a young rookie officer to one of the most respected police leaders in the United States, is chronicled in his brutally honest book, The Blue View, and shared across Facebook, Instagram, and other major news platforms. A Three-Decade Rise Through the Ranks Muterspaw's career is the embodiment of the theme “From Rookie to Chief of Police.” Born and raised in the Middletown area, he began as a patrol officer and steadily moved through the ranks: Detective, Sergeant, Lieutenant, Deputy Chief, and ultimately Chief of Police in January 2015. Law Enforcement Talk Radio Show and Podcast social media like their Facebook , Instagram , LinkedIn , Medium and other social media platforms. Colleagues often describe him as a leader who treated Community Policing not as an assignment but as a “philosophy.” Under his leadership, the department shifted toward change, community, and transparency, transforming both culture and morale. From Rookie To Chief of Police: His Journey in Ohio. Look for supporting articles about this and much more from Law Enforcement Talk Radio Show and Podcast in platforms like Medium , Blogspot and Linkedin . His assignments over the years included Patrol Officer, School Resource Officer, Narcotics Detective, Bike Patrol Officer, Community Policing Supervisor, Field Training Officer, and leadership roles in Investigations and Narcotics. It was a full spectrum career, one that exposed him to every triumph and hardship policing can offer. The Book That Was Never Meant to Be Released What makes Rodney Muterspaw's journey stand out isn't only his service, it's the book that came out of it. Available for free on their website and streaming on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, Youtube and other podcast platforms. The Blue View began as a private, personal journal he kept for thirty years. As he explains in the interview: “The hardest thing about being a police officer is you have to solve everyone else's problems when you can't even solve your own.” From Rookie To Chief of Police: His Journey in Ohio. Originally never intended for public eyes, these raw entries follow him from his first day in the police academy to his final day as Chief. Readers experience the emotions and pressure of the job, from riding in a cruiser to sitting in the Chief's office, up close and without filters. The book has been praised for its authenticity and for revealing the “behind-the-scenes” reality that most officers never talk about. Politicians, community leaders, and everyday citizens have all commented on its impact. Regardless of one's views on policing, The Blue View provides an essential perspective. The Law Enforcement Talk Radio Show and Podcast episode is available for free on their website , Apple Podcasts , Spotify and most major podcast platforms. JD Vance's Connection: Middletown, Hillbilly Elegy and National Recognition Muterspaw's story intersects with another well-known Middletown narrative: Hillbilly Elegy, the bestselling memoir by JD Vance, now the Vice President of the United States. The book, film, and cultural conversation put Middletown, a city of nearly 51,000 residents, into national focus. Vance himself praised Muterspaw's book and work, recommending The Blue View and recognizing the Chief's deep commitment to the community. Middletown's history, struggles, and resilience are woven throughout Muterspaw's writings, giving readers an intimate look at a city that has become emblematic of America's Rust Belt challenges. From Rookie To Chief of Police: His Journey in Ohio. The full podcast episode is streaming now on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and across Facebook, Instagram, and LinkedIn. Awards, Leadership, and National Appearances Throughout his career, Muterspaw earned numerous awards and honors, including: The Martin Luther King Jr. Drum Major Award The History Maker Award for his impact on Middletown The NAACP Award for Leadership Multiple City Manager Pro Awards Outstanding Attainment Recognition by the Ohio Senate Selection as a guest of the United States Congress at the Presidential State of the Union He appeared frequently on television, radio, and national media outlets to advocate for stronger community-police relations. From Rookie To Chief of Police: His Journey in Ohio. You can find the show on Facebook, Instagram, Pinterest, X (formerly Twitter), and LinkedIn, as well as read companion articles and updates on Medium, Blogspot, YouTube, and even IMDB. Life After the Badge Though retired from policing, Muterspaw remains deeply active in the community through speaking engagements, volunteer work, and leadership in local initiatives. A graduate of Middletown Christian High School, the Police Executive Leadership College, and the Southern Police Institute at the University of Louisville, he now dedicates much of his time to helping others learn from the lessons he documented in his journals. Married with three children and two grandchildren, he continues to speak openly about the pressures of policing, the cost of leadership, and the love he has for the city that shaped him. Available for free on their website and streaming on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and other podcast platforms. Why The Blue View Matters The Blue View isn't just a book, it's a record of a man's life lived in service. It is a transparent and emotional account of what it means to protect a community while confronting personal challenges and professional obstacles. It offers insight into law enforcement, politics, family, and the complexities of public service. From Rookie To Chief of Police: His Journey in Ohio. Readers come away changed. As the podcast host notes in the special episode: “This is more than a police story. It's an American story, one that everyone should hear.” You can contact John J. “Jay” Wiley by email at Jay@letradio.com , or learn more about him on their website . Get the latest news articles, without all the bias and spin, from the Law Enforcement Talk Radio Show and Podcast on Medium , which is free. “If you enjoy the show,” John Jay Wiley adds, “please share it with a friend or two, or three. And if you're able to leave an honest rating or review, it would be deeply appreciated.” The Law Enforcement Talk Radio Show and Podcast is available for free on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, and LETRadio.com, among many other platforms. Stay connected with updates and future episodes by following the show on Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn, their website and other Social Media Platforms. Find a wide variety of great podcasts online at The Podcast Zone Facebook Page , look for the one with the bright green logo. Be sure to check out our website . Be sure to follow us on X , Instagram , Facebook, Pinterest, Linkedin and other social media platforms for the latest episodes and news. Listeners can tune in on the Law Enforcement Talk Radio Show website, on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, and most every major Podcast platform and follow updates on Facebook, Instagram, and other major News outlets. You can find the show on Facebook, Instagram, Pinterest, X (formerly Twitter), and LinkedIn, as well as read companion articles and updates on Medium, Blogspot, YouTube, and even IMDB. You can help contribute money to make the Gunrunner Movie . The film that Hollywood won't touch. It is about a now Retired Police Officer that was shot 6 times while investigating Gunrunning. He died 3 times during Medical treatment and was resuscitated. You can join the fight by giving a monetary “gift” to help ensure the making of his film at agunrunnerfilm.com . Background song Hurricane is used with permission from the band Dark Horse Flyer. From Rookie To Chief of Police: His Journey in Ohio. Attributions Wikipedia Amazon.com Wikipedia Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Town Manager Terry Rozema sits down with Fire Marshal Kyle Canty and Deputy Chief of Community Risk Reduction Josh Zent to talk about the ways Northwest Fire District prevents disasters.

Ep 625 features Phillip Daniels, a 911 Administrator, and Deputy Chief of Desoto Parish Sheriff's Office in Louisiana. Sponsored by INdigital - Facebook | LinkedIn | X | Web Episode topics – How Philip transitioned from working in an alligator farm to a lasting career in public safety The challenges and surprises faced when moving from patrol to dispatch Stories of real-life trauma, resilience, and the importance of mental wellness for first responders The pivotal impact of dispatcher support and peer connections during difficult calls Insights into the ongoing battle for 911 dispatcher reclassification and recognition in public safety If you have any comments or questions or would like to be a guest on the show, please email me at wttpodcast@gmail.com.

22 years of combination experience 2nd generation Firefighter. Deputy Chief Of Operations with Clarendon Fire Rescue in South Carolina. Lee's father was a volunteer so naturally he followed in his footsteps. Once he graduated and obtained all his certifications he did any and everything he could to embrace the job and all aspects of it. Lee is not one who likes to just sit around. Although his rank is titled Deputy Chief he's still a Firefighter underneath of it all and isn't afraid to let others see it through his actions. Servant Leadership is what he believes in and I hope the listeners can tune in and hear a few nuggets being dropped along the way.

Breaking into Cybersecurity with Eric Stride: From Air Force to Private SectorIn this episode of Breaking into Cybersecurity, host Christoph interviews Eric Stride from Huntress Security. Eric shares his journey from being a Communications Computer Systems Officer in the Air Force to becoming the Chief Security Officer at Huntress. He discusses his extensive experience in cybersecurity, including roles at the NSA and in the private sector. Eric emphasizes the importance of continual learning, certifications, and deliberate career growth. He also touches on the implications of AI in cybersecurity and provides insights into developing and recruiting the next generation of cybersecurity talent.00:00 Introduction to the Episode00:49 Eric Stride's Journey into Cybersecurity01:11 Military Experience and Transition to Cybersecurity06:08 Continuous Learning and Staying Updated09:41 Certifications and Career Growth11:49 Leadership and Management Principles15:23 AI in Cybersecurity22:02 Recruiting and Developing Cybersecurity Talenthttps://www.huntress.com/company/careers 26:22 Conclusion and Final Thoughtshttps://www.linkedin.com/in/ericstride/Eric Stride is the Chief Security Officer at Huntress, where he oversees the company's 24/7 Global Security Operations Center, Detection Engineering, Adversary Tactics, IT Operations, and Internal Security. A 20+ year cybersecurity leader, Eric has held senior roles spanning the U.S. Air Force, NSA, and private sector.During his 12 years on active duty, Eric helped architect the Air Force's first cyber combat mission team, co-authored its first offensive cyber operations manual, and rose to Deputy Chief for Cyber Operations at NSA Georgia. He continues to serve as a Colonel in the Air Force Reserve, where he established its first cyber range squadron.In the private sector, Eric co-founded Atlas Cybersecurity, advised defense and enterprise clients as an independent consultant, led Deloitte's Advanced Cyber Training portfolio, and led the generation of $135M+ in new cyber business. He holds an M.S. in Information Technology Management, a B.S. in Computer Science, and multiple cybersecurity certifications (CISSP, GCIH, CEH).Develop Your Cybersecurity Career Path: How to Break into Cybersecurity at Any Level: https://amzn.to/3443AUIHack the Cybersecurity Interview: A complete interview preparation guide for jumpstarting your cybersecurity career https://www.amazon.com/dp/1801816638/

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence.    #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”.  The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught.  Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance.  In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it.  On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy.  Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”.  Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

John is a Non-Resident Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council and Co-founder of Spycraft Entertainment a production firm providing content to the entertainment industry. Spycraft Entertainment connects the worlds of Hollywood and intelligence. John is also a foreign policy and intelligence expert and social media influencer. His articles have been published in the New York Times, The Atlantic, The Washington Post, Politico, Foreign Affairs, Newsweek, Slate, Lawfare, and Just Security, among others. He regularly appears on the PBS NewsHour, CNN, NPR, MSNBC, BBC and speaks to corporate, academic and governmental groups.John retired in 2014 after a 28-year career in the Central Intelligence Agency's National Clandestine Service. At the time of his retirement, he was a member of the CIA's Senior Intelligence Service, the leadership team that guides CIA activities globally. John served multiple overseas tours as Chief of Station and Deputy Chief of Station in Europe, Russia, Asia, and in high-threat environments. He has significant experience working with foreign and domestic partners to solve national security challenges. John also served as a lead instructor in the CIA's clandestine training school and was a regular lecturer at the CIA's leadership development program. He is the recipient of the Distinguished Career Intelligence Medal.----------This is super important. There are so many Battalions in Ukraine, fighting to defend our freedoms, but lack basics such as vehicles. These are destroyed on a regular basis, and lack of transport is costs lives, and Ukrainian territory. Once again Silicon Curtain has teamed up with Car4Ukraine and a group of wonderful creators to provide much-needed assistance: https://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/autumn-harvest-silicon-curtainAutumn Harvest: Silicon Curtain (Goal€22,000)We'll be supporting troops in Pokrovsk, Kharkiv, and other regions where the trucks are needed the most. 93rd Brigade "Kholodnyi Yar", Black Raven Unmanned Systems Battalionhttps://car4ukraine.com/campaigns/autumn-harvest-silicon-curtain----------Partner on this video: KYIV OF MINE Watch the trailer now: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=arJUcE1rxY0'Kyiv of Mine' is a documentary series about Ukraine's beautiful capital, Kyiv. The film production began in 2018, and much has changed since then. It is now 2025, and this story is far from over.https://www.youtube.com/@UCz6UbVKfqutH-N7WXnC5Ykg https://www.kyivofmine.com/#theprojectKyiv of Mine is fast paced, beautifully filmed, humorous, fun, insightful, heartbreaking, moving, hopeful. The very antithesis in fact of a doom-laden and worthy wartime documentary. This is a work that is extraordinarily uplifting. My friend Operator Starsky says the film is “Made with so much love. The film series will make you laugh and cry.” ----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------TRUSTED CHARITIES ON THE GROUND:Save Ukrainehttps://www.saveukraineua.org/Superhumans - Hospital for war traumashttps://superhumans.com/en/UNBROKEN - Treatment. Prosthesis. Rehabilitation for Ukrainians in Ukrainehttps://unbroken.org.ua/Come Back Alivehttps://savelife.in.ua/en/Chefs For Ukraine - World Central Kitchenhttps://wck.org/relief/activation-chefs-for-ukraineUNITED24 - An initiative of President Zelenskyyhttps://u24.gov.ua/Serhiy Prytula Charity Foundationhttps://prytulafoundation.orgNGO “Herojam Slava”https://heroiamslava.org/kharpp - Reconstruction project supporting communities in Kharkiv and Przemyślhttps://kharpp.com/NOR DOG Animal Rescuehttps://www.nor-dog.org/home/----------

Before he was Deputy Chief, D.C. Dan was a patrol officer in a quiet small town. When he's called to a violent stabbing, he's confronted by disturbing details. What unfolds is a troubling case that ultimately sets DC Dan on the path to becoming a detective. Deputy Chief Dan started in Public Safety in 1996. He worked in the fire service, EMS, and 911 dispatch until he moved into law enforcement in 2007. Since then, D.C. Dan has worked as a Patrol Officer, Field Training Officer, narcotics detective, major crimes detective, patrol supervisor, patrol Lieutenant and currently as Deputy Police Chief.

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Jordan interviews, Drew Smith, who is a hydrologist & Deputy Chief, Watershed Division at the Corps of Engineers. There are some many questions, misconceptions, and down-right good information to have when it comes to the big river. Join us for this episode as we bust some myths, learn a lot, and discover once again why the Mississippi River is such a special place. Check it out!