Podcasts about Zhang

Lung cancer is one of the deadliest forms of cancer in Canada. While surgery is often the best treatment, it is extremely invasive. Dr. Chris Zhang, a professor in the University of Saskatchewan (USask) College of Engineering, is part of a research team looking to develop a non-invasive tool for removing lung cancer tumours. He joins Evan to share more about the research and how it could change treatment and recovery for cancer patients.

Rongzhu is a Chinese Tibetan UFC Fighter training in CKB in New Zealand. He is fighting in UFC Fight Night in Shanghai, Walker vs Zhang. Interview details below:00:00 Introduction00:18 Next UFC Fight against Austin Hubbard01:12 How to deal with his pressure02:25 China supporting their people03:13 How does it feel to fight in China04:04 Team mates fighting in Road to UFC05:30 Training at CKB06:24 Banter at CKB07:02 Living in China vs NZ09:34 Start in Martial arts10:45 MMA Scene in China12:54 Mark Timms as UFC PI14:32 Prediction for the fight15:42 Conclusion

In this episode of the Epigenetics Podcast, we talked with Erica Korb from the University of Pennsylvania about her work on BRD4 and the histone variant H2BE, which influences synaptic genes and neuronal activity. Dr. Korb discusses the focus of her lab, which centers on epigenetic mechanisms impacting gene regulation in neurons. Her research primarily examines histone biology and its connection to neurodevelopmental disorders, including autism spectrum disorder and intellectual disabilities. Dr. Korb expounds on the collaborative environment at UPenn's Epigenetics Institute, emphasizing how the rich diversity of research topics fosters innovative ideas and projects within the community. Reflecting on her earlier work from her postdoctoral studies, Dr. Korb discusses her first significant findings regarding the protein BRD4. This work demonstrated BRD4's role in mediating transcriptional regulation crucial for learning and memory processes. She explains how disrupting this protein's function in neurons hindered critical gene activations required for memory formation in mice. This foundational understanding opened avenues for exploring the broader implications of chromatin regulation in various neurodevelopmental conditions. Transitioning into her current research endeavors, Dr. Korb reveals how she aims to expand her focus beyond Fragile X syndrome. With her lab now investigating multiple chromatin regulators implicated in various forms of autism spectrum disorders, she describes a recent project where RNA sequencing exposed substantial overlaps in gene expression changes associated with five distinct chromatin modifiers, each contributing uniquely to neuronal function while collectively demonstrating sensitivity to chromatin disruptions. A significant portion of the discussion centers around Dr. Korb's unexpected exploration into how COVID-19 intersects with chromatin biology through a phenomenon known as histone mimicry. Leveraging bioinformatic tools during the pandemic, her lab discovered that certain viral proteins mimic histone sequences, which may lead to altered transcriptional outputs in host cells. This coincidental finding illustrates both the creative adaptability needed in scientific research and the importance of collaborative efforts across disciplines to uncover new insights. The conversation also delves into Dr. Korb's recent work regarding the histone variant H2BE, initiated by one of her graduate students. She explains how prior research only recognized H2BE's expression in the olfactory system, yet her lab has demonstrated its significant role in regulating synaptic genes and memory formation throughout broader neuronal contexts. Notably, they identified a single amino acid change that influences H2BE's function in chromatin accessibility and gene transcription, emphasizing its potential evolutionary conservation across species. In terms of H2BE's role, Dr. Korb elucidates that its activity is integral in response to extracellular stimuli, particularly within the context of neuronal activation. Intriguingly, they found that H2BE expression decreases in reaction to long-term neuronal stimulation, suggesting a complex mechanism of homeostatic plasticity crucial for regulating neuronal activity levels. This research not only advances understanding of chromatin dynamics but also holds implications for neuronal health and disease mechanisms.   References Feierman, E. R., Louzon, S., Prescott, N. A., Biaco, T., Gao, Q., Qiu, Q., Choi, K., Palozola, K. C., Voss, A. J., Mehta, S. D., Quaye, C. N., Lynch, K. T., Fuccillo, M. V., Wu, H., David, Y., & Korb, E. (2024). Histone variant H2BE enhances chromatin accessibility in neurons to promote synaptic gene expression and long-term memory. Molecular cell, 84(15), 2822–2837.e11. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.molcel.2024.06.025 Korb, E., Herre, M., Zucker-Scharff, I., Gresack, J., Allis, C. D., & Darnell, R. B. (2017). Excess Translation of Epigenetic Regulators Contributes to Fragile X Syndrome and Is Alleviated by Brd4 Inhibition. Cell, 170(6), 1209–1223.e20. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cell.2017.07.033 Kee, J., Thudium, S., Renner, D. M., Glastad, K., Palozola, K., Zhang, Z., Li, Y., Lan, Y., Cesare, J., Poleshko, A., Kiseleva, A. A., Truitt, R., Cardenas-Diaz, F. L., Zhang, X., Xie, X., Kotton, D. N., Alysandratos, K. D., Epstein, J. A., Shi, P. Y., Yang, W., … Korb, E. (2022). SARS-CoV-2 disrupts host epigenetic regulation via histone mimicry. Nature, 610(7931), 381–388. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-022-05282-z Feierman, E. R., Paranjapye, A., Su, S., Qiu, Q., Wu, H., & Korb, E. (2024). Histone variant H2BE controls activity-dependent gene expression and homeostatic scaling. bioRxiv : the preprint server for biology, 2024.11.01.620920. https://doi.org/10.1101/2024.11.01.620920   Related Episodes Neuroepigenetic Mechanisms and Primate Epigenome Evolution (Boyan Bonev) DNA Methylation Alterations in Neurodegenerative Diseases (Paula Desplats) The Role of Histone Dopaminylation and Serotinylation in Neuronal Plasticity (Ian Maze)   Contact Epigenetics Podcast on Mastodon Epigenetics Podcast on Bluesky Dr. Stefan Dillinger on LinkedIn Active Motif on LinkedIn Active Motif on Bluesky Email: podcast@activemotif.com

En este episodio lo último en salud y fitness edición de julio 2025, vamos a platicar de varios temas que sin duda son bastante interesantes.Veremos si la melatonina puede hacerte más rápido (sí, leíste bien), cómo el ejercicio actúa como un antioxidante natural en tu cuerpo, los beneficios del entrenamiento de fuerza para mujeres mayores con obesidad sarcopénica, qué pasa cuando combinas ayuno intermitente con superávit calórico, y hasta cómo la jardinería en realidad virtual puede mejorar la cognición en adultos mayores.Este mes nos enfocamos en estudios que no solo tienen buena base científica, sino que también puedes aplicar en tu día a día. Mi idea es que al terminar este episodio tengas información clara, basada en evidencia, pero que también puedas usar de inmediato. Sin tanta teoría complicada y con consejos que realmente funcionan.Referencias: 1.      Mahdi, N., Delleli, S., Jebabli, A. & Maaoui…, K. B. Melatonin Supplementation Enhances Next-Day High-Intensity Exercise Performance and Recovery in Trained Males: A Placebo-Controlled Crossover Study. Sports (2025).2.      Xie, Y., Gu, Y., Li, Z., Zhang, L. & Hei, Y. Effects of exercise on different antioxidant enzymes and related indicators: a systematic review and meta-analysis of randomized controlled trials. Scientific Reports (2025).3.      Guo, C., Dai, T., Zhang, H., Luo, M. & Gao…, J. Effect of resistance training on body composition and physical function in older females with sarcopenic obesity—a systematic review and meta-analysis of …. Frontiers in Aging … (2025).4.      Blake, D. T., Hamane, C. & Pacheco…, C. Hypercaloric 16: 8 time-restricted eating during 8 weeks of resistance exercise in well-trained men and women. Journal of the … (2025).5.      Chuang, I. C., Abdullahi, A., Chen, I. C. & Wu…, Y. R. Effects of immersive leisure-based virtual reality cognitive training on cognitive and physical function in community-based older adults: A randomized controlled trial. Digital … (2025).

Damian und Thomas behaupten von sich selbst, keine Nerds zu sein. Ganz im Gegensatz zu Martin. Er ist überzeugter Nerd und außerdem Global Business Director bei Jung von Matt NERD.In dieser Folge sprechen wir mit ihm über alles, was gerade passiert, wenn Marken versuchen, junge Zielgruppen zu erreichen. Manche machen irgendwas mit K‑Pop oder Gaming, weil es halt alle machen. Andere machen es richtig.Martin erzählt, wie MINI sein neues Auto auf der Gamescom vorgestellt hat. Nicht auf der IAA, sondern dort, wo sich das Publikum wirklich aufhält. Und wie cosnova auf Roblox eine eigene Spielwelt gebaut hat, in der ein Lipgloss zu einer virtuellen Insel wurde. Die Community durfte sogar mitentscheiden, statt nur zuzuschauen.Wir sprechen außerdem über chinesische Popkultur, über TikTok Shop, über künstliche Intelligenz und darüber, was das alles mit guter Markenführung zu tun hat. Am Ende stellt sich dann auch die Frage: Sind Nerds vielleicht doch ein bisschen cooler als Nicht-Nerds?asiabits hier abonnieren: asiabits.comDamians Team kontaktieren: www.genuine-asia.comGast: Martin ZhangModeratoren & Hosts: Damian Maib & Thomas DerksenSchnitt & Produktion: Eva TrotnoSend us a text

Clean energy visionary Lei Zhang loves the Gobi Desert — the most Mars-like place on Earth. Why? Because of the promise it holds to provide the free, abundant solar and wind energy to fuel humanity's next leap forward. Sharing the story behind one of the world's largest green hydrogen projects, Zhang shows how Earth's harshest landscapes could unlock more energy reserves than the world consumes today, and encourages us all to get a little more creative in how we think about the future.For a chance to give your own TED Talk, fill out the Idea Search Application: ted.com/ideasearch.Interested in learning more about upcoming TED events? Follow these links:TEDNext: ted.com/futureyouTEDSports: ted.com/sportsTEDAI Vienna: ted.com/ai-viennaTEDAI San Francisco: ted.com/ai-sf Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Beijing on Monday issued a red alert for heavy rainfall and launched a top-level emergency response, including evacuating residents from vulnerable areas, to further strengthen its preparedness after a deadly deluge last week exposed gaps in the city's readiness to handle disasters.In China's four-tier weather warning system, a red alert is the most severe, followed by orange, yellow and blue.In the city's mountainous Shijingshan district, 92 residents of an elderly care home in the foothills were relocated, as the area has been identified as highly vulnerable to flooding and landslides. All 31 elderly care institutions in the district have been placed on high alert, with their staff required to remain on duty around the clock.The evacuation, coordinated by an emergency command unit, involved more than 200 personnel from the civil affairs, health, firefighting and community departments, according to a report from the Shijingshan Converged Media Center, an official information platform."We are taking the red alert very seriously. ... The transfer of residents from high-risk areas was carried out with urgency," said Lu Manjun, Party secretary and head of Shijingshan's civil affairs bureau.The precautionary measures for elderly residents have been prompted by an unfortunate incident last week in Beijing's Miyun district. Heavy rains and flooding marooned an elderly care institution in the district's Taishitun township, leading to the deaths of 31 residents who were trapped inside.Authorities concerned admitted the gaps in their preparedness for extreme weather and vowed to strengthen emergency response for such vulnerable populations.The Beijing Meteorological Service issued the red alert at 1 pm on Monday, warning of intense citywide rainfall through Tuesday morning. The heaviest downpours were expected between 6 pm and 5 am, with up to 200 millimeters of rainfall forecast within just six hours in some areas.Authorities also said there is a very high risk of flash floods, landslides and debris flows, particularly in mountainous and low-lying regions.In response, the city's flood control headquarters activated on Monday afternoon a Level I emergency response, the highest in a four-tier system.Residents have been advised to take safety precautions and avoid going out unless absolutely necessary, schools have been directed to suspend offline classes, tourist attractions and parks have been ordered to shut down, and work at construction sites have been halted, according to a statement from the flood control headquarters.Residents of high-risk mountain villages and low-lying areas, as well as stranded tourists, are required to follow instructions and evacuate early, the statement said.In Miyun's Xizhuangzi village, which was spared during last week's deluge but is now under threat, evacuation operations raced against time."We are transferring 155 residents from our village and neighboring Shifo village to a safe relocation site before the heavy rains start," Liu Changbao, Party secretary of Xizhuangzi, told China Daily on Monday afternoon.To help people reach home safely, Beijing Subway has expanded its service capacity and extended its train timings. The capacity will be adjusted in real time based on passenger flow.During the evening peak period on Monday, subway trains will start running at their maximum capacity two hours earlier than usual, and will also run for an extra hour. During the morning peak period on Tuesday, the trains will run at their maximum capacity for extended two hours.Neighboring Hebei province has issued an orange alert for geological disasters in 18 counties in the cities of Baoding, Chengde, Qinhuangdao and Tangshan. The warning, effective from 2 pm on Monday to 2 pm on Tuesday, cited high risks of collapses, landslides and mudslides.In Chengde's Xinglong county, which bore the brunt of torrential rainfall and landslides last week, hundreds of residents have already been relocated. A temporary shelter with over 800 beds has been opened at Liudaohe Middle School in the county. Health workers from township clinics have been deployed to prevent disease outbreaks.After natural disasters such as floods, hygiene and sanitation are always a major concern, said Zhang Guohui, an official with the Xinglong County Center for Disease Control and Prevention, in an interview with China Central Television."Our disinfection and sterilization efforts aim to eliminate pathogens, cut off transmission routes, and safeguard public health," Zhang added.red alertn.红色预警/red əˈlɜːt/emergency evacuationn.紧急疏散/ɪˈmɜːdʒənsi ɪˌvækjuˈeɪʃn/

Robots humanoïdes, voitures autonomes, IA générative et même lunettes de paiement par clignement d'œil... La Chine dévoile ses ambitions technologiques à l'occasion de la World Artificial Intelligence Conference (WAIC) à Shanghai. La journaliste chinoise Shanhui Zhang (China Global Television Network) nous présente les innovations de la WAIC et analyse les ambitions chinoises en matière de technologie.Les sujet abordés dans cet épisode :Une industrie en pleine effervescence : avec plus de 800 exposants, la World Artificial Intelligence Conference de Shanghai a présenté un panorama spectaculaire de la tech chinoise, des géants comme Alibaba, Huawei ou Baidu jusqu'aux industriels traditionnels comme Baosteel, qui se lancent dans la robotique.Les robots humanoïdes dans la vie quotidienne : démonstrations de robots capables de jouer avec les enfants, de réaliser des tâches dans l'industrie lourde ou encore d'assurer des fonctions éducatives et sociales.Des lunettes pour payer dans les magasin : à Hangzhou, Alibaba a dévoilé les lunettes « AI Quark » qui permettent de payer d'un simple mouvement d'œil via Alipay.Des taxis autonomes à l'assaut des villes chinoises : Baidu propose des taxis autonomes sans chauffeur à Pékin et Wuhan, pour des trajets deux fois moins chers qu'un taxi classique. Shanhui Zhang les a testés.Un enjeu stratégique mondial : derrière les démonstrations technologiques, une véritable volonté politique. La Chine promeut une gouvernance internationale de l'IA, évoquant des mécanismes communs pour la protection des données, la sécurité et l'inclusion.Un appel à la coopération internationale : Pékin présente un plan d'action global pour encadrer le développement de l'IA, tout en soulignant le rôle central que la Chine souhaite jouer dans ce nouveau paradigme.-----------

Dr. Vinod Rao (Massachusetts General Hospital, Boston) join AJP Audio to discuss predicting the relative risk of patients with an ADHD diagnosis developing a later stimulant or substance use disorder based on the method of prescription, in person or via telehealth. Afterwards, AJP Editor-in-Chief Dr. Ned Kalin discusses the rest of the August issue of the Journal. 00:07   Rao interview 01:53   Stimulant use disorder versus substance use disorder 02:59   Cohort size and incidence of SUDs 04:28   Length of clinician engagement in non-profit versus for profit hospital systems 05:18   Patient cohort 06:20   Potential difference in mechanism between prescribing practices 07:35   Continued use of telehealth 08:43   Limitations 10:03   Further research 11:17   Kalin interview 11:24   Rao et al. 15:41   Mahjani et al. 19:59   Zhang et al. 25:11   Sha et al. 29:33   Gao and Olfson Transcript Be sure to let your colleagues know about the podcast, and please rate and review it on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Spotify, or wherever you listen to it. Subscribe to the podcast here. Listen to other podcasts produced by the American Psychiatric Association. Browse articles online. How authors may submit their work. Follow the journals of APA Publishing on Twitter. E-mail us at ajp@psych.org

China's economy is expected to maintain steady momentum in the second half of the year amid continuous policy support, with international institutions' raised growth forecasts reflecting strengthened confidence in the world's second-largest economy, economists and analysts said.经济学家和分析师表示，在持续的政策支持下，中国经济预计将在下半年保持稳定增长态势。国际机构上调的经济增长预测反映了对全球第二大经济体信心的增强。With the country's top leadership having clearly signaled consistent macro policy support to sustain the economic rally, they said that measures in the pipeline may include more consumption subsidies, additional public investment in urban renewal and accelerated reduction of housing market inventory.鉴于国家高层已明确表示将继续提供稳定的宏观经济政策支持以维持经济复苏态势，他们表示，即将出台的措施可能包括增加消费补贴、加大对城市更新的公共投资以及加快减少房地产市场的库存。Their comments came as the International Monetary Fund significantly raised its forecast for China's full-year economic growth to 4.8 percent in its World Economic Outlook Update report on Tuesday, up 0.8 percentage point compared with its forecast in April.就在他们发表上述言论之际，国际货币基金组织在周二发布的《世界经济展望更新报告》中大幅上调了对中国经济全年增长的预期，将这一预期值上调至4.8%，较其4月份的预测值高出0.8个百分点。The revision reflects the Chinese economy's stronger-than-expected activity in the first half of the year and the significant reductions in tariffs between China and the US, the IMF report said, as China received the largest upgrade in forecast among major economies.The IMF, which nudged the full-year global growth forecast for 2025 from 2.8 percent to 3 percent, also revised China's growth forecast for 2026 upward by 0.2 percentage point to 4.2 percent, due in part to lower effective tariff rates than previously assumed in the April forecast.More signs of de-escalation in Sino-US trade tensions emerged on Tuesday. Based on the consensus achieved during the third round of China-US economic and trade talks in Stockholm, Sweden, both sides will continue pushing for a continued extension by 90 days of the pause on 24 percent reciprocal tariffs of the US, as well as countermeasures by China.国际货币基金组织的报告称，此次修订反映了中国上半年经济活动超出预期的强劲表现，以及中美之间关税的大幅下调。报告指出，中国在主要经济体中获得了最大的经济预期上调幅度。国际货币基金组织将2025年全球全年经济增长预期从2.8%上调至3%，同时还将2026年中国经济增长预期上调0.2个百分点至4.2%，部分原因是实际关税率低于此前4月份预测中的水平。周二，中美贸易紧张局势缓和的迹象进一步显现。根据在瑞典斯德哥尔摩举行的第三轮中美经济与贸易谈判达成的共识，双方将继续推动将美国对华24%的互惠关税暂停措施再延长90天，并采取中国的相应措施。The IMF's upward revision follows major international financial institutions, such as Morgan Stanley, Goldman Sachs, UBS and Nomura, which raised their expectations for China's economic growth, thanks to a 5.3 percent year-on-year expansion in the first half.国际货币基金组织此次上调预期，是由于包括摩根士丹利、高盛、瑞银和野村证券在内的各大国际金融机构提高了对中国经济增长的预期。这得益于上半年中国经济同比增长5.3%。Citing factors such as China's robust GDP growth of 5.2 percent in the second quarter, Goldman Sachs said in a report on Monday that it retains its overweight stance on Chinese equities in a regional context, while revising its 12-month target for the MSCI China Index to 90 from 85. The MSCI China Index is a stock market index that tracks the performance of large and mid-cap Chinese companies listed in both China and abroad.高盛在周一发布的一份报告中指出，鉴于中国第二季度经济增速高达5.2%等种种因素，其仍认为在区域范围内增持中国股票是合理的，并将摩根士丹利资本国际中国指数的12个月目标值从85调整至90。摩根士丹利资本国际中国指数是一个追踪在国内外上市的大型及中型中国公司表现的股票市场指数。Zhang Bin, a nonresident senior fellow at the China Finance 40 Forum and a national political adviser, said that China's economic growth has been resilient this year, as industrial production maintained solid momentum while exports to other regions offset the decline of exports to the US.张斌是“中国金融40人论坛”的非驻会高级研究员，也是国家政治顾问。他表示，今年中国的经济增长表现强劲，工业生产保持了稳定增长态势，同时对其他地区的出口弥补了对美国出口的下降。With 5.3 percent first-half growth, Zhang said that China's full-year GDP growth target of about 5 percent should be well within reach. However, he noted that the challenge of insufficient demand — and, therefore, pressures on the labor and capital markets — may intensify in the second half amid lingering property market weakness and the unfolding impact of US tariffs on exports.上半年经济增长率为5.3%，张表示，中国全年约5%的GDP增长目标应该完全能够实现。不过他指出，由于需求不足所带来的挑战（进而给劳动力和资本市场带来压力）在下半年可能会加剧，原因在于房地产市场持续疲软以及美国对出口产品加征关税所带来的影响仍在持续。This has necessitated further macro policy support, said Zhang, who suggested the issuance of additional government bonds in the second half to boost public investment in urban renewal.The Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee held a tone-setting meeting on Wednesday that made arrangements for economic work in the second half of the year. The meeting emphasized that macro policies should continue to exert force and be strengthened at an appropriate time, calling for efforts to expand consumer demand by ensuring and improving people's living standards, carrying out high-quality urban renewal, and consolidating the capital market's trend of stabilization and improvement.张表示，这需要进一步的宏观政策支持。他建议在下半年发行更多政府债券，以促进城市更新领域的公共投资。中共中央政治局周三召开了一次具有指导意义的会议，对下半年的经济工作进行了安排。会议强调，宏观政策应持续发力，并在适当的时候加强力度，要求通过保障和提高人民生活水平、开展高质量的城市更新以及巩固资本市场稳定向好的趋势等方式，努力扩大消费需求。Wang Qing, chief macroeconomic analyst at Golden Credit Rating International, said the meeting indicated that macro policies will continue to focus on growth stabilization in the second half.金信国际首席宏观经济分析师王青表示，此次会议表明，下半年宏观政策仍将侧重于促进经济增长的稳定。Anticipated measures include further interest rate cuts, consumption subsidies in more sectors such as travel, and greater advancements in using government bonds to purchase unsold property stock for affordable housing purposes, Wang said.王表示，预计采取的措施包括进一步降低利率、在更多领域（如旅游领域）提供消费补贴，以及在利用政府债券购买未售出的房产以用于保障性住房方面取得更大进展。 economic growth forecastn.经济增长预测/ˌiːkəˈnɒmɪkɡrəʊθ ˈfɔːkɑːst/macro policy supportn.宏观政策支持/ˈmækrəʊˈpɒləsi səˈpɔːt/

Tera AI is pioneering a software-centric approach to robotics, moving away from traditional hardware-dominated solutions toward a unified operating system for robotic platforms. After raising $8 million and transitioning from insurance applications to robotics, the company is building what founder Tony Zhang envisions as "a general purpose operating system for robot platforms" powered by spatial foundation models. In this episode of Category Visionaries, Tony shares his journey from Google X to founding Tera AI, including hard-won lessons about market validation, customer discovery, and the critical importance of understanding buyer priorities. Topics Discussed: Tera AI's evolution from geospatial foundation models in insurance to robotics applications The challenges of customer discovery in regulated industries like insurance Tony's experience at Google X and the ChatGPT moment that sparked entrepreneurial action First Round's Product Market Fit program and structured customer discovery methodology The transition from hardware-centric to software-centric robotics architecture Fundraising strategies and developing instincts for investor feedback Building a team of top-tier AI researchers in a competitive talent market GTM Lessons For B2B Founders: Lead with priority validation, not pain discovery: Tony learned the hard way that not every pain point can be solved on a VC timeline. His breakthrough insight was asking upfront: "Tell me if this is one of your top three priorities. If not, tell me what are those three priorities." He discovered that many insurance prospects liked their solution but had more pressing infrastructure problems unrelated to AI. B2B founders should qualify buyer priorities before presenting solutions to avoid getting trapped in lengthy sales cycles for non-critical problems. Understand regulatory constraints early in enterprise markets: Tera AI spent nearly a year in insurance before realizing that regulatory barriers made technology adoption extremely difficult, regardless of product-market fit. Tony explains: "Because of the regulations in America, it is incredibly difficult for an insurer or carrier to adopt new technology, especially technology that was as new as the stuff that we were building." Founders entering regulated industries should map compliance requirements and adoption timelines before committing significant resources. Structure customer discovery to eliminate waste: Through First Round's PMF program, Tony discovered they were doing discovery calls inefficiently, often requiring multiple meetings with the same prospects. The key insight was asking the right qualifying questions upfront rather than leading with solutions. This approach eliminated unnecessary follow-up meetings and accelerated their discovery process by 5x. Founders should develop structured discovery frameworks with clear qualifying criteria before scaling outreach efforts. Market timing requires both technology readiness and buyer urgency: Tony's "ChatGPT moment" wasn't just about technological possibility—it was about recognizing the convergence of technical capability and market readiness. He emphasizes: "It wasn't too early, it wasn't too late." The key was understanding that spatial AI could finally deliver value that buyers were ready to adopt. Founders should evaluate both technical feasibility and market timing when deciding on startup opportunities. Attract talent with novel technical challenges, not just compensation: Despite intense competition for AI talent in Silicon Valley, Tera AI successfully recruits top researchers by offering genuinely innovative work. Tony explains: "We genuinely try to innovate across the entire stack. We build our own models, we build our own datasets, we can write papers on the things we're doing." They target researchers who are "bored to death by the LLM world" and want to work on groundbreaking spatial AI problems. B2B founders should differentiate their companies through technical novelty and research opportunities, not just competitive salaries.     //   Sponsors: Front Lines — We help B2B tech companies launch, manage, and grow podcasts that drive demand, awareness, and thought leadership. www.FrontLines.io The Global Talent Co. — We help tech startups find, vet, hire, pay, and retain amazing marketing talent that costs 50-70% less than the US & Europe.  www.GlobalTalent.co   //   Don't Miss: New Podcast Series — How I Hire Senior GTM leaders share the tactical hiring frameworks they use to build winning revenue teams. Hosted by Andy Mowat, who scaled 4 unicorns from $10M to $100M+ ARR and launched Whispered to help executives find their next role. Subscribe here: https://open.spotify.com/show/53yCHlPfLSMFimtv0riPyM 

Neste episódio do Fronteiras da Engenharia de Software, Daniel Feitosa (Professor Assistente na Universidade de Groningen) conversou com Adolfo Neto (UTFPR) e Maria Claudia Emer (UTFPR) sobre gerência de dívida técnica. Página do Daniel Feitosa: https://feitosa-daniel.github.io/ CV Lattes: http://lattes.cnpq.br/5596435172279164 Google Scholar: https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=b4SXLNEAAAAJOs artigos discutidos no episódio foram:“PairSmell: Uma Nova Perspectiva para Inspecionar a Estrutura Modular de Software”C. Zhong, D. Feitosa, P. Avgeriou, H. Huang, Y. Li, H. Zhang. "PairSmell: A Novel Perspective Inspecting Software Modular Structure," in Proceedings of the IEEE/ACM 47th International Conference on Software Engineering (ICSE '25). 2025. (distinguished paper award) https://arxiv.org/abs/2411.01012 “Automatizando a Gestão da Dívida Técnica: Percepções a partir de Discussões de Profissionais no Stack Exchange.”J.P. Biazotto, D. Feitosa, P. Avgeriou, E.Y. Nakagawa. "Automating Technical Debt Management: Insights from Practitioner Discussions in Stack Exchange," in proceedings of the 8th ACM/IEEE 8th International Conference on Technical Debt (TechDebt '25). https://arxiv.org/abs/2502.03153 Resumo em Moonlight: https://www.themoonlight.io/fr/review/automating-technical-debt-management-insights-from-practitioner-discussions-in-stack-exchange "Automação da Gestão da Dívida Técnica: Estado da Arte e Perspectivas Futuras"J.P. Biazotto, D. Feitosa, P. Avgeriou, E.Y. Nakagawa. "Technical debt management automation: State of the art and future perspectives," Information and Software Technology, 167:107375. 2024. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.infsof.2023.107375 "O ciclo de vida da Dívida Técnica que se manifesta tanto no código-fonte quanto nos rastreadores de problemas"J. Tan, D. Feitosa, P. Avgeriou. "The lifecycle of Technical Debt that manifests in both source code and issue trackers," Information and Software Technology, 159:107216, 2023. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.infsof.2023.107216 Links:Dagstuhl Perspectives Workshop em "Reframing Technical Debt"https://www.dagstuhl.de/seminars/seminar-calendar/seminar-details/24452 CBSOFT 2025 https://cbsoft.sbc.org.br/2025 SE4FP 2025 https://se4fp.github.io/2025/ ICSE 2026 https://conf.researchr.org/home/icse-2026 Página do podcast: https://fronteirases.github.io/Coordenador do podcast: Adolfo Neto https://adolfont.github.io/

All-out disaster relief and rescue operations are underway in Beijing, Tianjin and Hebei province as torrential rainfall wreaked havoc in northern China since the beginning of the week, damaging roads, disrupting power and water supplies, and prompting mass evacuation.自本周初以来，中国北方地区遭遇了持续的强降雨，造成了严重的破坏，导致道路损毁、电力和供水系统中断，并引发了大规模的疏散行动。目前，北京、天津和河北省正在全力开展救灾和救援工作。As of Tuesday evening, the death toll from severe downpours in Beijing was 30, with 28 deaths reported in the city's mountainous Miyun district and two in Yanqing district, while eight more people died in Hebei, where a landslide struck Luanping county, according to local authorities.截至周二晚间，北京因强降雨造成的死亡人数已达30人，其中位于山区的密云区有28人死亡，延庆区有2人死亡，而河北省也有8人丧生，该省的滦平县发生山体滑坡事故。此数据由当地有关部门提供。The rainstorm alert in Beijing, where 80,332 people were moved to safety, was canceled on Tuesday as the rain bands weakened and shifted eastward. The city, however, remains on its highest level of flood-control emergency response.北京的暴雨警报已于周二解除，当时有80332人已被转移至安全地带。由于雨带减弱并向东移动，该警报得以取消。不过，该市仍处于最高级别的防洪应急响应状态。Vice-Premier Zhang Guoqing, who has been entrusted by President Xi Jinping to oversee relief and rescue efforts in Beijing, led relevant department officials on Monday night to Miyun, where they met and consoled affected residents and guided flood prevention and disaster relief work.周一晚上，国务院副总理被习总书记委以重任，率领相关部门官员前往密云，与受灾居民会面并给予他们安慰，同时指导了防洪和救灾工作。Zhang emphasized that during the crucial period for flood control, special attention should be paid to vulnerable groups including the elderly, the ailing, and people with disabilities, ensuring their safe relocation. It is important to scientifically manage the flow and discharge of floodwaters and make every effort to minimize disaster losses, he added.张强调，在防汛的关键时期，应特别关注老年人、患病者和残疾人群体，确保他们能够安全转移。他还指出，要科学管理洪水的流动和排放，尽一切努力减少灾害损失。The maximum rainfall across entire Beijing was registered in two Miyun towns at 543 millimeters, with nearly 17,000 residents relocated in Miyun district as of Tuesday morning, according to the Beijing municipal government.据北京市政府消息，北京全市的最大降雨量出现在密云的两个镇，达543毫米。截至周二上午，密云区已有近17000名居民被转移安置。Along a stretch of the Chaohe River in Miyun, fast-moving, muddy floodwaters submerged lower tree branches, although heavy rain had eased to a drizzle by Tuesday noon.在密云县的潮河一段河段，湍急浑浊的洪水淹没了较低处的树枝，尽管周二中午时分雨势已减弱为小雨。Gao Jianhua, a grassroots leader at the Armed Police Force Beijing Corps, was among nearly 1,000 soldiers deployed to build flood barriers near the district's Ningcunxin bridge.高建华是武警北京总队的一名基层干部，他与近1000名士兵一起被派往该地区附近的宁村新桥附近修建防洪堤。"When we started work around 8 pm on Monday, it was pouring. We could tell with our own eyes that the water level was quickly rising. The situation felt critical and urgent," Gao said, adding that they worked nonstop for 12 hours to complete the basic structure of a 1.6-kilometer-long embankment.“周一晚上8点我们开始施工时，雨势正猛。我们亲眼看到水位在迅速上涨。那种情况显得十分危急且紧迫。”高说道，并补充说他们连续工作了12个小时，才完成了1.6公里长的堤坝的基本结构。"A total of 100,000 sandbags were used, meaning that each soldier had loaded and transported about 100 sandbags throughout the process," he said, adding that reinforcement of the sandbag barrier was underway.“总共使用了10万个沙袋，这意味着每位士兵在整个过程中平均搬运和运输了约100个沙袋。”他说道，并补充说沙袋屏障的加固工作正在进行中。Meanwhile, in Tianjin, local resident Cui Chuanying carefully stepped on scattered stones across a waterlogged road, a large suitcase in one hand while with the other he guided his 10-year-old son, as they prepared to leave their village battered by heavy rains with the help of rescuers.与此同时，在天津，当地居民崔传英小心翼翼地踩着路上散落的石块，他一手提着一个大行李箱，另一只手则牵着10岁的儿子，他们正借助救援人员的帮助，准备离开被暴雨冲毁的村庄。"We arrived at a speed skating training center in the city's Jizhou district on Friday. Heavy rainfall began on Sunday evening, washing away bridges and cutting off electricity, communication and water supplies," Cui said.崔先生说：“我们于周五抵达了该市吉州区的一个速滑训练中心。周日晚上开始下起了大雨，冲毁了桥梁，还导致电力、通讯和供水中断。”About 20 children, along with their coaches and parents, were trapped at the training facility, he said. "We felt hopeless in the beginning, as all we could do was wait. When we heard this (Tuesday) morning that People's Liberation Army rescuers were coming, we were overjoyed," he said. "Now we know we are safe in their hands."他说，大约20名儿童以及他们的教练和家长被困在训练设施内。“一开始我们感到很绝望，因为我们所能做的只有等待。当周二早上听说人民解放军的救援人员要前来时，我们欣喜若狂。”他说，“现在我们知道我们的生命已交到了他们的手中，我们是安全的了。”Cui and his son were among the more than 10,500 residents evacuated from Jizhou.崔先生和他的儿子是从吉州撤离的超过10500名居民中的一员。Lu Chenyang, a PLA soldier and a member of the rescue team sent to the district, said their main tasks were evacuating residents from flooded villages and clearing roads.陆晨阳是一名解放军战士，也是被派往该地区的救援队伍成员。他表示，他们的主要任务是将洪水淹没的村庄中的居民疏散出来，并清理道路。"The biggest challenge is the severe road damage. Some sections are completely destroyed, forcing us to rely on small paths, rural trails and temporary routes we cleared ourselves (to evacuate people)," Lu said.“最大的难题在于道路遭到严重损毁。有些路段已经完全坍塌，这迫使我们只能依靠小径、乡村小道以及我们自己开辟的临时通道（用于疏散人员）。”卢说道。"Since 8 am on Tuesday, our team of 100 soldiers has relocated nearly 600 stranded residents, and we will continue restoring village access," he added.“从周二早上8点开始，我们由100名士兵组成的救援队伍已经成功转移了近600名被困居民，并且我们还将继续修复村庄的通行道路。”他补充道。As the skies cleared around Tuesday afternoon, some residents of Putaoyuan village in Beijing's Miyun district returned home to start cleaning efforts.周二下午，天空逐渐放晴，北京密云区普桃园村的一些居民纷纷返回家中，开始进行清理工作。Zhang Changqin, a 65-year-old seafood vendor, put on his rain boots and navigated piles of debris to reach his damaged truck that was overturned by floodwaters. He said he planned to repair the vehicle himself instead of filing an insurance claim, so that he could resume business as soon as possible.65岁的海鲜商张昌琴穿上雨靴，穿过堆积如山的杂物，终于找到了被洪水冲翻的受损卡车。他说自己打算自己修理车辆，而不是申请保险赔偿，这样就能尽快恢复营业了。"I have experienced earthquakes and floods in the past, but never one this severe," Zhang said. "Nevertheless, I choose to keep a positive mind. Things may look bleak now, but once we rebuild our village, I believe it would become even more beautiful than before."“我过去经历过地震和洪水，但从未遇到过如此严重的灾害。”张说道，“不过，我还是选择保持乐观的心态。眼下情况或许很糟糕，但一旦我们重建了村庄，我相信它会比以前更加美丽。”disaster relief and rescue operationsn.救灾和救援行动/dɪˈzɑːstə(r) rɪˈliːf əndˈreskjuː ˌɒpəˈreɪʃnz/mass evacuationn.大规模疏散/mæs ɪˌvækjuˈeɪʃn/

An episode from Queanbeyan Bible Baptist Church (QBBC), a conservative, independent body of King James Bible believers located near Canberra, NSW Australia. What QBBC believes about the Holy Bible: That both verbal and plenary inspiration applies to the Scriptures known as the sixty-six books of the Old and New Testament Canon.  That is, that God literally breathed His words and that every part of the Scriptures is the Word of God.  2 Timothy 3:16. We believe that God preserved His words as he promised to do. These words are preserved in the original languages of Hebrew and Greek exactly the way He intended them to be without need of addition or subtraction to any part of them. We also believe that the doctrine of inspiration is of no value without the doctrine of preservation.   We believe that the doctrine of inspiration is of no value without the doctrine of preservation. Therefore, the Authorized King James Version of 1611, is the perfect, preserved, inspired, infallible, inerrant Word of God for English speaking people. Simply, the Authorized King James Version is the Scriptures in English. It should be read, memorized, obeyed, and trusted as the very words of God as He intended them to be. The King James Bible is superior to any other version available and is the final authority in all matters. Exodus 24:3; Deuteronomy 6:6-9; 29:29; Joshua 1:8; Job 23:12; 2 Timothy 3:16-17; James 1:22. A message from QBBC to you: “If you are looking for a church in the Canberra, NSW Australia area that preaches the Truth from God's Word, reach out to us at any time. We would love to hear from you at +61 2 6297 1422 or on our website ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://qbbc.org.au/about/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ You may also write to us at:Queanbeyan Bible Baptist ChurchP.O. Box 518Queanbeyan, NSW, 2620, Australia Our video messages are also available for you at the following locations:YouTube-⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCZx8bb7VPQvdJhnoz5mvEOQ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Facebook-⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.facebook.com/biblebaptistqbn/⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Have A Blessed Day,Queanbeyan Bible Baptist Church”  The KJV Bible Preaching Churches Podcast is directly supported by Doss Metrics LLC | Ministry Services based out of Cleveland Texas. If you have any questions regarding this podcast, or the churches hosted on the podcast, please reach out to us directly at ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠dossmetrics@gmail.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ or write to us at: Doss Metrics | KJV Bible Preaching Churches Podcast1501 McBride Rd.Cleveland, TX 77328God Bless#KJV #BaptistChurches #BiblePreaching #KJVPreaching #KingJamesBible #ChurchSermons #ChristianPodcasts #BibilicalTeaching #KevinBeier #QueanbeyanBibleBaptistChurch

When Dan Zhang joined ClickUp in 2021, she stepped into a company intent on unifying how the world works. Two years later, she entered the CFO office—just as ClickUp's strategic bet on AI was beginning to reshape its platform and its future.ClickUp is not just a place where work is tracked, Zhang tells us—it's “where work happens.” The company combines project management, chat, docs, whiteboards, calendars, and more in a single AI-enabled platform. And with the launch of ClickUp Brain Max, the company aims to give every employee “a second brain”—one that automates manual processes, captures meeting notes, assigns follow-ups, and even suggests next steps.As CFO, Zhang helps drive ClickUp's mission with a sharp focus on scale and efficiency. “We're over 1,000 employees around the world,” she tells us, adding that the momentum from AI has become a true growth engine. The company now supports more than 4 million teams globally, from three-person startups to Fortune 500 giants. And its AI business? It's quadrupled year over year.Zhang sees ClickUp's all-in-one foundation as key to its AI differentiation. “This allows us to deliver AI that shows up with the right context, at the right moment, in the right place,” she explains.Despite the company's rapid growth, Zhang isn't resting. “Even after four years here,” she tells us, “it still feels like this is day one.” That mindset—a blend of urgency and vision—continues to shape how she leads.

Last time we spoke about a major Chinese counter offensive at Shanghai. "Black Saturday," saw over a thousand civilians killed. In response, Chinese leader Chiang Kai-shek launched Operation Iron Fist on August 17, aiming to exploit weaknesses in Japanese defenses but failing due to disarray and entrenched opposition. Amid mounting pressure, Chinese commanders redirected their strategy toward Yangshupu, seeking to breach Japanese lines along the Huangpu River. The 36th Infantry Division, newly trained by German advisers, launched a surprise assault on August 19, but inexperienced troops faced relentless Japanese fire, struggling to hold their positions. As casualties mounted, the Japanese executed strategic landings at Chuanshakou and Wusong, capturing key points with minimal resistance. The battle at Baoshan became emblematic of their resistance, where a handful of defenders vowed to fight to the last man, encapsulating the desperation and bravery of those battling under the shadow of impending defeat.    #159 The Battle of Shanghai Part 4: The Battle for Luodian Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the early days of September, a profound sense of resignation descended upon the senior Chinese commanders as the Japanese troops captured stronghold after stronghold along the riverbank, first Shizilin, then Wusong, and finally Baoshan. Despite the resignation among their leaders, the rank and file remained resolute in their determination to defend every inch of Chinese soil. The fighting along Wusong Creek, extending west from Wusong, became particularly brutal. “There were huge numbers of deaths on both sides, and the water of the creek turned red,” wrote Chinese official Wang Jieshi in his diary. “The saying about ‘rivers of blood' became a grim reality.” Meanwhile the Japanese were landing more reinforcements, such as the Tida detachment on September 6. The next day Tokyo HQ authorized the dispatch of the 9th, 13th and 101st divisions and the Shigeto Detachment to Shanghai. That same day over 10 Japanese infantry battalions were ordered to advance from Northeast China to Shanghai. The situation was dire for the Chinese. Not only were their frontline units struggling in battle, but they were also sustaining exceptionally high casualties. By early September, Yao Ziqing's 98th Infantry Division had suffered 4,960 casualties, including a regimental commander killed and another wounded. Throughout the battle for Shanghai, various units within the division received reinforcements up to four times. Upon arrival, these reinforcements were quickly armed and sent directly to the front lines. As recalled by Fang Jing “Some were injured almost immediately after arriving. When they reached the hospital, they had no idea which unit they belonged to.” The string of defeats and setbacks significantly affected morale within the Chinese Army, particularly among senior officers. While the lower ranks generally showed a willingness to continue the fight, high-ranking officials exhibited waning resolve. “All my soldiers have been sacrificed. There's nobody left,” Xia Chuzhong, commander of the 79th Division, lamented in a phone call to Luo Zhuoying, head of the 18th Army, part of the 15th Army Group. In response, Luo Zhuoying urged, “Aren't you still standing? Hold your ground and fight.” Having lost Baoshan the next defensive position was the small town of Luodian, the transportation center connecting Baoshan, downtown Shanghai, Jiading, Songjiang and several other towns via highways. The successful defense of Luodian was crucial for the security of Suzhou and Shanghai. On August 29, German adviser Alexander von Falkenhausen warned Chiang Kai-shek that the town needed to be held at all costs, describing it as "the most crucial strategic point.”. Chiang Kai-shek was determined to hold on to Luodian. He personally summoned senior commanders to the 3rd War Zone headquarters in Suzhou, emphasizing that the town must be retaken at all costs. In response, the commanders deployed entire divisions to the battle for Luodian. During one of several Chinese assaults, Qiu Weida, a regimental commander in the 51st Infantry Division, led a night attack on the southern part of Luodian. Moving quietly through the darkness, the Chinese force, about two companies strong, approached a Japanese camp, most of whose soldiers were asleep. The Chinese launched a swift attack, giving the Japanese no chance to react. They shot and bayoneted soldiers while they were still lying down, successfully taking over the camp and preparing for a counterattack. When the Japanese responded, the Chinese staged a fighting retreat, deliberately luring the enemy into an open area where well-armed soldiers lay in ambush. As the Japanese advanced, Qiu Weida signaled with a flare, a pre-arranged signal to open fire. Infantry weapons of various calibers joined in the assault. As dawn broke, Qiu raised his binoculars to survey the scene, which was a disturbing sight, covered with a tangled mass of dead and dying bodies. The Japanese commanders launched what they hoped would be the decisive blow to break out from the Baoshan perimeter. Elements of the 3rd Division were tasked with moving down the road toward Liuhang and occupying Yanghang. Meanwhile, the 11th Division's Amaya Detachment, which had arrived in Wusong on September 2, was to seize Yuepu, a village on the other strategic road leading west from Baoshan that blocked access to Luodian and the opportunity to link up with other units of the 11th Division fighting in the area. This operation aimed to create the necessary space for a full assault on Shanghai, and the Japanese dedicated every available resource to the effort. The artillery barrage began before dawn on September 1, with Japanese guns of all calibers participating. For more than two weeks, the Japanese had been able to disembark supplies at landing sites along the Yangtze and Huangpu Rivers. After daybreak, air raids intensified unusually, with the Japanese seemingly deploying all available aircraft in this narrow part of the front. Eventually, the Japanese infantry prepared to launch their attack. While this was simply the latest in a series of Japanese assaults, the sheer tenacity displayed indicated to the Chinese that this time was different. However, after an entire day of fighting, little territorial gain was made. The defenders fought with a determination bordering on fanaticism, despite a total lack of air and artillery support, effectively utilizing the obstacles created by canals that cut through the heavily cultivated area. By sunset, the Japanese had advanced no further than the eastern edge of Yuepu, although the village had been completely destroyed by artillery fire. Yanghang remained firmly in Chinese hands. In the countryside between the two western roads leading from Baoshan, Japanese units had only managed to occupy territory where their artillery and aircraft had utterly obliterated the defenders. To an outsider, it might seem that the Chinese could breathe a sigh of relief. However, from the perspective of Chinese commanders, the situation was vastly different. Their primary concern was the Japanese superiority in artillery. The contested area north of Shanghai consisted mainly of low-lying rice and cotton fields with relatively few trees, offering insufficient camouflage for all but the smallest units. This allowed Japanese naval gunners on the elevated waters of the Yangtze and Huangpu to sometimes directly observe Chinese troops. Even when there was no direct line of sight from the ships in the rivers, they were aided by the directions of observers patrolling in aircraft or hovering in balloons over the horizon. The Chinese had long realized that exposing their units to continuous attack from naval guns played directly into the Japanese hands. They understood that they needed to move away from the riverbank and the lethal fire of the IJN Although the decision to withdraw would have been made sooner or later, it was hastened by the relentless Japanese pressure on the two roads from Baoshan, as their loss would create a breach between Zhang Zhizhong's 9th Army Group in the Shanghai area and Chen Cheng's 15th Army Group to the left. General Gu Zhutong, a member of Chiang Kai-shek's inner circle who had recently been appointed deputy commander of the 3rd War Zone, witnessed how some of the best divisions were being decimated in the defense of Yuepu and Yanghang. Meanwhile, Zhang Zhizhong was pushing for the withdrawal of troops in Yangshupu, which risked becoming a dangerously exposed salient if a breach occurred. The order for the two Chinese army groups to withdraw came late on September 11. Under the cover of darkness, the bulk of the divisions pulled back to positions reinforced by reserves in the preceding days. As thousands of soldiers moved several miles to the rear, the Japanese remained unaware that anything unusual was occurring, and the entire movement took place without enemy harassment. Only skeleton crews remained in the original Chinese positions. By the morning of September 12, the new frontline stretched from the North Railway Station to the eastern edge of Jiangwan, bent west of Yanghang and Luodian, and extended north to the banks of the Yangtze. Unbeknownst to them, the Japanese had become masters of heavily contested areas from Yangshupu in the south to Yuepu in the north. The Chinese military leadership attempted to explain to the public that it had no choice but to withdraw and had never seriously expected to be able to push the Japanese back into the Yangtze, given the hundreds of naval guns at their disposal. A military spokesman said “The objective of the Chinese command was to delay and harass the landing. It was never hoped that we would permanently repel the landing.” The Chinese expressed confidence in their new positions, even comparing them to the Maginot Line along the French border with Germany, which of course would become rather ironic. The Japanese now controlled the entire left bank of the Huangpu River from Yangshupu to the mouth of the Yangtze. They had access to several good roads, some interconnected, which could serve as supply lines for future attacks. Additionally, they could exploit a large number of modern Chinese wharfs and docks, setting the stage for a steady flow of reinforcements.  On the 12th, Matsui received word from the Amaya Detachment that it had finally captured Yuepu. After driving the Chinese out of the village, the detachment established a defensive perimeter in a semicircle 500 yards around the western edge. Nearly simultaneously, the Ueno Detachment, a unit attached to the 3rd Division, reported that it had occupied Yanghang and pursued the enemy to a position about two miles west of the village. In both cases, it appeared that the enemy had abandoned their positions under the cover of night. Yet despite the victories Matsui desperately needed more men. In the three weeks leading up to September 11, the Japanese had managed to land 40,000 soldiers and establish a bridgehead measuring roughly 25 miles in length and over five miles in depth. Together with the troops already present in Shanghai, Japan had about 50,000 soldiers in the area. While this was a significant force, it was still insufficient to ensure the conquest of Shanghai, especially given the rapid attrition faced. As of September 9, the 3rd Division had reported losses of 589 killed and 1,539 injured, while the 11th Division recorded 616 dead and 1,336 wounded. But Tokyo was very reluctant to dispatch troops to Shanghai. From the viewpoint of the IJA leadership, Shanghai and Central China were a sideshow to the north china theater, which they alongside the Kwantung Army argued was more essential, given the proximity of the USSR. This belief was strongly reinforced when the Sino-Soviet agreement was signed in late August. Shanghai also heavily favored the Chinese terrain wise, it was basically like the battle of Thermopylae, instead of a mountain pass it was an extremely concentrated urban area. Then there was one of the main advocates opposing the China War altogether, Kanji Ishiwara. The entire time he was screaming and lecturing non-expansion and advised diplomacy and to even form an alliance with China against the USSR. Concentrating on China and ignoring the Soviet menace was, in his eyes, like “chasing the dogs away from the front door while forgetting the wolves approaching the back door.” However, Ishiwara's reluctance to send more troops to Shanghai was overruled. On September 4, a meeting of officers in Tokyo concluded that the battle in the Shanghai area should be completed by late October or early November, and to that end, sufficient troops should be deployed. Three days later, Emperor Hirohito approved reinforcements for the Shanghai front, including the dispatch of three additional infantry divisions from the home islands, along with units from the garrison forces in Taiwan. Ishiwara was so upset by this decision that he submitted his resignation, although he was later appointed to a position in the army in northeastern China. There was little doubt among Japanese leaders that the deployment of these reinforcements marked a significant escalation in the war. The situation was unlike anything Japan had ever experienced before. Army Minister Sugiyama Hajime remarked in a statement to his commanders, “This war has become total war.” A junior Japanese officer inspecting the Shanghai front reported upon his return to Tokyo “The enemy resistance is undeniably strong. Whether they are bombed out or surrounded, they do not retreat.” Luodian had remained under Japanese control since late August, but the surrounding countryside largely remained Chinese territory. Despite increasing pressure after the Chinese withdrawal to the south on September 12, the Japanese advanced only slowly and hesitantly. Taken aback by the sudden gains at Yuepu and Yanghang, and revealing their typical tardiness in responding to unforeseen events, it took them several days to even dispatch patrols for probing attacks against the new Chinese defenses. This delay provided Chinese commanders with extra time to reinforce their positions near Luodian, particularly on both sides of the road from Yuepu, which they correctly assumed would be the primary route for the Japanese attackers. Chinese preparations were just one reason Japan's mid-September assault was only moderately successful. Like the Chinese, the Japanese had yet to develop much skill in coordinating infantry and armor operations. The road connecting Yuepu and Luodian was of relatively good quality, enabling the Japanese to deploy about 25 tanks as the spearhead of their thrust. These armored vehicles quickly eliminated the Chinese positions closest to the road and advanced rapidly toward Luodian. However, the accompanying infantry from the Amaya Detachment was unable to keep pace. The Japanese only held a few yards of terrain on either side of the road. Beyond that narrow strip, the area was swarming with Chinese soldiers, making the advancing Japanese infantry easy targets. The Japanese infantry became bogged down, and it was only after dark, when the Chinese defenders north of the road chose to withdraw westward, that the Japanese had a chance to reach Luodian. The debacle on the road to Luodian was not solely a result of flawed training within the Japanese ranks. The area around Shanghai, a patchwork of small farm plots divided by creeks and canals, was ill-suited for tank warfare. This terrain had previously been a key argument against large-scale deployments by the Japanese Army. Nevertheless, once the decision was made in Tokyo to send enough troops to win the battle for the city, the generals had to strategize ways to overcome these terrain challenges. One proposed solution was to deploy amphibious tanks. However, the tactics employed called for using the tanks in a supportive role rather than leading the attacks across waterways. If a creek needed to be crossed, Japanese commanders would first order a small infantry unit to wade or swim to the opposite bank and prepare it for the tanks to land under the cover of darkness. While it was still dark, the tanks would cross and provide support to the infantry by daybreak. This cumbersome procedure often felt like putting the cart before the horse, but the Japanese executed it precisely as prescribed, time and again. This predictability allowed their Chinese opponents to acclimate to Japanese tactics to such an extent that they could usually anticipate what the Japanese would do next. While flawed tactics prevented either side from breaking the stalemate at the Luodian front, both continued to pour in reinforcements. The Shigeto Detachment arrived from Taiwan and was attached to the 11th Division on September 14, the same day the Amaya Detachment made its way up the road from Yuepu to return to the division's direct command. By mid-September, the division had grown into a sizeable fighting force. However, the enemy it faced around Luodian was also growing stronger by the day, posing a significant threat to the division's right flank if it were to rush south toward Dachang to link up with the 3rd Division. Therefore, on September 18, the Shanghai commanders ordered the division to focus initially on eliminating the Chinese troops amassed around Luodian. By this time, heavy rain had already fallen in the Shanghai region for three days, gradually slowing the fighting. The Japanese disliked the rain, as it turned the roads into muddy rivers, making transportation difficult, if not impossible, while also grounding most of their aircraft. In contrast, the Chinese welcomed the lull, as it provided them with an opportunity to improve their positions. The challenge of breaking through the Chinese defenses was only becoming more difficult as time passed. The Chinese Army's performance during the initial stage of the fighting in Shanghai altered the world's perception of the nation's military capabilities. China, which had lost every war over the past century, invariably to nations much smaller than itself, had suddenly taken a stand. At Shanghai, the Chinese Army experienced more intense fighting than anyone could have anticipated, suffering losses that had taken years to build up. However, it had gained prestige and respect, even among its Japanese adversaries. Even the withdrawal on September 12 was met with sympathy and admiration in capitals around the world. Every journalist in Shanghai during the fall of 1937 had a story to tell about the remarkable Chinese soldier. American journalist Carroll Alcott spent many hours in dugouts in Zhabei. “While Japanese shells pelted down over their heads, the Chinese soldiers sat unfazed in their self-made caves, cooking rice, vegetables, and occasionally a small bit of pork over a charcoal brazier. They dispelled the inevitable boredom with games of checkers and mahjong and wrote letters home to their families. In the Chinese trenches, there was a sense of safety and a primitive kind of comfort”. Chiang Kai-shek had decided as early as September 15 that changes were needed at the top of the command in the 3rd War Zone. What this meant became clear six days later when Chiang sent two separate cables to the zone's senior officers. In the first cable, he announced that he would take over command of the 3rd War Zone from Feng Yuxiang, and dispatched him to the 6th War Zone further north. This was a sideways move rather than a direct demotion, but it undeniably removed Feng Yuxiang from the most crucial theater at the time. Despite this, the decision seemed logical to most senior officers in Suzhou. Feng Yuxiang had never effectively managed the 3rd War Zone during his time in command. None of his direct subordinates truly considered him to be in charge; instead, they continued to view Chiang as their actual commander. In the second cable of the day, Chiang Kai-shek went a step further by relieving Zhang Zhizhong of his duties as commander of the 9th Army Group. He replaced him with General Zhu Shaoliang, a staunch ally and, if possible, an even more vehement opponent of communism than himself. For Zhang Zhizhong, the decision was no major surprise, as he had faced Chiang Kai-shek's constant reproaches since the early days of the battle. Although Chiang initially selected Zhang due to his close connections with the divisional commanders he led, he grew increasingly disenchanted with Zhang's style of command characterized by “much talk and little action” and expressed his irritation both publicly and privately. There may have been an additional reason for this. Disagreements among the top echelons of the 3rd War Zone threatened to bring about paralysis. Zhang Zhizhong had not gotten along well with Chen Cheng, the commander of the neighboring 11th Army Group. Zhang had told anyone who would listen, “Chen Cheng isn't capable enough,”to which Chen retorted, “Zhang Zhizhong loves to show off.”  The strain that Shanghai was under also had an economic aspect. Although it had been a bumper year for both rice and cotton,  the two most popular crops in the area and many farmers were unable to harvest due to the continued heavy fighting around the city. Labor disputes simmered and occasionally erupted into open conflict. On September 14, a group of workers hired on short-term contracts by the Fou Foong Flour Mill in the western part of the International Settlement locked themselves inside and refused to leave until their demand for ten months' salary was met. Police and members of the Reserve Unit, a special anti-riot outfit, attacked the premises with tear gas and managed to disperse the protesters. Subsequently, ambulances transported 25 injured individuals to various hospitals from the mill. As if the city was not already suffering enough hardship, a cholera epidemic broke out, taking a particularly heavy toll on the poorest inhabitants. As of September 13, the outbreak had lasted for a month, with 119 confirmed cases and nine deaths. Less than a fortnight later, it had infected 646 people and resulted in 97 deaths. By early October, when the outbreak peaked, it had claimed a total of 355 lives. These statistics marked only the tip of the iceberg, as they accounted only for patients at hospitals in the International Settlement, excluding the likely much larger numbers in the Chinese part of the city. In a way, these individuals were collateral damage. A doctor who worked with the patients stated with a high degree of certainty that the disease had likely been brought to Shanghai by troops from the south. There existed a large villa overlooking Luodian they Japanese termed “the white house”. The Chinese forces had held the white house for four weeks, demonstrating fierce resistance. Encamped outside, the Japanese Army's 44th Regiment, known as the Kochi Regiment, was gradually being worn down, as their repeated attempts to storm the stronghold had failed. During their time at Luodian, the regiment had made numerous unsuccessful attempts to seize the villa. Limited artillery support hampered their efforts; logistical challenges meant each artillery piece received only one-fifth of its normal daily ammunition supply. On September 19, engineers began digging a tunnel from the trenches toward the White House. Four days later, they had excavated exactly 35 yards, effectively halving the distance the infantry would need to cross exposed ground before reaching the villa's defenses. A new attack was launched on the 23rd, beginning with an artillery bombardment, followed by air raids. Next, tanks advanced toward the walls, with small clusters of soldiers trailing behind. This attack included a surprise element for the Chinese defenders: as the offensive unfolded, a tunnel's entrance erupted open, allowing soldiers to emerge in single file close to the wall too quickly for the Chinese machine gunners to adjust their aim. The soldiers rushed forward, bearing heavy satchels of explosives. Pressing against the wall, they ignited the fuses and sought cover as loud explosions rang out. When the dust settled, the Japanese surged through the new openings in the walls, spreading out within the compound. After a fierce battle lasting two and a half hours, the building was captured by the Japanese troops. Despite losing the "White House," Lin Yindong, the commander of the 1st Battalion, was awarded an A-2 grade for the "Medal of the Armed Forces." He was also promoted to lieutenant colonel and appointed as the regimental attaché of the 66th Regiment for successfully defending the "White House" against a numerically superior enemy for nearly a month. The capture of the White House was part of a significant offensive launched by the 11th Division in the Luodian area. Initially scheduled for September 20, the operation faced delays of several days due to prolonged preparations, a common issue in the challenging countryside surrounding Shanghai. The division chose to attack south of the town with a narrow front to concentrate enough forces to deliver a powerful, unified strike against Chinese positions. The Japanese employed massed armor in their assault, deploying aircraft to neutralize any anti-tank weapons that emerged. These tactics proved effective, as the Chinese were pushed back in multiple sections of the front. To marshal sufficient troops for the attack, the division assigned the Shigeto Detachment to cover its right flank north and west of Luodian. However, the newly arrived detachment, full of morale, exceeded its mandate by launching a vigorous counterattack against the Chinese in its sector. Unfortunately, their efforts yielded little significant progress, and they suffered heavy casualties. As Matsui would report "The detachment has already had 200 casualties. They can't keep attacking blindly like this."  Further south, the 3rd Japanese Division also mounted attacks against Chinese forces, primarily around Liuhang. The fighting revealed Japan's material superiority, which was so pronounced that the Chinese refrained from deploying heavy artillery, even when available. Anti-aircraft guns were strategically positioned near artillery batteries, but the Chinese were reluctant to use them for fear of revealing their locations. Consequently, the Chinese Army found itself with virtually no air defense. Overall, local Chinese reserves struggled to repel the Japanese advances, leading to a shift from the see-saw battles that had characterized the front since early September. The Japanese gradually maintained their positions even after nightfall.  Despite their numerical superiority, defending Luodian proved nearly impossible for the Chinese forces. The Japanese's overwhelming firepower forced the Chinese into a defensive posture, preventing them from launching counterattacks until the enemy was almost upon them. Consequently, the decision was made to hold the entire town at all costs, a tactic that significantly increased the attrition rate within Chinese ranks. General Chen Cheng's army group experienced a casualty rate exceeding fifty percent, resulting in more than 15,000 losses. Additionally, units from Xue Yue's 19th Army Group participated in the combat southwest of Luodian and suffered severe casualties. The 59th and 90th divisions of the 4th Corps endured seventy to eighty percent losses within just five days. The training brigade of the 66th Corps reported 3,003 casualties after several days of fighting. Faced with these circumstances, Chinese commanders decided to execute another major retreat along the entire front north of Shanghai. They took advantage of a lull in Japanese assaults on September 25 to withdraw approximately one mile to a new defensive line. As before, this retreat was conducted with great discipline, and it took the Japanese two more days to fully comprehend that the Chinese forces had disappeared from their positions.  In the wake of these Japanese successes, significant changes began to unfold. The three divisions that the Japanese high command had dispatched to the Shanghai area in early September gradually arrived. First to land was the 101st Division, which started disembarking on September 22 and was ordered to position itself on the left flank of the 3rd Division. The 9th Division arrived in the same area on September 27, followed by the 13th Division on October 1. With these reinforcements, Japan now had five divisions stationed in Shanghai, compared to more than 25 divisions fielded by the Chinese. While China's numerical superiority was undeniable, the disparity was not as stark as it appeared. A typical Japanese division consisted of 15,000 men. Combined with the marines and infantry defending Hongkou, Japan had approximately 90,000 soldiers at its disposal in and around the city. In contrast, Chinese divisions often had as few as 5,000 men, making it unlikely that China deployed more than 200,000 soldiers in Shanghai at that time. Furthermore, the Japanese compensated for their numerical disadvantage with significant superiority in materials, aircraft, and naval artillery, which could still reach key areas within the Chinese front. Overall, the addition of the three new divisions significantly bolstered the Japanese forces, prompting Matsui and his staff to begin preparations for what they hoped would be the decisive strike against the Chinese defenders. Their plan was straightforward: they intended to execute a powerful thrust across Wusong Creek and advance toward Suzhou Creek. The goal was to encircle and annihilate the main Chinese force in a maneuver they had envisioned since their arrival in China. After all, encirclement was the cornerstone of Japanese military doctrine. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In August 1937, the Battle of Luodian raged as Chinese forces faced relentless Japanese attacks. After initial successes, the Chinese struggled under heavy casualties and dwindling morale. They fought fiercely to retain the critical town of Luodian, a vital transportation hub. Despite courageous defensive efforts, including a surprise night assault, the Japanese overwhelmed the Chinese with superior numbers and artillery. Encounters turned devastating, with both sides suffering severe losses. By late September, as the Japanese received reinforcements, the situation forced the Chinese to retreat, marking the beginning of a dire struggle for Shanghai's control.

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/military-history

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/world-affairs

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/chinese-studies

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Emerging from an award-winning article in International Security, China's Gambit examines when, why, and how China attempts to coerce states over perceived threats to its national security. Since 1990, China has used coercion for territorial disputes and issues related to Taiwan and Tibet, yet China is curiously selective in the timing, target, and tools of coercion. This book offers a new and generalizable cost-balancing theory to explain states' coercion decisions. It demonstrates that China does not coerce frequently and uses military coercion less when it becomes stronger, resorting primarily to non-militarized tools. Leveraging rich empirical evidence, including primary Chinese documents and interviews with Chinese and foreign officials, this book explains how contemporary rising powers translate their power into influence and offers a new framework for explaining states' coercion decisions in an era of economic interdependence, particularly how contemporary global economic interdependence affects rising powers' foreign security policies. Nomeh Anthony Kanayo, Ph.D. Candidate in International Relations at Florida International University, with research interest in Africa's diaspora relations, African-China relations, great power rivalry and IR theories. Check out my new article https://doi.org/10.1016/j.sciaf.2025.e02699 Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/book-of-the-day

Send us a textIn this episode, Jonathan talks to Professor Zhang Wei-bo (张维波) about his research on the channels, which he calls the "Interstice-Interstitial Fluid" School of thought. His research has focused on the circulation of interstitial fluids within the channels, with recent research analyzing the unique content within these fluids and their relationship with the channel functions. Professor Zhang is a researcher and doctoral supervisor at the Institute of Acupuncture and Moxibustion, China Academy of Chinese Medical Sciences. His major is biomechanics, and his research focuses on the biophysical study of acupuncture and meridians.  For more information on Professor Zhang's research:1) Visit our website -- www.channelpalpation.org/publications-articles2) Professor Zhang's WeChat Channel: 经络之声

Harvard physics Professor Eric Mazur developed Peer Instruction in the early 90s, after noticing that many of his students weren't deeply understanding concepts despite performing well on traditional exams. He wanted to explore the nuts and bolts of that discrepancy.  In this episode, I talk about my dealings with Peer Instruction to date, what the research says, and some potential pitfalls. Literature etc. I consulted for this episode includes: Mazur, E. (1997). Peer instruction: A user's manual. Prentice Hall. Crouch, C. H., & Mazur, E. (2001). Peer instruction: Ten years of experience and results. American Journal of Physics, 69(9), 970–977. https://doi.org/10.1119/1.1374249 Fagen, A. P., Crouch, C. H., & Mazur, E. (2002). The effects of Peer Instruction on student learning gains: Evidence from a range of classrooms. The Physics Teacher, 40(4), 206–209. https://doi.org/10.1119/1.1474140 Lasry, N., Mazur, E., & Watkins, J. (2008). Peer instruction: From Harvard to the two-year college. American Journal of Physics, 76(11), 1066–1069. https://doi.org/10.1119/1.2978182 Smith, M. K., Wood, W. B., Adams, W. K., Wieman, C., Knight, J. K., Guild, N., & Su, T. T. (2009). Why peer discussion improves student performance on in-class concept questions. Science, 323(5910), 122–124. https://doi.org/10.1126/science.1165919 Crouch, C. H., Watkins, J., Fagen, A. P., & Mazur, E. (2007). Peer instruction: Engaging students one-on-one, all at once. Research-Based Reform of University Physics, 1(1), 40–95. https://per.colorado.edu/articles/Crouch-2007-PRSTPER.pdf Freeman, S., Eddy, S. L., McDonough, M., Smith, M. K., Okoroafor, N., Jordt, H., & Wenderoth, M. P. (2014). Active learning increases student performance in science, engineering, and mathematics. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 111(23), 8410–8415. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1319030111 Zhang, P., Ding, L., & Mazur, E. (2017). Peer instruction in introductory physics: A method to bring about positive changes in students' attitudes and beliefs. Physical Review Physics Education Research, 13(1), 010104. https://doi.org/10.1103/PhysRevPhysEducRes.13.010104 If you have a topic you would like covered, write to me: hello@spongeeducation.com. Visit the website: https://www.spongeeducation.com.

The annual Nordstrom Anniversary Sale is live, and to celebrate, Who What Wear Shopping Director Bobby Schuessler is talking to one of the great curatorial minds behind the sale—Nordstrom Associate Fashion Director Linda Cui Zhang. In this episode, Zhang reveals the product selection process for the sale, the trends her team prioritized, and the new brands she was excited to bring into the fold this year. Plus, she shares the most covetable items to shop before they sell out, her favorite giftable beauty bundles, and the key pieces to prioritize if you're looking to elevate or refresh your wardrobe but don't know where to start (think seasonless Frye riding boots and versatile Vince short-sleeve wool tees).See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

The annual Nordstrom Anniversary Sale is live, and to celebrate, Who What Wear Shopping Director Bobby Schuessler is talking to one of the great curatorial minds behind the sale—Nordstrom Associate Fashion Director Linda Cui Zhang. In this episode, Zhang reveals the product selection process for the sale, the trends her team prioritized, and the new brands she was excited to bring into the fold this year. Plus, she shares the most covetable items to shop before they sell out, her favorite giftable beauty bundles, and the key pieces to prioritize if you're looking to elevate or refresh your wardrobe but don't know where to start (think seasonless Frye riding boots and versatile Vince short-sleeve wool tees).See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Last time we spoke about Black Saterday and Operation Iron Fist. Conflict erupted in Shanghai on August 13, when Japanese marines disguised as civilians provoked Chinese guards, resulting in fierce gunfire and urban warfare. Both sides engaged in skirmishes around vital locations, with the Eight Character Bridge becoming a focal point. On August 14, air raids misfired catastrophically, killing over a thousand civilians in what became known as "Black Saturday." In an attempt to regain control, Chiang Kai-shek authorized Operation Iron Fist, a bold offensive targeting Japanese strongholds. The attack commenced early on August 17, involving coordinated assaults aimed at exploiting weak points in the enemy defenses. However, poor coordination, entrenched opposition, and the complexity of urban combat resulted in further devastating losses for the Chinese troops. By August 18, Operation Iron Fist had failed, with the Japanese reinforcing their positions and announcing a strategic shift towards expanded military engagement.   #158 The Battle of Shanghai Part 3: The Chinese Counteroffensive “Drive them into the Sea!” Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On August 18, the Japanese military reinforced their presence in Shanghai, shipping an additional 1,400 marines from Manchuria to bolster the ranks of the Japanese Shanghai Special Naval Landing Force or “SNLF”. Yes, all of you who don't listen to my Pacific War week by week podcast are going to get a lot of acronym lessons soon. And yes, they are not quote en quote real marines, but like most telling these stories its easier to refer to them this way. This influx of troops was a significant escalation in the ongoing conflict, heightening tensions as the battle for control intensified. As the battle in Shanghai raged on, a growing sentiment emerged among Chinese leaders that crucial chances had been squandered. On August 18, Chiang Kai-shek sent his trusted aide, Deputy War Minister Chen Cheng, to confer with General Zhang Zhizhong at the front lines. They assessed the situation and agreed that instead of attacking the heavily fortified Hongkou area, they should redirect their focus to the Yangshupu district. The aim was to breach the defenses and split the Japanese forces along the Huangpu River. This strategic shift was precisely what the German military advisers and frontline commanders had anticipated, signaling a decisive move away from their earlier hesitance to engage within settlement boundaries. As attrition took its toll on the Chinese troops already committed in Shanghai, the responsibility for the offensive was placed on the newly arrived 36th Infantry Division, a unit highly trained by German forces. They were positioned to advance from the eastern edge of Hongkou, with two regiments tasked to march south toward the Huangpu. In the early hours of the 19th, two regiments of the 36th launched their long-planned attack, moving swiftly towards the front lines. The night was illuminated by the flames of sabotage and incendiary bombs, aiding visibility amid the chaos. However, the assault quickly faced significant challenges. Many of the Chinese soldiers were inexperienced, becoming easy targets for Japanese infantry positioned in rooftops and upper-story windows. In the absence of cover, some troops were forced to take shelter behind the fallen bodies of their comrades. For a moment, the Chinese troops felt a surge of hope, believing they could push the Japanese into the Huangpu River. General Zhang Fakui, observing from the opposite bank, envisioned a breakthrough. However, upon reaching Broadway, parallel to the river, they confronted a formidable barrier. High walls guarded the wharves, and even the largest artillery pieces struggled to breach the defenses. Attempts to scale the steel gate resulted in devastating fire from entrenched Japanese machine gunners, while fortified factories like the Gong Da Cotton Mill proved equally impenetrable. As the Chinese forces suffered under relentless bombardment, their momentum diminished. The 88th Infantry Division, previously effective, showed signs of disarray and hesitated to engage. Compounding their woes, Japanese reinforcements arrived, swelling their ranks to 6,300 well equipped marines. Despite these challenges, the Chinese committed to deploying their newly acquired British built Vickers tanks, a symbol of their efforts to modernize their military over the years. But with each hour, the balance of power tilted further in favor of the Japanese forces. Meanwhile the 87th Infantry Division was assigned two armored companies, yet it suffered catastrophic losses. The tanks, recently shipped from Nanjing, had crews untrained in coordinated assaults, and many were left without infantry support. The Chinese forces struggled to secure adjacent streets, allowing Japanese armor to outflank and destroy their tanks. The Japanese, too, faced coordination challenges between their armor and infantry, resulting in some of their tanks being annihilated by Chinese anti-tank weapons. On the 20th, General Zhang Zhizhong inspected the Yangshupu front and encountered a former student leading a tank company ready to attack the wharves. The tanks, hastily repaired and ill equipped for battle, faced fierce enemy fire, and the young officer expressed concern about the infantry's ability to keep pace. Despite Zhang's insistence that the assault must proceed, the attack ended in disaster as the tank company was decimated by shells from anchored vessels. The battle blended modern warfare with tactics reminiscent of earlier centuries. An officer named Wu Yujun managed a position during a Japanese cavalry attack on the 18th. After two unsuccessful assaults, Wu set an ambush that resulted in the annihilation of the Japanese riders. This incident illustrated the stark contrast on the battlefield where Chinese soldiers often confronted a technologically superior enemy while grappling with their own inexperience.  Many of the Chinese units arriving in Shanghai were very green, countless having never faced battle before, and their lack of experience proved costly in the initial days of fighting. Brigade Commander Fang Jing of the 98th Division observed that his soldiers constructed inadequate fortifications that crumbled under the Japanese 150mm howitzers. He lamented, “Often, the positions they built were too weak and couldn't withstand the enemy's artillery,”. On the 20th, 5 Chinese aircraft returned after yet another unsuccessful attack on the Japanese battleship Izumo, which remained anchored in the Huangpu. During their flight over western Zhabei, they encountered two Japanese seaplanes. One Chinese pilot broke formation, diving steeply to fire a brief machine-gun salvo, but his plane was quickly shot down, bursting into flames before crashing. The Chinese attacks had posed a significant threat to Japanese bombers, particularly the vulnerable Mitsubishi G3M medium aircraft targeting Shanghai and central China. Japan's First Combined Air Group suffered heavy losses, with half of its medium attack planes damaged or destroyed within the first three days of fighting. However, the Chinese pilots, largely inexperienced and inadequately trained, began to falter against the superior Japanese fighters, eventually withdrawing from the skies over Shanghai. Ground troops expressed frustration over the lack of effective air support, as they rarely saw their planes after the 20th, instead carrying out major troop movements only under the cover of darkness. The Japanese air superiority drastically affected operations on the ground, dictating when Chinese soldiers could eat and transport supplies. Without effective fighter protection and limited anti-aircraft capabilities, the Chinese troops were left exposed. Most of their anti-aircraft weaponry consisted of 20mm Solothurn guns that were ineffective against aircraft and were more often used against infantry. Officers hesitated to use these guns for fear of revealing their positions to the enemy.  By the morning of the 21st, the 36th Division had been relentlessly attacking the wharf area for over 48 hours, yet victory remained elusive. Although some tanks had infiltrated the wharf, they were met with dishearteningly strong Japanese defenses and a well-manned enemy presence. The commanders recognized that they had advanced too quickly without securing their flanks, and their reserves, which could have provided crucial support, remained in the rear. Reluctantly, they concluded that a withdrawal was necessary. The retreat was a painful acknowledgment that pushing the Japanese into the Huangpu River would not be as straightforward as hoped. Part of the Chinese failure stemmed from an inability to execute joint operations across different military branches. German advisors noted that artillery support for the forces in Yangshupu from the Pudong side was limited. In contrast, Japanese naval guns were actively providing support, significantly relieving the pressure on their marines. This imbalance resulted in heavy losses for the Chinese, with the 36th Division suffering over 2,000 casualties by the late 22nd. Meanwhile, Japanese naval aircraft attempted to impede the movement of additional Chinese troops to Shanghai by bombing the railway from Suzhou. Although several bridges were destroyed and railway stations sustained damage, the delays were minimal, offering some reassurance to Chinese commanders who understood that reinforcements were essential for a successful continuation of the battle. The light cruiser Jintsu, carrying the 3rd Division, set to land six miles north of Shanghai, while the 11th Division would disembark a dozen miles further up the Yangtze River. By the evening of the 21st, the task force arrived at the Yangtze River and the Saddle Islands off the river estuary. The soldiers had to transfer to smaller vessels capable of navigating the shallow waters of the Huangpu River.  On the 23rd, Matsui Iwane got aboard the light cruiser Yura and was greeted by Rear Admiral Chuichi Nagumo, then the commander of the 8th cruiser division. Yes, the same man who would be blamed for losing at Midway in 1942. The Japanese fleet had made a strategic sweep as far south as Hangzhou Bay the previous day to disrupt Chinese troop movements and force them to spread thin along the coast. However, with the landings imminent, it was clear the assault would happen at Wusong and Chuanshakou. Initially, Matsui preferred landing both divisions at Chuanshakou for a sweeping advance into the lightly defended countryside west of Shanghai, which would encircle tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers. The 3rd Fleet, however, proposed a bolder strategy: the 11th Infantry Division would proceed with the landing at Chuanshakou, while the 3rd Infantry Division would land at Wusong, directly confronting the heavily concentrated Chinese forces around Shanghai. This plan aimed to exert pressure from both the front and the rear, a tactic that could yield success but risked high casualties if faced with stiff Chinese resistance. Aware of the operation's risks, the naval officers sought to ease potential tensions with their army counterparts by offering over 500 elite marines to support the assault, preparing for what could be a pivotal moment in the campaign. Shortly after midnight on the 23rd, the marines designated as the primary assault wave at Wusong arrived in a convoy of steamers from Shanghai. Their arrival was eagerly anticipated, as they would spare the 3rd Division from being the first to land. As the naval artillery barrage reached a deafening climax, the boats glided across the smooth water towards the shore. Any time a Chinese machine gun opened fire, it drew immediate response from the Japanese gunners, swiftly silencing the threat. Meanwhile, trench mortars onshore targeted the advancing vessels, but their rounds fell harmlessly into the water without causing any damage. At 3:00 am, the first landing craft reached the bank, dropped anchor, and lowered its ramp. The marines waded ashore, climbing the 15 foot high dike to survey the terrain. Suddenly, machine gun fire erupted from a Chinese position just 50 yards away, cutting down several marines. Undeterred, the marines charged with fixed bayonets across the open field. An explosion marked the spot where a soldier had triggered a landmine, followed by more detonations, but there was no retreat; they pressed on, swarming over the Chinese trench and engaging in a brief yet fierce hand-to-hand struggle. Within moments, they had taken the position. The marines quickly cleared the area, paving a path to their immediate objective, a military road running parallel to the Huangpu River. While setting up defensive positions, the 3rd Division began to disembark at the water's edge. By 8:00 a.m, the divisional command stepped ashore as the last unit to arrive. Meanwhile, naval pilots were busy bombing and strafing roads further inland to impede any enemy reinforcements. The landing had unfolded with remarkable success, marking a significant moment in the operation and setting the stage for greater advances by Japanese forces. Meanwhile the 11th division began setting foot on the beach north of Chuanshakou at 3:50 am. As the soldiers advanced towards the town's outskirts, they encountered only minimal resistance as Chuanshakou was defended by a single Chinese company.  Matsui was pleased with the outcome; everything had unfolded according to plan and, in fact, better than he had dared to hope. Casualties in both divisions were surprisingly low, amounting to little more than 40 soldiers. At 5:30 am, Zhang Zhizhong received an urgent phone call at his new headquarters in a small village near Nanxiang. On the line was Liu Heding, commander of the 56th Infantry Division, reporting that an enemy force of unknown size had landed near Chuanshakou. With heavy bombardment disrupting communications, details were scarce, but Zhang immediately recognized the gravity of the situation: a new front was opening, complicating his command significantly. Realizing he could not effectively manage the situation from Nanxiang with communications down, Zhang decided to head to the command post of the 87th Infantry Division in Jiangwan, a town closer to the landing area. By the time he arrived at the 87th Division's base, it was nearly 9:00 am. He was informed that the Japanese had not only landed at Chuanshakou but also at Wusong. Recognizing the urgency, he quickly dispatched half of the 87th Infantry Division and a regiment from the recently arrived Training Brigade, an elite unit fresh from Nanjing, to respond to the threat. Given that the 56th Infantry Division alone could not secure the area around Chuanshakou, Zhang assigned the 98th Infantry Division to defend most of the Yangtze riverbank under threat. He also dispatched the 11th Division, which had just arrived in the Shanghai area with Deputy War Minister Chen Cheng to move toward Luodian, a town just a few miles from the landing zone at Chuanshakou.  Meanwhile, the Japanese forces were advancing swiftly. While the main landing contingent engaged in fierce fighting for control of Chuanshakou, a small unit of a few hundred soldiers was dispatched down the road to Luodian. Marching under the scorching August sun, the reservists, weary from the trek, found little resistance upon reaching Luodian. They hastily set up camp without adequately preparing defenses, making them vulnerable targets. Later that afternoon, advance units of the 11th Infantry Division reached Luodian, shaken but determined to attack even after facing air raids on their journey. The ensuing skirmish was swift; within an hour, the Japanese were repelled. Back over at Wusong Hu Guobing received orders to push back the Japanese on August 21st. He led his regiment towards the Japanese lines, as his platoons dispersed further, dividing into smaller squads. Soon, the sharp crack and rattle of small arms fire resonated along the regiment's front. Battalion Commander Qin Shiquan, a graduate of the Central Military Academy, led two companies toward the enemy positions, taking care to remain unnoticed. When they drew close enough, he ordered his bugler to sound the charge. Then, raising his Mauser pistol, he turned to face his men and shouted, “Attack! Attack!” This sudden noise revealed his position, making it vulnerable. Japanese observers hidden nearby quickly relayed his coordinates to warships offshore. Within minutes, shells began to rain down on the unit with alarming accuracy. Amidst the storm of fire unleashed by the Japanese, all semblance of order disintegrated, and chaos ensued as each unit fought to survive. Hu Guobing spent most of the day dodging Japanese aircraft that circled overhead, waiting for targets to emerge. As Hu Guobing recalled “It felt as though the enemy could see everything. It was crucial not to act rashly. Our only real options were to take cover in a hole or hide behind a ridge”. The gunfire continued throughout the afternoon and did not relent until darkness began to fall. Only then could the soldiers breathe a little easier, grab a few bites of their field rations, and quench their parched throats with sips from their water canteens. Seizing the relative safety of night, they hurried to improve their positions, knowing that once dawn arrived, it would be too late; a shallow trench or inadequate camouflage could spell doom. Although it had been Chiang Kai-Shek's decision to place Zhang Zhizhong and Feng Yuxiang in charge of Shanghai, now designated the 3rd War Zone, he was having regrets. In a telephone conversation with Feng Yuxiang shortly after the Japanese landings, Chiang emphasized the importance of monitoring the younger front-line commanders. He urged “Don't hesitate to give them advice,”. Feng assured him that he would not hold back. He then recounted an anecdote about General Nogi Maresuke, who, during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-1905, allegedly delegated all major decisions to his chief of staff. Feng told him “The frontline commanders possess courage and a fighting spirit. Their role is to take orders and engage in battle. Mine is to stay back, like Nogi, write a few poems, and wait for the inevitable,”. Chiang persistently insisted, “Regardless of the situation, don't be shy. Share your insights with them.” “Of course,” Feng responded. “If I notice something amiss, I'll address it without hesitation. You can count on me.” However, this assurance did little to calm Chiang's concerns. A great concern was Zhang Zhizhong. Much of his rhetoric about fighting the Japanese seemed to lack substance. Zhang had not demonstrated the necessary resolve to launch attacks against the small Japanese forces in the city when decisive action could have turned the tide of the battle. With Japanese reinforcements firmly entrenched in two locations within the greater Shanghai area, it was now too late to pursue a quick victory over the enemy. Compounding the issue, Zhang appeared to spend an excessive amount of time making grandiose statements to the newspapers rather than focusing on the ground situation. Chiang's frustration was palpable, and it was shared by his German advisors, who concurred that Zhang lacked the requisite “toughness” to confront Japanese resistance effectively. The decision to send Deputy War Minister Chen Cheng to the front was an early indication that Chiang was considering replacing Zhang. In a particularly humiliating twist, Zhang was not even informed of Chen Cheng's appointment and learned about it indirectly through other field commanders. Fearing that he was being sidelined, Zhang Zhizhong hurried to the 3rd War Zone headquarters in Suzhou to assess the situation. While in Suzhou, called Chiang, whom began harshly criticizing him for being so far behind the front lines. “What are you doing in Suzhou? What are you doing in Suzhou?”. Zhang Zhizhong replied “Mr. Chairman, I'm back in Suzhou to discuss important strategic matters. Otherwise, I'm constantly at the front What's the matter with you?” Chiang was incensed by this perceived disrespect. “What's the matter with me? You ask me what's the matter with me!” His voice rising to a hoarse shriek, Chiang Kai-shek abruptly hung up. At this point, Zhang must have had little doubt that his days as the chief field commander were numbered. The Japanese landings had accomplished their immediate objective of relieving pressure on the small marine forces holed up in Shanghai. As a result, the Chinese were forced to halt their attacks on Hongkou and Yangshupu and had to reconsider how to allocate their resources across various fronts. If the Japanese landing party grew large enough, the Chinese forces could risk becoming the target of a Japanese pincer movement. In essence, within a few days, they had shifted from an offensive posture to a defensive one. Against this backdrop, Chen Cheng,  leading the 15th Army Group, arrived in Suzhou on August 24th. His presence aimed to bolster resistance, and he was also there to familiarize himself with local conditions, as he was expected to take on a greater role at the front shortly. Chen's confident demeanor and readiness to overrule local commanders indicated that real authority already resided with him. While he agreed with Zhang Zhizhong's plans from the previous day to counter the landings, he deemed them insufficient given the threat posed by the fresh Japanese troops. Consequently, he ordered that more soldiers be redeployed from Shanghai proper to the landing zones. To counter the dire situation, Falkenhausen devised a plan aimed at reigniting enthusiasm for the offensive among the Chinese forces. During a meeting on the 25th, he proposed rallying all troops in the Luodian area to mount a coordinated attack from all sides against the Japanese landing force. Emphasizing the German preference for a decisive strike, he aimed to push the invaders back into the Yangtze. The assembled officers expressed their agreement with the plan. However, as dawn broke, the optimism from the night's discussions began to wane. It had been 48 hours since the landings, and the Japanese army had solidified its foothold at Chuanshakou, rapidly approaching a point of strength that would make it nearly impossible to dislodge them. Tanks and artillery were assembled along the riverbank, while engineers constructed a pier to facilitate the faster unloading of troops and supplies. They had already established a bridgehead that extended 10 miles in length and reached a depth of five miles, initiating the construction of a road heading inland, an evident preparation for a major offensive. In a secret report to Chiang Kai-shek, Falkenhausen outlined the challenging situation as the Japanese consolidated their material advantages. “It should be noted that the enemy's army and navy operate in close coordination. Although their land-based artillery is still relatively weak, this is offset by their robust naval artillery and ship-based aircraft,”. He further noted that the airfields on Chongming Island contributed to Japan's now “complete air superiority, as a result, the main operations on our side should be executed after dark.”  From late August onward, most Chinese movements occurred after sunset. Only then could Chinese and Japanese infantry engage on more equal footing, without the overwhelming advantage provided by air support. Night became the great equalizer in the uneven battle for Shanghai. During the day, the relentlessly active Japanese forces seemed to be everywhere. They deployed rubber boats up small rivers to scout and disrupt. Their observation balloons hovered on the horizon, keeping a vigilant watch on the Chinese and swiftly scrambling aircraft upon detecting any movement. They combined technological superiority with a bravery that bordered on the suicidal; when faced with the prospect of capture, many Japanese soldiers preferred death. Following a fierce battle in the vicinity of Luodian, the Chinese retrieved the body of a sergeant major who had committed hara-kiri, while a gravely injured private was found attempting to slit his own throat with his bayonet. Luodian remained the immediate target for nearly all the Japanese forces in the area, facing the same Chinese units that had driven them out on August 23rd. The Chinese were well entrenched in and around the town, but they lacked the numbers to consider launching offensive operations against the Japanese at Chuanshakou. Instead, their priority was to strengthen their defenses. While waiting for the Japanese to resume the assault, they endured massive and sustained bombardment. Among the Chinese officers, there was a growing sense of crisis and a palpable fear that their defensive line could collapse at any moment. From their perspective, the Japanese appeared to be gaining momentum. However, the situation looked quite different from the Japanese invaders' point of view. Japanese casualties began to rise as the Chinese reinforcements sent to the Luodian area started to make an impact. Two days after the landings, the number of dead and injured from the 11th Division had exceeded 400, and the toll continued to climb. Among the casualties was a senior staff officer who was killed moments after stepping off his landing craft at Chuanshakou, struck down by a Chinese aircraft that had evaded Japanese fighter cover. The death toll escalated so quickly that not all bodies could be cremated, as was customary for the Japanese; privates and junior officers were hastily buried instead. For an army that prided itself on honoring its fallen soldiers more than those left alive, this was a significant blow to morale. The 3rd Division faced different challenges in its sector. It was subjected to relentless attacks on the first day of the landing and had to repel two further major enemy assaults on the second day. Additionally, it experienced occasional shelling from Chinese artillery located on the Pudong side. The greatest threat, however, came from the division's right flank. North of the landing zone lay Wusong Fortress, which had been guarding the approach to Shanghai since the wars against British and French forces in the mid-19th century. From their fortifications, Chinese infantry and artillery continuously targeted the Japanese as they disembarked from their boats and advanced inland. They also fired upon small vessels navigating up the Huangpu River, delivering supplies to the division. As the 3rd Division expanded its bridgehead in the days following the landing, Wusong Fortress remained a persistent threat, impeding the buildup of Japanese forces on shore. Compounding the Japanese sense of being encircled, the village of Yinhang to the south was also under Chinese control. This, combined with the steadily increasing number of Chinese defenders in front of the landing zone, created a challenging tactical situation for the Japanese. Although initial casualties had been lighter than the planners had feared, the number of Japanese losses began to rise. By the 25th, the 3rd Division, often referred to as the “Lucky” Division, reported over 300 accumulated casualties. Two days later, that number had escalated to 500, the majority of whom were killed in action. On the 28th, the 3rd Division was finally able to capture the village of Yinhang, freeing itself somewhat from the tactical constraints it had faced up to that point. On the same day, following an intense naval bombardment, the 11th Division launched an assault on Luodian. Leading the charge was Wachi Takaji, a 44-year-old regimental commander who surged forward with his sword drawn, personally dispatching several enemies along the way. The Chinese defenders were driven out of the town and fled down the roads leading inland. By noon, Luodian was firmly under Japanese control.  However August 29th marked a significant triumph for Chinese diplomacy, as Chiang Kai-shek's signed a non-aggression treaty with the Soviet Union. The pact between Nanjing and Moscow laid the political and diplomatic groundwork for Soviet military aid to China while ensuring that the Soviet Union would not reach an agreement with Japan as long as hostilities continued. Initially, Chiang Kai-shek had been wary of Soviet intentions, expressing concerns in his diary on August 1st, when the diplomats were preparing the treaty, that he feared the Kremlin might use the agreement to pressure Japan into signing a similar pact with Moscow. However, following the signing, skepticism gave way to optimism. Three days after announcing the treaty, Chiang confidently predicted in a speech that the Soviet Union would eventually enter the war against Japan. Chiang would not be wrong about that, but it would only come in 1945, officially. Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin had a clear reason to encourage China to engage in a full-scale war with Japan: it would secure Russia's western flank while he focused on the strategic challenges posed by a Europe dominated by Hitler. A conflict with China could drain Japanese resources, thereby reducing the threat from Asia in the long term. Exasperated British diplomats attempted to warn Chiang Kai-shek about what they perceived as a Soviet ruse, advising that the Russians “only have their own interests in mind.” Nevertheless, this did little to undermine the Chinese leader's belief in the Soviet Union's willingness to help. At a deeper cognitive level, there was a reason why Chiang Kai-shek and his associates clung to the belief that not only Soviet aid but also direct Soviet participation in the hostilities was imminent. This aligned with their expectations of how a war with Japan would unfold. The Chinese General Staff's War Plan A, drafted in 1937, was based on the premise that a conflict with Japan would soon trigger a larger conflict involving either the Soviet Union or the United States. Thus, the key objective for China was to withstand the superior Japanese forces until relief could arrive from a more powerful ally, whether that be Russian or American. This strategy was not as naive as it might seem; it was based on the understanding that neither Moscow nor Washington would want to see Japanese power grow too strong on the Asian mainland. Despite the capture of Luodian and Yinhang, the Japanese continued to face significant challenges. Their grip on the Shanghai region remained highly precarious, relying on control of two isolated pockets north of Shanghai and a beleaguered garrison within the city. Due to their numerical inferiority, they were under intense pressure from Chinese forces. The landings at Wusong and Chuanshakou had initially bolstered the manpower in the Shanghai area by fewer than 8,000 troops, and although reinforcements were gradually arriving, the pace was slow. Matsui Iwane recognized the need for a more radical increase in troop levels to achieve a decisive outcome. By the end of August, he cabled Tokyo, arguing that to complete the operation successfully, he required a total of five divisions or at a minimum the release of the 11th Division's Amaya Detachment, currently stationed in northeast China, to reunite with the division at Chuanshakou. The Japanese imperial staff and navy command responded mostly favorably, agreeing to redirect the detachment to Shanghai alongside several units of the elite marines. One week after the landings, Wusong Fort continued to pose a significant problem for the 3rd Division and the navy, which was responsible for supplying the division. Chinese artillery fire made anchoring near the landing zone a perilous endeavor, resulting in several naval officers being killed when caught in the wrong place at the wrong time. At times, the shelling was so severe that vessels had to interrupt their operations and retreat to a berth in the middle of the Huangpu River, unloading only part of their supplies. Matsui now planned for the 3rd Division to launch a frontal assault on Wusong, while the 11th Division would maintain a support role, dispatching only one regiment to assist. The attack commenced at 10:00 am on August 31rd. Following an intensive naval and aerial bombardment involving 30 planes, a regiment from the 3rd Division boarded landing craft, sailed down the Huangpu River, and landed on the riverbank north of Wusong. Throughout the afternoon and into the evening, the soldiers engaged in fierce skirmishes with scattered Chinese units in front of Wusong in preparation for a final entry into the city. Meanwhile, the Asama Detachment from the 11th Division initiated its part of the offensive by marching along the bank of the Yangtze toward Shizilin. On the morning of September 1st, the Japanese tightened their grip on Wusong. The regiment from the 3rd Division seized a hamlet west of Wusong and readied for an assault on the town itself. The defending Chinese forces put up strong resistance, and it was not until late afternoon that the Japanese made any significant progress, aided by artillery fire from their ships. The Asama Detachment experienced somewhat greater success that day, successfully capturing the fort at Shizilin in the afternoon. The Japanese launched their final offensive against Wusong at dawn on the 2nd. To their surprise, the fort fell with relative ease. By 10:00 am, Matsui saw the Rising Sun flag hoisted over Wusong. “I felt boundless gratification,” he noted in his diary.  With the fall of Wusong, the town of Baoshan became the last major obstacle to uninterrupted Japanese control of the riverbank, stretching from Chuanshakou to the outskirts of Shanghai. The fort at Baoshan also posed a significant threat to Japanese naval operations due to its strategic location at the confluence of the Yangtze and Huangpu rivers. Chiang Kai-shek fully recognized the importance of Baoshan and ordered a battalion of the 98th Infantry Division to hold the town at all costs. Baoshan had one notable advantage: like many ancient Chinese towns, it was encircled by a thick city wall that had historically helped fend off invaders and still served its defensive purpose well. The Japanese were acutely aware that Baoshan favored defense, and even a small contingent of Chinese forces could potentially hold out for an extended period.  On the 4th, the 3rd Division sluggishly advanced toward Baoshan. Around mid-afternoon, an artillery unit arrived to assist by bombarding the city wall. Despite this support, the Japanese soldiers, sent in waves to scale the wall, suffered significant casualties and failed to penetrate the defenses by nightfall. At noon on September 5, Japanese bombers launched an air raid on Baoshan, while naval artillery rained shells indiscriminately over the town's gray roofs. The land attack began an hour later when Japanese tanks advanced toward the town gates. The Japanese pressed the Chinese defenders into a shrinking perimeter. By sunset, the defenders were left with only 100 soldiers. The night passed without incident, as the Japanese refrained from attacking without air support, but everyone knew that dawn would herald the end. Just as the sun rose above the horizon, the assault resumed. As the city neared its fall, the defending commander Yao Ziqing ordered a soldier to escape and report the situation to his superiors. Unnoticed by the Japanese, the soldier scaled a wall and fled into the surrounding countryside, becoming the sole survivor of the battle. He carried with him a message from the battalion: “We are determined to stay at our posts and to continue fighting the enemy until each and every one of us is killed.” I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Despite initial Chinese hopes for a counteroffensive by the newly arrived 36th Infantry Division, their inexperience and poor coordination led to heavy losses. As the Japanese gained reinforcements, they executed strategic landings at Chuanshakou and Wusong, overwhelming Chinese defenses. Amidst escalating casualties, Chinese troops struggled to maintain morale. However, their resolve to fight persisted, even as defeat loomed over the besieged city and its defenders.

We know pistachios, and we love to eat them. Despite pistachio ice cream being the objectively best way to consume this nut , the majority of pistachios are sold in-shell. Have you ever wondered how those shells split? In this episode, Phoebe sits down with Shuxiao (Susan) Zhang and Georgia Drakakaki, two of the authors of a recently published study on the mechanisms behind pistachio shell splitting. They discuss how the cells of a shell enable splitting, whether kernel size really does impact split percentage, and why Golden Hills has a higher split percentage than Kerman.Come to an upcoming extension meeting!In the Sacramento Valley: North Sac Valley Groundwater and SGMA is on Tuesday, June 24Save the date for Prune Research Tour Part 2 on Tuesday, July 15 The views, thoughts, and opinions expressed are the speaker's own and do not represent the views, thoughts, and opinions of the University of California. The material and information presented here is for general information purposes only. The "University of California" name and all forms and abbreviations are the property of its owner and its use does not imply endorsement of or opposition to any specific organization, product, or service.Follow us on Twitter! @SacOrchards and @SJVtandvThank you to the Almond, Pistachio, Prune, and Walnut Boards of California for their kind donations. Thank you to Muriel Gordon for the music.

When picturing a steel factory, words like "heavy", "smoky" and "arduous" often come to mind. But a technological breakthrough is proving that the iron and steel industry can be smart and sophisticated, thanks to the power of artificial intelligence.提到钢铁厂，人们通常会想到 “重型”“烟雾弥漫”“艰苦” 等词汇。但一项技术突破表明，借助人工智能的力量，钢铁行业也能变得智能化、精细化。Shougang Group, one of China's largest steelmakers, is leading the way with an AI-powered visual system that is transforming the entire steelmaking process from labor-driven to model-driven. With this cutting-edge technology in place, the steel giant has boosted production efficiency by over 20 percent and reduced defects by 35 percent.中国大型钢铁企业之一的首钢集团率先采用人工智能视觉系统，将整个炼钢过程从人力驱动转变为模型驱动。借助这一尖端技术，这家钢铁巨头的生产效率提升了 20% 以上，缺陷率降低了 35%。Exemplifying the shift toward digital and intelligent industrial transformation, the AI-powered system was named as one of the top 10 benchmark applications at the 2025 Global Digital Economy Conference, which wrapped up in Beijing on July 5. During the event, business leaders and industry representatives discussed the growing impact of AI across industries, highlighting China's broader push toward smart manufacturing.在 7 月 5 日于北京闭幕的 2025 全球数字经济大会上，这一人工智能系统入选 “十大标杆应用”，成为工业数字化、智能化转型的典范。大会期间，企业领袖和行业代表探讨了人工智能在各行业日益增长的影响，凸显了中国在智能制造领域的广泛推进。"For a company of our size, the top priority in the face of the ongoing AI revolution is to explore how this technology can deliver better solutions to our challenges, and how it improves quality, increases efficiency and reduces cost," said Jiang Xingqun, senior vice-president of BOE Technology Group Co Ltd, one of the world's largest display panel manufacturers.“面对当下的人工智能革命，对于我们这种规模的企业来说，首要任务是探索这项技术如何为我们的挑战提供更好的解决方案，以及如何通过它提质、增效、降本，” 全球最大的显示面板制造商之一京东方科技集团股份有限公司高级副总裁蒋兴群表示。"Traditional visual technology has been widely used for quality checks, but it still falls short in addressing some issues," Jiang said. "This is why we employ AI for data labeling, model training and detection of defects and abnormalities." He noted that in recent years, BOE has also developed its own automated decision-making system, which is already being used in production.蒋兴群说：“传统视觉技术在质量检测中应用广泛，但在解决某些问题上仍有不足。这就是我们采用人工智能进行数据标注、模型训练以及缺陷和异常检测的原因。” 他指出，近年来京东方还开发了自主的自动化决策系统，目前已应用于生产中。The company has been actively seeking ways to integrate AI into display panel manufacturing, a comprehensive process that encompasses quality inspection, monitoring and analysis, defect repairs and equipment maintenance. With the help of AI, BOE has effectively improved graphic processing efficiency, shortened defect handling cycles and reduced labor costs.该公司一直在积极探索将人工智能融入显示面板制造的方法，这一综合过程涵盖质量检测、监控分析、缺陷修复和设备维护。在人工智能的助力下，京东方有效提升了图像处理效率，缩短了缺陷处理周期，并降低了人力成本。Similarly, numerous companies across the country are accelerating their digital transformation efforts. According to the China Internet Development Report 2024, the country now has nearly 10,000 digitalized workshops and intelligent factories. Of these, more than 400 have been recognized as national-level benchmark factories in smart manufacturing, utilizing technologies such as AI and digital twins.同样，全国众多企业都在加速推进数字化转型。《中国互联网发展报告 2024》显示，目前我国已拥有近 1 万家数字化车间和智能工厂。其中，有 400 多家被认定为国家级智能制造标杆工厂，它们运用了人工智能、数字孪生等技术。Industry insiders highlighted that the costs of large models have dropped sharply over the past year, creating favorable conditions for the application of AI technologies. Ruan Yu, vice-president of Baidu, noted that as costs continue to fall, large AI models are becoming a core productivity tool for an increasing number of enterprises.业内人士强调，过去一年，大模型的成本大幅下降，为人工智能技术的应用创造了有利条件。百度副总裁阮瑜指出，随着成本持续降低，人工智能大模型正成为越来越多企业的核心生产力工具。According to Zhang Di, vice-president of Kuaishou Technology and technical head of Kling AI, AI video generator technology will continue to evolve. By providing interactive and lifelike environments, it will further boost the development of the industrial internet and accelerate the digital transformation of manufacturing and other traditional industries, Zhang said.快手科技副总裁、灵犀 AI 技术负责人张迪表示，人工智能视频生成技术将持续发展。通过提供交互式、逼真的环境，该技术将进一步推动工业互联网的发展，加速制造业等传统产业的数字化转型。In recent years, the Chinese government has introduced a wide range of measures to accelerate AI innovation and promote its application, intending to support new industrialization and the development of the industrial sector.近年来，中国政府出台了一系列措施，加快人工智能创新并推动其应用，旨在支持新型工业化和工业领域的发展。sophisticated /səˈfɪstɪkeɪtɪd/ 精密的，复杂的defect /ˈdiːfekt/ 缺陷，瑕疵integrate /ˈɪntɪɡreɪt/ 融入，使一体化digitalize /ˈdɪdʒɪtəlaɪz/ 使数字化，以数字形式呈现

Zhi Dong Zhang de origen chino es señalado por contribuir con cárteles mexicanos.Hasta el momento se desconoce su paradero. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Zhi Dong Zhang de origen chino es señalado por contribuir con cárteles mexicanos.Hasta el momento se desconoce su paradero. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

President Xi Jinping has called on North China's Shanxi province to further promote the transformation and development of the resource-based economy and strive to write its own chapter in advancing Chinese modernization.Xi, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, made the remarks during his inspection of the province on Monday and Tuesday.The inspection tour took him to Yangquan, a city renowned for its coal mining heritage, and Taiyuan, the provincial capital.Shanxi is one of the regions with the highest concentration of resource-based cities in China. For a long time, its economic development relied on coal mining. To implement the low-carbon development strategy, the province is striving to build itself into a national pilot zone for overall reform for the transformation of the resource-based economy.While hearing the work report by the provincial authorities on Tuesday morning in Taiyuan, Xi urged Shanxi to steadily promote transformation and development of the traditional industry in an orderly manner, with a focus on energy transition, industrial upgrading and moderately diversified development of its economy.He underlined the need for the province to upgrade the coal industry and transform coal from a primary fuel to a high-value product, while ensuring the country's coal supply.Efforts should be made to build Shanxi into the nation's important energy and raw material base at a higher level, and shape a new type of energy system supporting the development of wind power, photovoltaic power and hydrogen energy, he said.Xi highlighted the need to promote the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries and plan emerging and future industries based on local conditions to gradually form a modern industrial system reflecting Shanxi's characteristics and comparative advantages.He also urged the province to make good use of conditions for diversified development, optimize its business environment, stimulate the vitality of market entities, and better transform the strength in resources into a development advantage.Xi emphasized that efforts must be made to ensure security and stability during the process of promoting transformation and development, with an emphasis on ensuring the stability of employment, enterprises, markets and expectations.In recent years, China has been working to transform and upgrade traditional industries to promote high-quality economic growth. During his inspection tours nationwide, Xi has urged various regions to develop new quality productive forces tailored to local conditions and make greater progress in industrial transformation.Zhang Li, president of the China Center for Information Industry Development, said that accelerating the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries is not only an important step to enhance the resilience and security of industrial and supply chains, but also a necessary requirement for the country to promote the new type of industrialization and step up construction of a manufacturing powerhouse.In the new circumstances, China must persist in promoting the transformation and upgrading of traditional industries, nurturing and expanding emerging industries, and simultaneously developing future industries, Zhang said in an article published in the latest issue of Qiushi Journal, a flagship magazine of the CPC Central Committee."Only by doing so can we consolidate and enhance the leading position of advantageous industries and the competitiveness of the whole industry, and keep a competitive edge globally," he said.During his tour in Yangquan on Monday, Xi visited Yangquan Valve Co, where he inspected the company's production workshop and products display, and had a conversation with workers at the site.He said that traditional manufacturing is an important part of the real economy, and it is essential to target market demand and strengthen technological innovation to revitalize the traditional industry.Xi told the company's employees that China's industrial development used to rely on physical labor, but today it relies on advanced technology and equipment to improve productivity. He expressed the hope that they would continue to work hard and make greater contributions to building a strong manufacturing country.Zhao Zihao, an information technology specialist at the company, said he was inspired by Xi's remarks on revitalizing traditional industry with intelligent technologies."President Xi encouraged us, particularly the younger generation of workers, to leverage our strength in expertise to drive industrial transformation," Zhao said."He placed trust and confidence upon us. I feel a strong sense of responsibility."

We're traveling back to the 1930s Mississippi Delta with Sinners! Join us as we learn about fake plantation money, "Rocky Road to Dublin", Chinese-American communities in Mississippi, hoodoo, and more! Sources: John Jung, "Chinese for the South: Mississippi Delta Chinese Migration Chains," in Zhang, Wenxian, et al. Far East, Down South: Asians in the American South. Tuscaloosa: The University of Alabama Press, 2016. https://muse.jhu.edu/book/49183. "Shaolu Yu, ""Placing Racial Triangulation, Triangulating Place and Race: Chinese Grocery Stores in the Mississippi Delta during the Jim Crow Era,"" Annals of the American Association of Geographers, 112(1) 2022, pp. 97–122" Karin Lurvink, "Strapped for Cash: Non-cash Payments on Louisiana Cotton Plantations, 1865-1908," TIJDSCHRIFT VOOR SOCIALE EN ECONOMISCHE GESCHIEDENIS 11, 3 (2014) Sonny Albarado, "The violent and racist fight against laborers' basic rights in the South," Arkansas Advocate, 2023 Katrina Hazzard-Donald, Mojo Workin': The Old African-American Hoodoo System (University of Illinois Press, 2013).  Cierra Black, "Sinners Hoodoo Consultant Talks Working with Ryan Coogler & Protecting Black Spirituality On-Screen: 'Blues Is the Music of Hoodoo'" Teen Vogue 3 May 2025.  Marcelitte Failla, ""You Deserve, Baby!": Spiritual Co-creation, Black Witches, and Feminism," The Witch Studies Reader 75-89 (Duke University Press, 2025). https://www.jstor.org/stable/jj.25003747.9  Kinitra D. Brooks, "Haints, Hollers, and Hoodoo," Southern Cultures 29:4 (2023): 2-7. Zora Hurston, "Hoodoo in America," The Journal of American Folklore 44:174 (1931): 317-417. https://www.jstor.org/stable/535394  "The Rocky Road to Dublin" in Will Carleton, Will Carleton's "Dandy Pat Songster (1866). https://www.google.com/books/edition/Will_Carleton_s_Dandy_Pat_Songster/ULo-AQAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Rocky%20Road%20to%20Dublin%22&pg=PA59&printsec=frontcover  The Citizen (1842), https://www.google.com/books/edition/The_Citizen/VYdPAQAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Rocky%20Road%20to%20Dublin%22&pg=PA262&printsec=frontcover  https://www.google.com/books/edition/Diprose_s_Standard_Song_Book_and_Reciter/jzJYAAAAcAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=Rocky%20Road%20to%20Dublin&pg=PA24&printsec=frontcover "The Rocky Road to Dublin," in The New Singer's Journal (1871) https://www.google.com/books/edition/Henry_De_Marsan_s_New_Comic_and_Sentimen/3Lk_AQAAMAAJ?hl=en&gbpv=1&dq=%22Rocky%20Road%20to%20Dublin%22&pg=PA175&printsec=frontcover  The rocky road to Dublin. Image. https://www.loc.gov/item/amss-as111860/  "Along the Rocky Road to Dublin" (1915) https://egrove.olemiss.edu/sharris_c/92/  D Taylor, "'Champagne Charlie is my name': The swell, the Irish and the cockney," in From Mummers to Madness (2021).  Michael Pierse, ""A Pole of Differentiation": Pasts and Futures in Irish Working-Class Writing," Working-Class Literature(s): Historical and International Perspectives (2020).  "The Schools' Collection" folklore collected by students in Ireland from 1937-1939 https://www.duchas.ie/en/cbes/stories?SearchText=blackthorn&SearchLanguage=ga&Page=1&PerPage=20 https://www.myirishjeweler.com/blog/irish-folklore-the-blackthorn-and-fairies-fighting-and-harry-potter/?srsltid=AfmBOoqlYcrE-xW106rf2XlffXUu-8oyNtkuISgfqsRmUOsNFEh0g9RU  RT: https://www.rottentomatoes.com/m/sinners_2025  Richard Brody, ""Sinners" is a Virtuosic Fusion of Historical Realism and Horror," April 17, 2025 The New Yorker https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2025/04/28/sinners-movie-review  Wiki: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sinners_(2025_film) https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/First-dollar_gross 

Rick is joined by American table tennis player, Lily Zhang at the US Smash in Las Vegas. Zhang is one of the American hopes at this big World Table Tennis event. A six-time US national champion in women's singles. Zhang has won the US national championship in 2012, 2014, 2016, 2017, 2019 and 2022. In … Continue reading Lily Zhang, Table Tennis at the US Smash →

Last time we spoke about the Oyama Incident and decision to fight at Shanghai. In July 1937, escalating tensions between Japan and China erupted into war after the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. As conflict spread, Chinese leader Chiang Kai-shek, believing in his nation's resilience, called for unity to resist Japanese aggression. A pivotal moment occurred on August 9 at Hongqiao Airport, where a violent confrontation left several Japanese soldiers dead. The circumstances remained murky, with both sides blaming each other, further inflaming hostilities. Despite attempts at negotiation, the military standoff intensified, leading to a consensus that war was imminent. Chiang mobilized troops to Shanghai, a crucial city for both strategic and symbolic reasons, determined to demonstrate that China could defend its sovereignty. The Chinese forces, under Generals Zhang Fukai and Zhang Zhizhong, faced logistical challenges but aimed to strike first against the increasingly aggressive Japanese military. On August 12, both nations prepared for conflict, leading to a drastic escalation.  #157 The Battle of Shanghai Part 2: Black Saturday and Operation Iron Fist Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On Friday, August 13 of 1937, the residents of Shanghai began enduring the sounds of rifle fire and machine gun salvos, punctuated by the distant booms of artillery.  Members of the Japanese marines, disguised in civilian clothes and posing as rowdy thugs, boisterous ronin, arrived at barricades manned by the Peace Preservation Corps at the northern edge of Yangshupu around 9:15 a.m. They began to provoke the Chinese guards with loud taunts and jeers. When the Chinese fired a warning shot into the air, the Japanese retaliated with deadly intent. The Chinese responded in kind, resulting in a lethal exchange. From that moment on, the situation was beyond control. As the day progressed, nervous skirmishes continued throughout the northern part of Shanghai. Chinese commanders dispatched patrols to conduct probing attacks, hoping to identify weak points in the Japanese defenses and push them back wherever possible. Meanwhile, their Japanese counterparts rushed to occupy key positions outside their main line of defense, aiming to gain an advantageous position should their adversaries launch a larger offensive. Small bands of soldiers from both sides maneuvered along narrow alleys to minimize the risk of detection; however, whenever they encountered each other, the results were deadly. In the western sector of the front line, where the Chinese Army's newly arrived 88th Infantry Division was preparing its positions, the center of activity was the headquarters of the Japanese marines near Hongkou Park. This location resembled a fortress, featuring a massive four-story structure shielded from air and artillery bombardment by a double roof of reinforced concrete. The building, which encompassed a large inner courtyard, occupied two city blocks and could accommodate thousands of troops at once. Highly visible, it represented both a significant military threat and a symbol of Japan's presence in Shanghai. The Chinese were acutely aware of their objective: they had to eradicate it. The Sichuan North road lies south between the marine headquarters and the Japanese section of the International Settlement. This road became the scene of frantic activity from the first day of battle. Japanese armored cars and motorcycle patrols, with machine guns mounted on sidecars, sped up and down the otherwise deserted street, while trench mortars positioned along the pavement lobbed grenades into Zhabei to the west. As columns of smoke rose into the sky from buildings in the Chinese district, Japanese officers squeezed into a narrow conning tower atop the marine headquarters, watching the bombardment's results through field glasses. Reports of Chinese snipers stationed in the upper floors of buildings along the road prompted Japanese squads, led by sword-wielding officers, to carry out door-to-door searches. Suspects were unceremoniously dragged away to an uncertain fate. Not a single civilian was visible in the area; everyone stayed indoors, behind closed windows and drawn curtains. On the afternoon of August 13, the Eight Character Bridge, located west of the marine headquarters, became the site of one of the battle's first major engagements. The bridge, measuring just 60 feet in length and spanning a minor creek, was deemed by both sides to have significant tactical importance. The Chinese commanders viewed it as a crucial route for advancing into the Hongkou area, believing that if the bridge fell into Japanese hands, it would be like a "piece of bone stuck in the throat." At around noon, Major Yi Jin, a battalion commander of the 88th Infantry Division, led a couple of hundred men from around the North Railway Station toward Eight Character Bridge. When the soldiers reached their objective at about 3:00 p.m., they spotted a small Japanese unit that had just arrived across the creek and was setting up defensive positions. The Chinese opened fire and managed to secure the bridge, prompting the Japanese to launch a brief artillery bombardment that resulted in several Chinese casualties. Gunfire near the bridge continued intermittently until 9:00 p.m., when a fragile silence fell over the area. Further to the east, in the 87th Infantry Division's sector, the day was also characterized by frantic maneuvering, punctuated by lengthy bursts of violence. Chinese reconnaissance parties infiltrated enemy-held areas, making their way to the Japanese Golf Club near the Huangpu River, where they began shooting at workers busy preparing the makeshift airfield. As the first volleys from the Chinese snipers rang out, clouds of dust filled the air, causing the workers to hastily seek cover. Japanese soldiers stationed in the clubhouse immediately returned fire, throwing off the snipers' aim. After about an hour, two Japanese vessels moored in the Huangpu River, the destroyer Run and the gunboat Seta were called in to assist the Japanese marines facing the 87th Infantry Division on land. Four- and six-inch shells screamed across the sky, exploding in the Chinese districts to the north. Shanghai University was also shelled, as the Japanese troops on land believed it had been occupied by Chinese soldiers. Ultimately, the last remaining staff members, two Americans, were forced to flee the campus. The naval artillery had come to the aid of the beleaguered infantry onshore, a scene that would be repeated continually in the days and weeks to come. Late that evening, Chiang Kai-shek finally ordered his military commanders to “divert the enemy at sea, block off the coast, and resist landings at Shanghai” Even before the mobilization of troops began, panic swept through Shanghai. Meanwhile, the city's waterfront took on an increasingly ominous tone. The China Daily News wrote “Arms, ammunition, and supplies streamed from several Japanese cruisers and destroyers onto the O.S.K. wharf in what appeared to be an unending flow. Additionally, a large detachment of soldiers in full marching gear disembarked, while a cruiser, the Idzumo, two destroyers, and nine gunboats arrived shortly before.” Zhang Zhizhong, the commander of the left wing, finally received the orders he wished to hear. Zhang intended to deploy all available troops in a bold effort to eliminate the Japanese presence once and for all, following the strategy recommended by the Germans. However, the plan had a significant weakness. The assault was to focus on the marine headquarters and the rest of the Hongkou salient while deliberately avoiding combat within the formal borders of the International Settlement. This decision was made as a concession to international public opinion and was politically sound. However, from a military perspective, it was nearly suicidal and greatly increased the risks associated with the entire operation. The Hongkou area represented the most heavily fortified position along the entire front. The marine headquarters was at the center of a dense network of heavy machine gun positions, protected by barbed wire, concrete emplacements, and walls of sandbags. On Saturday, August 14th, the Nationalist military command decided to target one of the most significant Japanese naval assets in Shanghai: the Izumo, anchored with support ships on the Huangpu River in the city center. Shortly before 11:00 a.m., five Chinese planes appeared over the rooftops, flying toward the river and the Japanese vessels. The aircraft released their bombs, but all missed their target, with several detonating on the wharves, demolishing buildings and sending shrapnel flying through the air. In response, the Japanese battleships unleashed a massive barrage, further endangering those unfortunate enough to live or work in the area as shell fragments rained down with deadly force. At 11:20 a.m., another Chinese air raid occurred, this time involving three planes, once again targeting the Izumo. However, for two of the pilots, something went horribly wrong. “From one of the four monoplanes, four aerial torpedoes were seen to drop as they passed over the Bund, far from their intended target... Two others fell on Nanking Road.” Either the pilot misjudged the target, or there was a malfunction with the release mechanism. Regardless of the cause, the bombs landed in one of the city's busiest civilian areas, where thousands were walking, shopping, and enjoying a hot August Saturday. At 4:46 p.m., the public health department's work diary noted, “Palace Hotel hit! Many injured and dead in street! Nanking Road opposite Cathay Hotel.” A reporter vividly captured the horror of the scene: “A bomb arced through the air, struck the Palace Hotel with a glancing blow, and unleashed indescribable carnage. As the high explosive fumes slowly lifted, a scene of dreadful death emerged. Flames from a blazing car danced over distorted bodies. Bodies wrapped in coolie cloth lay in shapeless heaps at the entrances to the main doorways and arcades of the Palace and Cathay hotels, their heads, legs, and arms separated from smashed masses of flesh. The corpse of a Chinese policeman lay dead in his tracks, shrapnel lodged in his head, and a disemboweled child was nearby.” To make matters worse, another pilot mistakenly released his bomb over Avenue Edward VII, another major shopping street. When the numbers were finally tallied, over 1,000 people, both Chinese and foreign had been killed. The bombs struck the International Settlement, a zone that was politically neutral and presumed safe. Hundreds of civilians were killed culminating in what would soon be referred to as “Black Saturday” or “Bloody Saturday.” By the time these tragedies unfolded, the Battle of Shanghai had already entered its second day.  Zhang Zhizhong's men prepared their positions for most of the day, then launched their attack late in the afternoon. Intense fighting erupted in the few hours before sunset, and it quickly became clear that the 88th Infantry Division was encountering resistance that was tougher than expected. In addition to the direct fire from entrenched Japanese positions, the attackers were bombarded by the Third Fleet's powerful artillery, which was awe-inspiring even when it employed only a fraction of its total strength of 700 pieces. However, the Chinese infantry lacked proper training in the use of heavy weaponry against fortified enemy positions. Their heavier guns, which could have made a significant difference, were held too far in the rear and missed their targets too easily, as inexperienced crews used flawed coordinates from observers who were not close enough to the action. Additionally, some of the Japanese positions had such thick defensive walls that it was questionable whether even the most powerful weaponry in the Chinese arsenal, the 150 mm howitzers, could do more than merely dent them. These tactics resulted in extraordinarily heavy losses for the Chinese, including among senior ranks. Around 5:00 p.m., Major General Huang Meixing, the 41-year-old commander of the 88th Infantry Division's 264th Brigade, was leading an attack near the marine headquarters. His divisional commander, Sun Yuanliang, attempted to reach him via field phone, but he was forced to wait. When he finally managed to get through to Huang, he cracked a rare joke: “It took so long, I thought you were dead.” Just minutes later, as if fate wanted to punish Sun Yuanliang for his black humor, Huang Meixing's command post was struck by an artillery shell, killing him instantly. Shock spread through the ranks as the news circulated, recalled Wu Ganliao, a machine gunner in the 88th Division. “Brigade Commander Huang was a fair-minded person, and he showed real affection for his troops. It was sad new”. Huang was by no means an exceptional case; Chinese officers died in large numbers from the very first day. One regiment lost seven company commanders in a single short attack. Several factors contributed to the high incidence of death among senior ranks. One reason was the ethos among some officers to lead from the front in an effort to instill courage in their men. However, leading from the rear could also be highly risky in urban combat, where opposing forces were often just yards apart, and the maze-like environment created by multi-story buildings and narrow alleys led to a fluid situation where the enemy could be just as likely behind as in front. Moreover, soldiers on both sides deliberately targeted enemy officers, perhaps more so than in other conflicts, because rigid leadership hierarchies placed a premium on decapitating the opposing unit's command. However, the massive fatality rates among officers, and even more so among the rank and file, were primarily the result of Chinese forces employing frontal assaults against a well-armed, entrenched enemy.The men who were dying by the hundreds were China's elite soldiers, the product of years of effort to build a modern military. They represented the nation's best hope for resisting Japan in a protracted war. Nevertheless, on the very first day of battle, they were being squandered at an alarming and unsustainable rate. After just a few hours of offensive operations with minimal gains, Chiang Kai-shek decided to cut his losses. In a telegram, he commanded Zhang Zhizhong: “Do not carry out attacks this evening. Await further orders.”In the weeks leading up to the outbreak of the battle of Shanghai, Chiang Kai-shek received a parade of leaders from various provinces eager to participate in the upcoming fight. After years of the Warlord nonsense , a new sense of unity began to emerge among them for the first time. All of these factions proclaimed they would lend their troops to his leadership if he pledged them against Japan. As a sign of his sincerity, Chiang decided to appoint the position of overall commander in Shanghai to one of his longest-standing rivals, our old friend, the finger nails inspector, Feng Yuxiang. This was a political savvy move directed at the Communists, trying to earn their favor.  Feng Yuxiang did not hesitate when offered the command. “As long as it serves the purpose of fighting Japan, I'll say yes, no matter what it is.” His appointment was announced just as the first shots were fired in Shanghai. Feng was about a decade older than his direct subordinates, which Chiang considered an advantage. He desired someone who was both composed and prudent to counterbalance the fiery tempers of the frontline commanders, as Chiang put it“ The frontline commanders are too young. They've got a lot of courage, but they lack experience.” Feng moved his command post to a temple outside Suzhou in mid August. Almost immediately afterward, he visited Zhang Zhizhong, who had established his command near the Suzhou city wall. At that time, Zhang was just beginning to realize how formidable the Japanese resistance in Shanghai truly was. His staff started to notice troubling signs of his deteriorating health, sensing that sickness and exhaustion were taking a toll on his ability to stay upright and effectively lead the battle. Perhaps this feeling of being overwhelmed was why he failed to undertake basic tasks, such as providing adequate protection from air attacks. Meanwhile, Shanghai society responded to the sudden outbreak of war. In July, the city's residents worked, ate, drank, and played as they had for decades. Beginning in August, however, they had to entirely remake their lives. Local institutions began to relocate; by late September, it was announced that four local universities would open joint colleges with institutions in China's interior. In the country's premier commercial city, business was being devastated. “Like a nightmare octopus flinging cruel tentacles around its helpless victims,” the North-China Daily News reported, “the local hostilities are slowly strangling Shanghai's trade.” A shopkeeper lamented, “We obtain a lot of business, of course, from tourists who visit Shanghai. What tourists are there these days?” For the foreigners in Shanghai, the war was seen as a violent diversion, but nothing truly dangerous, at least, that's what they thought. For the Chinese, however, life was unraveling. As the fighting intensified around the Japanese district, thousands of refugees poured into the streets, heading for Suzhou Creek and the Garden Bridge, the only link to the International Settlement that remained open. It was a chaotic and merciless stampede, where the weak were at a severe disadvantage. “My feet were slipping… in blood and flesh,” recalled Rhodes Farmer, a journalist for the North China Daily News, as he found himself in a sea of people struggling to escape Hongkou. “Half a dozen times, I knew I was walking on the bodies of children or old people sucked under by the torrent, trampled flat by countless feet.” Near the creek, the mass of sweating and panting humanity was nearly uncontrollable as it funneled toward the bridge, which was a mere 55 feet wide. Two Japanese sentries were almost overwhelmed by the crowd and reacted as they had been trained, with immediate, reflexive brutality. One of them bayoneted an old man and threw the lifeless body into the filthy creek below. This act of violence did not deter the other refugees, who continued to push toward the bridge, believing they were heading toward the safety of the International Settlement. Little did they know, they were moving in the wrong direction, towards the horrific slaughter of innocent civilians that would mark the entire Shanghai campaign. The American advisor Claire Chennault had been in the air since the early hours of August 14. After only a few hours of sleep at his base in Nanjing, he jumped into a lone, unarmed fighter to observe the Chinese air raid as a neutral party. The night before, he had been at the Nanjing Military Academy, in the company of Chiang Kai-shek and his wife Soong Mei-ling. That night, as war loomed, Soong Mei-ling in tears said “They are killing our people!” Chennault asked “what will you do now?”. She replied “We will fight,”. Chennault was the one who suggested bombing the ships on the Huangpu River because of the artillery support they provided to the Japanese infantry. Since there was no Chinese officer with the expertise to prepare such an operation, Soong Mei-ling had asked Chennault to take over. Although he was completely unprepared for this new role, he felt a growing affinity for China, fueled by excitement at the prospect of contributing to their fight. Eleanor B. Roosevelt, the wife of US President Franklin D. Roosevelt, was in Shanghai at the time of the bombing and was horrified by the loss of innocent life. She sent a letter to Japan's premier, Prince Konoye, urging him to seek ways to minimize the risk of Chinese air raids, which she argued were caused by the presence of Japan's military in the Shanghai area. The Japanese did not respond. However, the day after her letter, the Izumo was moved from its anchorage near the Japanese Consulate to the middle of the Huangpu River. The cruiser remained close enough to contribute its artillery to the fighting inland, but far enough away to significantly reduce the danger to civilians in the city. The 15th was surreal, even after thousands had been killed in battle, the fighting in China remained an undeclared war as far as the Japanese government was concerned, and it committed forces only in a piecemeal fashion. The Japanese Cabinet continued to refer to events in Shanghai and further north near Beijing as “the China Incident.” However, euphemisms were not enough to disguise the reality that Shanghai was becoming a significant problem. In the early hours of the 15th, a Japanese Cabinet meeting decided to send army reinforcements to the hard-pressed marines in Shanghai, leading to the deployment of the 3rd and 11th Divisions. The two divisions were to form the Shanghai Expeditionary Force, a unit resurrected from the hostilities of 1932. Many of the soldiers sent to war were reservists in their late twenties and early thirties who had long since returned to civilian life and were poorly disciplined. In their habitual disdain for the Chinese, Japanese leaders figured that this would be more than enough to deal with them. Underestimating the foe would soon prove to be a mistake they would repeat again and again in the coming weeks and months. To lead the force, the Japanese leaders brought out of retirement 59-year-old General Matsui Iwane, a veteran of the 1904-1905 Russo-Japanese War. Matsui was a slight man, weighing no more than 100 pounds, with a large 19th century mustache and a palsy affecting his right side. He was not an accidental choice; he knew China well and had been an acquaintance of Sun Yat-sen.  Hongkou or “Little Tokyo” had become an area under siege. Surrounded by hostile Chinese troops on three sides, its only link to the outside world was the dock district along the Huangpu River. From the first day of the battle, the area was bombarded with Chinese mortar shells, prompting an exodus among Japanese residents, some of whom had lived in Shanghai for years. An increasingly common sight was kimono-clad women carrying heavy loads as they made their way to the wharfs to board ferries taking them back to Japan. Hongkou, said visiting Japanese correspondent Hayashi Fusao, “was a dark town. It was an exhausted town.” Those who remained in “Little Tokyo,” mostly men forced to stay behind to look after their businesses, tried to continue their lives with as little disruption to their normal routines as possible. However, this was difficult, given the constant reminders of war surrounding them: rows of barbed wire and piles of sandbags, soldiers marching from one engagement to another, and the sounds of battle often occurring just a few blocks away. “Every building was bullet-marked, and the haze of gunpowder hung over the town,” wrote Hayashi. “It was a town at war. It was the August sun and an eerie silence, burning asphalt, and most of all, the swarm of blue flies hovering around the feet.” It seemed Vice Admiral Hasegawa Kiyoshi, the commander of the Japanese 3rd Fleet, had bitten off more than he could chew in aggressively expanding operations in the Shanghai area. August 16th saw repeated Chinese attacks, placing the Japanese defenders under severe pressure, stretching their resources to the limit. Rear Admiral Okawachi Denshichi, who headed the Shanghai marines, had to hastily commit reserves, including irreplaceable tanks, to prevent a Chinese breakthrough. That day Hasegawa sent three telegrams to his superiors, each sounding more desperate than the last. After his second telegram, sent around 7:00 pm,  warning that his troops could probably hold out for only 6 more days, the Naval Command ordered the marine barracks at Sasebo Naval Base in southern Japan to dispatch two units of 500 marines each to Shanghai. Following Hasegawa's 3rd telegram later that night, the navy decided to send even more reinforcements. Two additional marine units, consisting of a total of 1,400 soldiers waiting in Manchuria for deployment at Qingdao, were ordered to embark for Shanghai immediately. The Chinese, however, did not feel that things were going their way. The battle continued to be much bloodier than anyone had anticipated. Throwing infantry en masse against fortified positions was the only feasible tactic available to an army rich in manpower confronting an adversary with a clear technological advantage. Yet, this approach turned the battle into a contest of flesh against steel, resulting in tremendous loss of life. Chiang Kai-shek was losing patience. After several days of fighting, his troops had still not succeeded in dislodging the Japanese from the streets of Shanghai. The Japanese marines entrenched in the Hongkou and Yangshupu areas proved to be a harder nut to crack than he or his generals had expected. At a meeting with his divisional commanders, Chiang ordered a massive attack to be launched in the early morning of August 17. The troops were to utilize more firepower and be better prepared than they had been for the assault three days earlier. Codenamed Operation Iron Fist, it was the most ambitious Chinese offensive in the first critical week of the Shanghai campaign. Colonel Hans Vetter, the advisor assigned to the 88th Division, played a key role in planning the offensive. He aimed to employ “Stosstrupp” or “stormtrooper” shock troop tactics that the Germans had effectively used during the Great War. After an intense artillery bombardment, a small, elite group of determined, well-armed men was to punch through the Japanese lines and fight their way deep into the enemy camp before the defenders had a chance to recover from the initial surprise. This procedure was to be followed by both the 88th Division moving in from the west, targeting the area south of Hongkou Park, and the 87th Division conducting a parallel operation from the east. Zhang Zhizhong recognized a window of opportunity while he still enjoyed a significant, but likely temporary, advantage against the Japanese. This opportunity had to be seized before reinforcements arrived. However, the odds were not favorable. Urban combat with modern weaponry of unprecedented lethality was a costly affair, especially when the enemy had the upper hand in the sky. Japanese airplanes constantly threatened the Chinese positions, carrying out relentless sorties throughout the day. The Chinese Air Force remained a factor, but it was uncertain how much longer it would hold out against the more experienced Japanese pilots and their superior, more maneuverable aircraft. The growing Japanese presence overhead, supported by both shipborne planes and aircraft based on airstrips on Chongming Island in the Yangtze Delta, greatly complicated any major movements on the ground. Despite these challenges, the Chinese Army continued its troop build-up in the Shanghai area. The 98th Infantry Division arrived on August 15 and placed one brigade, half its strength, at the disposal of the 87th Infantry Division, ensuring that the division's rear area was covered during Operation Iron Fist. Operation Iron Fist kicked off as planned at 5:00 am on the 17th. Utilizing all available firepower, the 87th and 88th Infantry Divisions launched simultaneous assaults against stunned and bewildered Japanese defenders. In line with the Stosstrupp approach of rapid penetration, Zhang Zhizhong introduced a new tactical principle, prompted by the severe losses during the first few days of fighting. Forces under his command were to identify gaps in the Japanese defenses and exploit them, rather than launch massive, costly, and most likely futile attacks on heavily fortified positions. Once an enemy stronghold was spotted, the main forces would circumvent it and leave just enough troops to keep it pinned down. Chen Yiding, a regimental commander of the 87th Infantry Division, played a pivotal role in the assault. His soldiers, each equipped with provisions for two days, made good progress during the first hours of Iron Fist, leveraging their local knowledge and moving with the slippery dexterity of alley cats. They would enter a building on one street, knock down the wall inside, and exit onto the next street, or they would throw down beams from rooftop to rooftop, sneaking as quietly as possible from one block to another without being noticed by those on the ground. They proved elusive targets for the Japanese, who expected them to come from one direction, only to be attacked from another. Nevertheless, changing the tactical situation from the previous days was not enough. The attackers encountered well-prepared defenses that sometimes could not be circumvented, resulting in significant losses from the outset of the assault. An entire battalion of the 88th Division was wiped out while trying to take a single building. Despite their sacrifices, there was no major breakthrough anywhere along the Japanese defense lines. This was partly due to strong support from Japanese naval artillery stationed along the Huangpu River and partly a reflection of poor coordination between Chinese infantry and artillery.Equally detrimental to the Chinese cause was their careful avoidance, during the first days of combat in Shanghai, of fighting inside the International Settlement or even in the predominantly Japanese part of the settlement, in order to avoid angering the outside world and swaying international opinion against them. This approach frustrated their German advisors. “It was obvious that the attacking troops had been told to engage only enemies standing on Chinese territory, not the ones inside the international areas,” the Germans wrote, with an almost audible sigh of regret in their after-action report. This frustration was shared by several Chinese officers at the frontline. “We are much handicapped by the demarcation of the foreign areas,” the adjutant to a divisional commander told a Western reporter. “We could have wiped out the enemy if it had not been for orders from the Central Government and our commander to avoid causing damage to foreign lives and to give them adequate protection.” The presence of the large foreign community primarily played into Japanese hands. Many of Chiang Kai-shek's officers believed that if the Chinese had been able to move through the French Concession and the International Settlement to attack the Japanese from the rear, they could have won easily. Zhang Fakui would later say “Without the protection provided by the foreign concessions, they would have been wiped out,”. At the end of the day, the Japanese emerged victorious. Their defense proved stronger, as it had for four long years on the Western Front during the Great War. The challenge facing the Japanese was tough, but at least it was straightforward and uncomplicated: they had to hold on to Hongkou and Yangshupu while waiting for reinforcements to arrive. They proved adept at this task. In many cases, Chinese soldiers found themselves fighting for the same objectives they had targeted when the battle for Shanghai began several days earlier. By August 18, the Chinese attack had been called off. Operation Iron Fist had proven to be a costly endeavor for the Chinese, who endured heavy casualties in the vicious urban fighting. The Japanese, on the other hand, suffered approximately 600 casualties, of which 134 were fatalities, according to the Official Gazette. The Japanese marine units dispatched from Manchuria on August 16, the day of crisis for their compatriots in Shanghai, arrived in the city during the morning of August 18 and were immediately thrown into battle. A few hours later, the Japanese Cabinet announced the formal end of its policy of non-expansion in China, which, by that time, had already been a hollow shell for several weeks. “The empire, having reached the limit of its patience, has been forced to take resolute measures,” it stated. “Henceforth, it will punish the outrages of the Chinese Army, thereby spurring the Chinese government to self-reflect.” I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On August 13, Japanese marines, disguised as civilians, provoked Chinese guards, leading to mutual gunfire. The fierce urban fighting escalated, especially at the strategically vital Eight Character Bridge. Despite determined Chinese assaults, heavy losses ensued as they struggled against well-fortified Japanese positions. As artillery and air strikes rained down, civilian casualties soared, culminating in the infamous "Black Saturday," followed by the failed Operation Iron Fist.    

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In this episode, I'm interviewing Senior Director Wei Zhang about Smith and Nephew's new surgical system (CORI)

AudioFile's Michele Cobb and host Jo Reed discuss narrator Yu-Li Alice Shen's delivery of a wild, bingeable listening experience in this fast-paced debut. Identical twins Julie and Chloe, who lost their parents at age 4, grew up worlds apart. Julie, who was raised by their miserable, greedy aunt, works a dead-end job, while Chloe, who was adopted by a wealthy family, lives a life of luxury and is a popular influencer. Shen masterfully captures the dark humor and keeps listeners entertained with a dynamic performance. Read our review of the audiobook at our website.  Published by Simon & Schuster Audio. Discover thousands of audiobook reviews and more at AudioFile's website   Support for AudioFile's Behind the Mic comes from HarperCollins Focus, and HarperCollins Christian Publishing, publishers of some of your favorite audiobooks and authors, including Reba McEntire, Bob Goff, Kathie Lee Gifford, Max Lucado, Lysa TerKeurst, and so many more! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Last time we spoke about Operation Chahar. In July 1937, the tensions between Japan and China erupted into a full-scale conflict, ignited by the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Following a series of aggressive Japanese military maneuvers, Chiang Kai-shek, then enjoying a brief respite at Kuling, learned of the escalating clashes and prepared for battle. Confident that China was primed for resistance, he rallied his nation, demanding that Japan accept responsibility and respect China's sovereignty. The Japanese launched their offensive, rapidly capturing key positions in Northern China. Notably, fierce battle ensued in Jinghai, where Chinese soldiers, led by Brigade Commander Li Zhiyuan, valiantly defended against overwhelming forces using guerrilla tactics and direct assaults. Their spirit was symbolized by a courageous “death squad” that charged the enemy, inflicting serious casualties despite facing dire odds. As weeks passed, the conflict intensified with brutal assaults on Nankou. Chinese defenses, though valiant, were ultimately overwhelmed, leading to heavy casualties on both sides. Despite losing Nankou, the indomitable Chinese spirit inspired continued resistance against the Japanese invaders, foreshadowing a long, brutal war that would reshape East Asia.   #156 The Battle of Shanghai Part 1: The Beginning of the Battle of Shanghai Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On August 9, a bullet riddled sedan screeched to an abrupt halt at the entrance to the Hongqiao airport along Monument Road. The gruesome scene on the dashboard revealed that one of the victims had died in the car. He had been dragged out and subjected to brutal slashing, kicking, and beating until his body was a mangled mess. Half of his face was missing, and his stomach had been cut open, exposing the sickly pallor of his intestines, faintly glimmering in the night. The other man had managed to escape the vehicle but only got a few paces away before he was gunned down. A short distance away lay a third body, dressed in a Chinese uniform. Investigators swiftly identified the badly mangled body as belonging to 27-year-old Sub-Lieutenant Oyama Isao, while the other deceased Japanese man was his driver, First Class Seaman Saito Yozo. The identity of the Chinese victim remained a mystery. At first glance, the scene appeared to be the aftermath of a straightforward shootout. However, numerous questions lingered: What were the Japanese doing at a military airfield miles from their barracks? Who had fired the first shot, and what had prompted that decision? The Chinese investigators and their Japanese counterparts were at odds over the answers to these questions. As they walked the crime scene, searching for evidence, loud arguments erupted repeatedly. By the time the sun began to rise, they concluded their investigation without reaching any consensus on what had transpired. They climbed into their cars and made their way back to the city. The investigators were acutely aware of the repercussions if they failed to handle their delicate task with the necessary finesse. Despite their hopes for peace, it was evident that Shanghai was a city bracing for war. As they drove through the dimly lit suburbs on their way from Hongqiao back to their downtown offices, their headlights illuminated whitewashed trees, interspersed with sandbag defenses and the silhouettes of solitary Chinese sentries. Officially, these sentries were part of the Peace Preservation Corps,  a paramilitary unit that, due to an international agreement reached a few years earlier, was the only Chinese force allowed to remain in the Shanghai area. In the hours that followed, both sides presented their versions of the incident. According to the Chinese account, the Japanese vehicle attempted to force its way through the airport gate. When members of the Peace Preservation Corps stationed at the entrance signaled for Saito, the driver, to stop, he abruptly turned the car around. Sub-Lieutenant Oyama then fired at the Chinese guards with an automatic pistol. Only then did the Chinese return fire, killing Oyama in a hail of bullets. Saito managed to jump out before he, too, was gunned down. The commander of the Chinese guards told a Western reporter that this wasn't the first time someone Japanese had attempted to enter the airport. Such incidents had occurred repeatedly in the past two months, leading them to believe that the Japanese were “obviously undertaking espionage.” The Japanese account, predictably, placed the blame for the entire incident squarely on China. It asserted that Oyama had been driving along a road bordering the airfield with no intention of entering. Suddenly, the vehicle was stopped and surrounded by Peace Preservation Corps troops, who opened fire with rifles and machine guns without warning. Oyama had no opportunity to return fire. The Japanese statement argued that the two men had every right to use the road, which was part of the International Settlement, and labeled the incident a clear violation of the 1932 peace agreement. “We demand that the Chinese bear responsibility for this illegal act,”. Regardless of either side, it seemed likely to everyone in the region, war would soon engulf Shanghai.  Meanwhile, as the Marco Polo Bridge Incident escalated into a full blown in the far north, General Zhang Fakui was attending a routine training mission at Mount Lu in southeastern Jiangxi. A short and small man, not considered too handsome either, Zhang had earned his place in China's leadership through physical courage, once taking a stand on a bridge and single handedly facing down an enemy army. He was 41 years old in 1937, having spent half his life fighting Warlords, Communists and sometimes even Nationalists. In the recent years he had tossed his lot in with a rebel campaign against Chiang Kai-Shek, who surprisingly went on the forgive him and placed him in charge of anti communist operations in the area due south of Shanghai. However now the enemy seemed to have changed.  As the war spread to Beijing, on July 16th, Zhang was sent to Chiang Kai-Shek's summer residence at Mount Lu alongside 150 members of China's political and military elites. They were all there to brainstorm how to fight the Japanese. Years prior the Generalissimo had made it doctrine to appease the Japanese but now he made grandiose statements such as “this time we must fight to the end”. Afterwards Chiang dealt missions to all his commanders and Zhang Fakui was told to prepare for operations in the Shanghai area.  It had been apparent for weeks that both China and Japan were preparing for war in central China. The Japanese had been diverting naval troops from the north to strengthen their forces in Shanghai, and by early August, they had assembled over 8,000 troops. A few days later, approximately thirty-two naval vessels arrived. On July 31, Chiang declared that “all hope for peace has been lost.” Chiang had been reluctant to commit his best forces to defend northern China, an area he had never truly controlled. In contrast, Shanghai was central to his strategy for the war against Japan. Chiang decided to deploy his finest troops, the 87th and 88th Divisions, which were trained by generals under the guidance of the German advisor von Falkenhausen, who had high hopes for their performance against the Japanese. In doing so, Chiang aimed to demonstrate to both his own people and the wider world that the Chinese could and would resist the invader. Meanwhile, Chiang's spy chief, Dai Li, was busy gathering intelligence on Japanese intentions regarding Shanghai, a challenging task given his focus in recent years. Dai, one of the most sinister figures in modern Chinese history, had devoted far more energy and resources to suppressing the Communists than to countering the Japanese. As a result, by the critical summer of 1937, he had built only a sparse network of agents in “Little Tokyo,” the Hongkou area of Shanghai dominated by Japanese businesses. One agent was a pawnshop owner, while the rest were double agents employed as local staff within the Japanese security apparatus. Unfortunately, they could provide little more than snippets, rumors, and hearsay. While some of this information sounded alarmingly dire, there was almost no actionable intelligence. Chiang did not take the decision to open a new front in Shanghai lightly. Built on both banks of the Huangpu River, the city served as the junction between the Pacific Ocean to the east and the great Yangtze River, which wound thousands of kilometers inland to the west. Shanghai embodied everything that represented modern China, from its industry and labor relations to its connections with the outside world. While foreign diplomatic presence was concentrated in nearby Nanjing, the capital, it was in Shanghai that the foreign community gauged the country's mood. Foreigners in the city's two “concession” areas nthe French Concession and the British-affiliated International Settlement often dismissed towns beyond Shanghai as mere “outstations.” Chiang Kai-shek would throw 650,000 troops into the battle for the city and its environs as well as his modest air force of 200 aircraft. Chiang, whose forces were being advised by German officers led by General Alexander von Falkenhausen, was finally confident that his forces could take on the Japanese. A German officer told a British diplomat, “If the Chinese Army follows the advice of the German advisers, it is capable of driving the Japanese over the Great Wall.”   While Chiang was groping in the dark, deprived of the eyes and ears of an efficient intelligence service, he did have at his disposal an army that was better prepared for battle than it had been in 1932. Stung by the experience of previous conflicts with the Japanese, Chiang had initiated a modernization program aimed at equipping the armed forces not only to suppress Communist rebels but also to confront a modern fighting force equipped with tanks, artillery, and aircraft. He had made progress, but it was insufficient. Serious weaknesses persisted, and now there was no time for any remedial action. While China appeared to be a formidable power in sheer numbers, the figures were misleading. On the eve of war, the Chinese military was comprised of a total of 176 divisions, which were theoretically organized into two brigades of two regiments each. However, only about 20 divisions maintained full peacetime strength of 10,000 soldiers and officers; the rest typically held around 5,000 men. Moreover, Chiang controlled only 31 divisions personally, and he could not count on the loyalty of the others. To successfully resist Japan, Chiang would need to rely not only on his military command skills but also on his ability to forge fragile coalitions among Warlord generals with strong local loyalties. Equipment posed another significant challenge. The modernization drive was not set to complete until late 1938, and the impact of this delay was evident. In every category of weaponry, from rifles to field artillery, the Chinese were outmatched by their Japanese adversaries, both quantitatively and qualitatively. Domestically manufactured artillery pieces had shorter ranges, and substandard steel-making technology caused gun barrels to overheat, increasing the risk of explosions. Some arms even dated back to imperial times. A large proportion of the Chinese infantry had received no proper training in basic tactics, let alone in coordinated operations involving armor and artillery. The chief of the German advisory corps was General Alexander von Falkenhausen, a figure hard to rival in terms of qualifications for the role. Although the 58-year-old's narrow shoulders, curved back, and bald, vulture-like head gave him an unmilitary, almost avian appearance, his exterior belied a tough character. In 1918, he had earned his nation's highest military honor, the Pour le Mérite, while assisting Germany's Ottoman allies against the British in Palestine. Few, if any, German officers knew Asia as well as he did. His experience in the region dated back to the turn of the century. As a young lieutenant in the Third East Asian Infantry Regiment, he participated in the international coalition of colonial powers that quelled the Boxer Rebellion in 1900. A decade later, he traveled through Korea, Manchuria, and northern China with his wife, keenly observing and learning as a curious tourist. From 1912 to 1914, he served as the German Kaiser's military attaché in Tokyo. He was poised to put his extensive knowledge to good use in the months ahead. Chiang believed that Shanghai should be the location of the first battle. This decision was heavily influenced by Falkenhausen and was strategically sound. Chiang Kai-shek could not hope to win a war against Japan unless he could unify the nation behind him, particularly the many fractious warlords who had battled his forces repeatedly over the past decade. Everyone understood that the territory Japan was demanding in the far north did not need to be held for any genuine military necessity; it was land that could be negotiated. The warlords occupying that territory were unpredictable and all too willing to engage in bargaining. In contrast, China's economic heartland held different significance. By choosing to fight for the center of the country and deploying his strongest military units, Chiang Kai-shek signaled to both China's warlords and potential foreign allies that he had a vested interest in the outcome.  There were also several operational reasons for preferring a conflict in the Yangtze River basin over a campaign in northern China. The rivers, lakes, and rice paddies of the Yangtze delta were much better suited for defensive warfare against Japan's mechanized forces than the flat plains of North China. By forcing the Japanese to commit troops to central China, the Nationalists bought themselves the time needed to rally and reinforce their faltering defenses in the north. By initiating hostilities in the Shanghai area, Japan would be forced to divert its attention from the northern front, thereby stalling a potential Japanese advance toward the crucial city of Wuhan. It would also help safeguard potential supply routes from the Soviet Union, the most likely source of material assistance due to Moscow's own animosity toward Japan. It was a clever plan, and surprisingly, the Japanese did not anticipate it. Intelligence officers in Tokyo were convinced that Chiang would send his troops northward instead. Again in late July, Chiang convened his commanders, and here he gave Zhang Fukai more detailed instructions for his operation. Fukai was placed in charge of the right wing of the army which was currently preparing for action in the metropolitan area. Fukai would oversee the forces east of the Huangpu River in the area known as Pudong. Pudong was full of warehouses, factories and rice fields, quite precarious to fight in. Meanwhile General Zhang Zhizhong, a quiet and sickly looking man who had previously led the Central Military Academy was to command the left wing of the Huangpu. All of the officers agreed the plan to force the battle to the Shanghai area was logical as the northern region near Beijing was far too open, giving the advantage to tank warfare, which they could not hope to contest Japan upon. The Shanghai area, full of rivers, creaks and urban environments favored them much more. Zhang Zhizhong seemed an ideal pick to lead troops in downtown Shanghai where most of the fighting would take place. His position of commandant of the military academy allowed him to establish connections with junior officers earmarked for rapid promotion. This meant that he personally knew the generals of both the 87th and 88th Divisions, which were to form the core of Zhang Zhizhong's newly established 9th Army Group and become his primary assets in the early phases of the Shanghai campaign. Moreover, Zhang Zhizhong had the right aggressive instincts. He believed that China's confrontation with Japan had evolved through three stages: in the first stage, the Japanese invaded the northeast in 1931, and China remained passive; in the second stage, during the first battle of Shanghai in 1932, Japan struck, but China fought back. Zhang argued that this would be the third stage, where Japan was preparing to attack, but China would strike first.   It seems that Zhang Zhizhong did not expect to survive this final showdown with his Japanese adversary. He took the fight very personally, even ordering his daughter to interrupt her education in England and return home to serve her country in the war. However, he was not the strong commander he appeared to be, as he was seriously ill. Although he never disclosed the true extent of his condition, it seemed he was on the verge of a physical and mental breakdown after years in high-stress positions. In fact, he had recently taken a leave of absence from his role at the military academy in the spring of 1937. When the war broke out, he was at a hospital in the northern port city of Qingdao, preparing to go abroad for convalescence. He canceled those plans to contribute to the struggle against Japan. When his daughter returned from England and saw him on the eve of battle, she was alarmed by how emaciated he had become. From the outset, doubts about his physical fitness to command loomed large. At 8:30 a.m. on Tuesday, August 10, a group of officers emerged from the Japanese Consulate along the banks of the Huangpu River. This team was a hastily assembled Sino-Japanese joint investigation unit tasked with quickly resolving the shooting incident at the Hongqiao Aerodrome of the previous night. They understood the urgency of reaching an agreement swiftly to prevent any escalation. As they drove to the airport, they passed armed guards of the Chinese Peace Preservation Corps stationed behind sandbag barricades that had been erected only hours earlier. Upon arriving at Hongqiao, the officers walked up and down the scene of the incident under the scorching sun, attempting to piece together a shared understanding of what had transpired. However, this proved to be nearly impossible, as the evidence failed to align into a coherent account acceptable to both parties. The Japanese were unconvinced that any shootout had occurred at all. Oyama, the officer who had been in the car, had left his pistol at the marine headquarters in Hongkou and had been unarmed the night before. They insisted that whoever shot and killed the man in the Chinese uniform could not have been him. By 6:00 pm the investigators returned to the city. Foreign correspondents, eager for information, knew exactly whom to approach. The newly appointed Shanghai Mayor, Yu Hongjun, with a quick wit and proficiency in English, Yu represented the city's cosmopolitan image. However, that evening, he had little to offer the reporters, except for a plea directed at both the Japanese and Chinese factions “Both sides should maintain a calm demeanor to prevent the situation from escalating.” Mayor Yu however was, in fact, at the center of a complex act of deception that nearly succeeded. Nearly eight decades later, Zhang Fakui attributed the incident to members of the 88th Division, led by General Sun Yuanliang. “A small group of Sun Yuanliang's men disguised themselves as members of the Peace Preservation Corps,” Zhang Fakui recounted years later in his old age. “On August 9, 1937, they encountered two Japanese servicemen on the road near the Hongqiao military aerodrome and accused them of forcing their way into the area. A clash ensued, resulting in the deaths of the Japanese soldiers.” This created a delicate dilemma for their superiors. The two dead Japanese soldiers were difficult to explain away. Mayor Yu, likely informed of the predicament by military officials, conferred with Tong Yuanliang, chief of staff of the Songhu Garrison Command, a unit established after the fighting in 1932. Together, they devised a quick and cynical plan to portray the situation as one of self-defense by the Chinese guards. Under their orders, soldiers marched a Chinese death row inmate to the airport gate, dressed him in a paramilitary guard's uniform, and executed him. While this desperate ruse might have worked initially, it quickly unraveled due to the discrepancies raised by the condition of the Chinese body. The Japanese did not believe the story, and the entire plan began to fall apart. Any remaining mutual trust swiftly evaporated. Instead of preventing a confrontation, the cover-up was accelerating the slide into war.  Late on August 10, Mayor Yu sent a secret cable to Nanjing, warning that the Japanese had ominously declared they would not allow the two deaths at the airport to go unpunished. The following day, the Japanese Consul General Okamoto Suemasa paid a visit to the mayor, demanding the complete withdrawal of the Peace Preservation Corps from the Shanghai area and the dismantling of all fortifications established by the corps. For the Chinese, acquiescing to these demands was nearly impossible. From their perspective, it appeared that the Japanese aimed to leave Shanghai defenseless while simultaneously bolstering their own military presence in the city. Twenty vessels, including cruisers and destroyers, sailed up the Huangpu River and docked at wharves near "Little Tokyo." Japanese marines in olive-green uniforms marched ashore down the gangplanks, while women from the local Japanese community, dressed in kimonos, greeted the troops with delighted smiles and bows to the flags of the Rising Sun that proudly adorned the sterns of the battleships. In fact, Japan had planned to deploy additional troops to Shanghai even before the shooting at Hongqiao Aerodrome. This decision was deemed necessary to reinforce the small contingent of 2,500 marines permanently stationed in the city. More troops were required to assist in protecting Japanese nationals who were being hastily evacuated from the larger cities along the Yangtze River. These actions were primarily defensive maneuvers, as the Japanese military seemed hesitant to open a second front in Shanghai, for the same reasons that the Chinese preferred an extension of hostilities to that area. Diverting Japanese troops from the strategically critical north and the Soviet threat across China's border would weaken their position, especially given that urban warfare would diminish the advantages of their technological superiority in tanks and aircraft. While officers in the Japanese Navy believed it was becoming increasingly difficult to prevent the war from spreading to Shanghai, they were willing to give diplomacy one last chance. Conversely, the Japanese Army was eager to wage war in northern China but displayed little inclination to engage in hostilities in Shanghai. Should the situation worsen, the Army preferred to withdraw all Japanese nationals from the city. Ultimately, when it agreed to formulate plans for dispatching an expeditionary force to Shanghai, it did so reluctantly, primarily to avoid accusations of neglecting its responsibilities. Amongst many commanders longing for a swift confrontation with Japan was Zhang Zhizhong. By the end of July, he was growing increasingly impatient, waiting with his troops in the Suzhou area west of Shanghai and questioning whether a unique opportunity was being squandered. On July 30, he sent a telegram to Nanjing requesting permission to strike first. He argued that if Japan were allowed to launch an attack on Shanghai, he would waste valuable time moving his troops from their position more than 50 miles away. Nanjing responded with a promise that his wishes would be fulfilled but urged him to exercise patience: “We should indeed seize the initiative over the enemy, but we must wait until the right opportunity arises. Await further orders.” That opportunity arose on August 11, with the Japanese display of force on the Huangpu River and their public demand for the withdrawal of China's paramilitary police. Japan had sufficiently revealed itself as the aggressor in the eyes of both domestic and international audiences, making it safe for China to take action. At 9:00 p.m. that evening, Zhang Zhizhong received orders from Nanjing to move his troops toward Shanghai. He acted with remarkable speed, capitalizing on the extensive transportation network in the region. The soldiers of the 87th Division quickly boarded 300 trucks that had been prepared in advance. Meanwhile, civilian passengers on trains were unceremoniously ordered off to make room for the 88th Division, which boarded the carriages heading for Shanghai. In total, over 20,000 motivated and well-equipped troops were on their way to battle.  On August 12, representatives from the United Kingdom, France, the United States, Italy, Japan, and China gathered for a joint conference in Shanghai to discuss ceasefire terms. Japan demanded the withdrawal of Chinese troops from Shanghai, while the Chinese representative, Yu Hung-chun, dismissed the Japanese demand, stating that the terms of the ceasefire had already been violated by Japan. The major powers were keen to avoid a repeat of the January 28 Incident, which had significantly disrupted foreign economic activities in Shanghai. Meanwhile, Chinese citizens fervently welcomed the presence of Chinese troops in the city. In Nanjing, Chinese and Japanese representatives convened for the last time in a final effort to negotiate. The Japanese insisted that all Peace Preservation Corps and regular troops be withdrawn from the vicinity of Shanghai. The Chinese, however, deemed the demand for a unilateral withdrawal unacceptable, given that the two nations were already engaged in conflict in North China. Ultimately, Mayor Yu made it clear that the most the Chinese government would concede was that Chinese troops would not fire unless fired upon. Conversely, Japan placed all responsibility on China, citing the deployment of Chinese troops around Shanghai as the cause of the escalating tensions. Negotiations proved impossible, leaving no alternative but for the war to spread into Central China. On that same morning of Thursday, August 12, residents near Shanghai's North Train Station, also known as Zhabei Station, just a few blocks from "Little Tokyo," awoke to an unusual sight: thousands of soldiers dressed in the khaki uniforms of the Chinese Nationalists, wearing German-style helmets and carrying stick grenades slung across their chests. “Where do you come from?” the Shanghai citizens asked. “How did you get here so fast?” Zhang Zhizhong issued detailed orders to each unit under his command, instructing the 88th Division specifically to travel by train and deploy in a line from the town of Zhenru to Dachang village, both located a few miles west of Shanghai. Only later was the division supposed to advance toward a position stretching from the Zhabei district to the town of Jiangwan, placing it closer to the city boundaries. Zhang Zhizhong was the embodiment of belligerence, but he faced even more aggressive officers among his ranks. On the morning of August 12, he was approached by Liu Jingchi, the chief of operations at the Songhu Garrison Command. Liu argued that the battle of 1932 had gone poorly for the Chinese because they had hesitated and failed to strike first. This time, he insisted, should be different, and Zhang should order an all-out assault on the Japanese positions that very evening. Zhang countered that he had clear and unmistakable orders from Chiang Kai-shek to let the Japanese fire first, emphasizing the importance of maintaining China's image on the world stage. “That's easy,” Liu retorted. “Once all the units are deployed and ready to attack, we can just change some people into mufti and send them in to fire a few shots. We attack, and simultaneously, we report that the enemy's offensive has begun.” Zhang Zhizhong did not like this idea. “We can't go behind our leader's back like that,” he replied. Zhang Zhizhong's position was far from enviable. Forced to rein in eager and capable officers, he found himself acting against his own personal desires. Ultimately, he decided to seek the freedom to act as he saw fit. In a secret cable to Nanjing, he requested permission to launch an all-out attack on the Japanese positions in Shanghai the following day, Friday, August 13. He argued that this was a unique opportunity to capitalize on the momentum created by the movement of troops; any further delay would only lead to stagnation. He proposed a coordinated assault that would also involve the Chinese Air Force. However, the reply from Chiang Kai-shek was brief and unwavering: “Await further orders.” Even as Chiang's troops poured into Shanghai, Chinese and Japanese officials continued their discussions. Ostensibly, this was in hopes of reaching a last-minute solution, but in reality, it was a performance. Both sides wanted to claim the moral high ground in a battle that now seemed inevitable. They understood that whoever openly declared an end to negotiations would automatically be perceived as the aggressor. During talks at the Shanghai Municipal Council, Japanese Consul General Okamoto argued that if China truly wanted peace, it would have withdrawn its troops to a position that would prevent clashes. Mayor Yu responded by highlighting the increasing presence of Japanese forces in the city. “Under such circumstances, China must adopt such measures as necessary for self-defense,” he stated. Late on August 13, 1937, Chiang Kai-shek instructed his forces to defend Shanghai, commanding them to "divert the enemy at sea, secure the coast, and resist landings."  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In July 1937, tensions between Japan and China escalated into war following the Marco Polo Bridge Incident. Confident in his country's resolve, Chiang Kai-shek rallied the Chinese against Japanese aggression. On August 9, a deadly confrontation at Hongqiao Airport resulted in the deaths of Japanese soldiers, igniting further hostilities. As both sides blamed each other, the atmosphere became tense. Ultimately, negotiations failed, and the stage was set for a brutal conflict in Shanghai, marking the beginning of a long and devastating war.

At least five members of Portland’s Rose City Rollers roller derby team will be headed to the Roller Derby World Cup in Austria next week. And a few more members of the local team will be competing on the world stage representing their countries of origin. Lex Zhang, who is known as Lexsanguination when she skates, will be competing with Chinese Nations Roller Derby. The players for this team come from all over the world but share a common Chinese ancestry. The Roller Derby World Cup also features teams such as Black Diaspora Roller Derby, Indigenous Rising Roller Derby, Team Desi and Jewish Roller Derby. Zhang joins us to talk about the upcoming competition and the joy of skating with Chinese Nations Roller Derby.

Show notes will be available soon. 

In this episode of Yet Another Value Podcast, host Andrew Walker is joined by Guowei from the substack "Yummy Century Stocks" for an extensive discussion on EchoStar (SATS). They dig into the company's complex structure, diving deep into its failing satellite and pay TV segments, and the potential trapped value in its wireless spectrum assets. The conversation unpacks regulatory drama with the FCC, speculation around a Trump Mobile tie-in, and the looming potential for bankruptcy. With both long and short positions from top investors and a potential valuation ranging from zero to $100+ per share, this is one of the market's most fascinating distressed plays.____________________________________________________[00:00:00] Andrew introduces EchoStar and guest[00:02:54] Overview of EchoStar's three business units[00:06:54] Wireless network specs and performance issues[00:11:36] Realistic market challenges and consumer view[00:17:08] Valuation estimate for SATS spectrum[00:19:42] Pushback on spectrum market and caps[00:22:58] Changing spectrum demand and infrastructure[00:24:45] Three core SATS spectrum bands[00:25:32] AWS-3 and AWS-4 deep dive[00:29:47] FCC's current investigation and history[00:34:00] Simington's resignation and FCC politics[00:35:02] Trump intervenes, Trump Mobile theory[00:39:19] Potential regulatory settlement outcomes[00:41:09] Market comps for spectrum valuation[00:44:39] Unique legal nature of spectrum assets[00:47:51] Why bankruptcy could benefit EchoStar[00:50:44] Impact of bankruptcy on FCC issues[00:53:21] Risks to spectrum ownership in court[00:54:52] Equity protection in bankruptcy scenario[00:57:42] Possible strategic paths and constraints[01:00:42] Equity thesis despite complex unlock path[01:04:12] Convert notes vs equity pre-bankruptcy[01:07:00] Market speculation and timing expectations[01:08:30] Bankruptcy analogs and comparison to GGP[01:09:34] Challenges to network scaling and valueLinks:Yet Another Value Blog: https://www.yetanothervalueblog.com See our legal disclaimer here: https://www.yetanothervalueblog.com/p/legal-and-disclaimer

Today we'll talk about Zhang Zhongjing, a pioneering physician of the Eastern Han Dynasty who overcame such challenges as war, famine, and personal adversity to become the “Medical Sage” of Traditional Chinese Medicine.

A trip to China, a meeting with the boy emperor, and a terrifying dragon. In this episode, we examine Season 1, Episode 10 of The Mummy: The Animated Series, titled The Boy Who Would Be King.Email: mummymoviepodcast@gmail.comPatreon: https://patreon.com/MummyMoviePodcast?Bibliography:Bracken, G., & Orum, A. (2019). Forbidden City, The. The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Urban and Regional Studies, 1-6.Chunhua, Y. A. N. G. (2015). China's Emperor Culture in Subtitle Translation: A Case Study of The Last Emperor. Cross-Cultural Communication, 11(3), 73-77.Zhang, Q. (2015). An introduction to Chinese history and culture. Heidelberg: Springer. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Send us a textHey my beautiful friends –This week's conversation was sparked by a funny little tech discovery and a box I mailed — both of which got me thinking about food in a new way. You know how people are always quick to tell you what not to eat? Well, this week we flip the script. I'm sharing thoughts from my own journey and a coach that made me laugh and think — and you'll hear why his words still stick with me to this day. We're keeping things simple, kind, and grounded in something real. I'm not handing out rules, I'm sharing a mindset and maybe even a little inspiration for your next grocery run or packed lunch. And as always, we'll close with a little heart lift — this one from Michael Pollan, who said, “Eat food. Not too much. Mostly plants.”Come hang out with me, and let's talk about what loves us back. References:1.    Zhang & Talalay, Frontiers in Nutrition, 20232.    Liu, Nutrients, 20233.    Viguiliouk et al., Obesity Reviews, 20234.    Jenkins et al., AJCN, 20245.    Estruch et al., The Lancet Diabetes & Endocrinology, 20236.    Guasch-Ferré et al., BMJ, 20237.    Yao et al., Nutrients, 20238.    Harvard Nurses' Health Study Update, 20239.    Anderson et al., AJCN, 202410.Simopoulos, Frontiers in Endocrinology, 202311.Ye et al., Nutrients, 202312.Sonnenburg et al., Cell Metabolism, 202413.Mozaffarian et al., AJCN, 202314.Mastrocola et al., Appetite, 202315.Pollan, M. (2009). In Defense of FoodLet's go, let's get it done. Get more information at: http://projectweightloss.org