Podcasts about Zhang

Danny Brasco, Shakiel Mahjouri, and Claudia Bellofatto give out ALL their top bets for UFC 322 in New York City, including picks for Maddalena vs. Makhachev and Shevchenko vs. Zhang! They have their favorite props, underdogs, parlays, and even co-main event and main event bets!

Why has Islam Makhachev chosen this moment to go up to 170? Is he at the end of his prime? Or maybe it's just because Jack Della Maddalena SUCKS. Praying for Bo Nickal's downfall in our latest bonus episode: https://www.patreon.com/heavyhands  Predatory instinct: how Max Holloway attacks: https://open.substack.com/pub/facepunching/p/predatory-instinct-how-max-holloway?r=evbq&utm_campaign=post&utm_medium=web&showWelcomeOnShare=false  Heavy Hands merch: https://www.redbubble.com/shop/ap/64577943?asc=u  CONTENTS: 00:00 Intro 7:29 Della Maddalena vs Makhachev 54:33 Shevchenko vs Zhang 1:20:18 Edwards vs Prates

The best pay-per-view event of 2025 is upon us. This Saturday, UFC 322 goes down at Madison Square Garden in New York City, featuring a promotional first: two champions moving up to challenge for a second title. In the main event, Islam Makhachev moves up to 170 pounds to battle Jack Della Maddalena for the welterweight title, and in the co-main event, Zhang Weili jumps to 125 pounds to challenge Valentina Shevchenko for the women's flyweight belt. And No Bets Barred is here to break it all down. This week, host Jed Meshew is joined by Morning Kombat's Luke Noseda AKA Long Island Luke to take a look at all things UFC 322. Topics discussed include Makhachev's chances at winning a second title, whether Shevchenko vs. Zhang is the greatest women's fight in MMA history, a stacked main card featuring an ersatz welterweight tournament, the rock-solid prelim action, the next steps of The Climb, and more. Tune in for episode 142 of No Bets Barred. Follow Jed Meshew: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@JedKMeshew⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Follow Luke Noseda: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@MainCardMinute⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Subscribe to MMA Fighting⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Check out our full video catalog⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Like MMA Fighting on Facebook⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Follow on Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Read More: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠http://www.mmafighting.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The best pay-per-view event of 2025 is upon us. This Saturday, UFC 322 goes down at Madison Square Garden in New York City, featuring a promotional first: two champions moving up to challenge for a second title. In the main event, Islam Makhachev moves up to 170 pounds to battle Jack Della Maddalena for the welterweight title, and in the co-main event, Zhang Weili jumps to 125 pounds to challenge Valentina Shevchenko for the women's flyweight belt. And No Bets Barred is here to break it all down. This week, host Jed Meshew is joined by Morning Kombat's Luke Noseda AKA Long Island Luke to take a look at all things UFC 322. Topics discussed include Makhachev's chances at winning a second title, whether Shevchenko vs. Zhang is the greatest women's fight in MMA history, a stacked main card featuring an ersatz welterweight tournament, the rock-solid prelim action, the next steps of The Climb, and more. Tune in for episode 142 of No Bets Barred. Follow Jed Meshew: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@JedKMeshew⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Follow Luke Noseda: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@MainCardMinute⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Subscribe to MMA Fighting⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Check out our full video catalog⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Like MMA Fighting on Facebook⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Follow on Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Read More: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠http://www.mmafighting.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

The best pay-per-view event of 2025 is upon us. This Saturday, UFC 322 goes down at Madison Square Garden in New York City, featuring a promotional first: two champions moving up to challenge for a second title. In the main event, Islam Makhachev moves up to 170 pounds to battle Jack Della Maddalena for the welterweight title, and in the co-main event, Zhang Weili jumps to 125 pounds to challenge Valentina Shevchenko for the women's flyweight belt. And No Bets Barred is here to break it all down. This week, host Jed Meshew is joined by Morning Kombat's Luke Noseda AKA Long Island Luke to take a look at all things UFC 322. Topics discussed include Makhachev's chances at winning a second title, whether Shevchenko vs. Zhang is the greatest women's fight in MMA history, a stacked main card featuring an ersatz welterweight tournament, the rock-solid prelim action, the next steps of The Climb, and more. Tune in for episode 142 of No Bets Barred. Follow Jed Meshew: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@JedKMeshew⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Follow Luke Noseda: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠@MainCardMinute⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Subscribe to MMA Fighting⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Check out our full video catalog⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Like MMA Fighting on Facebook⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠Follow on Twitter⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Read More: ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠http://www.mmafighting.com Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Brendan Schaub and Bryan Callen break down one of the biggest UFC cards of the year — including Bo Nickal's future, Islam Makhachev vs. JDM, Jon Jones trolling Tom Aspinall, Shevchenko vs. Zhang, and the wildest fight predictions you'll hear anywhere. Brendan goes OFF on Bo Nickal's striking and why it could derail his rise, Bryan argues the biggest matchups on the card, and the boys dive into everything happening across MMA, comedy, and real life. Plus: insane SEMA burnout stories, parenting chaos, classic TFATK flashbacks, and a full breakdown of the most talked-about fighters in the sport right now. If you love UFC analysis, comedy banter, and real talk, this episode delivers peak Fighter and the Kid energy from start to finish. Get this episode and all future episodes AD FREE + 2 extended episodes, Fan Questions, exclusive behind the scenes content and more each month at https://www.patreon.com/tfatkBUBS - Live Better Longer with BUBS Naturals. For A limited time get 20% Off your entire order with code Fighter at http://bubsnaturals.com/DraftKings - Download the DraftKings Pick6 app now and use code FIGHTER.PAKA - To grab your PAKA hoodie and free pair of alpaca crew socks, head to http://go.pakaapparel.com/fatk and use my code FATKProgressive - Visit http://progressive.com/ after this episode to see if you could save.TRUEWERK - Upgrade your day with workwear built like it matters. Get 15% off your first order at http://truewerk.com/ with code FIGHTER. That's http://truewerk.com/See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

MMALOTN is back to give you breakdowns and predictions for UFC 322: Maddalena vs Makhachev.

This is the fourth of four episodes on the subject of soldering materials.Today, we're diving into a topic that's reshaping how we think about thermal management, energy efficiency, and long-term performance in electronics manufacturing—low temperature soldering.Joining me is Dr. HongWen Zhang, Principal Metallurgist and R&D Manager of the Alloy Group at Indium Corporation. Dr. Zhang is not only a seasoned materials scientist with a Ph.D. in materials science and engineering, a Master's degree in materials science and engineering and in mechanical engineering and a Bachelor's degree in metallurgical physical chemistry he's also the co-inventor of Durafuse, a groundbreaking family of solder alloys that are redefining what's possible at low reflow temperatures—which, reportedly, does not compromise reliability. In this episode, we'll explore how low temperature solders are helping manufacturers lower energy consumption, protect heat-sensitive components, and still meet the rigorous mechanical and environmental demands of today's electronics—from wearables to wafer-level packaging.We'll also talk about the challenges of brittleness, drop shock resistance, activation and encapsulation of no clean activators, and how cutting-edge materials research is solving problems that used to be considered trade-offs.Whether you're a reliability engineer, a process expert, or just solder-curious, this episode is packed with insights you won't want to miss.Indium's Website:https://www.indium.comDurafuse ®:https://www.indium.com/products/alloys/solder-alloys/durafuse-lt/

Sandrine Zhang Ferron is a tech entrepreneur and founder of Vinterior, the online marketplace for antique and vintage furniture. She joins Olivia Potts on this episode of Table Talk. Sandrine shares her memories of growing up with Chinese and French cuisine, a fusion which has influenced her cooking and hosting style today. She also shares advice on how to furnish spaces fit for hosting dinner parties, and reveals her daughter's sophisticated taste in seafood. Become a Spectator subscriber today to access this podcast without adverts. Go to spectator.co.uk/adfree to find out more.For more Spectator podcasts, go to spectator.co.uk/podcasts. Contact us: podcast@spectator.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

On University of Illinois's Grainger College of Engineering Week: Our bodies are unique, so how do we engineer implants that work for each person? Xiaojia Shelly Zhang, David C. Crawford faculty scholar and associate professor of civil and environmental engineering and mechanical science and engineering, explores how 3D printing can help. Dr. Xiaojia Shelly Zhang […]

Unser Körper sendet ständig Signale – doch wir bemerken sie kaum. Biofeedback macht das Unsichtbare sichtbar: Wir sehen, wie Körper und Psyche zusammenarbeiten. Bewusst darauf Einfluss zu nehmen, kann helfen, unser Wohlbefinden zu stärken.**********An dieser Stelle findet ihr die Übung:29:48:80 - Atemübung, die man in stressigen Situationen anwenden kann, um zur Ruhe zu kommen**********Quellen aus der Folge:Lehrer, P., Kaur, K., Sharma, A., Shah, K., Huseby, R., Bhavsar, J., ... & Zhang, Y. (2020). Heart rate variability biofeedback improves emotional and physical health and performance: A systematic review and meta analysis. Applied psychophysiology and biofeedback, 45(3), 109- 129. Pizzoli, S. F., Marzorati, C., Gatti, D., Monzani, D., Mazzocco, K., & Pravettoni, G. (2021). A meta-analysis on heart rate variability biofeedback and depressive symptoms. Scientific reports, 11(1), 6650. Windthorst, P., Veit, R., Enck, P., Smolka, R., Zipfel, S., & Teufel, M. (2015). Biofeedback und neurofeedback: anwendungsmöglichkeiten in psychosomatik und psychotherapie. PPmP- Psychotherapie· Psychosomatik· Medizinische Psychologie, 65(03/04), 146-158. **********Dianes und Main Huongs Empfehlungen:Huse, E. und Seitlinger, B. (2025). Therapie-Basics Biofeedback: Mit E-Book inside und Arbeitsmaterial. Beltz Verlag. **********Mehr zum Thema bei Deutschlandfunk Nova:ADHS: Aufmerksamkeits-Defizit und AchtsamkeitResilienz: Achtsam mit Krisen umgehenÜberhöhte Erwartungen: Wie uns Perfektionismus davon abhalten kann, Dinge zu tun**********Den Artikel zum Stück findet ihr hier.**********Ihr könnt uns auch auf diesen Kanälen folgen: TikTok und Instagram .**********Ihr habt Anregungen, Ideen, Themenwünsche? Dann schreibt uns gern unter achtsam@deutschlandfunknova.de

All Chapters AI Contribution: Courtesy of Google NotebookLM

All Chapters AI Contribution: Courtesy of Google NotebookLM

All Chapters AI Contribution: Courtesy of Google NotebookLM

Last time we spoke about the fall of Wuhan. In a country frayed by war, the Yangtze became a pulsing artery, carrying both hunger and hope. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan to the last man, or flood the rivers to buy time. He chose both, setting sullen floodwaters loose along the Yellow River to slow the invaders, a temporary mercy that spared some lives while ripping many from their homes. On the river's banks, a plethora of Chinese forces struggled to unite. The NRA, fractured into rival zones, clung to lines with stubborn grit as Japanese forces poured through Anqing, Jiujiang, and beyond, turning the Yangtze into a deadly corridor. Madang's fortifications withstood bombardment and gas, yet the price was paid in troops and civilians drowned or displaced. Commanders like Xue Yue wrestled stubbornly for every foothold, every bend in the river. The Battle of Wanjialing became a symbol: a desperate, months-long pincer where Chinese divisions finally tightened their cordon and halted the enemy's flow. By autumn, the Japanese pressed onward to seize Tianjiazhen and cut supply lines, while Guangzhou fell to a ruthless blockade. The Fall of Wuhan loomed inevitable, yet the story remained one of fierce endurance against overwhelming odds.   #174 The Changsha Fire Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the summer of 1938, amid the upheaval surrounding Chiang Kai-shek, one of his most important alliances came to an end. On June 22, all German advisers to the Nationalist government were summoned back; any who refused would be deemed guilty of high treason. Since World War I, a peculiar bond had tied the German Weimar Republic and China: two fledgling states, both weak and only partially sovereign. Under the Versailles Treaty of 1919, Germany had lost extraterritorial rights on Chinese soil, which paradoxically allowed Berlin to engage with China as an equal partner rather than a traditional colonizer. This made German interests more welcome in business and politics than those of other Western powers. Chiang's military reorganization depended on German officers such as von Seeckt and von Falkenhausen, and Hitler's rise in 1933 had not immediately severed the connection between the two countries. Chiang did not share Nazi ideology with Germany, but he viewed Berlin as a potential ally and pressed to persuade it to side with China rather than Japan as China's principal East Asian, anti-Communist partner. In June 1937, H. H. Kung led a delegation to Berlin, met Hitler, and argued for an alliance with China. Yet the outbreak of war and the Nationalists' retreat to Wuhan convinced Hitler's government to align with Japan, resulting in the recall of all German advisers. Chiang responded with a speech praising von Falkenhausen, insisting that "our friend's enemy is our enemy too," and lauding the German Army's loyalty and ethics as a model for the Chinese forces. He added, "After we have won the War of Resistance, I believe you'll want to come back to the Far East and advise our country again." Von Falkenhausen would later become the governor of Nazi-occupied Belgium, then be lauded after the war for secretly saving many Jewish lives. As the Germans departed, the roof of the train transporting them bore a prominent German flag with a swastika, a prudent precaution given Wuhan's vulnerability to air bombardment. The Japanese were tightening their grip on the city, even as Chinese forces, numbering around 800,000, made a stubborn stand. The Yellow River floods blocked northern access, so the Japanese chose to advance via the Yangtze, aided by roughly nine divisions and the might of the Imperial Navy. The Chinese fought bravely, but their defenses could not withstand the superior technology of the Japanese fleet. The only substantial external aid came from Soviet pilots flying aircraft bought from the USSR as part of Stalin's effort to keep China in the war; between 1938 and 1940, some 2,000 pilots offered their services. From June 24 to 27, Japanese bombers relentlessly pounded the Madang fortress along the Yangtze until it fell. A month later, on July 26, Chinese defenders abandoned Jiujiang, southeast of Wuhan, and its civilian population endured a wave of atrocities at the hands of the invaders. News of Jiujiang's fate stiffened resolve. Chiang delivered a pointed address to his troops on July 31, arguing that Wuhan's defense was essential and that losing the city would split the country into hostile halves, complicating logistics and movement. He warned that Wuhan's defense would also be a spiritual test: "the place has deep revolutionary ties," and public sympathy for China's plight was growing as Japanese atrocities became known. Yet Chiang worried about the behavior of Chinese soldiers. He condemned looting as a suicidal act that would destroy the citizens' trust in the military. Commanders, he warned, must stay at their posts; the memory of the Madang debacle underscored the consequences of cowardice. Unlike Shanghai, Wuhan had shelters, but he cautioned against retreating into them and leaving soldiers exposed. Officers who failed in loyalty could expect no support in return. This pep talk, combined with the belief that the army was making a last stand, may have slowed the Japanese advance along the Yangtze in August. Under General Xue Yue, about 100,000 Chinese troops pushed back the invaders at Huangmei. At Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with poison gas finally forcing Japanese victory. Yet even then, Chinese generals struggled to coordinate. In Xinyang, Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted; they expected relief from Hu Zongnan's forces, but Hu instead withdrew, allowing Japan to capture the city without a fight. The fall of Xinyang enabled Japanese control of the Ping-Han railway, signaling Wuhan's doom. Chiang again spoke to Wuhan's defenders, balancing encouragement with a grim realism about possible loss. Although Wuhan's international connections were substantial, foreign aid would be unlikely. If evacuation became necessary, the army should have a clear plan, including designated routes. He recalled the disastrous December retreat from Nanjing, where "foreigners and Chinese alike turned it into an empty city." Troops had been tired and outnumbered; Chiang defended the decision to defend Nanjing, insisting the army had sacrificed itself for the capital and Sun Yat-sen's tomb. Were the army to retreat again, he warned, it would be the greatest shame in five thousand years of Chinese history. The loss of Madang was another humiliation. By defending Wuhan, he argued, China could avenge its fallen comrades and cleanse its conscience; otherwise, it could not honor its martyrs. Mao Zedong, observing the situation from his far-off base at Yan'an, agreed strongly that Chiang should not defend Wuhan to the death. He warned in mid-October that if Wuhan could not be defended, the war's trajectory would shift, potentially strengthening the Nationalists–Communists cooperation, deepening popular mobilization, and expanding guerrilla warfare. The defense of Wuhan, Mao argued, should drain the enemy and buy time to advance the broader struggle, not become a doomed stalemate. In a protracted war, some strongholds might be abandoned temporarily to sustain the longer fight. The Japanese Army captured Wuchang and Hankou on 26 October and captured Hanyang on the 27th, which concluded the campaign in Wuhan. The battle had lasted four and a half months and ended with the Nationalist army's voluntary withdrawal. In the battle itself, the Japanese army captured Wuhan's three towns and held the heartland of China, achieving a tactical victory. Yet strategically, Japan failed to meet its objectives. Imperial Headquarters believed that "capturing Hankou and Guangzhou would allow them to dominate China." Consequently, the Imperial Conference planned the Battle of Wuhan to seize Wuhan quickly and compel the Chinese government to surrender. It also decreed that "national forces should be concentrated to achieve the war objectives within a year and end the war against China." According to Yoshiaki Yoshimi and Seiya Matsuno, Hirohito authorized the use of chemical weapons against China by specific orders known as rinsanmei. During the Battle of Wuhan, Prince Kan'in Kotohito transmitted the emperor's orders to deploy toxic gas 375 times between August and October 1938. Another memorandum uncovered by Yoshimi indicates that Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni authorized the use of poison gas against the Chinese on 16 August 1938. A League of Nations resolution adopted on 14 May condemned the Imperial Japanese Army's use of toxic gas. Japan's heavy use of chemical weapons against China was driven by manpower shortages and China's lack of poison gas stockpiles to retaliate. Poison gas was employed at Hankou in the Battle of Wuhan to break Chinese resistance after conventional assaults had failed. Rana Mitter notes that, under General Xue Yue, approximately 100,000 Chinese troops halted Japanese advances at Huangmei, and at the fortress of Tianjiazhen, thousands fought until the end of September, with Japanese victory secured only through the use of poison gas. Chinese generals also struggled with coordination at Xinyang; Li Zongren's Guangxi troops were exhausted, and Hu Zongnan's forces, believed to be coming to relieve them, instead withdrew. Japan subsequently used poison gas against Chinese Muslim forces at the Battle of Wuyuan and the Battle of West Suiyuan. However, the Chinese government did not surrender with the loss of Wuhan and Guangzhou, nor did Japan's invasion end with Wuhan and Guangzhou's capture. After Wuhan fell, the government issued a reaffirmation: "Temporary changes of advance and retreat will not shake our resolve to resist the Japanese invasion," and "the gain or loss of any city will not affect the overall situation of the war." It pledged to "fight with even greater sorrow, greater perseverance, greater steadfastness, greater diligence, and greater courage," dedicating itself to a long, comprehensive war of resistance. In the Japanese-occupied rear areas, large armed anti-Japanese forces grew, and substantial tracts of territory were recovered. As the Japanese army themselves acknowledged, "the restoration of public security in the occupied areas was actually limited to a few kilometers on both sides of the main transportation lines." Thus, the Battle of Wuhan did not merely inflict a further strategic defeat on Japan; it also marked a turning point in Japan's strategic posture, from offense to defense. Due to the Nationalist Army's resolute resistance, Japan mobilized its largest force to date for the attack, about 250,000 personnel, who were replenished four to five times over the battle, for a total of roughly 300,000. The invaders held clear advantages in land, sea, and air power and fought for four and a half months. Yet they failed to annihilate the Nationalist main force, nor did they break the will to resist or the army's combat effectiveness. Instead, the campaign dealt a severe blow to the Japanese Army's vitality. Japanese-cited casualties totaled 4,506 dead and 17,380 wounded for the 11th Army; the 2nd Army suffered 2,300 killed in action, 7,600 wounded, and 900 died of disease. Including casualties across the navy and the air force, the overall toll was about 35,500. By contrast, the Nationalist Government Military Commission's General Staff Department, drawing on unit-level reports, calculated Japanese casualties at 256,000. The discrepancy between Japanese and Nationalist tallies illustrates the inflationary tendencies of each side's reporting. Following Wuhan, a weakened Japanese force confronted an extended front. Unable to mount large-scale strategic offensives, unlike Shanghai, Xuzhou, or Wuhan itself, the Japanese to a greater extent adopted a defensive posture. This transition shifted China's War of Resistance from a strategic defensive phase into a strategic stalemate, while the invaders found themselves caught in a protracted war—a development they most disliked. Consequently, Japan's invasion strategy pivoted: away from primary frontal offensives toward a greater reliance on political inducements with secondary military action, and toward diverting forces to "security" operations behind enemy lines rather than pushing decisive frontal campaigns. Japan, an island nation with limited strategic resources, depended heavily on imports. By the time of the Marco Polo Bridge Incident, Japan's gold reserves,including reserves for issuing banknotes, amounted to only about 1.35 billion yen. In effect, Japan's currency reserves constrained the scale of the war from the outset. The country launched its aggression while seeking an early solution to the conflict. To sustain its war of aggression against China, the total value of military supplies imported from overseas in 1937 reached approximately 960 million yen. By June of the following year, for the Battle of Wuhan, even rifles used in training were recalled to outfit the expanding army. The sustained increase in troops also strained domestic labor, food, and energy supplies. By 1939, after Wuhan, Japan's military expenditure had climbed to about 6.156 billion yen, far exceeding national reserves. This stark reality exposed Japan's economic fragility and its inability to guarantee a steady supply of military materiel, increasing pressure on the leadership at the Central Command. The Chief of Staff and the Minister of War lamented the mismatch between outward strength and underlying weakness: "Outwardly strong but weak is a reflection of our country today, and this will not last long." In sum, the Wuhan campaign coincided with a decline in the organization, equipment, and combat effectiveness of the Japanese army compared with before the battle. This erosion of capability helped drive Japan to alter its political and military strategy, shifting toward a method of inflicting pressure on China and attempting to "use China to control China", that is, fighting in ways designed to sustain the broader war effort. Tragically a major element of Chiang Kai-shek's retreat strategy was the age-old "scorched earth" policy. In fact, China originated the phrase and the practice. Shanghai escaped the last-minute torching because of foreigners whose property rights were protected. But in Nanjing, the burning and destruction began with increasing zeal. What could not be moved inland, such as remaining rice stocks, oil in tanks, and other facilities, was to be blown up or devastated. Civilians were told to follow the army inland, to rebuild later behind the natural barrier of Sichuan terrain. Many urban residents complied, but the peasantry did not embrace the plan. The scorched-earth policy served as powerful propaganda for the occupying Japanese army and, even more so, for the Reds. Yet they could hardly have foreseen the propaganda that Changsha would soon supply them. In June, the Changsha Evacuation Guidance Office was established to coordinate land and water evacuation routes. By the end of October, Wuhan's three towns had fallen, and on November 10 the Japanese army captured Yueyang, turning Changsha into the next primary invasion target. Beginning on October 9, Japanese aircraft intensified from sporadic raids on Changsha to large-scale bombing. On October 27, the Changsha Municipal Government urgently evacuated all residents, exempting only able-bodied men, the elderly, the weak, women, and children. The baojia system was mobilized to go door-to-door, enforcing compliance. On November 7, Chiang Kai-shek convened a military meeting at Rongyuan Garden to review the war plan and finalize a "scorched earth war of resistance." Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, drafted the detailed implementation plan. On November 10, Shi Guoji, Chief of Staff of the Security Command, presided over a joint meeting of Changsha's party, government, military, police, and civilian organizations to devise a strategy. The Changsha Destruction Command was immediately established, bringing together district commanders and several arson squads. The command actively prepared arson equipment and stacked flammable materials along major traffic arteries. Chiang decided that the city of Changsha was vulnerable and either gave the impression or the direct order, honestly really depends on the source your reading, to burn the city to the ground to prevent it falling to the enemy. At 9:00 AM on November 12, Chiang Kai-shek telegraphed Zhang Zhizhong: "One hour to arrive, Chairman Zhang, Changsha, confidential. If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned. Please make thorough preparations in advance and do not delay." And here it seems a game of broken telephone sort of resulted in one of the worst fire disasters of all time. If your asking pro Chiang sources, the message was clearly, put up a defense, once thats fallen, burn the city down before the Japanese enter. Obviously this was to account for getting civilians out safely and so forth. If you read lets call it more modern CPP aligned sources, its the opposite. Chiang intentionally ordering the city to burn down as fast as possible, but in through my research, I think it was a colossal miscommunication. Regardless Zhongzheng Wen, Minister of the Interior, echoed the message. Simultaneously, Lin Wei, Deputy Director of Chiang Kai-shek's Secretariat, instructed Zhang Zhizhong by long-distance telephone: "If Changsha falls, the entire city must be burned." Zhang summoned Feng Ti, Commander of the Provincial Capital Garrison, and Xu Quan, Director of the Provincial Security Bureau, to outline arson procedures. He designated the Garrison Command to shoulder the preparations, with the Security Bureau assisting. At 4:00 PM, Zhang appointed Xu Kun, Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment, as chief commander of the arson operation, with Wang Weining, Captain of the Social Training Corps, and Xu Quan, Chief of Staff of the Garrison Command, as deputies. At 6:00 PM, the Garrison Command held an emergency meeting ordering all government agencies and organizations in the city to be ready for evacuation at any moment. By around 10:15 PM, all urban police posts had withdrawn. Around 2:00 AM (November 13), a false report circulated that "Japanese troops have reached Xinhe" . Firefighters stationed at various locations rushed out with kerosene-fueled devices, burning everything in sight, shops and houses alike. In an instant, Changsha became a sea of flames. The blaze raged for 72 hours. The Hunan Province Anti-Japanese War Loss Statistics, compiled by the Hunan Provincial Government Statistics Office of the Kuomintang, report that the fire inflicted economic losses of more than 1 billion yuan, a sum equivalent to about 1.7 trillion yuan after the victory in the war. This figure represented roughly 43% of Changsha's total economic value at the time. Regarding casualties, contemporary sources provide varying figures. A Xinhua Daily report from November 20, 1938 noted that authorities mobilized manpower to bury more than 600 bodies, though the total number of burned remains could not be precisely counted. A Central News Agency reporter on November 19 stated that in the Xiangyuan fire, more than 2,000 residents could not escape, and most of the bodies had already been buried. There are further claims that in the Changsha Fire, more than 20,000 residents were burned to death. In terms of displacement, Changsha's population before the fire was about 300,000, and by November 12, 90% had been evacuated. After the fire, authorities registered 124,000 victims, including 815 orphans sheltered in Lito and Maosgang.  Building damage constituted the other major dimension of the catastrophe, with the greatest losses occurring to residential houses, shops, schools, factories, government offices, banks, hospitals, newspaper offices, warehouses, and cultural and entertainment venues, as well as numerous historic buildings such as palaces, temples, private gardens, and the former residences of notable figures; among these, residential and commercial structures suffered the most, followed by factories and schools. Inspector Gao Yihan, who conducted a post-fire investigation, observed that the prosperous areas within Changsha's ring road, including Nanzheng Street and Bajiaoting, were almost completely destroyed, and in other major markets only a handful of shops remained, leading to an overall estimate that surviving or stalemated houses were likely less than 20%. Housing and street data from the early post-liberation period reveal that Changsha had more than 1,100 streets and alleys; of these, more than 690 were completely burned and more than 330 had fewer than five surviving houses, accounting for about 29%, with nearly 90% of the city's streets severely damaged. More than 440 streets were not completely destroyed, but among these, over 190 had only one or two houses remaining and over 130 had only three or four houses remaining; about 60 streets, roughly 6% had 30 to 40 surviving houses, around 30 streets, 3% had 11 to 20 houses, 10 streets, 1% had 21 to 30 houses, and three streets ) had more than 30 houses remaining. Housing statistics from 1952 show that 2,538 houses survived the fire, about 6.57% of the city's total housing stock, with private houses totaling 305,800 square meters and public houses 537,900 square meters. By 1956, the surviving area of both private and public housing totaled 843,700 square meters, roughly 12.3% of the city's total housing area at that time. Alongside these losses, all equipment, materials, funds, goods, books, archives, antiques, and cultural relics that had not been moved were also destroyed.  At the time of the Changsha Fire, Zhou Enlai, then Deputy Minister of the Political Department of the Nationalist Government's Military Commission, was in Changsha alongside Ye Jianying, Guo Moruo, and others. On November 12, 1938, Zhou Enlai attended a meeting held by Changsha cultural groups at Changsha Normal School to commemorate Sun Yat-sen's 72nd birthday. Guo Moruo later recalled that Zhou Enlai and Ye Jianying were awakened by the blaze that night; they each carried a suitcase and evacuated to Xiangtan, with Zhou reportedly displaying considerable indignation at the sudden, unprovoked fire. On the 16th, Zhou Enlai rushed back to Changsha and, together with Chen Cheng, Zhang Zhizhong, and others, inspected the disaster. He mobilized personnel from three departments, with Tian Han and Guo Moruo at the forefront, to form the Changsha Fire Aftermath Task Force, which began debris clearance, care for the injured, and the establishment of soup kitchens. A few days later, on the 22nd, the Hunan Provincial Government established the Changsha Fire Temporary Relief Committee to coordinate relief efforts.  On the night of November 16, 1938, Chiang Kai-shek arrived in Changsha and, the next day, ascended Tianxin Pavilion. Sha Wei, head of the Cultural Relics Section of the Changsha Tianxin Pavilion Park Management Office, and a long-time researcher of the pavilion, explained that documentation indicates Chiang Kai-shek, upon seeing the city largely reduced to scorched earth with little left intact, grew visibly angry. After descending from Tianxin Pavilion, Chiang immediately ordered the arrest of Changsha Garrison Commander Feng Ti, Changsha Police Chief Wen Chongfu, and Commander of the Second Garrison Regiment Xu Kun, and arranged a military trial with a two-day deadline. The interrogation began at 7:00 a.m. on November 18. Liang Xiaojin records that Xu Kun and Wen Chongfu insisted their actions followed orders from the Security Command, while Feng Ti admitted negligence and violations of procedure, calling his acts unforgivable. The trial found Feng Ti to be the principal offender, with Wen Chongfu and Xu Kun as accomplices, and sentenced all three to prison terms of varying lengths. The verdict was sent to Chiang Kai-shek for approval, who was deeply dissatisfied and personally annotated the drafts: he asserted that Feng Ti, as the city's security head, was negligent and must be shot immediately; Wen Chongfu, as police chief, disobeyed orders and fled, and must be shot immediately; Xu Kun, for neglect of duty, must be shot immediately. The court then altered the arson charge in the verdict to "insulting his duty and harming the people" in line with Chiang's instructions. Chiang Kai-shek, citing "failure to supervise personnel and precautions," dismissed Zhang from his post, though he remained in office to oversee aftermath operations. Zhang Zhizhong later recalled Chiang Kai-shek's response after addressing the Changsha fire: a pointed admission that the fundamental cause lay not with a single individual but with the collective leadership's mistakes, and that the error must be acknowledged as a collective failure. All eyes now shifted to the new center of resistance, Chongqing, the temporary capital. Chiang's "Free China" no longer meant the whole country; it now encompassed Sichuan, Hunan, and Henan, but not Jiangsu or Zhejiang. The eastern provinces were effectively lost, along with China's major customs revenues, the country's most fertile regions, and its most advanced infrastructure. The center of political gravity moved far to the west, into a country the Nationalists had never controlled, where everything was unfamiliar and unpredictable, from topography and dialects to diets. On the map, it might have seemed that Chiang still ruled much of China, but vast swaths of the north and northwest were sparsely populated; most of China's population lay in the east and south, where Nationalist control was either gone or held only precariously. The combined pressures of events and returning travelers were gradually shifting American attitudes toward the Japanese incident. Europe remained largely indifferent, with Hitler absorbing most attention, but the United States began to worry about developments in the Pacific. Roosevelt initiated a January 1939 appeal to raise a million dollars for Chinese civilians in distress, and the response quickly materialized. While the Chinese did not expect direct intervention, they hoped to deter further American economic cooperation with Japan and to halt Japan's purchases of scrap iron, oil, gasoline, shipping, and, above all, weapons from the United States. Public opinion in America was sufficiently stirred to sustain a campaign against silk stockings, a symbolic gesture of boycott that achieved limited effect; Japan nonetheless continued to procure strategic materials. Within this chorus, the left remained a persistent but often discordant ally to the Nationalists. The Institute of Pacific Relations, sympathetic to communist aims, urged America to act, pressuring policymakers and sounding alarms about China. Yet the party line remained firmly pro-Chiang Kai-shek: the Japanese advance seemed too rapid and threatening to the Reds' interests. Most oil and iron debates stalled; American businessmen resented British trade ties with Japan, and Britain refused to join any mutual cutoff, arguing that the Western powers were not at war with Japan. What occurred in China was still commonly referred to in Western diplomatic circles as "the Incident." Wang Jingwei's would make his final defection, yes in a long ass history of defections. Mr Wang Jingwei had been very busy traveling to Guangzhou, then Northwest to speak with Feng Yuxiang, many telegrams went back and forth. He returned to the Nationalist government showing his face to foreign presses and so forth. While other prominent rivals of Chiang, Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, and others, rallied when they perceived Japan as a real threat; all did so except Wang Jingwei. Wang, who had long believed himself the natural heir to Sun Yat-sen and who had repeatedly sought to ascend to power, seemed willing to cooperate with Japan if it served his own aims. I will just say it, Wang Jingwei was a rat. He had always been a rat, never changed. Opinions on Chiang Kai-Shek vary, but I think almost everyone can agree Wang Jingwei was one of the worst characters of this time period. Now Wang Jingwei could not distinguish between allies and enemies and was prepared to accept help from whomever offered it, believing he could outmaneuver Tokyo when necessary. Friends in Shanghai and abroad whispered that it was not too late to influence events, arguing that the broader struggle was not merely China versus Japan but a clash between principled leaders and a tyrannical, self-serving clique, Western imperialism's apologists who needed Chiang removed. For a time Wang drifted within the Kuomintang, moving between Nanjing, Wuhan, Changsha, and Chongqing, maintaining discreet lines of communication with his confidants. The Japanese faced a governance problem typical of conquerors who possess conquered territory: how to rule effectively while continuing the war. They imagined Asia under Japanese-led leadership, an East Asia united by a shared Co-Prosperity Sphere but divided by traditional borders. To sustain this vision, they sought local leaders who could cooperate. The search yielded few viable options; would-be collaborators were soon assassinated, proved incompetent, or proved corrupt. The Japanese concluded it would require more time and education. In the end, Wang Jingwei emerged as a preferred figure. Chongqing, meanwhile, seemed surprised by Wang's ascent. He had moved west to Chengde, then to Kunming, attempted, and failed to win over Yunnan's warlords, and eventually proceeded to Hanoi in Indochina, arriving in Hong Kong by year's end. He sent Chiang Kai-shek a telegram suggesting acceptance of Konoe's terms for peace, which Chungking rejected. In time, Wang would establish his own Kuomintang faction in Shanghai, combining rigorous administration with pervasive secret-police activity characteristic of occupied regimes. By 1940, he would be formally installed as "Chairman of China." But that is a story for another episode.  In the north, the Japanese and the CCP were locked in an uneasy stalemate. Mao's army could make it impossible for the Japanese to hold deep countryside far from the railway lines that enabled mass troop movement into China's interior. Yet the Communists could not defeat the occupiers. In the dark days of October 1938—fifteen months after the war began—one constant remained. Observers (Chinese businessmen, British diplomats, Japanese generals) repeatedly predicted that each new disaster would signal the end of Chinese resistance and force a swift surrender, or at least a negotiated settlement in which the government would accept harsher terms from Tokyo. But even after defenders were expelled from Shanghai, Nanjing, and Wuhan, despite the terrifying might Japan had brought to bear on Chinese resistance, and despite the invader's manpower, technology, and resources, China continued to fight. Yet it fought alone. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In a land shredded by war, Wuhan burned under brutal sieges, then Changsha followed, a cruel blaze born of orders and miscommunications. Leaders wrestled with retreat, scorched-earth vows, and moral debts as Japanese force and Chinese resilience clashed for months. Mao urged strategy over martyrdom, Wang Jingwei's scheming shadow loomed, and Chongqing rose as the westward beacon. Yet China endured, a stubborn flame refusing to surrender to the coming storm. The war stretched on, unfinished and unyielding.

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Today's guest is Conny Zhang. She is a curious mind, a culture lover and the Head of Music at Spotify DACH. Her journey took her from writing newspaper columns as a teenager to shaping what millions of people listen to every day.Conny grew up with a deep love for stories. Reading constantly, playing music and always finishing her homework before letting herself unwind. That mix of discipline and imagination has stayed with her, whether she was studying in Shanghai and San Diego, interning at Universal Music, or building her career at Google and now Spotify.In this conversation, Conny opens up about launching her first scholarship, finding confidence through coaching and how she's still learning to rest in a world that rarely slows down.Read more about the Women Authors of Achievement (WAA) Podcast via waa.berlin/aboutFollow us on Instagram & find us on LinkedInSubscribe to our newsletter via waa.berlin/newsletter ★ Support this podcast on Patreon ★

China's benchmark Shanghai Composite Index briefly topped the 4,000-point mark on Tuesday morning — for the first time in a decade — reflecting growing investor confidence in the economic prospects of the country as it readies to advance innovation-driven, high-quality development over the next five years.周二上午，中国基准股指上证指数一度突破4000点关口——这是近十年来的首次突破。当前中国正为未来五年推进创新驱动的高质量发展做准备，此次指数突破反映出投资者对中国经济前景的信心不断增强。Analysts said China's stock market is set to emerge as a preferred and important destination for global investors amid rising market resiliency, with the latest refinements to the qualified foreign institutional investor mechanism further facilitating the entry of long-term overseas capital.分析师表示，随着中国股市韧性持续提升，加之合格境外机构投资者（QFII）机制近期优化，进一步便利了境外长期资金入市，中国股市有望成为全球投资者青睐的重要投资目的地。On Tuesday morning, the Shanghai Composite Index hit 4,010.73 points, the highest since July 2015, led by stocks related to Fujian province, before retreating on profit-taking pressures to close at 3,988.22 points.周二上午，上证指数盘中触及4010.73点，创下2015年7月以来的最高点位，福建相关概念股成为推动指数上涨的主力。不过，受获利了结压力影响，指数随后回落，最终收于3988.22点。Yang Delong, chief economist at First Seafront Fund, said the surge that saw the index surpassing the 4,000-point mark 10 years ago was primarily driven by infrastructure and real estate stocks. In contrast, the latest market uptrend was mainly led by high-tech industries, reflecting a shift in market structure and the progress of China's economic transformation.前海开源基金首席经济学家杨德龙指出，十年前上证指数突破4000点的行情主要由基建和地产股推动；与之不同，此次市场上涨主要由高科技产业领涨，这一差异既体现了市场结构的转变，也反映出中国经济转型的进展。The Shanghai Composite Index has risen 19 percent so far this year, while the STAR 50 Index and the ChiNext Index, two gauges tracking China's tech-oriented and innovative enterprises, have surged over 48 percent and 50 percent, respectively.今年以来，上证指数累计涨幅已达19%；而跟踪中国科技型、创新型企业的两大指数——科创50指数和创业板指数，同期涨幅分别超过48%和50%。The recommendations for formulating the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) for national economic and social development, adopted at the fourth plenary session of the 20th Communist Party of China Central Committee, set achieving significant progress in high-quality development and substantially enhancing the capacity for scientific and technological self-reliance as main targets for the coming five years.中共二十届四中全会审议通过了《关于制定国民经济和社会发展第十五个五年规划（2026-2030年）的建议》，将“高质量发展取得显著成效”“科技自立自强能力大幅提升”列为未来五年的主要目标。Alex Zhang, a portfolio manager at global asset management company Fidelity International, said that the session, charting the path of China's economic development over the next five years, has strengthened investor confidence in the country's focus on developing new quality productive forces that are "independent and controllable".富达国际（全球资产管理公司）投资组合经理张弛（音译）表示，此次全会明确了中国未来五年的经济发展路径，让投资者更加坚信中国会聚焦发展“自主可控”的新质生产力，极大提振了市场信心。"We reiterate our optimism about four major investment tracks — artificial intelligence, aerospace, the low-altitude economy and innovative consumption," Zhang said. "We are full of confidence in China's innovation-driven transformation and high-quality development during the 15th Five-Year Plan period."“我们重申对四大投资赛道的乐观预期，即人工智能、航空航天、低空经济和创新消费，”张弛称，“对于‘十五五'期间中国通过创新驱动实现转型、推动高质量发展，我们充满信心。”Another key factor supporting investor confidence has been China's continued capital market reform and opening-up. At the Annual Conference of Financial Street Forum 2025 on Monday in Beijing, Wu Qing, chairman of the China Securities Regulatory Commission, vowed to introduce a series of measures to deepen capital market reform on both the investment and financing fronts, underscoring China's commitment to fostering the steady and healthy development of its capital market.支撑投资者信心的另一关键因素是中国资本市场持续推进改革与开放。周一在北京举办的2025年金融街论坛年会上，中国证券监督管理委员会主席吴清承诺，将推出一系列措施，从投资端和融资端双向深化资本市场改革，彰显中国推动资本市场平稳健康发展的坚定决心。In another development, the commission unveiled on Monday the most comprehensive upgrade to the qualified foreign institutional investor program since 2020, which allows approved overseas institutions to invest in China's domestic securities markets, marking a concrete step in advancing institutional opening-up.此外，中国证监会于周一宣布对合格境外机构投资者（QFII）制度进行2020年以来最全面的升级。该制度允许获批境外机构投资中国境内证券市场，此次升级是中国推进制度型开放的具体举措。According to a two-year working plan, key measures include allowing qualified foreign investors to use exchange-traded fund options for risk management, expanding their access to commodity futures and options trading, integrating qualification approval with account opening under a single streamlined procedure, and unifying short-term trading rules to ensure equal treatment for foreign and domestic institutions.根据一份为期两年的工作方案，此次升级的重点措施包括：允许合格境外投资者运用交易所交易基金（ETF）期权进行风险管理；扩大其参与商品期货和期权交易的范围；将资格审批与账户开立整合为单一简化流程；统一短期交易规则，确保境外机构与境内机构享受同等待遇。benchmark/ˈbentʃmɑːk/n.基准指标resiliency/rɪˈzɪliənsi/n.承受压力并快速恢复的能力streamlined/ˈstriːmlaɪnd/adj.高效的；简洁的

TrulySignificant.com presents Tairan Zhang from Walmart Connect. Inside Walmart are leaders like Tairan who remind us that the real magic happens when systems serve people, not the other way around. Tairan works with the world's largest retailer in their rapidly growing retail media arm- a place where technology, data and human behavior intersect in real time. His work helps brands speak more meaningfully to millions of shoppers. But what makes his story truly significant is not the scale of his influence, it's the intention behind it. Enjoy hearing Tairan talk about the fast paced world of digital retail and advertising.  Listen carefully to success beyond the metrics and performance dashboards. Hear how to nurture a culture of curiosity and responsibility among teams who work with massive amounts of consumer data influencing millions of shoppers every day. And if we meet Tairan 10 years from now, you will see his legacy of significance inside Walmart and beyond.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/success-made-to-last-legends--4302039/support.

Ask David, Dr. Matthew May asks--and helps us answer--the most common question he hears from his patients and fans: How do I help a loved one, friend, or colleague who's upset, agitated, angry, anxious, and more? Matt asks: People ask me about a loved one who is anxious, and want to know what to do to help that person. Example: "My daughter is hooked on social media. She's literally 'addicted'. She has terrible insomnia, low self-esteem, anxiety, hopelessness, depression, anger and fits of rage when we try to take her phone away. When my daughter is online, she texts things like: Is this really happening? This can't be happening OMG! This is terrible! How awful! Why am I so unpopular? I'm totally alone I shouldn't have posted all that stuff Everyone thinks I'm an idiot I have to do something to fit in Everything's hopeless. I give up. Is someone monitoring and recording me? All those creeps are evil and deserve worse than what they're getting On the podcast, Matt, Rhonda and David demonstrate effective and ineffective ways of responding to your loved one, or to anyone who is complaining and feeling upset. They use role-playing to illustrate the Five Secrets of Effective Communication, and you will see how hard it can be to hit it out of the park, even for experts! Thanks for listening today! In the upcoming weeks, we'll have several more Ask David episodes with these questions and more. Julia asks: is it more important to do positive reframing on feelings (anxiety, anger, frustration) rather than on specific thoughts («I should be calmer»)? Charlotte asks: What's the best way to use the “20 Qualities I'm looking for in an ideal mate?” Charlotte also asks: What's the best way to find out if someone you're dating is going to be loyal, faithful, and honest? Jenn asks: Are you getting old and cranky now? Zhang asks: I have intrusive daydreams and obsess about getting things perfect? What's causing this? And what can I do? Yevhen asks: How can I use “I Feel” Statements without oversharing? George asks: Would my approach help someone who is suicidal? No Name asks: Do I need to worry about my daughter's anxiety? Jeffrey asks: Can you disarm yourself? Thanks for listening today! Rhonda, Matt, and David

Jessica reports LIVE from Jakarta while Spencer analyzes every detail from GymCastic headquarters on the second day of event finals. World Championships Headquarters Get all Jakarta Worlds videos, interviews, podcasts, fantasy, and guides there. Extended Episode + Live Q&A (Members) +30 extra minutes of analysis, behind-the-scenes stories, and listener questions. Ask questions live. After logging in, refresh this page to see the extended player below. Headlines We have new World Champions! MAG VT: Carlos Yulo WAG BB: Zhang Qingying MAG PB: Zou Jingyuan WAG FX: Sugihara Aiko MAG HB: Brody Malone We actually had a high-quality beam final?!! Zhang Qingying takes gold, just as Jessica predicted Amanda Yap becomes the first Singaporean gymnast ever to make an event final! Did Carlos Yulo do the best vault men's gymnastics has ever seen? Chapters 00:00 – We have World Champions! Carlos Yulo, Sugihara, Zhang, Zo, Brody Malone 00:40 – Day Two Recap: Beam, Floor, Vault, High Bar, Parallel Bars 01:42 – Rain, Bats, and PG-14 Warnings 03:10 – Women's Beam Final 03:42 – Zhang Is Beam World Champion 04:25 – Chinese Beam Precision Explained 06:45 – Nemour & the Artistry Revolution 09:12 – Leaps, Rhythm & Scoring Deep Dive 11:33 – Favorite Beam Moments 12:05 – Women's Floor Final 12:42 – Sugihara Wins Floor Gold 14:15 – Execution vs Difficulty 16:40 – Dance Deductions & Music Choices 18:27 – Crowd & Celebration Moments 19:10 – Men's Vault Final 19:52 – Carlos Yulo Vaults to Another Gold 22:14 – Power vs Form 24:38 – Surprise Podium Finishers 26:05 – Parallel Bars Final 26:48 – Zou Jingyuan Dominates P-Bars 28:17 – His Technique & Difficulty Explained 30:12 – Why It Still Shocked Everyone 31:10 – High Bar Final 31:44 – Brody Malone Repeats as World Champion 33:12 – Form, Amplitude, & Why He's Unbeatable 35:18 – American Men's Medal Recap 37:02 – Team Moments & Athlete Stories 39:20 – Behind the Scenes: Travel & Interviews 41:35 – Jessica's Notes from the Arena 43:10 – BTS Teaser – “So Listen to This…” 47:59 – Dinner Plans & Jakarta Stories 49:20 – Spencer's Restaurant Review 51:45 – VIP Banquet, Athlete Sightings & Card Games 01:16:22 – Wrapping Up Jakarta Coverage How Do I Watch the Competition? All sessions of the competition will be streamed on Eurovision Sport. Follow along here! Gymnastics Indonesia's YouTube channel will stream all qualification sessions Live scores from the FIG and Swiss Timing Check out NBC's behind-the-scenes mini-doc on the US Women's World Trials US viewers check out Peacock and NBC broadcast schedlue here. GymCastic Updates Subscribe to our YouTube Channel Coming Up 6 days of LIVE podcasts at World Championships in Jakarta Club members get extended coverage and can join us live to ask questions immediately after the meet Play our World Championships Fantasy Game! Win a Club Gym Nerd Scholarship: Go to our Forum > Show Stuff > GymCastic Scholarship We are matching every new sponsorship If you would like access to the club content, but aren't currently in a position to purchase a membership, all you need to do is fill out the form that's linked in our message board If you would also like to sponsor a scholarship, please email editor@gymcastic.com. Thank you! Support Our Work Club Gym Nerd: Join Here Become a Sponsor: GymCastic is matching all donations Nearly 50 scholarships have been awarded so far Learn More Headstand Game: Play Now Forum: Start Chatting Merch: Shop Now Thank you to our Sponsors Gymnastics Medicine Beam Queen Bootcamp's Overcoming Fear Workshop Huel Daily Greens Ready to Drink - Get 15% off your purchase for New Customers with our exclusive code GYMCASTIC at huel.com/GYMCASTIC. Use our code and fill out the post checkout survey to help support the show! Resources Jakarta schedule & times: See our live podcast times on the Worlds HQ schedule Guides: Download the quick-reference guide on the Jakarta Headquarters page The Balance Beam Situation: Spencer's GIF Code of Points Gymnastics History and Code of Points Archive from Uncle Tim Kensley's men's gymnastics site Neutral Deductions Unlock the Extended Episode Join Club Gym Nerd → Choose a plan Complete checkout — your site account is created. Log in here → /my-account/ Return to this page and refresh. The extended player appears automatically.

Episode DescriptionWhat if detox wasn't about deprivation, but about bringing your body back into flow?In this episode, Shelley Swapp blends Traditional Chinese Medicine philosophy with cutting-edge nutrigenomics to reveal how your body's natural detox pathways influence hormones, metabolism, and energy. You'll learn why restoring gentle flow—rather than forcing a cleanse—is the key to long-term balance.Shelley explains how genes like NRF2, GSTM1, GSTT1, GCLM, and COMT shape your ability to clear hormones and toxins, and how everyday foods, herbs, and joyful practices can switch those genes on again. From the “savings-account” power of glutathione to the hormone-balancing effects of sulforaphane from broccoli sprouts, this episode turns complex biochemistry into everyday wisdom.“Your genes may show where the river narrows, but your lifestyle is the water itself—bringing life back into those channels, one small, consistent ripple at a time.”

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China is set to make the development of new quality productive forces one of the top priorities of its next five-year plan, as policymakers seek to upgrade the nation's industrial structure, spur innovation-driven growth, and reinforce confidence in the long-term outlook of the world's second-largest economy, said officials, experts and global executives.官员、专家及全球企业高管表示，中国计划将发展新质生产力列为下一个五年规划的重点任务之一，政策制定者正致力于推动产业结构升级、激发创新驱动型增长，并增强对这一世界第二大经济体长期发展前景的信心。The new blueprint will serve as a crucial bridge between the current phase of recovery and China's goal of basically achieving socialist modernization by 2035. Experts said it underscores the country's resolve to reinvigorate growth amid domestic structural pressures and rising global uncertainties, steering the economy toward new drivers such as advanced manufacturing, green transformation and digital innovation.这份新蓝图将成为当前复苏阶段与中国2035年基本实现社会主义现代化目标之间的重要桥梁。专家指出，这凸显了中国在国内结构性压力和全球不确定性上升的背景下重振增长的决心，推动经济向先进制造业、绿色转型和数字创新等新动力方向发展。Their comments came as the market is closely watching the draft proposals for the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30), as the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China is holding its fourth plenary session in Beijing to deliberate on the drafting of the blueprint for China's development over the next five years.他们的表态正值市场密切关注“十五五”规划草案之际，中共二十届四中全会正在北京召开，审议未来五年中国发展蓝图的编制工作。President Xi Jinping shed light on the likely key priorities in Shanghai in April as he presided over a symposium on China's economic and social development in the 15th Five-Year Plan period and delivered an important speech.4月，习近平主席在上海主持“十五五”时期经济社会发展座谈会并发表重要讲话，阐明了未来五年可能的重点任务。Xi, who is also general secretary of the CPC Central Committee, said higher strategic priority must be given to fostering new quality productive forces in line with local conditions in the next five years.作为中共中央总书记，习近平强调，未来五年必须结合地方实际，把培育新质生产力摆在更突出的战略位置。Highlighting the roles of technological innovation and the real economy, he called for efforts to transform and upgrade traditional industries, develop emerging industries, and make forward-thinking arrangements for industries of the future, in order to accelerate modernization of the industrial system.习近平主席强调科技创新和实体经济的重要作用，呼吁着力推动传统产业转型升级、发展战略性新兴产业、前瞻布局未来产业，以加快推进工业体系现代化。Robin Xing, chief China economist at Morgan Stanley, said his team believes that China will remain committed to deepening the economic transition anchored in technology and innovation to secure the supply chain and energy self-sufficiency. "We expect a tech-and supply-driven framework."摩根士丹利首席中国经济学家邢自强表示，其团队认为中国将继续致力于深化以科技和创新为核心的经济转型，保障供应链和能源自给自足，“我们预计将形成一个以科技和供应链为驱动的框架”。Zhang Ning, senior China economist at UBS Investment Bank, said China is likely to continue offering support in fundamental and frontier research, and in self-sufficiency technology bottleneck areas during the next five years.瑞银投资银行高级中国经济学家张宁指出，未来五年中国可能会继续支持基础研究和前沿研究，并在关键技术“卡脖子”领域助力自主可控。"We think fostering 'high-quality growth' will likely be the top priority over the next decade, mainly driven by innovation and total factor productivity growth," Zhang added.她补充道：“我们认为，未来十年‘高质量增长'有望成为首要任务，这一增长将主要由创新和全要素生产率提升驱动”。A meeting of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, chaired by Xi in late September, discussed major issues related to the formulation of the 15th Five-Year Plan for national economic and social development.9月底，习近平主席主持召开中共中央政治局会议，研究“十五五”时期国民经济和社会发展规划编制的重大问题。The meeting stressed the need to remain committed to high-quality development, foster new quality productive forces in line with local conditions, and comprehensively deepen reform while further expanding high-level opening-up.会议强调，要坚持高质量发展，结合地方实际培育新质生产力，全面深化改革并进一步扩大高水平对外开放。Citing research topics for the next five-year plan released by the National Development and Reform Commission, the country's top economic regulator, Ye Fan, an analyst at Southwest Securities, said the scope of studies under the upcoming five-year plan has expanded significantly, with newly added topics accounting for about 50 percent of the total.西南证券分析师叶凡援引中国最高经济调控机构国家发展和改革委员会发布的“十五五”规划研究课题指出，下一个五年规划的研究范围大幅扩大，新增课题约占总数的50%。"Among them, subjects related to technological innovation and industrial development increased by 80 percent and 64 percent, respectively," Ye noted. "The topics cover key areas such as global technological and industrial transformation, talent development and innovation capacity building. In terms of industrial priorities, the focus is placed on key areas including the digital economy, artificial intelligence, services and healthcare."其中，科技创新和产业发展相关课题占比分别提升80%和64%，涵盖全球科技产业变革、人才培养、创新能力建设等关键领域；产业重点则聚焦数字经济、人工智能、服务业、医疗健康等方向。According to Ye, policymakers will place greater emphasis on development quality, efficiency and sustainability in the next five years. "It will drive industrial upgrading through technological innovation, deepen the integration of the digital and real economies, and promote a comprehensive green transformation of China's economy and society."叶凡表示，未来五年政策制定者将更注重发展质量、效率和可持续性，通过科技创新推动产业升级，深化数字经济与实体经济融合，促进中国经济社会全面绿色转型。In March 2024, Zheng Shanjie, head of the NDRC, told a symposium that the planning of the 15th Five-Year Plan will fully take into account the practical requirements for developing new quality productive forces.2024年3月，国家发展和改革委员会（NDRC）主任郑栅洁在一场座谈会上表示，“十五五”规划编制将充分考虑发展新质生产力的实际需求。He said policymakers will focus on identifying key tasks and foundational projects to promote the growth of new quality productive forces as they set major goals, strategic missions, reform measures, and large-scale projects for the next stage of China's economic and social development.他指出，政策制定者在确定下一阶段中国经济社会发展的主要目标、战略任务、改革举措和重大项目时，将重点明确推动新质生产力发展的关键任务和基础性项目。Hu Yuwei, chief policy analyst at China Securities, said the next five-year blueprint will place greater emphasis on innovation-driven growth, green and low-carbon development, and digital transformation to adapt to the trends of globalization and informatization.中国证券首席政策分析师胡玉玮表示，下一个五年规划蓝图将更加强调创新驱动增长、绿色低碳发展和数字化转型，以适应全球化和信息化趋势。China's innovation capacity has risen rapidly over the past few years. According to the "Global Innovation Index 2025" report released by the World Intellectual Property Organization, China has risen to 10th place in the global innovation ranking for 2025, up one spot from last year, marking its first entry into the top 10.过去几年，中国创新能力快速提升。根据世界知识产权组织发布的《2025年全球创新指数》报告，中国2025年全球创新排名升至第10位，较上年提升1位，首次进入前十。However, Hu cautioned that challenges remain. "Our basic research remains relatively weak, with insufficient concentration of scientific resources and a lack of systematic advantage in original innovation."不过，胡玉玮也提醒，挑战依然存在。“我国基础研究相对薄弱，科技资源集中度不足，原始创新缺乏系统性优势。”Hu suggested that during the next five years, China should strengthen its national strategic science and technology capacity, enhance self-reliance in core technologies, and promote advanced, smart and green manufacturing.胡玉玮建议，未来五年，中国应强化国家战略科技力量，提升核心技术自主可控能力，推动先进制造、智能制造和绿色制造发展。Global executives hailed China's ongoing efforts to foster new quality productive forces, saying that multinational corporations will see rising opportunities in the next few years.全球企业高管对中国培育新质生产力的持续努力表示赞赏，认为跨国公司未来几年将迎来更多机遇。"I don't see China only as just the market. I think China has probably become an engine for some specific innovations, which we can develop elsewhere," said Estelle Brachlianoff, CEO of Veolia, a French transnational group focusing on ecological environment and resource management.法国生态环境与资源管理跨国集团威立雅首席执行官埃斯特尔・布拉希利亚诺夫（音译）表示：“我不认为中国只是一个市场，我认为中国很可能已成为某些特定创新的引擎，这些创新成果也可应用到其他地区。”Brachlianoff said she is confident that China's upcoming 15th Five-Year Plan will keep green development high on the agenda, creating more opportunities for Veolia in areas such as decarbonization and ecological restoration.布拉希利亚诺夫称，她相信中国即将出台的“十五五”规划将继续把绿色发展置于重要议程，为威立雅在脱碳、生态修复等领域创造更多机会。Marc Horn, president of Merck China, said China is an important source of innovation. "We are very confident in staying the course and remaining committed to our investments (here in China)."默克集团中国区总裁何慕麒表示，中国是重要的创新源泉。“我们对在中国的发展道路充满信心，并将继续坚定投入。”underscore/ˌʌndəˈskɔː(r)/v.强调；凸显bottleneck/ˈbɒtlnek/n.瓶颈；障碍reinforce/ˌriːɪnˈfɔːs/v.增强；巩固deliberate/dɪˈlɪbəreɪt/v.审议；仔细考虑

In this conversation, Dr Austin Tay explores the significance of humour in leadership and its impact on workplace dynamics. He discusses the different styles of humour, the strategic use of humour to foster team cohesion, and how humour can serve as a diagnostic tool for understanding organisational challenges. The conversation emphasises the importance of context, trust, and appropriateness in using humour effectively, ultimately highlighting how leaders who leverage humour can create a more engaging and resilient workplace culture.TakeawaysHumour can unveil deeper organisational problems. Positive humour boosts team performance and cohesion. Understanding humour styles is vital for effective leadership. Humour can serve as a diagnostic tool for organisational health. Trust is crucial for humour to be impactful. Timing and context are essential when applying humour. Inappropriate humour can harm leadership credibility. Leaders should monitor humour patterns within their teams. Self-deprecating humour promotes psychological safety. Humour can help manage workplace tensions and contradictions.REFERENCESHatch, M. J., & Ehrlich, S. B. (1993). Spontaneous humour as an indicator of paradox and ambiguity in organisations. Organisation Studies, 14(4), 505-526. https://doi.org/10.1177/017084069301400403Holmes, J., & Marra, M. (2006). Humour and leadership style. Humor: International Journal of Humor Research, 19(2), 119-138. https://doi.org/10.1515/HUMOR.2006.006Mao, J. Y., Chiang, J. T. J., Zhang, Y., & Gao, M. (2017). Humour as a relationship lubricant: The implications of leader humour on transformational leadership perceptions and team performance. Journal of Leadership & Organisational Studies, 24(4), 494-506. https://doi.org/10.1177/1548051817707518Vetter, L., & Gockel, C. (2016). Can't buy me laughter—Humour in organisational change. Gruppe. Interaktion. Organisation. Zeitschrift für Angewandte Organisationspsychologie (GIO), 47(4), 313-320. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11612-016-0341-7Mesmer-Magnus, J., Glew, D. J., & Viswesvaran, C. (2012). A meta-analysis of positive humour in the workplace. Journal of Managerial Psychology, 27(2), 155-190. https://doi.org/10.1108/02683941211199554Martin, R. A., Puhlik-Doris, P., Larsen, G., Gray, J., & Weir, K. (2003). Individual differences in uses of humour and their relation to psychological well-being: Development of the Humour Styles Questionnaire. Journal of Research in Personality, 37(1), 48-75. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0092-6566(02)00534-2Lee, D. (2015). The impact of leader's humour on employees' creativity: The moderating role of trust in leader. Seoul Journal of Business, 21(1), 59-86. https://doi.org/10.35152/snusjb.2015.21.1.003Tremblay, M. (2017). Humour in teams: Multilevel relationships between humour climate, inclusion, trust, and citizenship behaviours. Journal of Business and Psychology, 32(4), 363-378. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10869-016-9445-xRosenberg, C., Walker, A., Leiter, M., & Graffam, J. (2021). Humour in workplace leadership: A systematic search scoping review. Frontiers in Psychology, 12, 610795. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.610795Bitterly, T. B., Brooks, A. W., & Schweitzer, M. E. (2017). Risky business: When humour increases and decreases status. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 112(3), 431-455. https://doi.org/10.1037/pspi0000079Decker, W. H., & Rotondo, D. M. (2001). Relationships among gender, type of humour, and perceived leader effectiveness. Journal of Managerial Issues, 13(4), 450-465.Yue, X., Jiang, F., Lu, S., & Hiranandani, N. (2016). To be or not to be humorous? Cross-cultural perspectives on humour. Frontiers in Psychology, 7, 1495. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyg.2016.01495 

SHOW 10-22-25 CBS EYE ON THE WORLD WITH JOHN BATCHELOR HK 1925 THE SHOW BEGINS IN THE DOUBTS ABOUT XI. FIRST HOUR 9-915 Colonel McCausland Discusses Postponed Budapest Summit, Gaza Ceasefire Instability, and Pentagon Information Control Jeff McCausland with John Batchelor Colonel McCausland explained the Budapest summit postponement, noting Putin demands Ukrainian surrender before a ceasefire. He considered Tomahawks an escalation of firepower, but not a game-changer, with delivery now on hold. McCausland described the Gaza ceasefire as precarious, lacking discussion or plan for Hamas disarmament, which he views as the necessary "red line" for stability. He criticized the Pentagon's new policy blocking journalists from soliciting unauthorized information as an attempt by Secretary Hegseth to control information flow and increase opacity. 915-930 Colonel McCausland Discusses Postponed Budapest Summit, Gaza Ceasefire Instability, and Pentagon Information Control Jeff McCausland with John Batchelor Colonel McCausland explained the Budapest summit postponement, noting Putin demands Ukrainian surrender before a ceasefire. He considered Tomahawks an escalation of firepower, but not a game-changer, with delivery now on hold. McCausland described the Gaza ceasefire as precarious, lacking discussion or plan for Hamas disarmament, which he views as the necessary "red line" for stability. He criticized the Pentagon's new policy blocking journalists from soliciting unauthorized information as an attempt by Secretary Hegseth to control information flow and increase opacity. 930-945 Steve Yates Discusses Australia-US Alliance Strength and Political Turmoil Affecting APEC Summit Steve Yates with John Batchelor Steve Yates confirmed the Trump-Albanese meeting was a net positive, accelerating AUKUS and securing a rare earth deal that addresses supply access. He noted the political turmoil in Beijing, highlighted by uncertainty over Xi Jinping's APEC attendance. This instability is abnormal and reinforces China's unstable political foundation. Yates suggested this instability should push allies to rely more on the first island chain as a reliable balance. 945-1000 Rick Fisher Reports on China's Reusable Rocket Deluge and US Moon Race Political Pressures Rick Fisher with John Batchelor Rick Fisher reported that China has 27 reusable space launch vehicle projects underway, predicting a "deluge" of cheap space services to compete with SpaceX. He noted that President Trump is alarmed that China may win the second race to the moon. Trump pressured NASA Administrator Duffy to open the Human Landing System competition to Blue Origin, signaling that politics and winning the race are paramount, regardless of competitor viability. China's first reusable booster test could occur before year-end. SECOND HOUR 10-1015 Colonel Newsham Discusses Promising US-Australia Rare Earth Deal and Canberra's Dual Strategy Toward China Grant Newsham with John Batchelor Colonel Grant Newsham discussed the promising US-Australia rare earth deal, noting Australia has vast mining capabilities to provide an alternative to China's dominance. China's threat to use export controls might spur free nations to develop alternative supply chains. Newsham noted Canberra is playing a "neat trick," maintaining a firm defense alliance with the US (AUKUS) while maintaining profitable economic ties with Beijing, reflecting an underlying "softness" toward China. 1015-1030 Colonel Newsham Discusses Promising US-Australia Rare Earth Deal and Canberra's Dual Strategy Toward China Grant Newsham with John Batchelor Colonel Grant Newsham discussed the promising US-Australia rare earth deal, noting Australia has vast mining capabilities to provide an alternative to China's dominance. China's threat to use export controls might spur free nations to develop alternative supply chains. Newsham noted Canberra is playing a "neat trick," maintaining a firm defense alliance with the US (AUKUS) while maintaining profitable economic ties with Beijing, reflecting an underlying "softness" toward China. 1030-1045 China's Property Crisis, Deflation, and Structural Obstacles to Consumption Anne Stevenson-Yang with John Batchelor Anne Stevenson-Yang discussed how the persistent property crater has severely dragged down fixed asset investment. Beijing aims to boost the economy via consumption, but the Chinese system is structurally built to communicate only with producers, not average consumers. Furthermore, the deflationary environment encourages people to delay purchases, waiting for lower prices. She views the Five-Year Plans mainly as an "amazing relic" used internally to motivate the sprawling government bureaucracies. 1045-1100 General Zhang Youxia Allegedly Leads PLA Purges Amid Internal CCP Power Struggle General Blaine Holt with John Batchelor General Blaine Holt reported that the purge of nine flag officers was allegedly executed by General Zhang Youxia, not Xi Jinping. Zhang, a top general, began the purges out of fear of becoming a target himself, indicating an internal "civil war" within the CCP factions opposing Xi. Zhang has secured elite military units loyal to him and the People's Liberation Army (PLA), rather than solely the Party, stabilizing the military amidst the turmoil. Zhang's life is at risk if Xi prevails.THIRD HOUR 1100-1115 Peter Berkowitz Analyzes Precarious Gaza Ceasefire and Deep Internal Political Tensions in Israel Peter Berkowitz with John Batchelor Peter Berkowitz stated the Gaza ceasefire is precarious and phase one is incomplete until all deceased hostages' remains are returned, aligning with Israeli public and governmental sentiment. Hamas may be stalling negotiations to rearm. Berkowitz noted sharp internal tensions in Israel, driven by opposition to Netanyahu, resentment over judicial reform, and economic exhaustion from military service. He finds it unlikely that the peace plan, which requires Hamas disarmament, will be fully realized. 1115-1130 Peter Berkowitz Analyzes Precarious Gaza Ceasefire and Deep Internal Political Tensions in Israel Peter Berkowitz with John Batchelor Peter Berkowitz stated the Gaza ceasefire is precarious and phase one is incomplete until all deceased hostages' remains are returned, aligning with Israeli public and governmental sentiment. Hamas may be stalling negotiations to rearm. Berkowitz noted sharp internal tensions in Israel, driven by opposition to Netanyahu, resentment over judicial reform, and economic exhaustion from military service. He finds it unlikely that the peace plan, which requires Hamas disarmament, will be fully realized. 1130-1145 GOP Voters Found More Moderate on Fiscal Issues and Driven by Cultural Anti-Progressivism, According to New Analysis Ryan Streeter with John Batchelor Ryan Streeter discussed findings showing Republican voters are more moderate than portrayed, especially on entitlement cuts. They prioritize a healthy economy and law and order. Isolationism is not prominent, though they oppose excessive foreign spending. MAGA Republicanism is defined primarily by cultural issues, like anti-progressivism and concern over immigration, often outweighing economic policies like tariffs. Streeter concludes that rank and file voters are not as radical as national politics suggest. 1145-1200 GOP Voters Found More Moderate on Fiscal Issues and Driven by Cultural Anti-Progressivism, According to New Analysis Ryan Streeter with John Batchelor Ryan Streeter discussed findings showing Republican voters are more moderate than portrayed, especially on entitlement cuts. They prioritize a healthy economy and law and order. Isolationism is not prominent, though they oppose excessive foreign spending. MAGA Republicanism is defined primarily by cultural issues, like anti-progressivism and concern over immigration, often outweighing economic policies like tariffs. Streeter concludes that rank and file voters are not as radical as national politics suggest. FOURTH HOUR 12-1215 Simon Constable Reports on Rising Commodity Prices Driven by Data Center Demand and European Political Turmoil Simon Constable with John Batchelor Simon Constable reported significant commodity price increases (copper up 14%, gold up 48%), driven by demand for data centers and AI. He criticized European reluctance to build needed data centers, stressing their necessity for the digital future. Constable noted President Macron fears Marine Le Pen's National Rally due to growing support stemming from concerns over unfettered immigration. He also criticized the UK Labour party's plan to tax professionals like dentists and doctors, predicting they will leave the country. 1215-1230 Simon Constable Reports on Rising Commodity Prices Driven by Data Center Demand and European Political Turmoil Simon Constable with John Batchelor Simon Constable reported significant commodity price increases (copper up 14%, gold up 48%), driven by demand for data centers and AI. He criticized European reluctance to build needed data centers, stressing their necessity for the digital future. Constable noted President Macron fears Marine Le Pen's National Rally due to growing support stemming from concerns over unfettered immigration. He also criticized the UK Labour party's plan to tax professionals like dentists and doctors, predicting they will leave the country. 1230-1245 Bob Zimmerman Criticizes NASA's Artemis Lunar Program as a "Management Disaster" Focused on Beating China Bob Zimmerman with John Batchelor Bob Zimmerman criticized NASA interim administrator Sean Duffy for focusing on SpaceX being "behind schedule," distracting from NASA's own delay of the Artemis mission to 2028 at the earliest. He called the Artemis plan an "unwieldy management disaster" designed haphazardly to give the SLS rocket a mission. The political push to beat China by 2028 creates a dangerous "one-time stunt." Zimmerman argues the private sector (SpaceX) is the real future of US space endeavors. 1245-100 AM Bob Zimmerman Criticizes NASA's Artemis Lunar Program as a "Management Disaster" Focused on Beating China Bob Zimmerman with John Batchelor Bob Zimmerman criticized NASA interim administrator Sean Duffy for focusing on SpaceX being "behind schedule," distracting from NASA's own delay of the Artemis mission to 2028 at the earliest. He called the Artemis plan an "unwieldy management disaster" designed haphazardly to give the SLS rocket a mission. The political push to beat China by 2028 creates a dangerous "one-time stunt." Zimmerman argues the private sector (SpaceX) is the real future of US space endeavors.

General Zhang Youxia Allegedly Leads PLA Purges Amid Internal CCP Power Struggle General Blaine Holt with John Batchelor General Blaine Holt reported that the purge of nine flag officers was allegedly executed by General Zhang Youxia, not Xi Jinping. Zhang, a top general, began the purges out of fear of becoming a target himself, indicating an internal "civil war" within the CCP factions opposing Xi. Zhang has secured elite military units loyal to him and the People's Liberation Army (PLA), rather than solely the Party, stabilizing the military amidst the turmoil. Zhang's life is at risk if Xi prevails. 1850

Jessica reports LIVE from Jakarta while Spencer analysis every detail from GymCastic headquarters on women's AA final! World Championships Headquarters Get for all Jakarta Worlds Videos, Interviews, Podcasts, Fantasy, Guides Extended Episode + Live Q&A (Members) +30 extra minutes of analysis, behind-the-scenes secret stories, and answering your questions. Here's how to ask questions live. Can't make it live? Add Club bonus episodes to your favorite podcast player (instructions here). Tip: After logging in, refresh this page and the extended player will appear below. Chapters 00:00 – Melnikova repeats, Wong silver, Zhang bronze 00:02:15 – “Was this Worlds exciting?” Yes—down to the last routines 00:03:05 – Results headline: Melnikova 55.066; Wong 54.966; Zhang 54.600 00:03:34 – Corpse-lily medals & the (non-stinky) mascot 00:05:07 – Was the podium right? Leanne's Cheng, beam connections, backup plan 00:08:34 – Melnikova's floor: out-of-bounds debate (0.1 vs 0.3) & turns 00:10:17 – Philosophy corner: Can you fall and still win AA? 00:11:40 – D vs E: why execution swung it and code implications 00:15:46 – Abi Martin shines (+ quick fear/Beam Queen note) 00:17:30 – Event-by-event: Bars—Melnikova vs Leanne, difficulty & execution 00:19:54 – Beam breakdown: Melnikova's fight, Leanne's composition choices 00:22:32 – Floor & Vault quick hits: Cheng vs Yurchenko double and judging gaps 00:24:54 – Bronze spotlight: Zhang—beam exorcised, bars no longer a weakness 00:27:15 – Kaylia Nemour: 4th by Show Stuff > GymCastic Scholarship We are matching every new sponsorship If you would like access to the club content, but financially able to purchase a membership, all you need to do is fill out the form that's linked in our message board If you would also like to sponsor a scholarship, please email editor@gymcastic.com. Thank you! Support Our Work Club Gym Nerd: Join Here Become a Sponsor: GymCastic is matching all donations Nearly 50 scholarships have been awarded so far Learn More Headstand Game: Play Now Forum: Start Chatting Merch: Shop Now Thank you to our Sponsors Gymnastics Medicine Beam Queen Bootcamp's Overcoming Fear Workshop Huel Daily Greens Ready to Drink - Get 15% off your purchase for New Customers with our exclusive code GYMCASTIC at huel.com/GYMCASTIC. Use our code and fill out the post checkout survey to help support the show! Resources Jakarta schedule & times: See our live podcast times on the Worlds HQ schedule Guides: Download the quick-reference guide on the Jakarta Headquarters page The Balance Beam Situation: Spencer's GIF Code of Points Gymnastics History and Code of Points Archive from Uncle Tim Kensley's men's gymnastics site Neutral Deductions   Unlock the Extended Episode Join Club Gym Nerd → Choose a plan Complete checkout — your site account is created. Log in here → /my-account/ Return to this page and refresh. The extended player appears automatically.

在知識的產生過程中，詮釋在多大程度上是一種可靠的工具？ 在本期知識論清談中，我們有幸邀請到中國文化研究中心的張玉龍老師，他的深厚學識和獨到見解為我們的討論增添了無限光彩。張老師的專業背景使他能夠深入剖析詮釋與知識之間的複雜關係。他的思考不僅啟發了我們對知識本質的重新思考，也讓我們感受到詮釋在知識生成過程中的重要性和挑戰。期待大家收聽這期節目，感受張老師的智慧和魅力。 2026 TOK Essay Title 6: To what extent is interpretation a reliable tool in the production of knowledge? Answer with reference to history and one other area of knowledge. In this episode of our TOK talk, we're pleased to welcome Dr. Zhang Yulong from the China Cultural Research Center. His deep knowledge and unique insights greatly enrich our discussion. Dr. Zhang's expertise enables him to analyze the complex relationship between interpretation and knowledge. His thoughts inspire us to rethink the nature of knowledge and highlight the importance and challenges of interpretation in the knowledge generation process. We look forward to everyone tuning in to experience Dr. Zhang's wisdom and charm. Host: 孫秀東老師 Guest:張玉龍老師

PLA Dissent Rumors and General Zhang Youxia's Loyalty Strategy. John Batchelor and General Blaine Holt discuss the rumor mill regarding the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and potential dissent against Xi Jinping. Specifically, rumors suggest General Zhang Youxia, a top uniformed PLA leader, is unhappy with changes in the country's direction. Holt notes that this information is currently under the "fog of diplomacy, fog of war." However, based on his research, Zhang Youxia has successfully ensured commanders of elite units, including the 82nd around Beijing, are loyal to the PLA itself, rather than solely the Chinese Communist Party. This strategy has helped stabilize the military situation. Holt suggests that average Chinese soldiers facing economic issues might see a morale boost if they believe their top general could lead efforts to "right the ship." 1906 PEKING

Jessica reports LIVE from Jakarta while Spencer analyzes every detail from GymCastic headquarters on men's AA final! World Championships Headquarters Videos, Interviews, Podcasts, Fantasy, Guides Extended Episode + Live Q&A (Members) +30 extra minutes of analysis, behind-the-scenes secret stories, plus member questions. Here's how to ask questions live. Can't make it live? Add Club bonus episodes to your favorite podcast player (instructions here). Tip: After logging in, refresh this page and the extended player will appear below. Chapters 00:00 – Intro & Lightning Storm in Jakarta 01:15 – Hashimoto Wins Third Straight World Title 01:30 – Breaking News - Photographer removed after GymCastic listener flags exploitative images 03:10 – Press Conference Highlights & Athlete Protection Update 05:40 – Men's All-Around Results & Reactions 08:00 – Gold: Daiki Hashimoto's Dominance 10:45 – Silver: Zhang Boheng's Redemption 13:00 – Bronze: Noe Seifert Makes Swiss History 15:20 – Where Does Daiki Rank Among the Greats? 18:10 – Translator Chaos & “The Boheng Face” 20:40 – Fastest AA Final Ever & Format Changes 23:30 – Not Quite Podium: Shi Cong, Oka & Barajas 26:15 – Caio Souza Award: Jesse Moore Edition 28:40 – Data Dive: D-Score & E-Score Kings 32:10 – GymCastic HQ & Fantasy Game Updates 34:40 – Artistic Excellence Award & Aesthetics in MAG 37:10 – Women's AA Final Preview 39:00 – Melnikova, Nemour & Wong – Who's the Favorite? 41:20 – Rising Contenders: Sugihara, Zhang, Caylor, Roshchina 43:40 – Podium Predictions 45:30 – Club Gym Nerd Teaser & Singapore Story Preview 47:10 – Scholarship Announcements & How to Join 49:10 – What's Next: More Live Jakarta Podcasts 51:20 – Feedback & Reactions 53:40 – Show Close – Watch Women's AA Final Live How Do I Watch the Competition? All sessions of the competition will be streamed on Eurovision Sport. Follow along here! Gymnastics Indonesia's YouTube channel will stream all qualification sessions Live scores from the FIG and Swiss Timing Check out NBC's behind-the-scenes mini-doc on the US Women's World Trials US viewers check out Peacock and NBC broadcast schedlue here. Headlines GymCastic Updates Subscribe to our YouTube Channel Coming Up 6 days of LIVE podcasts at World Championships in Jakarta Club members get extended coverage and can join us live to ask questions immediately after the meet Play our World Championships Fantasy Game! Win a Club Gym Nerd Scholarship: Go to our Forum > Show Stuff > GymCastic Scholarship We are matching every new sponsorship If you would like access to the club content, but aren't currently in a position to purchase a membership, all you need to do is fill out the form that's linked in our message board If you would also like to sponsor a scholarship, please email editor@gymcastic.com. Thank you! Support Our Work Club Gym Nerd: Join Here Become a Sponsor: GymCastic is matching all donations Nearly 50 scholarships have been awarded so far Learn More Headstand Game: Play Now Forum: Start Chatting Merch: Shop Now Thank you to our Sponsors Thanks to our sponsor, Huel. Get 15% off your purchase for New Customers with our exclusive code GYMCASTIC at huel.com/GYMCASTIC. Use our code and fill out the post checkout survey to help support the show! Gymnastics Medicine Beam Queen Bootcamp's Overcoming Fear Workshop Resources Jakarta schedule & times: See our live podcast times on the Worlds HQ schedule Guides: Download the quick-reference guide on the Jakarta Headquarters page The Balance Beam Situation: Spencer's GIF Code of Points Gymnastics History and Code of Points Archive from Uncle Tim Kensley's men's gymnastics site Neutral Deductions   Unlock the Extended Episode Join Club Gym Nerd → Choose a plan Complete checkout — your site account is created. Log in here → /my-account/ Return to this page and refresh. The extended player appears automatically.

Our guest in this episode is Joanna Zhang, who helps leaders connect strategy with soul to build businesses on a solid foundation. Joanna's own journey, marked by three profound personal transformations, led her from being a transactional professional living a “gray color” life to becoming a balanced, spiritual leader. In our wonderful chat, Joanna unpacks her evolution, sharing the powerful lessons learned from her “soul awakening” and how they reshaped her approach to business, teamwork, and even AI. Key points discussed include:* True leadership evolves from controlling titles to a spiritual balance of compassion and boundaries.* Changing your core intention from getting to giving unleashes unexpected, magical results in business.* Embracing all your emotions is the foundation of self-love and authentic, resilient leadership.Listen to the podcast to find out more.Innovabiz Substack is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber.Show Notes from this episode with Joanna Zhang, The Operations GeniusIt was an absolute pleasure to welcome Joanna Zhang to the Innovabuzz podcast for a conversation that beautifully embodied her mission: to help leaders build businesses by connecting strategy with soul. I knew we would be talking about thoughtful systems, but I was not expecting such a profound masterclass in personal transformation. Joanna's journey is a powerful testament to the idea that the most effective business strategies are often the ones that begin from within.Joanna shared that her journey started when she was a financial planner, feeling stuck in a career that, while she was competent at it, didn't light her up. A psychic once told her that her life was a “gray color,” a description that resonated deeply. The first major shift came from a simple but powerful coaching exercise that sorted tasks into zones of incompetence, competence, and genius. This led her to a pivotal realization: she needed to start delegating the things that drained her and, more importantly, to question if her current path was her true destiny.From Transaction to TransformationThat initial step opened the door to a much deeper awakening. As Joanna began building a business to help others with their operational frameworks, she admits that, to be honest, she started as a “dollar person,” seeing every interaction as a potential deal. This transactional mindset created a massive blockage. The real breakthrough came after her “soul awakening,” when she shifted her entire approach. She started looking at every potential client as a soul, genuinely caring about their challenges and wholeheartedly offering solutions with no expectation of return.And that's when, as she puts it, “magic happened.” By changing her core intention from getting to giving, from desire and fear to love and care, opportunities began to unfold naturally. It's a beautiful paradox so many of us forget: the less we chase, the more the right things flow to us. This shift wasn't just a new sales tactic; it was a complete transformation of her relationship with her work and the people she served.The Three Faces of LeadershipThis inner evolution dramatically reshaped her leadership style. Joanna candidly described her former self as a “controlling freak” and a “title leader” who ruled with expectations and a lot of masculine energy. Over time, she grew into a “serving leader,” focused on supporting her team. However, this created a new problem, as she sometimes allowed her boundaries to be crossed in her desire to help.Her third and current stage is that of a “spiritual leader.” This, she explains, is the crucial “balancing act” between compassion and firm boundaries. Grounded in a practice of self-love, she learned to be strong in her core, setting clear guidelines not to control, but to help her team members grow. This balanced approach fostered a healthier, more dynamic, and more effective team environment, proving that true leadership is about empowering others to be their best.A Lesson in Letting GoA significant part of this journey involved deep emotional work. Joanna shared a powerful story from a recent trip to Egypt, where she finally confronted and released layers of resentment she had been carrying, some even from past lives. She realized that holding onto resentment benefits no one and that true forgiveness is about respecting another's free will while learning the lesson to protect yourself.This act of letting go was liberating and had a ripple effect across her life. It reinforced the importance of setting healthy boundaries and no longer being a “people pleaser.” It's a profound reminder that the emotional baggage we carry silently impacts our decisions, our energy, and our ability to lead with clarity and presence.A Soulful Approach to AIGiven her focus on human connection, I was fascinated to hear Joanna's take on AI. She sees it, wisely, as a “double-sided sword.” Her approach is not to fear it or rely on it completely, but to use it as a tool to enhance human capability. In her business, they leverage AI for repetitive tasks, which boosts efficiency and productivity.The ultimate goal, she explained, is to free up her human team members from mundane work so they can spend more time in their “genius zone.” This allows them to focus on creativity, strategy, and the deep, nuanced human connection that AI can never replicate. It's a perfect example of her philosophy in action: using a modern tool to get back to what is timelessly human.The Treasure in Your FeelingsTo bring it all together, Joanna's final piece of advice was perhaps the most powerful. She urged us all to truly respect our own feelings. In a world that often encourages us to suppress or ignore difficult emotions, she invites us to face them, embrace them, and find the lesson hidden within them. She admitted that this can be painful, but as her spiritual mentor taught her, “pain is inevitable, but suffering is a choice.”By learning from our pain instead of getting stuck in it, we grow. This practice of emotional honesty and self-love was the bedrock of all her other transformations. It's what allowed her to move from a “gray” existence to a vibrant, purposeful life.In Summary: My conversation with Joanna Zhang was a beautiful reminder that our businesses are extensions of who we are. Her journey shows that true, sustainable success isn't found in a better strategy, but in a deeper connection to ourselves. By having the courage to do the inner work, let go of what no longer serves us, and lead with a balance of heart and wisdom, we can build not just better businesses, but better lives.The Buzz - Our Innovation RoundHere are Joanna's answers to the questions of our innovation round. Listen to the conversation to get the full scoop.* Most innovative use of AI to enhance human relationships: AI can rapidly research and extract a person's essence, building a foundation for deeper connection.* Best thing to integrate AI and human connection: Using AI to automate repetitive tasks frees up her team to focus on higher-value human connections.* Differentiate by leveraging AI: Practice giving AI clear, detailed instructions to sharpen your communication and delegation skills with humans.ActionRespect your own feelings. Face every emotion, accept it, embrace it, and find the valuable lesson hidden behind it.Reach OutYou can reach out and thank Joanna on LinkedIn by searching for Joanna Zhang and looking for “operations” in her profile.Links:* Website - The Operations Genius* LinkedIn* Facebook* Instagram - @entrepreneursoulmateCool Things About Joanna* She's a former stage performer and singer. This is a wonderful and unexpected backstory for an “Operations Genius”. It reveals a creative, expressive history and provides a powerful metaphor for how she now uses her “voice” to share a different kind of message.* She built the exact business she wished existed for herself. Her company wasn't just a response to a gap in the market; it was born from her own personal struggle and frustration as an entrepreneur who needed help but couldn't find the right fit. This makes her origin story incredibly authentic.* She didn't realize she was a global innovator until she won an award for it. Joanna mentioned that she didn't even know her “Fractional VA Service” was a pioneering model until her company was recognized with a 2024 International Business Award as the “world's first”. This highlights a genuine, purpose-driven focus where she was more concerned with solving the problem than with being first.* She describes her speaking process as channeling. Her admission that when she speaks, she doesn't “use brain” but instead taps into a natural, divine flow is a refreshingly unconventional and vulnerable description of her creative process.Ready to move beyond just creating content and start creating real connection?In the Age of AI, the future belongs to those who can amplify human wisdom. Flywheel Nation is MORE than a community; it's a movement for creators and visionaries dedicated to shaping a more human future.Join us as we co-create that future for ethical AI. Here you will tap into the collective wisdom of leaders who prioritize connection over automation, find powerful collaborations that elevate your impact, and help illuminate the path forward.This is your invitation to not only grow your business but to become a lighthouse for others.Join the movement. Visit innovabiz.co/flywheel to be a part of the conversation.VideoThanks for reading Innovabiz Substack! This post is public so feel free to share it. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit innovabiz.substack.com/subscribe

Jessica reports LIVE from Jakarta on all the details from day two of women's qualifying. World Championships Headquarters Videos, Interviews, Podcasts, Fantasy, Guides Extended Episode + Live Q&A (Members) +30 extra minutes of analysis, behind-the-scenes secret stories, plus member questions. Here's how to ask questions live. Can't make it live? Add Club bonus episodes to your favorite podcast player (instructions here). Chapters 00:00 – Intro: Flavia hits beam & Melnikova dominates qualifying 01:10 – Headlines: Big names miss finals (Zhou, Wong, Perotti) 06:20 – Stars of the Day: Voinea, Zhang, McDonald, Caylor 09:40 – USA Recap: Barely through, but through 15:45 – All-Around Standings & Event Finalists 27:55 – Lessons from the Score Rankings 29:08 – Spencer's Jakarta Updates & Team USA Deep Dive 40:16 – Best & Worst Moments: Injuries, artistry, and leotards 49:55 – BTS: Flavia vs. the giant bug + rule-breaking highlights 54:12 – Deep Dive: Subs 4–10 and medal contenders How Do I Watch the Competition? All sessions of the competition will be streamed on Eurovision Sport. Follow along here! Gymnastics Indonesia's YouTube channel will stream all qualification sessions Live scores from the FIG and Swiss Timing Check out NBC's behind-the-scenes mini-doc on the US Women's World Trials Headlines Women's qualifications are complete! Angelina Melnikova is leading the women's all-around and vault standings, Kaylia Nemour is leading bars, Zhang Qingying leads beam, and Sabrina Voinea is the top scorer on floor What were moments that made us want to call the gymnastics police? Who were our all-star queens of the day? What did Chellsie Memmel have to say after the USA's qualification performance? Takeaways from pre-Worlds international score rankings The tale of Flavia Saraiva vs the giant bug GymCastic Updates Subscribe to our YouTube Channel Coming Up 6 days of LIVE podcasts at World Championships in Jakarta Club members get extended coverage and can join us live to ask questions immediately after the meet Play our World Championships Fantasy Game! Win a Club Gym Nerd Scholarship: Go to our Forum > Show Stuff > GymCastic Scholarship We are matching every new sponsorship If you would like access to the club content, but aren't currently in a position to purchase a membership, all you need to do is fill out the form that's linked in our message board If you would also like to sponsor a scholarship, please email editor@gymcastic.com. Thank you! Support Our Work Club Gym Nerd: Join Here Become a Sponsor: GymCastic is matching all donations Nearly 50 scholarships have been awarded so far Learn More Headstand Game: Play Now Forum: Start Chatting Merch: Shop Now Thank you to our Sponsors Gymnastics Medicine Beam Queen Bootcamp's Overcoming Fear Workshop Resources Jakarta schedule & times: See our live podcast times on the Worlds HQ schedule Guides: Download the quick-reference guide on the Jakarta Headquarters page The Balance Beam Situation: Spencer's GIF Code of Points Gymnastics History and Code of Points Archive from Uncle Tim Kensley's men's gymnastics site Neutral Deductions   Unlock the Extended Episode Join Club Gym Nerd → Choose a plan Complete checkout — your site account is created. Log in here → /my-account/ Return to this page and refresh. The extended player appears automatically.

I would like to thank Patreon member Xizer for suggesting this one, as Xizer put it    “An in depth look at General Kanji Ishiwara would be interesting. The man was the architect for the Mukden Incident that led to the Second Sino Japanese War, but he was vehemently opposed to the abuse and exploitation Japan's colonialism indulged in. His vocal condemnation of the brutality and excesses of the Imperial Japanese military foreign policy and Tojo in particular led to his removal, but he couldn't be executed for popularity in the rank and file. Even at the trials after the war he remained defiant, declaring that President Truman should be tried alongside the Axis War criminals for firebombing Japanese cities. He was truly a fascinating figure.   Indeed Kanji Ishiwara is a fascinating character and his story has a startling impact on the Pacific War and global history as a whole. Now by the time I am reading this the script got out of hand, its a long one haha, so it might have to be a multi parter, but I want to limit the first part to Ishiwara and how the Mukden Incident occurred first. It might come further down the road but I will finish the story of this fascinating man later on after hitting up more Patrons desired subjects, without further adieu enjoy part one of Kanji Ishiwara.    Kanji Ishiwara was born in Tsuruoka, Yamagata prefecture on January 18th of 1889. He was the second son of a policeman who was a descendent of a samurai family serving the Shonai Domain. His clan supported the Tokugawa Shogunate during the Boshin War and as a result of their defeat, alongside other Shogunal allied clans would see themselves shut off from larger governmental positions in Meiji Era Japan. Not to go too deep down that rabbit hole, but domains like Choshu and Satsuma would see the lionshare of higher positions, while domains who served on the opposite side would be cast out more.   Ishiware began his army career at the military preparatory school in Sendai at the age of 13, followed up by 2 years at the Central military preparatory school in tokyo. In 1907 he entered the military academy as a member of its 21st class. He left the academy in july of 1909 with the commission of Lieutenant and an assignment as platoon commander of an infantry regiment in Tohoku. After the annexation of Korea in 1910 his regiment was shipped over to the peninsula and he served at Ch'unch'on in a small garrison. After two years of occupation duty, Ishiwara returned to Tohoku and in 1915 passed the examinations necessary to enter the Army Staff college. He held an outstanding record, graduating top of his class in november of 1918 and would be amongst the elite ranks of the Gunto Gumi, receiving the imperial sword.   Now in 1920 he had a frustrating assignment with the department of military training he applied for service in China and received an assignment to the Central china garrison in Hankow. He spent a year traveling through central china before returning back to Tokyo in 1921 where he worked as a lecturer at the army staff college. He sought another China assignment, but his superiors sent him instead to Europe, as they did with all their promising young officers. He went to Germany for 3 years, studying languages and military history. In 1925, he was now a Major, 36 years of age and he received an assignment to the faculty of the army staff college to lecture about the history of war. Now from the very beginning of his character, Ishiwara proved himself a very unconventional officer. He was on the eccentric side, quite argumentative and burdened with a lot of health problems. He had multiple kidney infections, gastro-intestinal problems, tympanitis and other ailments that clawed at him. You also cant forget his ancestry which was important to the Japanese military even in the 1930s. Many of those that came from a disgraced clan had the habit of going above and beyond in terms of imperial loyalty, sort of like a way to rid themselves of the stigma of distrust that was seen in the early Meiji years.   Ishiwara was a bit bizarre, he was nonconforming, quite an independent spirit you would say. Many biographers of his point out, while he held an outstanding record in his education, this went alongside things like his disregard for military punctilio, such as his dress and appearance. In his early career he spoke out against inequalities he saw within the military such as what he saw as favoritism for staff college graduates. Such talk was quite reckless. He read a lot about politics, religion, history and philosophy, he seemed to have quite the restless mind. His behavior drew attention from his colleagues, many deeming him brilliant.   Now everyone in any military has to learn about military history, but not all seek to learn it outside the required readings and such. Ishiwara is one of those rare individuals who was obsessed with learning more about military history. He read about the Russo Japanese war and took quite a critical look at it. He believed the Japanese victory was due to a large part because of luck. He thought Japan had taken the von Moltke strategy of annihilation, but Russia was simply to large to be dislodged from Asia with a swift stroke. If Russia had preserved herself better, he believed Japan would have lost and it was only by a peculiar set of circumstances that Japan had avoided a war of endurance. Ishiwara believed if such a set of circumstance occurred again, Japan defense planning would need to change dramatically to base itself on the realities of modern warfare. This led him to read thoroughly about WW1 in europe and he looked critically at the differences between a short duration vs long duration war. How prolonged conflicts eventually became total wars where politics, economics and social order played larger roles, than just that of the military. This led him to think of categories for different types of war such as “kessenteki senso / decisive war” and “jizokuteki senso / continuous war”. He viewed these two types as flowing back and forth throughout history, in a cyclical rhythm.    While in Germany he studied Clausewitz, von Moltke and the works of Hans Delbruck. He was particularly taken by Delbrucks niederwerfungstragie “strategy of annihilation, the decisive battle” and ermattungsstrategie “the strategy of exhaustion”. He could see his own theorizes more fleshed out in such works and took quite a liking to them. This brought him to analyze the Napoleonic war as the archetype of the war of annihilation and the wars of Frederick the Great as that of a war of exhaustion.    Now further on in his studies, Ishiwara became convinced like many of his colleagues, that Japan and the United States for reasons of power and ideology were on a set course for war. He also concluded such a war would be a protracted one, that of a strategy of exhaustion. But how could Japan prepare for such a protracted war when her natural resources were so clearly inadequate. This led him to think more so about Asia. Ishiwara believed Asia was an entity distinctly different from the west. He held beliefs that Asia should be liberated and unite. During the Xinhai revolution of 1911, as a young cadet in Korea, Ishiwara was quite excited by the idea China might revitalize itself, but he became disillusioned during his time in China later. In the 1920's he dealt with bandits, warlord era conflicts, chaos and disorder, seeing poverty everywhere, all of this shattered his image of China progressing and reforming herself. He wrote this during that time “Looking at the situation in China, I came to harbor grave doubts as to the political capacities of the chinese race and came to feel that, though they were a people of high cultural attainment, it was impossible for them to construct a modern state”. Despite how disappointed he was with the political problems of China, he was likewise disgusted with how his Japanese colleagues treated the Chinese. He recalled feelings of shame when he saw fellow colleagues in Hankow descending from rickshaws and tossing coins to the ground at the rickshaw mens feet. He would constantly write of how the Japanese needed to shed their racial superiority feelings, but funny enough he would write this alongside his beliefs it was necessary for Japan to help guide nations like China to their destiny. While he may have held beliefs in racial equality between Japan and China, he certainly did not think the same of China's politics. Like the majority of his colleagues he believed China required reform and modernization that Japan should usher in. To Ishiwara the issue at hand was if Japan did not help China, the west would aggressively do so and thus subjugate her further. To Ishiwara China needed liberation. Ishiwara also linked the incoming war between Japan and the United States to play a large role for what would occur between China and Japan.   Ishiwara like many Japanese officers held beliefs concerning the Kokutai. I will try to summarize exactly what the Kokutai is, but honestly its a unbelievably complex cultural phenomenon. The Kokutai was a spiritual motive force that influenced the Japanese military. It can be viewed as the national character of Japan. Japan was a constitutional monarchy that held the Kokutai (national body or character)  and Seitai (government body/structure). Thus there was in reality two ideologies, one held the traditional belief focusing on that of the emperor and that of the official government. If I were to give you a overly confusing summary, I would tell you “Japan is run by the emperor and the government simultaneously” this of course if confusing as hell, and it should be. Article 4 of the former Japanese constitution held “the emperor is the head of the empire, combining in himself the right of sovereignty, uniting the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, although subject to the consent of the imperial diet”. Its like saying you have an absolute monarch, but he will be listening and following the democratically elected people. This contradiction would lead to the Pacific War. A large issue that would emerge is that the constitution literally said the navy and army were controlled by the Emperor and not the political diet. Thus many in the military viewed themselves subject to the Kokutai, which as an ideology would evolve dramatically from the Meiji era to the Showa Era. For example, what if you are a military high ranking officer who views the political elites as nothing more than criminals, taking the emperor hostage against his will and thus against the will of the Japanese people. Well this might lead you to try and overthrow the government to make sure the Emperor was really in charge as you think he should be. A real rabbit hole I could go down.   Ishiwara had a unique view of the Kokutai. In his early education he wrote this about his doubt on understanding it as a principal. “Even though I, myself, because of my training…had come to have an unshakeable faith in the kokutai I began to lack confidence that I could imparts this belief to others –to the common soldier, to the civilian, to non-Japanese”. His issue was how did the Kokutai apply outside Japan? How could its value transcend the national boundaries and interests of Japan? If a Japanese soldier was to sacrifice his life for the Kokutai, how did this take on any meaning for men of all races? How could the kokutai's supra-national value by linked to other outside ideologies?   Ishiwara found some answers to these questions in Nichiren Buddhism. It seems here he was able to combine his conceptions about war, history and national purpose. Now Ishiwara did not come from a religious family. He dabbled in christianity for a bit, but did not pursue it. Shinto likewise did not sufficiently fulfill Shiwara' beliefs. Nichiren Buddhism is strongly patriotic, has a apocalyptic character to it and represents a holy mission to be the religion for all mankind with the center of propagation as Japan. There was this kind of quasi idea of world regeneration behind it with Japan as the moral righteous leader. Thus as you can imagine the Kokutai and Nichiren buddhism sort of fit like a glove in many ways.    Utilizing Nichiren Buddhism, the kokutai could be raised from its purely national dogma and be amplified to the entire world. Ishiwara was introduced to all of this by Tanaka Chigaku who was part of the Kokuchukai “national pillar society” a nichiren nationalist organization with an HQ in tokyo. After attending a public meeting held by Tanaka, he quickly converted to Kokuchukai and he would write down in his journal “I was attracted to the Nichiren faith's view of the kokutai”. Nichiren buddhism.    One aspect of Kokuchukai's nichirenism that greatly appealed to Ishiwara was its combative passages. Ishiwara would justify and attribute much of the military force Japan used on the asian continent drawing parallels to Nicherns idea of drawing the sword to defend righteousness. He often quoted nichirens statement “that the significance of the art of war appears in the wonderful law”. Ishiwara become engulfed by the nichiren doctrine and came to believe in its prediction that there would be a “Zendai mimon no dai toso / titanic world conflict, unprecedented in human history”, something like a global armageddon. After this would come a reign of universal and eternal peace under the harmony of “the wonderful law”.   While in Germany Ishiwara became convinced that if Japan and the United States were destined for war and the US won that war, the kokutai would be destroyed. He took the trans-siberian railway enroute back to Japan and stopped in Harbin. There he met with Nichiren believers and he spoke to them about his idea of “a final war”. He stated he believed it would come through religious prediction and his military analysis. He warned everyone Japan must hasten herself for it and that “the final war is fast approaching”. Ishiwara came back to Japan in 1925 fired up with conviction to lecture at the army staff college about his final war. His audience was the army's bright and youthful officers. He taught them Frederican and Napoleonic campaigns, Moltke and WW1 and of course his thoughts on the future conflict before them all. The Army staff college continuously called for him to expand his lectures because they were so popular. Then in 1927 he drafted an essay titled “Genzai oyobi shorai Nihon no kokubo / Japan's present and future national defense”. Here he spoke about the inevitable war between the US and Japan. These were quite provocative and took a hell of a lot of attention from colleagues. Later on in april of 1931, he would brief his fellow Kwantung officers using the essay, arguing the need for decisive action on the asian mainland.   In 1928 he would have given another course on European war, but he came down with influenza and was forced to take leave. As he was getting better he was hit with a case of tympanitis in his ear and had to be hospitalized for 6 months. It was to be one of many ailments that would grind at his health. He eventually was drawn into an elite study circle to talk about war theories led by Major Suzuki. The group consisted of young reformist type officers who talked about political and military issues. He carried on his work on the final war and eventually wrote “Sensoshi taikan / general outline of the history of war” which was delivered as a lecture before Kwantung officers at Changch'un in Manchuria on July 4th of 1929. It would receive revisions in 1931, 1938 and became a book of the same title after 1941. As he began lecturing using Sensoshi taiken he also circulated amongst an inner circle within the Kwantung army “kokuun tenkai no konpon kokusakutaru man-mo mondai kaiketsuan / Plan for the solution of the Manchuria and Mongolia problem as a basic national policy to revolutionize our country's destiny”, what a title. As you might guess the plan called for occupying Manchuria in preparation for the upcoming war with America. By the way, all of his lectures and works would gain so much fame, he was asked in 1936 to adapt the materials for a text on military history for Emperor Hirohito.    Now the 1930's were quite a tense time for Japan. The Japanese leadership saw Marxism everywhere, and believed it was withering away their nation. Japanese liberal types were arguing the military budget was out of hand, many were calling for reduction. To Ishiwara it was insanity, how could Japan not arm itself? Marxists preached communism would save Japan; Liberals preached true democracy would save Japan; Ishiwara and many in the army preached the Kokutai would save Japan. Ishiwara preached his final war theories and that the coming apocalypse would not see an American synthesis, but a supreme victory for the Japanese kokutai that would unify the world. “Japan must be victorious not for the sake of her own national interest, but for the salvation of the world. The last war in human history is approaching, Nichiren's titanic world conflict, unprecedented in human history”.   From the offset of his initial theories, Ishiwara believed the final war would be a strategy of exhaustion. But WW1 and the 1920's brought technological advances such as tanks, poison gas and the airplane. The airplane in particular made Ishiwara believe the defensive stalemate seen in WW1 was coming to an end. Airpower could deliver bomb loads past all known defenses such as naval surface units, fortresses, armies with automatic weapons. He believed the final war would see absolute horrors brought upon the greatest cities of the world. London, Shanghai, Paris even Tokyo would be wiped out within a day of the commencement of hostilities. Air bombardment would deliver victory and he would be quite right about that in regards to what would happen to Japan. He believed such a war would be waged only once and “we will enter an age where war will become impossible because of the ultimate development of war technology”.   Ishiwara argued Japan must directly or indirectly control Manchuria and to a lesser degree over parts of China. He asserted Japan had a moral obligation to the asian continent and a special relationship to Manchuria and China. China must be stabilized, for her people were threatened by turmoil, corruption and conflict. He argued Japan would be eventually obliged for the sake of peace and the welfare of the Chinese people to take a more active effort to stabilize her, particularly in Manchuria. He wrote in 1930 “To save China, which has known no peace, is the mission of Japan, a mission, which, at the same time, is the only means for the salvation of Japan itself. To accomplish this task it is an urgent matter that the interference of the United States be eliminated”. Ironically, he was advocating that in order to prepare for a conflict with the US, Japan must take a stronger hand in Manchuria and China…which would probably force the United States to confront her. He advocated against the strategy of a decisive battle at sea, instead emphasizing a continental strategy. “If the worst comes about and the war at sea turns against us, if proper measures have been taken, Japanese forces on the Asian mainland can be made self-sufficient and the war continued.” Above all else, Manchuria was the key, alongside parts of Mongolia and China.    In 1931 he began writing about how China needed to reform and it would be in her best interest to accept Japanese guidance. He saw China as the most valuable ally to be beside Japan in the event of war with the United States. If anything he argued Japan must try to not become involved in a war with China, every effort should be made to avoid provoking such an event. Yet as he continued his writing he began to see the diplomatic issues play out between China and Japan and came to the conclusion, “every attempt should be made to avoid provoking China, but in the event that it is impossible to bring about China's understanding, then Nanking should be swiftly attacked and north and central China occupied” way to go 0-60. His attitudes to Britain and Russia were quite similar, every effort should be made to remain friendly, but in the case of war Hong Kong and Malaya should be quickly occupied or in the case of the USSR, predetermined objectives inside Siberia should be seized quickly.    Now lets talk about Manchuria, specifically Manchuria in the late 1920's. Manchuria was in a huge tug of war between Russia, China and Japan. Her ties to China proper were severed by years of warlordism allowing Japan to grow her position. For Japan, the quote “manchurian problem” as it would be known centered on a single question “how to consolidate and expand it under Japanese influence in the face of an expanding China”. Japan saw 3 viable methods, taking control over the south manchuria railway, using the kwantung army and Japanese colonists, the good old filibuster approach. Each of these 3 methods offered different approaches to the same problem which of course would have very different outcomes.    Controlling the railway allowed quite a lot of control over southern Manchuria. The issue with this of course being Japan having to constantly fight off Chinese political efforts against such control. Zhang Zuolin, the Tiger of Manchuria and arguably greatest of the warlords of China held control over Manchuria and was firmly acting in Japanese interests, but for how long would he play ball? To the Kwantung Army members operating in and around Manchuria, the northern expedition of Chiang Kai-shek was getting out of hand and threatening Zhang Zuolin and thus their interests as well. Anti-Japanese sentiment was only getting worse as the northern expedition climbed north. The Kwangtung army sought more than anything to assert and retain their control over Manchuria, because it offered a buffer against the USSR. Anything that threatened that control had to be dealt with. Ultimately it was believed by many in the Kwantung Army that Manchuria would have to be separated officially from China and in order for this to occur, Japan would most likely need to use force.    Senior officers of the Kwantung army were invited in June of 1927 for a meeting called upon by Premier Tanaka Giichi. The purpose of the meeting was to formulate Japan's policy toward China and Manchuria. A more radical Kwantung army group headed by Colonel Komoto Daisaku sought to eliminate Zhang Zuolin, as he was increasingly being seen as a major obstacle to Japanese ambitions in Manchuria. Well they would do just that in 1928 when Zhang Zuolin was assassinated via a bomb placed on train tracks known as the Huanggutun incident. The assassination did not work out as the Kwantung Army officers thought it would. Instead of their groomed puppet General Yang Yuting taking up the role as leader of Manchuria, it went instead to Zhang Zuolin's son, Zhang Xueliang, who lets just say was not too happy the Japanese had obviously killed his father. Thus the Kwantung Army did not assert the forceful policy they wanted in Manchuria, they had actually made it worse for them.   The half-hearted investigation into those responsible for killing Zhang Zuolin, led to the removal of Colonel Komoto from his post. Tanaka's cabinet was toppled. The Kwantung army were now embarrassed and angry that their stance in Manchuria was weakened. The Japanese colonists within Manchuria felt more threatened and called more so upon the Kwantung army for protection against Chinese nationalists wishing to kick them out. The Kwantung army was grasping at straws trying to think of a way to sever Manchuria from China. In 1928, Ishiwara was a lt colonel and he was consulted in length by Kwantung officers about his views on the Manchurian problem. While he had not fully hashed out his Final War theory by this point, he nonetheless spoke about the fundamentals of it, arguing the necessity of taking action to control Manchuria. For the next few years, all efforts were made by Kwantung officers to influence policy towards Manchuria. Ishiwara's ideas were being stimulated and influencing the debate over Manchuria amongst his high ranking colleagues. In October of 1928, Ishiwara sought and received an appointment to the Kwantung army staff. The assignment was to be as an operations officer and his number one backer was Colonel Komoto Daisaku. It seemed Komoto saw Ishiwara as the firebrand necessary to push the Manchurian policies they wanted.   When Ishiwara arrived at Port Arthur, he found the Kwantung Army HQ in a state of confusion and demoralization. This of course was a large part due to the cluster fuck of a failure from the bombing of Zhang Zuolin. The investigation into the assassination led to many shifts within the Kwantung army staff, many quite restrictive. Even though Komoto's career was shattered by the Zhang Zuolin failure, he kept arguing to his colleagues that the Manchurian crisis hamukdend to be resolved by force. Ishiwara it seems agreed with this and during the early months of 1929 worked alongside Komoto, planning operations against Chinese forces in the Mukden area. By spring of 1929, Komoto was officially being kicked out. By May he was relegated to a divisional backwater in Japan and by June he was out of the army. This did not mean however that he lost influence on Manchurian affairs. Komoto's replacement was Lt Colonel Itagaki Seishiro and old comrade of Ishiwara since Sendai military preparatory school.    For the next two and a half years, Ishiwara and Itagaki worked alongside other Kwantung Army staff to solve the Manchurian problem as they saw it. By the mid 1931's the idea Manchuria needed to be seized via force was now the mainstream viewpoint for the Kwantung army in general. Ishiwara believed firmly that Japan could no longer stand idle in Manchuria, because every day that went by saw little by little, Japan relinquishing rights and interests in Manchuria to China, and at some point they would simply be kicked out. To “quit manchuria” would be a national disaster, they would lose their buffer state, the resources and the land for their booming population to emigrate to. Simply put Manchuria was the steroid keeping Japan alive, she needed it to continue to grow. Ishiwara would often say “manchuria provides Japan with breathing space” where have we heard that type of talk before?. To the military heads in Tokyo Ishikawa would often assert Manchuria had to be seized via force, because of the soviethreat of the USSR and communism as a whole “In view of the traditional russian policy in that area, once the soviets advanced into manchuria, it would become a base for the communization of asia. Not only would the internal stability of manchuria become impossible to maintain, but Japan would be unable to maintain its own national defense, and China's defenses, too, would become imperialized". The Army HQ in Tokyo likewise agreed Manchuria was the vital defensive line against the USSR. But unlike the Kwantung army who sought all of Manchuria, the heads in Tokyo sought to absorb southern Manchuria via the south manchurian railway and did not seek anything north of it. Ishiwara however assumed the only way Japan could prevent the USSR from placing pressure on southern Manchuria was no less that Japan having to occupy northern Manchuria and even further north towards the Amur River so Japan could control the mountain ranges flanking western and eastern frontiers of northern manchuria.  Once Japan controlled northern Manchuria, Ishiwara stated in 1931 “With the solution of our defense problems in the north, we would then be free to plan an advance in any direction: to China proper, for example, or even to Southeast Asia”.   Ishiwara took all of this a step further, after Manchuria was conquered, Japan would have to somehow administer and pacify the peoples of it. Ishiwara argued the stability of Manchuria would be developed through the special talents of various races living there. The Chinese would develop the small businesses in the region, the Koreans would use their paddy farming knowledge, etc. These racial ideas would contribute to the development of Manchukuo and the greater east asia co-prosperity sphere. But above all else, Manchuria would serve the interests of Japan, many of which would be exploitative and economic in nature.    By early 1930 Ishiwara and Itagaki worked out a plan using the same strategy used during the Russo-Japanese war, a surprise night attack. The Kwantung army would assault the Liaoning area hitting important Chinese garrisons. The plans had to be meticulous as the Kwantung army was severely smaller than most of the Manchurian forces led by Zhang Xueliang. Around Mukden alone Zhang held 20,000 men well equipped with aircraft and tanks. Throughout all of Manchuria, if a war arose, Zhang could assemble roughly 250,000 troops to bear down on an enemy. The Kwantung army meanwhile could muster 10,000 men which were basically garrison units around the railway. They did not have significant aircraft nor mechanized forces at hand, and were pretty poorly equipped to boot. Ishiwara's answer to the disparity in forces called for the use of intelligence and rigorous training. He sought to perfect specific assault techniques so that when the conflict broke out, the Japanese would use lightning speed and effective concentration of force to overwhelm the Chinese. The plan overall was remarkably simplistic, wagering everything on dealing a crushing blow at the center of Zhang Xueliangs military powerbase at the Peitaying barracks at Mukden. If this fell, he predicted the enemy's morale would break, giving the Kwantung the necessary military and psychological momentum to subdue the surrounding areas. If the USSR got involved, the plan would have gone to utter shit.   One important variable Ishiwara highlighted was the necessity to pull off the operation before any attempt to restructure the domestic order in Japan occurred. Ishiwara knew his arguments and those of his colleagues would influence the heads in Tokyo, and they had to act before they did. However the heads at Tokyo and the Kwantung army held very different perspectives on when to act. In June of 1931 the Central army HQ stated in its General Outline of a solution to the Manchurian problem “we must defer the question of military action for a whole year. During this time the foreign ministry would attempt to dampen anti japanese activities in manchuria through negotiations with the government of Nanking. In the meantime the government would launch an information campaign to try and drive acquiescence at home and aboard for military action ”. Ishiwara as you can imagine was very bitter about the idea of prolonging for a year and argued the international environment meant they must strike immediately. The Soviet 5 year plan was still in mid course; the US, Britain and France had yet to overcome their financial crisis and could offer limited resistance in the far east and most obviously the Nationalist regime in China was still busy in its unification efforts south of the Great wall, but that would change soon. If they waited a year all of this would change for the worse, the time was now or never to Ishiwara.   In july of 1931 Ishiwara and Itagki organized a final major staff reconnaissance designed to get the newest Kwantung officers up to date with northern Manchuria. To cover for what they were doing they told high command it was a survey against the USSR, but it was of course to investigate the Chinese power in northern manchuria. On their return trip, the party heard of the disappearance of one Kwantung staff officer, captain Nakamura Shintaro. Ishiwara and the others found out when they reached Port Arthur and the rumor spread that Captain Nakamura had been killed by Chinese soldiers under “mysterious circumstances”. Now over the past few months there had been violent riots, murders, work strikes and other incidents occurring in Manchuria. The Nakamura affair flared all of these tensions up. Seeing the paint on the wall, Chinese and Japanese foreign ministries tried to negotiate the issue, but those at the central army HQ like Nagata Tetsuzan who were sympathetic to the impatience of their Kwantung colleagues felt compelled to aid them. For Ishiwara the issue was clear as he wrote “the Nakamura incident adds just one more issue to the others. What the army should do now is to ignore the foreign ministry and solve the problem by taking matters into its own hands”. And that is just what he did. The Kwantung officers took their forces outside the railway zone, which they had been restricted to and without waiting for approval from Itagaki who was in Japan at the time, initiated the steps to despatch an armored train and a mixed regiment of infantry and artillery forces to go to Mukden to get the Chinese military to help investigate the Nakamura disappearance. Tokyo got word of this and dispatched a telegram to stop their departure from the railway and to not use the Nakamura incident as a way to use force to solve the manchurian problem.   For Ishiwara this was the last straw. On August 20th he sent a message to Nagata condemning the current diplomatic situation and that negotiations were an utter waste of time. “There is no way to settle the matter except by placing it in the hands of the army. If central hq finds it so difficult to trust its field personnel then it had better replace them with representatives more suitable to the conditions it imagines to exist in Manchuria”. Ishiwara doubled down and pushed for a plot to provoke military conflict outside of Mukden. As he wrote in almost a messianic Nichiren conviction ‘I will be the pillar of Japan; I will be the eyes of Japan; I will be the great vessel of Japan” .   “Gekokujo / ruling from below” is a Japanese historical term referring to when subordinates defy or manipulate their superiors. Ishiwara and his like minded close colleagues were about to perform Gekokujo. On september 18th, 1931 a bomb was planted by the Kwantung army on the tracks of the south manchuria railway at Liutiaokou and it exploded. Japanese troops under the guise the bomb was a “chinese terrorist attack” moved to swiftly overrun the Peitaying barracks. Ishiwara's plot had finally unfolded. 

Is this the beginning of the end for ETFs? In this episode, we sit down with Matt Zhang, founder of Hivemind Capital, to unpack the rise of DATs, which might completely rewrite the rules for crypto exposure, institutional adoption, and long-term token value. ~~~~~

In 1954, one year after China initiated the inaugural Five-Year Plan (1953-57), a specialized factory for manufacturing bearings, core components of mechanical equipment, was set up in Luoyang, Henan province.1954年，即中国启动第一个五年计划（1953-1957年）后的一年，河南省洛阳市建成了一家专门生产轴承（机械设备核心零部件）的工厂。It was one of the 156 key projects launched nationwide during the period when the country was striving to build up the basic industries essential for national industrialization. These projects, spanning sectors such as steel, machinery, energy and chemical engineering, laid the foundation for China's industrialization in its early days, marking a determined stride from an agricultural society toward industrial prowess.该工厂是全国156个重点项目之一，这些项目在国家着力建设国民工业化必需的基础产业时期在全国范围内推进。这些项目涵盖钢铁、机械、能源、化工等多个领域，为中国早期工业化奠定了基础，标志着中国从农业社会向工业强国迈出了坚定步伐。Over 70 years later, Luoyang Bearing Group stands as a testament to this enduring vision, as it has evolved into an innovation-driven enterprise manufacturing over 30,000 types of high-precision bearings, vital to industries ranging from aerospace and wind power to rail transit and marine engineering.70多年后，洛阳轴承集团成为这一长远愿景的见证者——如今它已发展为一家创新驱动型企业，可生产超过3万种高精度轴承，对航空航天、风电、轨道交通、海洋工程等多个行业至关重要。During a visit to the company in May, President Xi Jinping, who is also general secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee and chairman of the Central Military Commission, reflected on this remarkable progress, saying: "China has always adhered to the path of developing the real economy. From the past reliance on imported matches, soap and iron, to now becoming the world's largest manufacturing country with the most complete industrial categories, we have taken the right path."5月，中国共产党中央委员会总书记、中国共产党中央军事委员会主席、中华人民共和国主席、中华人民共和国中央军事委员会主席习近平在考察该企业时，回顾了这一显著发展历程，他指出：“中国始终坚持发展实体经济。从过去依赖进口火柴、肥皂、铁钉，到如今成为工业门类最齐全的世界第一制造大国，我们走对了路。”Sticking to this path, China has remained the world's largest manufacturing country for 15 consecutive years. Observers noted that this transformative journey underscores the profound efficacy of the five-year plan system as a fundamental instrument of China's governance.坚持这一道路，中国已连续15年保持世界第一制造大国地位。观察人士指出，这一变革性历程凸显了五年规划体系作为中国治理基本工具的深远效能。Five-year plans are crucial strategic documents that outline national goals, major tasks and policy directions in various sectors for each five-year period.五年规划是重要的战略文件，为每一个五年期内各领域的国家目标、重大任务和政策方向作出规划。It is an approach that experts say maintains policy continuity and stability toward established goals, and ensures the efficient and well-calibrated allocation of resources.专家表示，这一模式能够保障针对既定目标的政策连续性与稳定性，并确保资源得到高效、精准的配置。Formulating and implementing five-year plans has been a hallmark of the Communist Party of China's governance, enabling China to promote coordinated economic and social development over the medium and long terms. For China, the consistent theme from the first Five-Year Plan to the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-25), as President Xi pointed out, has been to build China into a modern socialist country.制定和实施五年规划是中国共产党治国理政的显著特征，助力中国推动中长期经济社会协调发展。习近平主席指出，从第一个五年计划到第十四个五年计划（2021-2025年），中国始终围绕建设社会主义现代化国家这一主题推进各项工作。For more than seven decades, a key to the enduring vitality of the five-year plan system lies in "a synergistic relationship in which the top-level design and long-term perspective of national planning effectively complement the microlevel efficiency and innovative drive of the market economy", said Yan Yilong, deputy dean of the Institute for Contemporary China Studies at Tsinghua University.清华大学当代中国研究中心副主任阎学通表示，70多年来，五年规划体系保持持久活力的关键在于“国家规划的顶层设计和长远视野，与市场经济的微观效率和创新动力形成了协同互补的关系”。"This system operates on three pillars: building consensus on national goals through political guidance and scientific planning, breaking down goals into actionable tasks with evaluation and supervision, and ensuring resource allocation to support these objectives," Yan said.他指出：“这一体系依托三大支柱运行：通过政治引领和科学规划凝聚国家目标共识、将目标分解为可执行任务并辅以评估监督、保障资源配置以支撑这些目标的实现。”The five-year plans are not merely economic plans but comprehensive national development blueprints, and the robust implementation of these blueprints is the highlight of China's governance, he added.他补充道，五年规划不仅是经济规划，更是全面的国家发展蓝图，而这些蓝图的有力实施是中国治理的突出亮点。Acknowledging the nature and significance of China's five-year plan system, The Diplomat, a Washington, DC-based foreign affairs magazine, noted that "the plans are neither rigid blueprints nor mere guidelines. Instead, they act as authoritative signals that shape the behavior of ministries, provincial governments, State-owned enterprises, private firms, and increasingly foreign investors".美国华盛顿特区的外交杂志《外交家》认可中国五年规划体系的性质与意义，指出“这些规划既非僵化的蓝图，也非单纯的指导方针，而是具有权威性的信号，能够影响各部委、省级政府、国有企业、民营企业，乃至越来越多的外国投资者的行为”。Over the decades, China's five-year plans have guided continuous progress in national development and living standards, from ensuring adequate food and clothing after completing the sixth and seventh five-year plans in the 1980s to propelling China's total economic output to become the world's second-largest in the 11th Five-Year Plan (2006-10) period.数十年来，中国的五年规划引领国家发展和人民生活水平不断提升：20世纪80年代完成第六、七个五年计划后，中国解决了温饱问题；在第十一个五年计划（2006-2010年）期间，中国经济总量跃居世界第二。"Five-year plans illustrate the nation's shift from a planned economy to a socialist market economy," said Zhang Zhanbin, director of the Chinese Modernization Research Center at the Party School of the CPC Central Committee.中共中央党校（国家行政学院）中国式现代化研究中心主任张占斌表示：“五年规划见证了中国从计划经济向社会主义市场经济的转变。”He highlighted the transformative power of these plans by citing the example of the revitalization of Northeast China, comprising Heilongjiang, Jilin and Liaoning provinces.他以中国东北地区（包括黑龙江、吉林、辽宁三省）的振兴为例，凸显了五年规划的变革力量。The region became the nation's heavy-industry heartland during the first Five-Year Plan period and was reinvigorated decades later by the 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-05), which proposed to support the adjustment and transformation of the old industrial base. Each subsequent five-year plan has included dedicated sections outlining tasks for Northeast China's revitalization.“一五”时期，东北地区成为国家重工业基地；数十年后，第十个五年计划（2001-2005年）提出支持老工业基地调整改造，为该地区注入了新活力。此后的每一个五年规划中，都设有专门章节明确东北地区振兴的任务。The 14th Five-Year Plan has initiated a more comprehensive revitalization phase for Northeast China, with a State Council-approved implementation plan outlining a clear road map for the region's future.第十四个五年计划开启了东北地区全面振兴的新阶段，国务院批复的实施方案为该地区未来发展绘制了清晰路线图。"The elevating of the strategic positioning of Northeast China in the recent five-year plans reflects the Party and the country's earnest expectations for its comprehensive revitalization in the new era," Zhang said.张占斌指出：“近年来的五年规划不断提升东北地区的战略定位，这体现了党和国家对新时代东北全面振兴的殷切期望。”关键阶段The year 2025 signifies the conclusion of the 14th Five-Year Plan and is pivotal in shaping the subsequent five-year agenda.2025年是第十四个五年规划的收官之年，对制定后续五年规划议程具有关键意义。The 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30), the draft proposals of which are being discussed at the ongoing fourth plenary session of the 20th CPC Central Committee, is tasked with achieving "decisive progress" in basically realizing socialist modernization by 2035, said Yan.阎学通表示，正在召开的党的二十届四中全会正在讨论第十五个五年计划（2026-2030年）草案建议，该规划的任务是到2035年基本实现社会主义现代化并取得“决定性进展”。Speaking at a symposium with provincial leaders in Shanghai in April, Xi pointed out that the scientific formulation and consistent implementation of five-year plans represent an important experience of the Party in governing the country and a major political strength of socialism with Chinese characteristics.4月，习近平在上海与省级领导干部座谈时指出，科学制定和坚决实施五年规划，是党治国理政的重要经验，也是中国特色社会主义的重要政治优势。Xi, who previously led the drafting groups for both the 13th and 14th five-year plans, has consistently emphasized strategic foresight in guiding each phase of national development.习近平曾牵头第十三、十四个五年规划的编制工作，他始终强调以战略远见引领国家各阶段发展。During the 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-20) period, he underscored that this stage was decisive for building a moderately prosperous society in all respects and highlighted the importance of leveraging strategic opportunities. For the 14th Five-Year Plan, he outlined the historic mission of advancing toward the second centenary goal and called for a profound understanding of the new stage of development, including its characteristics and requirements.在第十三个五年计划（2016-2020年）时期，他强调该阶段是全面建成小康社会的决胜阶段，并着重指出把握战略机遇的重要性；针对第十四个五年规划，他明确了向第二个百年奋斗目标迈进的历史使命，要求深刻认识新发展阶段的内涵与要求。广泛共识Looking ahead to the 15th Five-Year Plan, Xi has highlighted that the formulation and implementation of this plan has immense significance for fully realizing the strategic initiatives outlined at the 20th CPC National Congress and advancing Chinese modernization.展望第十五个五年规划，习近平强调，制定和实施这一规划，对全面落实党的二十大部署的战略任务、推进中国式现代化具有重大意义。In an instruction in May, he emphasized the importance of integrating top-level design with seeking advice from the public, enhancing research and discussions, and building broad consensus, and stressed sound, democratic and law-based decision-making to ensure that the next five-year plan is formulated with high quality.5月，习近平在一份指示中强调，要坚持顶层设计和问计于民相结合，深入开展调研论证，凝聚广泛共识，坚持科学决策、民主决策、依法决策，确保高质量编制好下一个五年规划。A key feature of the planning process has been the emphasis on public participation. From May 20 to June 20, an online campaign soliciting opinions for the 15th Five-Year Plan received over 3.11 million suggestions from the public. Xi described this as a vivid example of whole-process people's democracy and urged relevant departments to carefully study and absorb these valuable insights.公众参与是五年规划编制过程的重要特点。5月20日至6月20日，面向第十五个五年规划的网上意见征集活动收到了超过311万条公众建议。习近平称这是全过程人民民主的生动实践，并要求相关部门认真研究吸收这些宝贵意见。By integrating visionary guidance with inclusive governance, China's "target governance mechanism", exemplified by the five-year plan system, continues to be a vital tool for aligning national ambitions with the aspirations of its people, said Yan, the Tsinghua expert.阎学通表示，通过将远见引领与包容性治理相结合，以五年规划体系为代表的中国“目标治理机制”，仍是统筹国家愿景与人民期盼的重要工具。As China navigates a complex landscape of technological acceleration, economic transformation and strategic competition, the next five-year plan represents a critical step toward securing sustainable and high-quality development, he added.他补充道，在当前技术加速迭代、经济转型升级、国际竞争加剧的复杂形势下，下一个五年规划将是中国实现可持续高质量发展的关键一步。20th CPC Central Committee membersn.中共二十届中央委员会委员/ˈtwentiəθ ˌsiː piː ˈsiː ˈsentrəl kəˈmɪti ˈmembəz/15th Five-Year Plan researchers/expertsn.“十五五”规划研究者/专家/ˌfɪfˈtiːnθ ˈfaɪv jɪə plæn rɪˈsɜːtʃəz/ /ˈekspɜːts/

Five Guys was the fastest-growing fast food chain in the world.  And that's partly due to one clever bit of menu psychology.  Today on Nudge, Richard Shotton explains:  - The psychology behind the Five Guys menu  - How Kraft made a healthier Mac & Cheese (without losing customers)  - Why 99% of marketers would have ruined Pumpkin Spice Latte ---  Read Richard's book: https://a.co/d/fEW7amQ Sign up for my newsletter: https://www.nudgepodcast.com/mailing-list Connect on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/phill-agnew-22213187/ Watch Nudge on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@nudgepodcast/  --- Today's sources Lee, L., Frederick, S., & Ariely, D. (2006). Try it, you'll like it: The influence of expectation, consumption, and revelation on preferences for beer. Psychological Science, 17(12), 1054–1058. Nelson, L. D., & Meyvis, T. (2008). Interrupted consumption: Disrupting adaptation to hedonic experiences. Journal of Marketing Research, 45(6), 654–664. Raghunathan, R., Naylor, R. W., & Hoyer, W. D. (2006). The unhealthy = tasty intuition and its effects on taste inferences, enjoyment, and choice of food products. Journal of Marketing, 70(4), 170–184. Shu, S. B., & Gneezy, A. (2010). Procrastination of enjoyable experiences. Journal of Marketing Research, 47(5), 933–944. Zhang, Y., Fishbach, A., & Kruglanski, A. W. (2007). The dilution model: How additional goals undermine the perceived instrumentality of a shared path. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 92(3), 389–401.

High-end monitoring tech for pets is often too expensive and complicated for the average practice, creating a major barrier to reliable care. This week, Shawn Wilkie and Dr. Ivan Zak joined by hardware entrepreneur Yale Zhang, founder of Seismi Inc., to discuss how his company is disrupting the space with affordable, non-invasive monitoring. Yale shares how Seismi makes continuous monitoring accessible to any clinic through accurate, affordable, subscription-free technology designed for real-world use. They also discuss what it takes to bring good hardware to life and how this innovation could make home monitoring for senior and feline patients a reality. Learn more about Seismi. Yale recommends “Chip War: The Fight for the World's Most Critical Technology” by Chris Miller.

This week, we dissect who's in the hunt for individual event medals, obviously the most important phase of the competition. Who are the favorites? Who could pull off an upset? And how can you watch like an expert? UPDATE: Indonesia has denied all Israeli athlete visas. Vault Preview: Deng Yalan vs. the United States of Cheng Leanne Wong and Joscelyn Roberson are tied for the highest combined two vault D-scores this year, but should we be worried that these vaults won't materialize in time for competition? Why Deng Yalan could be the first Chinese gymnast to win a World Championships vault title since Cheng Fei Why you need to keep your eyes on Karla Navas, Angelina Melnikova, and Valentina Georgieva Will the double-twisting Yurchenko and Lopez group have enough D to sneak into vault finals? What do you need to know to watch vault like an expert?  Chapters  00:00 Intro  01:02 Show Open – Welcome to the Worlds Event Finals Preview 02:14 Update from Singapore – Israeli Visa Controversy & FIG Rules 05:53 How to Watch Worlds – BBC & Broadcast Info 06:25 Vault Preview 07:19 Pre-Meet Favorites – Wong, Roberson, Deng Yalan 10:13 Wide World of Spoilers – Melnikova, Navas, Georgieva 13:20 DTY/Lopez Group Questions – Fontaine, Martin & Co. 17:03 How to Watch Vault Like an Expert – Hand Support & Deduction Drama 22:33 Bars Preview 23:02 Pre-Meet Favorites – Nemour, Yang, Roshchina 25:05 What Is an Inbar Skill & Why It Matters 26:17 Wide World of Spoilers – Italians, Blakely, Dutch Contenders 27:34 Questions – Can You Succeed Without Connections? 29:14 How to Watch Bars Like an Expert – Handstands, Kips, & Deductions 31:45  Beam Preview 32:11 Sam Peszek Promo – Beam Queen Fear & Confidence 32:53 Pre-Meet Favorites – Zhou, Zhang, Hwang 35:04 How the Chinese Score 15s on Beam 37:19 Wide World of Spoilers – Nemour, Flavia, Okamura, Blakely 42:22 Coping with No Manila Esposito – Giulia Perotti 45:04 Team Layout Full – Ossysek & Voinea 46:10 Does Big Difficulty Pay Off? 47:02 How to Watch Beam Like an Expert – Why E-Scores Are “Crimes” 50:28 Beam Deductions Explained – Rhythm, Pauses, and Artistry 53:01  Floor Preview 53:22 Pre-Meet Favorites – Roberson, Voinea, Kalmykova 54:44 Why There Are No Clear Favorites This Year 55:36 Wide World of Spoilers – Moerz, Sugihara, Kishi, Ruby Evans 56:13 Who Doesn't Belong in Dance Prison – Fontaine, Marta Pihan-Kuleza, Petisco 58:03 The 3-Pass vs 4-Pass Debate 58:44 How to Watch Floor Like an Expert – Inquiry Rules Explained 01:01:08 When to File a Floor Inquiry & What's Changed 01:02:05  Show Close & Updates 01:02:36 Thank You Gifts & Travel Blessing from Vicky 01:03:21 Worlds Coverage Schedule & Club Gym Nerd Live Access 01:04:00 Sign-Off – “Take off and split on rights!” Bars Preview: The Kaylia Nemour Show How Kaylia Nemour and her gargantuan 6.9 D-score will win the World bars title Could Yang Fanyuwei and her eponymous full-twisting Jaeger give Nemour a run for gold? Which one of the AIN Russians will use the power of an inbar to make it into bar finals? The wide world of spoilers from the Italians, Skye Blakely, and the Dutch Can you qualify to bar finals without connecting everything? We look at Nakamura Haruka dilemma as a case study How can you watch bars like an expert Beam Preview: The Confidence Game Who are the current world leaders on beam? Why Zhou Yaqin and Zhang Qingying are leading the world beam rankings Whatever you do, DO NOT sleep on Hwang Seohyun and her massive new 6.9 D-score Why being a nonchalant beamer is the key to getting a 15 Is doing big-time F+ elements still worth the risk? There are probably 30 people who could legitimately contend for a World beam title, who else is on our list? Why is beam evaluated so harshly? We go over everything you need to know to watch beam like an expert Floor Preview: Doing Less is More Who are our favorites to win the title? Hint: it's nobody Who is currently leading the world floor rankings? Joscelyn Roberson is coming in HOT with her 6.5 D-score, but is she healthy enough to pull it off? Could this be Sabrina Voinea's Paris revenge tour? Why floor is probably one of the most unpredictable events this year. We have a looong list of gymnasts who could contend for a medal Who doesn't belong in dance prison? Why the three or four pass floor routine debate is the "is a hot dog a sandwich" debate of gymnastics How do you submit an inquiry on floor? What are the new procedures to submit an inquiry? WIN STUFF Raffle: Win a Full Commission Episode for $10! Raffle closes Oct. 7th! Club Gym Nerd Membership Scholarship GymCastic is matching all donations Nearly 50 scholarships have been awarded so far UP NEXT: Behind The Scenes: Live Podium Training Report podcast with Q&A from Jakarta on October 17th. SUPPORT THE SHOW Join Club Gym Nerd: https://gymcastic.com/club/ Headstand Game: https://gymcastic.com/headstand-plugin/ Forum: https://gymcastic.com/community/ Merch: https://gymcastic.com/shop/ Try Huel with 15% OFF for New Customers today using my code GYMCASTIC at https://huel.com/gymcastic. Fuel your best performance with Huel today! RELATED EPISODES: Episode – Jakarta World Championships Preview Part One: AA Draft, Stats, Subdivision Deep Dives Episode – Rolled Ankle-Gate! Selection Camp Down to 8 | Perotti Leads Italian World Team Episode – Jakarta World Team Trials Preview & Sho Nakamori on Judge-Eye-View Cameras Episode – Paris World Cup with Laura Cappelle Behind the Scenes – all episodes NEWSLETTERS Sign up for all three GymCastic newsletters  RESOURCES The Balance: My Years Coaching Simone Biles by Aimee Boorman with Fact Checker. Aimee coached Simone from day one in gymnastics to three back to back World All Around titles, 14 world medals and an unprecedented 5 medals at the Rio Olympics. Get your copy now. And if you loved reading (or listening) to the book, please leave a review. Spencer's essential website The Balance Beam Situation  GIFs of the Week and Meet schedule with links. Gymnastics History and Code of Points Archive from Uncle Tim Kensley's men's gymnastics site Neutral Deductions RESISTANCE RESOURCES > here Cover Art & Photos by Steve Cooper © Gymcastic

Last time we spoke about the Battle of Taierzhuang. Following the fall of Nanjing in December 1937, the Second Sino-Japanese War entered a brutal phase of attrition as Japan sought to consolidate control and press toward central China. Chinese defense prioritized key rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Xuzhou, the JinPu and Longhai lines, and the Huai River system forming crucial lifelines. By early 1938, Japanese offensives aimed to link with forces around Beijing and Nanjing and encircle Chinese positions in the Central Yangtze region, threatening Wuhan. In response, Chiang Kai-shek fortified Xuzhou and expanded defenses to deter a pincer move, eventually amassing roughly 300,000 troops along strategic lines. Taierzhuang became a focal point when Japanese divisions attempted to press south and link with northern elements. Chinese commanders Li Zongren, Bai Chongxi, Tang Enbo, and Sun Lianzhong coordinated to complicate Japanese plans through offensive-defensive actions, counterattacks, and encirclement efforts. The victory, though numerically costly, thwarted immediate Japanese objectives and foreshadowed further attritional struggles ahead.   #171 The Flooding of the Yellow River Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. We last left off with a significant event during the Xuzhou campaign. Three Japanese divisions under General Itagaki Seishiro moved south to attack Taierzhuang and were met by forces commanded by Li Zongren, Sun Lianzhong, and Tang Enbo, whose units possessed a decent amount of artillery. In a two-week engagement from March 22 to April 7, the battle devolved into a costly urban warfare. Fighting was vicious, often conducted in close quarters and at night. The urban environment negated Japanese advantages in armor and artillery, allowing Chinese forces to contend on equal terms. The Chinese also disrupted Japanese logistics by resupplying their own troops and severing rear supply lines, draining Japanese ammunition, supplies, and reinforcements. By April 7, the Japanese were compelled to retreat, marking the first Chinese victory of the war. However both sides suffered heavy losses, with around 20,000 casualties on each side. In the aftermath of this rare victory, Chiang Kai-Shek pushed Tang Enbo and Li Zongren to capitalize on their success and increased deployments in the Taierzhuang theater to about 450,000 troops. Yet the Chinese Army remained hampered by fundamental problems. The parochialism that had crippled Chiang's forces over the preceding months resurfaced. Although the generals had agreed to coordinate in a war of resistance, each still prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of Chiang's bid to consolidate power. Li Zongren, for example, did not deploy his top Guangxi provincial troops at Taierzhuang and sought to shift most of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's forces. Chiang's colleagues were mindful of the fates of Han Fuju of Shandong and Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria: Han was executed for refusing to fight, while Zhang, after allowing Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army, ended up under house arrest. They were right to distrust Chiang. He believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a unified national command, which he would lead. From a national-unity perspective, his aspiration was not unreasonable. But it fed suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would dilute their power. The divided nature of the command also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off. By late April the Chinese had reinforced the Xuzhou area to between 450,000-600,000 to capitalize on their victory. However these armies were plagued with command and control issues. Likewise the Japanese licked their wounds and reinforced the area to roughly 400,000, with fresh troops and supplies flowing in from Tianjin and Nanjing. The Japanese continued with their objective of encircling Chinese forces. The North China Area Army comprised four divisions and two infantry brigades drawn from the Kwantung Army, while the Central China Expeditionary Army consisted of three divisions and the 1st and 2nd Tank Battalions along with motorized support units. The 5th Tank Battalion supported the 3rd Infantry Division as it advanced north along the railway toward Xuzhou. Fighting to the west, east, and north of Xuzhou was intense, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. On 18 April, the Japanese advanced southward toward Pizhou. Tang Enbo's 20th Army Corps, together with the 2nd, 22nd, 46th, and 59th corps, resisted fiercely, culminating in a stalemate by the end of April. The 60th Corps of the Yunnan Army engaged the Japanese 10th Division at Yuwang Mountain for nearly a month, repelling multiple assaults. By the time it ceded its position to the Guizhou 140th Division and withdrew on 15 May, the corps had sustained losses exceeding half of its forces. Simultaneously, the Japanese conducted offensives along both banks of the Huai River, where Chinese defenders held out for several weeks. Nevertheless, Japanese artillery and aerial bombardment gradually tilted the balance, allowing the attackers to seize Mengcheng on 9 May and Hefei on 14 May. From there, the southern flank split into two parts: one force moved west and then north to cut off the Longhai Railway escape route from Xuzhou, while another division moved directly north along the railway toward Suxian, just outside Xuzhou. Simultaneously, to the north, Japanese units from north China massed at Jining and began moving south beyond Tengxian. Along the coast, an amphibious landing was made at Lianyungang to reinforce troops attacking from the east. The remaining portions of Taierzhuang were captured in May, a development symbolically significant to Tokyo. On 17 May, Japanese artillery further tightened the noose around Xuzhou, striking targets inside the city.  To preserve its strength, the Nationalist government ordered the abandonment of Xuzhou and directed its main forces to break out toward northern Jiangsu, northern Anhui, and eastern Henan. To deter the Japanese army's rapid westward advance and penetration into northern Henan and western Shandong, many leading military and political figures within the Nationalist government proposed breaching dams over the Yellow River to delay the offensive, a strategy that would have been highly advantageous to the Nationalist forces at the time. Chiang Kai-shek vetoed the proposal outright, insisting that the Nationalist army could still resist. He understood that with tens of millions of Chinese lives at stake and a sliver of hope remaining, the levee plan must not be undertaken. Then a significant battle broke out at Lanfeng. Chiang also recognized that defeat could allow the elite Japanese mechanized divisions, the 14th, 16th, and 10th, to advance directly toward Zhengzhou. If Zhengzhou fell, the Japanese mechanized forces on the plains could advance unimpeded toward Tongguan. Their southward push would threaten Xi'an, Xiangfan, and Nanyang, directly jeopardizing the southwest's rear defenses. Concurrently, the Japanese would advance along the Huai River north of the Dabie Mountains toward Wuhan, creating a pincer with operations along the Yangtze River.  Now what followed was arguably the most important and skillful Chinese maneuver of the Xuzhou campaign: a brilliantly executed strategic retreat to the south and west across the Jinpu railway line. On May 15, Li Zongren, in consultation with Chiang Kai-shek, decided to withdraw from Xuzhou and focus on an escape plan. The evacuation of civilians and military personnel began that day. Li ordered troops to melt into the countryside and move south and west at night, crossing the Jinpu Railway and splitting into four groups that would head west. The plan was to regroup in the rugged Dabie Mountains region to the south and prepare for the defense of Wuhan. Li's generals departed reluctantly, having held out for so long; Tang Enbo was said to have wept. Under cover of night, about forty divisions, over 200,000 men, marched out of Japanese reach in less than a week. A critical moment occurred on May 18, when fog and a sandstorm obscured the retreating troops as they crossed the Jinpu Railway. By May 21, Li wired Chiang Kai-shek to report that the withdrawal was complete. He mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite units, such as the 74th Army, withdrawn from Xuzhou and transferred directly to Lanfeng, with a resolute intent to “burn their boats.” The force engaged the Japanese in a decisive battle at Lanfeng, aiming to secure the last line of defense for the Yellow River, a position carrying the lives of millions of Chinese civilians. Yet Chiang Kai-shek's strategy was not universally understood by all participating generals, who regarded it as akin to striking a rock with an egg. For the battle of Lanfeng the Chinese mobilized nearly all of the Kuomintang Central Army's elite forces, comprising 14 divisions totaling over 150,000 men. Among these, the 46th Division of the 27th Army, formerly the Central Training Brigade and the 36th, 88th, and 87th Divisions of the 71st Army were German-equipped. Additionally, the 8th Army, the Tax Police Corps having been reorganized into the Ministry of Finance's Anti-Smuggling Corps, the 74th Army, and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps, the new 1st Army, equipped with the 8th Division were elite Nationalist troops that had demonstrated strong performance in the battle of Shanghai and the battle of Nanjing, and were outfitted with advanced matériel. However, these so-called “elite” forces were heavily degraded during the campaigns in Shanghai and Nanjing. The 46th Division and Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps sustained casualties above 85% in Nanjing, while the 88th and 87th Divisions suffered losses of up to 90%. The 74th Army and the 36th Division also endured losses exceeding 75%. Their German-made equipment incurred substantial losses; although replenishment occurred, inventories resembled roughly a half-German and half-Chinese mix. With very limited heavy weapons and a severe shortage of anti-tank artillery, they could not effectively match the elite Japanese regiments. Hu Zongnan's 17th Corps maintained its national equipment via a close relationship with Chiang Kai-shek. In contrast, the 74th Army, after fighting in Shanghai, Nanjing, and Xuzhou, suffered heavy casualties, and the few German weapons it had were largely destroyed at Nanjing, leaving it to rely on a mix of domestically produced and Hanyang-made armaments. The new recruits added to each unit largely lacked combat experience, with nearly half of the intake having received basic training. The hardest hit was Li Hanhun's 64th Army, established less than a year prior and already unpopular within the Guangdong Army. Although classified as one of the three Type A divisions, the 155th, 156th, and 187th Divisions, it was equipped entirely with Hanyang-made firearms. Its direct artillery battalion possessed only about 20 older mortars and three Type 92 infantry guns, limiting its heavy firepower to roughly that of a Japanese battalion. The 195th Division and several miscellaneous units were even less prominent, reorganized from local militias and lacking Hanyang rifles. Additionally, three batches of artillery purchased from the Soviet Union arrived in Lanzhou via Xinjiang between March and June 1938. Except for the 52nd Artillery Regiment assigned to the 200th Division, the other artillery regiments had recently received their weapons and were still undergoing training. The 200th Division, had been fighting awhile for in the Xuzhou area and incurred heavy casualties, was still in training and could only deploy its remaining tank battalion and armored vehicle company. The tank battalion was equipped with T-26 light tanks and a small number of remaining British Vickers tanks, while the armored vehicle company consisted entirely of Italian Fiat CV33 armored cars. The disparity in numbers was substantial, and this tank unit did not participate in the battle.  As for the Japanese, the 14th Division was an elite Type A formation. Originally organized with four regiments totaling over 30,000 men, the division's strength was later augmented. Doihara's 14th Division received supplements, a full infantry regiment and three artillery regiments, to prevent it from being surrounded and annihilated, effectively transforming the unit into a mobile reinforced division. Consequently, the division's mounted strength expanded to more than 40,000 personnel, comprising five infantry regiments and four artillery regiments. The four artillery regiments, the 24th Artillery Regiment, the 3rd Independence Mountain Artillery Regiment, the 5th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, and the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Regiment, possessed substantial heavy firepower, including 150mm heavy howitzers and 105mm long-range field cannons, placing them far in excess of the Nationalist forces at Lanfeng. In addition, both the 14th and later the 16th Divisions commanded tank regiments with nearly 200 light and medium tanks each, while Nationalist forces were markedly short of anti-tank artillery. At the same time, the Nationalist Air Force, though it had procured more than 200 aircraft of various types from the Soviet Union, remained heavily reliant on Soviet aid-to-China aircraft, amounting to over 100 machines, and could defend only a few cities such as Wuhan, Nanchang, and Chongqing. In this context, Japanese forces effectively dominated the Battle of Lanfeng. Moreover, reports indicate that the Japanese employed poison gas on the battlefield, while elite Nationalist troops possessed only a limited number of gas masks, creating a stark disparity in chemical warfare preparedness. Despite these disparities, Chiang Kai-shek and the Nationalist government were initially unaware of the updated strength and composition of the Doihara Division. Faced with constrained options, Chiang chose to press ahead with combat operations. On May 12, 1939, after crossing the Yellow River, the IJA 14th Division continued its southward advance toward Lanfeng. The division's objective was to sever the Longhai Railway, disrupt the main Nationalist retreat toward Zhengzhou, and seize Zhengzhou itself. By May 15, the division split into two columns at Caoxian and moved toward key nodes on the Longhai Line. Major General Toyotomi Fusatarou led two infantry regiments, one cavalry regiment, and one artillery regiment in the main assault toward Kaocheng with the aim of directly capturing Lanfeng. Doihara led three infantry regiments and three artillery regiments toward Neihuang and Minquan, threatening Guide. In response, the Nationalist forces concentrated along the railway from Lanfeng to Guide, uniting Song Xilian's 71st Army, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army, Yu Jishi's 74th Army, Li Hanhun's 64th Army, and Huang Jie's 8th Army. From May 15 to 17, the Fengjiu Brigade, advancing toward Lanfeng, met stubborn resistance near Kaocheng from roughly five divisions under Song Xilian and was forced to shift its effort toward Yejigang and Neihuang. The defense near Neihuang, including Shen Ke's 106th Division and Liang Kai's 195th Division, ultimately faltered, allowing Doihara's division to seize Neihuang, Yejigang, Mazhuangzhai, and Renheji. Nevertheless, the Nationalist forces managed to contain the Japanese advance east and west of the area, preventing a complete encirclement. Chiang Kai-shek ordered Cheng Qian, commander-in-chief of the 1st War Zone, to encircle and annihilate the Japanese 14th Division. The deployment plan mapped three routes: the Eastern Route Army, under Li Hanhun, would include the 74th Army, the 155th Division of the 64th Army, a brigade of the 88th Division, and a regiment of the 87th Division, advancing westward from Guide); the Western Route Army, commanded by Gui Yongqing, would comprise the 27th Army, the 71st Army, the 61st Division, and the 78th Division, advancing eastward from Lanfeng; and the Northern Route Army, formed by Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Army and Shang Zhen's 20th Army, was to cut off the enemy's retreat to the north bank of the Yellow River near Dingtao, Heze, Dongming, and Kaocheng, while attacking the Doihara Division from the east, west, and north to annihilate it in a single decisive operation.  On May 21, the Nationalist Army mounted a full-scale offensive. Yu Jishi's 74th Army, commanded by Wang Yaowu's 51st Division, joined a brigade of Song Xilian's 71st Army, led by the 88th Division, and drove the Japanese forces at Mazhuangzhai into retreat, capturing Neihuang and Renheji. The main Japanese force, more than 6,000 strong, withdrew southwest to Yangjiji and Shuangtaji. Song Xilian, commanding Shen Fazao's 87th Division, launched a sharp assault on Yejigang (Yifeng). The Japanese abandoned the stronghold, but their main body continued advancing toward Yangjiji, with some units retreating to Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. On May 23, Song Xilian's 71st Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army enveloped and annihilated enemy forces at Donggangtou and Maoguzhai. That evening they seized Ximaoguzhai, Yangzhuang, and Helou, eliminating more than a thousand Japanese troops. The Japanese troops at Donggangtou fled toward Lanfeng. Meanwhile, Gui Yongqing's forces were retreating through Lanfeng. His superior strength, Jiang Fusheng's 36th Division, Li Liangrong's 46th Division, Zhong Song's 61st Division, Li Wen's 78th Division, Long Muhan's 88th Division, and Shen Ke's 106th Division—had held defensive positions along the Lanfeng–Yangji line. Equipped with a tank battalion and armored vehicle company commanded by Qiu Qingquan, they blocked the enemy's westward advance and awaited Japanese exhaustion. However, under the Japanese offensive, Gui Yongqing's poor command led to the loss of Maji and Mengjiaoji, forcing the 27th Army to retreat across its entire front. Its main force fled toward Qixian and Kaifeng. The Japanese seized the opportunity to capture Quxingji, Luowangzhai, and Luowang Railway Station west of Lanfeng. Before retreating, Gui Yongqing ordered Long Muhan to dispatch a brigade to replace the 106th Division in defending Lanfeng, while he directed the 106th Division to fall back to Shiyuan. Frightened by the enemy, Long Muhan unilaterally withdrew his troops on the night of the 23rd, leaving Lanfeng undefended. On the 24th, Japanese troops advancing westward from Donggangtou entered Lanfeng unopposed and, relying on well-fortified fortifications, held their ground until reinforcements arrived. In the initial four days, the Nationalist offensive failed to overwhelm the Japanese, who escaped encirclement and annihilation. The four infantry and artillery regiments and one cavalry regiment on the Japanese side managed to hold the line along Lanfeng, Luowangzhai, Sanyizhai, Lanfengkou, Quxingji, Yang'erzhai, and Chenliukou on the south bank of the Yellow River, offering stubborn resistance. The Longhai Railway was completely cut off. Chiang Kai-shek, furious upon hearing the news while stationed in Zhengzhou, ordered the execution of Long Muhan, commander of the 88th Division, to restore military morale. He also decided to consolidate Hu Zongnan's, Li Hanhun's, Yu Jishi's, Song Xilian's, and Gui Yongqing's troops into the 1st Corps, with Xue Yue as commander-in-chief. On the morning of May 25, they launched a determined counterattack on Doihara's 14th Division. Song Xilian personally led the front lines on May 24 to rally the defeated 88th Division.  Starting on May 25, after three days of intense combat, Li Hanhun's 64th Army advanced to seize Luowang Station and Luowangzhai, while Song Xilian's 71st Army retook Lanfeng City, temporarily reopening the Longhai Line to traffic. At Sanyi Village, Gui Yongqing's 27th Army and Yu Jishi's 74th Army captured a series of outlying positions, including Yang'eyao, Chailou, Cailou, Hezhai, Xuelou, and Baowangsi. Despite these gains, more than 6,000 Japanese troops offered stubborn resistance. During the fighting, Ji Hongru, commander of the 302nd Regiment, was seriously wounded but continued to fight, shouting, “Don't worry about my death! Brothers, fight on!” He ultimately died a heroic death from his wounds. By May 27, Chiang Kai-shek, concerned that the forces had not yet delivered a decisive victory at Lanfeng, personally reprimanded the participating generals and ordered them to completely encircle and annihilate the enemy west of Lanfeng by the following day. He warned that if the opportunity was missed and Japanese reinforcements arrived, the position could be endangered. The next day, Chiang Kai-shek issued another telegram, urging Cheng Qian's First War Zone and all participating units to press the offensive. The telegram allegedly had this in it “It will forever be a laughingstock in the history of warfare.” Meanwhile on the other side, to prevent the annihilation of Doihara's 14th Division, the elite Japanese 16th Division and the 3rd Mixed Brigade, totaling over 40,000 men, launched a westward assault from Dangshan, capturing Yucheng on May 26. They then began probing the outskirts of Guide. Huang Jie's Eighth Army, responsible for the defense, withdrew to the outskirts of Guide that evening. On May 28, Huang Jie again led his troops on his own initiative, retreating to Liuhe and Kaifeng, leaving only the 187th Division to defend Zhuji Station and Guide City. At dawn on May 29, Peng Linsheng, commander of the 187th Division, also withdrew his troops, leaving Guide a deserted city. The Japanese occupied Guide without a fight. The loss of Guide dramatically shifted the tide of the war. Threatened on the flanks by the Japanese 16th Division, the Nationalist forces were forced onto the defensive. On May 28, the Japanese 14th Division concentrated its forces to counterattack Gui Yongqing's troops, but they were defeated again, allowing the Japanese to stabilize their position. At the same time, the fall of Shangqiu compelled Xue Yue's corps to withdraw five divisions to block the enemy in Shangqiu, and the Nationalist Army shifted to a defensive posture with the 14th Division holding Sanyizhai and Quxingji. To the north of the battlefield, the Japanese 4th Mixed Brigade, numbering over 10,000 men, was preparing to force a crossing of the Yellow River in order to join with the nearby 14th Division. More seriously, the 10th Division, together with its 13th Mixed Brigade and totaling more than 40,000 men, had captured Woyang and Bozhou on the Henan-Anhui border and was rapidly encircling eastern Henan. By the time of the Battle of Lanfeng, Japanese forces had deployed more than 100,000 troops, effectively surrounding the Nationalist army. On May 31, the First War Zone decided to withdraw completely, and the Battle of Lanfeng ended in defeat for the Nationalists, forcing Chiang Kai-shek to authorize diverting the Yellow River embankment to relieve pressure. The consequence was a deteriorating strategic situation, as encirclement tightened and reinforcement options dwindled, driving a retreat from the Lanfeng front. The National Army suffered more than 67,000 casualties, killed and wounded more than 10,000 Japanese soldiers, Lanfeng was lost, and Zhengzhou was in danger.  As in Nanjing, this Chinese army might have lived to fight another day, but the effect on Xuzhou itself was horrific. The city had endured Japanese bombardment since August 1937, and the population's mood swung between cautious hope and utter despair. In March, Du Zhongyuan visited Xuzhou. Before he left Wuhan, friends told him that “the city was desolate and the people were terrified, all the inhabitants of Xuzhou were quietly getting on with their business … sometimes it was even calmer than Wuhan.” The Australian journalist Rhodes Farmer recalled a similar image in a book published at war's end, noting the “ordinary townsfolk who became wardens, fire-fighters and first-aid workers during the raid and then went back to their civil jobs.” Yet the mid-May departure of Nationalist troops left the city and its outskirts at the mercy of an angry Imperial Army. Bombing continued through the final days of battle, and a single raid on May 14, 1938 killed 700 people. Around Xuzhou, buildings and bridges were destroyed—some by retreating Chinese forces, some by advancing Japanese troops. Taierzhuang, the scene of the earlier iconic defense, was utterly destroyed. Canadian Jesuits who remained in Xuzhou after its fall recorded that more than a third of the houses were razed, and most of the local population had fled in terror. In rural areas around the city, massacres were repeatedly reported, many witnessed by missionaries. Beyond the atrocities of the Japanese, locals faced banditry in the absence of law enforcement, and vital agricultural work such as planting seed ground to a halt. The loss of Xuzhou was both strategic and symbolic. It dealt a severe blow to Chiang's attempt to hold central China and to control regional troop movements. Morale, which Taierzhuang had briefly boosted, was battered again though not extinguished. The fall signaled that the war would be long, and that swift victory against Japan was no longer likely. Mao Zedong's Yan'an base, far to the northwest, grasped the meaning of defeat there. In May 1938 he delivered one of his most celebrated lectures, “On Protracted War,” chiding those who had over-optimistically claimed the Xuzhou campaign could be a quasi-decisive victory and arguing that, after Taierzhuang, some had become “giddy.” Mao insisted that China would ultimately prevail, yet he warned that it could not be won quickly, and that the War of Resistance would be protracted. In the meantime, the development of guerrilla warfare remained an essential piece of the long-term strategy that the Communist armies would pursue in north China. Yet the loss of Xuzhou did not necessarily portend a long war; it could, instead, presage a war that would be terrifyingly short. By spring 1938 the Chinese defenders were desperate. There was a real danger that the entire war effort could collapse, and the Nationalist governments' notable success as protectors of a shrinking “Free China” lay in avoiding total disaster. Government propaganda had successfully portrayed a plan beyond retreat to foreign observers, yet had Tokyo captured Wuhan in the spring, the Chinese Army would have had to withdraw at speed, reinforcing perceptions of disintegration. Western governments were unlikely to intervene unless convinced it was in their interests. Within the Nationalist leadership, competing instincts persisted. The government pursued welfare measures for the people in the midst of a massive refugee relief effort, the state and local organizations, aided by the International Red Cross, housed large numbers of refugees in 1937–1938. Yet there was a harsher strain within policy circles, with some officials willing to sacrifice individual lives for strategic or political ends as the Japanese threat intensified. Throughout central China, the Yellow River, China's “Sorrow”, loomed as the dominant geographic force shaping history. The loess-laden river, notorious for floods and shifting channels, was banked by massive dikes near Zhengzhou, exactly along the line the Japanese would traverse toward Wuhan. Using the river as a military instrument was discussed as a drastic option: Chiang and Cheng Qian's First War Zone contemplated diverting or breaching the dikes to halt or slow the Japanese advance, a measure that could buy time but would unleash enormous civilian suffering. The idea dated back to 1887 floods that cost hundreds of thousands of lives, and even in 1935 Alexander von Falkenhausen had warned that the Yellow River could become the final line of defense. In 1938 Chiang, recognizing the futility of defeating the Japanese by conventional means at Zhengzhou, considered unleashing the river's force if necessary to impede the invaders. The political and strategic calculus was stark: protect central China and Wuhan, even if it required drastic and morally fraught measures. A more humane leader might have hesitated to break the dikes and spare the dams, allowing the Japanese to take Wuhan. But Chiang Kai-shek believed that if the dikes were not breached and Wuhan fell within days, the Nationalist government might be unable to relocate to Chongqing in time and would likely surrender, leaving Japan in control of almost all of China. Some have compared the choice to France's surrender in June 1940, underscoring that Chiang's decision came during the country's most terrifying assault, with Chinese forces much weaker and less trained than their European counterparts. The dilemma over whether to break the Yellow River dikes grew out of desperation. Chiang ultimately ordered General Wei Rulin to blow the dike that held the Yellow River in central Henan. There was no doubt about the consequences: floods would inundate vast areas of central China, creating a waterlogged barrier that would halt the Japanese advance. Yet for the plan to succeed, it had to be carried out quickly, and the government could offer no public warning in case the Japanese detected it and accelerated their movement. Xiong Xianyu, chief of staff in the 8th Division at the time, recorded the urgency of those hours in his diary. The Japanese were already on the north bank of the Yellow River, briefly delayed when the Chinese army blew up the railway bridge across the river. The destruction of the dikes was the next step: if the area became a sea of mud, there would be no way the Japanese could even attempt to reconstruct the bridge. Blasting the dikes proved easier in theory than in practice. Holding back such a massive body of water required substantial engineering, dams thick and well fortified. The army made its first attempts to blow the dike at the small town of Zhaokou between June 4 and 6, 1938, but the structure proved too durable; another nearby attempt failed as well. Hour by hour, the Japanese moved closer. Division commander Jiang Zaizhen asked Xiong Xianyu for his opinion on where they might breach the dams. Xiong wrote “I discussed the topography, and said that two places, Madukou and Huayuankou, were both possible.” But Madukou was too close to Zhaokou, where the breach had already failed, presenting a danger that the Japanese might reach it very soon. The village of Huayuankou, however, lay farther away and on a bend in the river: “To give ourselves enough time, Huayuankou would be best.” At first, the soldiers treated the task as a military engineering assignment, an “exciting” one in Xiong's words. Xiong and Wei Rulin conducted their first site inspection after dark, late on June 6. The surroundings offered a deceptive calm: Xiong recounted “The wind blew softly, and the river water trickled pleasantly.” Yet gauging the water level proved difficult, hampered by murky moonlight and burned-out flashlights. They spent the night in their car to determine precisely where to break the dike as soon as day broke. But daylight seemed to bring home the consequences of what they planned to do, and the soldiers grew increasingly anxious. Wang Songmei, commander of the 2nd Regiment, addressed the workers about to breach the dike: “My brothers, this plan will be of benefit to our country and our nation, and will lessen the harm that is being done to the people.In the future, you'll find good wives and have plenty of children.” Wang's words were meant to reassure the men of the political necessity of their actions and that fate would not, in the traditional Chinese sense, deny them a family because of the enormity of their deeds. General Wei confirmed that Huayuankou was the right spot, and on June 8 the work began, with about 2,000 men taking part. The Nationalist government was eager to ensure rapid progress. Xiong recorded that the “highest authorities”,, kept making telephone calls from Wuhan to check on progress. In addition, the party sent performers to sing and play music to bolster the workers' spirits. Senior General Shang Zhen announced to the laborers that if they breached the dam by midnight on June 8, each would receive 2,000 yuan; if they achieved it by six the next morning, they would still be paid 1,000 yuan. They needed encouragement, for the diggers had no artificial assistance. After the initial failures at Zhaokou, Wei's troops relied entirely on manual labor, with no explosives used. Yet the workers earned their payments, and the dike was breached in just a few hours. On the morning of June 9, Xiong recorded a rapid shift in mood: the atmosphere became tense and solemn. Initially, the river flow was modest, but by about 1:00 p.m. the water surged “fiercely,” flowing “like 10,000 horses.” Looking toward the distance, Xiong felt as though a sea had appeared before him. “My heart ached,” he wrote. The force of the water widened the breach, and a deadly stream hundreds of feet wide comprising about three-quarters of the river's volume—rushed southeast across the central Chinese plains. “We did this to stop the enemy,” Xiong reflected, “so we didn't regret the huge sacrifice, as it was for a greater victory.” Yet he and the other soldiers also saw a grim reality: the troops who had taken on the task of destroying the railway bridge and the dikes could not bear the flood's consequences alone. It would be up to the government and the people of the nation to provide relief for the countless households uprooted by the flood. In fact, the previous evening Commander Jiang had telephoned to request assistance for those flooded out of their homes.   Wei, Xiong, and their troops managed to escape by wooden boats. Hundreds of thousands of farmers trapped in the floods were far less fortunate. Time magazine's correspondent Theodore White reported on the devastation a few days later “Last week “The Ungovernable” [i.e. the Yellow River] lashed out with a flood which promised to change not only its own course but also the course of the whole Sino-Japanese War. Severe breaks in the dikes near Kaifeng sent a five-foot wall of water fanning out over a 500-squaremile area, spreading death. Toll from Yellow River floods is not so much from quick drowning as from gradual disease and starvation. The river's filth settles ankle-deep on the fields, mothering germs, smothering crops. Last week, about 500,000 peasants were driven from 2,000 communities to await rescue or death on whatever dry ground they could find”. Chiang's government had committed one of the grossest acts of violence against its own people, and he knew that the publicity could be a damaging blow to its reputation. He decided to divert blame by announcing that the dike had been broken, but blaming the breach on Japanese aerial bombing. The Japanese, in turn, fiercely denied having bombed the dikes. White's reporting reflected the immediate response of most foreigners; having heard about the atrocities at Nanjing and Xuzhou, he was disinclined to give the Japanese the benefit of the doubt. Furthermore, at the very time that the Yellow River was flooding central China, the Japanese were heavily bombing Guangzhou, causing thousands of casualties. To White, the Japanese counterargument—that the Chinese themselves were responsible, seemed unthinkable: “These accusations, foreign observers thought, were absurd. For the Chinese to check the Japanese advance at possible sacrifice of half a million lives would be a monstrous pyrrhic victory. Besides, dike-cutting is the blackest of Chinese crimes, and the Chinese Army would hardly risk universal censure for slight tactical gains.” But, of course, that is exactly what they had done. During the war the Nationalists never admitted that they, not the Japanese, had breached the dikes. But the truth quickly became widely known. Just a month later, on July 19, US Ambassador Johnson noted, in private communication, that the “Chinese blocked the advance on Chengchow [Zhengzhou] by breaching the Yellow River dikes.” Eventually some 54,000 square kilometers of central China were inundated by the floods. If the Japanese had committed such an act, it would have been remembered as the prime atrocity of the war, dwarfing even the Nanjing Massacre or the Chongqing air raids in terms of the number of people who suffered. Accurate statistics were impossible to obtain in the midst of wartime chaos and disaster, but in 1948 figures issued by the Nationalists themselves suggested enormous casualties: for the three affected provinces of Henan, Anhui, and Jiangsu, the number of dead was put at 844,489, with some 4.8 million becoming refugees. More recent studies place the numbers lower, but still estimate the dead at around 500,000, and 3–5 million refugees. In contrast, the devastating May 1939 air raids on Chongqing killed some thousands. Xiong reflected in his diary that the breaching of the Yellow River dikes was a sacrifice for a greater victory. Even to some Japanese it seemed that the tactic had been successful in the short term: the first secretary at the US Embassy in Wuhan reported that the flood had “completely checked the Japanese advance on Chengchow” and had prevented them taking Wuhan by rail. Instead, he predicted, the attack was likely to come by water and along the north shore of the Yangtze. Supporters of the dike breaches could argue that these acts saved central China and Chiang's headquarters in Wuhan for another five months. The Japanese were indeed prevented from advancing along the Long–Hai railway toward Wuhan. In the short term the floods did what the Nationalists wanted. But the flooding was a tactic, a breathing space, and did not solve the fundamental problem: China's armies needed strong leadership and rapid reform. Some historians suggest that Chiang's decision was pointless anyway, since it merely delayed the inevitable. Theodore White was right: no strategic advantage could make the deaths of 500,000 of China's own people a worthwhile price to pay. However, Chiang Kai-shek's decision can be partly explained, though not excused, by the context. We can now look back at the actions of the Nationalists and argue that they should not have held on to Wuhan, or that their actions in breaching the dam were unjustifiable in the extreme. But for Chiang, in the hot summer of 1938, it seemed his only hope was to deny Japan as much of China for as long as possible and create the best possible circumstances for a long war from China's interior, while keeping the world's attention on what Japan was doing. The short delay won by the flooding was itself part of the strategy. In the struggle raging within the soul of the Nationalist Party, the callous, calculating streak had won, for the time being. The breaking of the dikes marked a turning point as the Nationalists committed an act whose terrible consequences they would eventually have to expiate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In late 1937, China's frontline trembled as Japanese forces closed in on Wuhan. Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: endure costly defenses or unleash a desperate gamble. Chiangs' radical plan emerged: breach the Yellow River dikes at Huayuankou to flood central China, buying time. The flood roared, washing villages and futures away, yet slowing the enemy. The battlefield paused, while a nation weighed courage against civilian suffering, victory against devastating costs.

We look at some writing's by Marnix Wells where he breaks down Wang Bagua system. Patreon - Hung Yi Xiang Meets Wang Shu Jin

The major Song Dynasty philosopher who began to formulate Neo-Confucianism.Support the show

Today, we take you inside a feature on National Custodians Day, cover Princeton graduate alumna Mary Brunkow's Nobel Prize, and finish out with the continued effects of the government shutdown on air travel at Newark Airport and across the country. 

My guest today is Jesse Zhang. Jesse is the co-founder and CEO of Decagon, one of the fastest-growing AI customer service companies. Decagon provides a centralized AI engine to auto-resolve issues at any time, in every language, and across every channel. Jesse shares his systematic approach to finding product-market fit by asking potential customers exactly how much they'd pay for solutions. We explore why customer service and coding have emerged as the two clearest AI use cases for enterprises, and the key business and technical factors behind Decagon's momentum. We discuss the intense competitive dynamics of building in AI today, strategic decisions around building proprietary models, and deploying AI agents at enterprise scale. Please enjoy my conversation with Jesse Zhang. For the full show notes, transcript, and links to mentioned content, check out the episode page ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ----- This episode is brought to you by⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Ramp⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Ramp's mission is to help companies manage their spend in a way that reduces expenses and frees up time for teams to work on more valuable projects. Go to⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Ramp.com/invest⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ to sign up for free and get a $250 welcome bonus. – This episode is brought to you by⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Ridgeline⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. Ridgeline has built a complete, real-time, modern operating system for investment managers. It handles trading, portfolio management, compliance, customer reporting, and much more through an all-in-one real-time cloud platform. Head to⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ ridgelineapps.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ to learn more about the platform. – This episode is brought to you by⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ AlphaSense⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠. AlphaSense has completely transformed the research process with cutting-edge AI technology and a vast collection of top-tier, reliable business content. Invest Like the Best listeners can get a free trial now at⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ Alpha-Sense.com/Invest⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ and experience firsthand how AlphaSense and Tegus help you make smarter decisions faster. ----- Editing and post-production work for this episode was provided by The Podcast Consultant (⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://thepodcastconsultant.com⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠). Show Notes: (00:00:00) Welcome to Invest Like the Best (00:05:49) Building a Company in a Competitive Market (00:07:26) Personal Background and Competitive Upbringing (00:10:32) Challenges and Lessons from Previous Ventures (00:12:21) Ideation and Customer Discovery Process (00:19:31) Developing and Refining AI Customer Service Agents (00:32:26) Voice AI and Future Prospects (00:38:20) Utilizing Customer Interaction Data (00:39:59) Frameworks for Implementing AI in Business (00:41:48) Evaluating the ROI of Coding Agents (00:42:53) The Future of Company Agents (00:45:15) Brand Personality in AI Agents (00:47:48) Investor Interest in AI Companies (00:54:32) The Competitive Landscape of AI Talent (00:57:21) Building Proprietary AI Models (01:10:36) Customer Qualification and Engagement (01:17:27) The Kindest Thing

                                                                                                                                                                                                                      Last time we spoke about the continuation of the war after Nanjing's fall. The fall of Nanjing in December 1937 marked a pivotal juncture in the Second Sino-Japanese War, ushering in a brutal phase of attrition that shaped both strategy and diplomacy in early 1938. As Japanese forces sought to restructure China's political order, their strategy extended beyond battlefield victories to the establishment of puppet arrangements and coercive diplomacy. Soviet aid provided critical support, while German and broader Axis diplomacy wavered, shaping a nuanced backdrop for China's options. In response, Chinese command decisions focused on defending crucial rail corridors and urban strongholds, with Wuhan emerging as a strategic hub and the Jinpu and Longhai railways becoming lifelines of resistance. The defense around Xuzhou and the Huai River system illustrated Chinese determination to prolong resistance despite daunting odds. By early 1938, the war appeared as a drawn-out struggle, with China conserving core bases even as Japan pressed toward central China.   #170 The Battle of Taierzhuang Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Following their victory at Nanjing, the Japanese North China Area Army sought to push southward and link up with the Japanese Eleventh Army between Beijing and Nanjing. The two formations were intended to advance along the northern and southern ends of the JinPu railway, meet at Xuzhou, and then coordinate a pincer movement into Chinese strongholds in the Central Yangtze region, capturing Jiujiang first and then Wuhan. Recognizing Xuzhou's strategic importance, Chinese leadership made its defense a top priority. Xuzhou stood at the midpoint of the JinPu line and at the intersection with the Longhai Line, China's main east–west corridor from Lanzhou to Lianyungang. If seized, Japanese control of these routes would grant mobility for north–south movement across central China. At the end of January, Chiang Kai-shek convened a military conference in Wuchang and declared the defense of Xuzhou the highest strategic objective. Chinese preparations expanded from an initial core of 80,000 troops to about 300,000, deployed along the JinPu and Longhai lines to draw in and overstretch Japanese offensives. A frightening reality loomed by late March 1938: the Japanese were nearing victory on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, led by Generals Itagaki Seishirô, Nishio Toshizô, and Isogai Rensuke, aimed to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under General Hata Shunroku for a coordinated drive into central China. Li Zongren and his senior colleagues, including Generals Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, resolved to meet the Japanese at the traditional stone-walled city of Taierzhuang. Taierzhuang was not large, but it held strategic significance. It sat along the Grand Canal, China's major north–south waterway, and on a rail line that connected the Jinpu and Longhai lines, thus bypassing Xuzhou. Chiang Kai-shek himself visited Xuzhou on March 24. While Xuzhou remained in Chinese hands, the Japanese forces to the north and south were still separated. Losing Xuzhou would close the pincer. By late March, Chinese troops seemed to be gaining ground at Taierzhuang, but the Japanese began reinforcing, pulling soldiers from General Isogai Rensuke's column. The defending commanders grew uncertain about their ability to hold the position, yet Chiang Kai-shek made his stance clear in an April 1, 1938 telegram: “the enemy at Taierzhuang must be destroyed.” Chiang Kai-shek dispatched his Vice Chief of Staff, Bai Chongxi, to Xuzhou in January 1938. Li Zongren and Bai Chongxi were old comrades from the New Guangxi Clique, and their collaboration dated back to the Northern Expedition, including the Battle of Longtan. Li also received the 21st Group Army from the 3rd War Area. This Guangxi unit, commanded by Liao Lei, comprised the 7th and 47th Armies. Around the same time, Sun Zhen's 22nd Group Army, another Sichuan clique unit, arrived in the Shanxi-Henan region, but was rebuffed by both Yan Xishan, then commander of the 2nd War Area and Shanxi's chairman and Cheng Qian, commander of the 1st War Area and Henan's chairman. Yan and Cheng harbored strong reservations about Sichuan units due to discipline issues, notably their rampant opium consumption. Under Sun Zhen's leadership, the 22nd Group Army deployed four of its six divisions to aid the Northern China effort. Organized under the 41st and 45th Armies, the contingent began a foot march toward Taiyuan on September 1, covering more than 50 days and approximately 1,400 kilometers. Upon reaching Shanxi, they faced a harsh, icy winter and had no winter uniforms or even a single map of the province. They nevertheless engaged the Japanese for ten days at Yangquan, suffering heavy casualties. Strapped for supplies, they broke into a Shanxi clique supply depot, which enraged Yan Xishan and led to their expulsion from the province. The 22nd withdrew westward into the 1st War Area, only to have its request for resupply rejected by Cheng Qian. Meanwhile to the south Colonel Rippei Ogisu led Japanese 13th Division to push westward from Nanjing in two columns during early February: the northern column targeted Mingguang, while the southern column aimed for Chuxian. Both routes were checked by Wei Yunsong's 31st Army, which had been assigned to defend the southern stretch of the Jinpu railway under Li Zongren. Despite facing a clearly inferior force, the Japanese could not gain ground after more than a month of sustained attacks. In response, Japan deployed armored and artillery reinforcements from Nanjing. The Chinese withdrew to the southwestern outskirts of Dingyuan to avoid a direct clash with their reinforced adversaries. By this point, Yu Xuezhong's 51st Army had taken up a defensive position on the northern banks of the Huai River, establishing a line between Bengbu and Huaiyuan. The Japanese then captured Mingguang, Dingyuan, and Bengbu in succession and pressed toward Huaiyuan. However, their supply lines were intercepted by the Chinese 31st Corps, which conducted flanking attacks from the southwest. The situation worsened when the Chinese 7th Army, commanded by Liao Lei, arrived at Hefei to reinforce the 31st Army. Facing three Chinese corps simultaneously, the Japanese were effectively boxed south of the Huai River and, despite air superiority and a superior overall firepower, could not advance further. As a result, the Chinese thwarted the Japanese plan to move the 13th Division north along the Jinpu railway and link up with the Isogai 10th Division to execute a pincer against Xuzhou. Meanwhile in the north, after amphibious landings at Qingdao, the Japanese 5th Division, commanded by Seishiro Itagaki, advanced southwest along the Taiwei Highway, spearheaded by its 21st Infantry Brigade. They faced Pang Bingxun's 3rd Group Army. Although labeled a Group Army, Pang's force actually comprised only the 40th Army, which itself consisted of the 39th Division from the Northwestern Army, commanded by Ma-Fawu. The 39th Division's five regiments delayed the Japanese advance toward Linyi for over a month. The Japanese captured Ju County on 22 February and moved toward Linyi by 2 March. The 59th Army, commanded by Zhang Zizhong, led its troops on a forced march day and night toward Linyi. Seizing the opportunity, the 59th Army did not rest after reaching Yishui. In the early morning of the 14th, Zhang Zizhong ordered the entire army to covertly cross the Yishui River and attack the right flank of the Japanese “Iron Army” 5th Division. They broke through enemy defenses at Tingzitou, Dataiping, Shenjia Taiping, Xujia Taiping, and Shalingzi. Initially caught off guard, the enemy sustained heavy losses, and over a night more than a thousand Japanese soldiers were annihilated. The 59th Army fought fiercely, engaging in brutal hand-to-hand combat. By 4:00 a.m. on the 17th, the 59th Army had secured all of the Japanese main positions. That same day, Pang Bingxun seized the moment to lead his troops in a fierce flank attack, effectively supporting the 59th Army's frontal assault. On the 18th, Zhang and Pang's forces attacked the Japanese from the east, south, and west. After three days and nights of bloody fighting, they finally defeated the 3rd Battalion of the 11th Regiment, which had crossed the river, and annihilated most of it. The 59th Army completed its counterattack but suffered over 6,000 casualties, with more than 2,000 Japanese killed or wounded. News of the Linyi victory prompted commendations from Chiang Kai-shek and Li Zongren. General Li Zongren, commander of the 5th War Zone, judged that the Japanese were temporarily unable to mount a large-scale offensive and that Linyi could be held for the time being. On March 20, he ordered the 59th Army westward to block the Japanese Seya Detachment. On March 21, the Japanese Sakamoto Detachment, after a brief reorganization and learning of the Linyi detachment, launched another offensive. The 3rd Corps, understrength and without reinforcements, was compelled to retreat steadily before the Japanese. General Pang Bingxun, commander of the 3rd Corps, urgently telegraphed Chiang Kai-shek, requesting reinforcements. Chiang Kai-shek received the telegram and, at approximately 9:00 AM on the 23rd, ordered the 59th Army to return to Linyi to join with the 3rd Corps in repelling the Sakamoto Detachment. Fierce fighting ensued with heavy Chinese losses, and the situation in Linyi again grew precarious. At a critical moment, the 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division and the Cavalry Regiment of the 13th Army were rushed to reinforce Linyi. Facing attacks from two directions, the Japanese withdrew, losing almost two battalions in the process. This engagement shattered the myth of Japanese invincibility and embarrassed commander Seishirō Itagaki, even startling IJA headquarters. Although the 5th Division later regrouped and attempted another push, it had lost the element of surprise. The defeat at Linyi at the hands of comparatively poorly equipped Chinese regional units set the stage for the eventual battle at Tai'erzhuang. Of the three Japanese divisions advancing into the Chinese 5th War Area, the 10th Division, commanded by Rensuke Isogai, achieved the greatest initial success. Departing from Hebei, it crossed the Yellow River and moved south along the Jinpu railway. With KMT General Han Fuju ordering his forces to desert their posts, the Japanese captured Zhoucun and reached Jinan with little resistance. They then pushed south along two columns from Tai'an. The eastern column captured Mengyin before driving west to seize Sishui; the western column moved southwest along the Jinpu railway, capturing Yanzhou, Zouxian, and Jining, before turning northwest to take Wenshang. Chiang Kai-shek subsequently ordered Li Zongren to employ “offensive defense”, seizing the initiative to strike rather than merely defend. Li deployed Sun Zhen's 22nd Group Army to attack Zouxian from the south, while Pang Bingxun's 40th Division advanced north along the 22nd's left flank to strike Mengyin and Sishui. Sun Tongxuan's 3rd Group Army also advanced from the south, delivering a two-pronged assault on the Japanese at Jining. Fierce fighting from 12 to 25 February, particularly by the 12th Corps, helped mitigate the reputational damage previously inflicted on Shandong units by Han Fuju. In response to Chinese counterattacks, the Japanese revised their strategy: they canceled their original plan to push directly westward from Nanjing toward Wuhan, freeing more troops for the push toward Xuzhou. On March 15, the Japanese 10th Division struck the Chinese 122nd Division, focusing the action around Tengxian and Lincheng. Chinese reinforcements from the 85th Corps arrived the following day but were driven back on March 17. With air support, tanks, and heavy artillery, the Japanese breached the Chinese lines on March 18. The remaining Chinese forces, bolstered by the 52nd Corps, withdrew to the town of Yixian. The Japanese attacked Yixian and overran an entire Chinese regiment in a brutal 24-hour engagement. By March 19, the Japanese began advancing on the walled town of Taierzhuang. To counter the Japanese advance, the Chinese 2nd Army Group under General Sun Lianzhong was deployed to Taierzhuang. The 31st Division, commanded by General Chi Fengcheng, reached Taierzhuang on March 22 and was ordered to delay the Japanese advance until the remainder of the Army Group could arrive. On March 23, the 31st Division sallied from Taierzhuang toward Yixian, where they were engaged by two Japanese battalions reinforced with three tanks and four armored cars. The Chinese troops occupied a series of hills and managed to defend against a Japanese regiment (~3,000 men) for the rest of the day. On March 24, a Japanese force of about 5,000 attacked the 31st Division. Another Japanese unit pressed the Chinese from Yixian, forcing them to withdraw back into Taierzhuang itself. The Japanese then assaulted the town, with a 300-strong contingent breaching the northeast gate at 20:00. They were subsequently driven back toward the Chenghuang temple, which the Chinese set on fire, annihilating the Japanese force. The next day, the Japanese renewed the assault through the breached gate and secured the eastern portion of the district, while also breaking through the northwest corner from the outside and capturing the Wenchang Pavilion. On March 25, a morning Japanese onslaught was repelled. The Japanese then shelled Chinese positions with artillery and air strikes. In the afternoon, the Chinese deployed an armored train toward Yixian, which ambushed a column of Japanese soldiers near a hamlet, killing or wounding several dozen before retreating back to Taierzhuang. By nightfall, three thousand Chinese troops launched a night assault, pushing the Japanese lines northeast to dawn. The following three days subjected the Chinese defenders to sustained aerial and artillery bombardment. The Chinese managed to repulse several successive Japanese assaults but sustained thousands of casualties in the process. On March 28, Chinese artillery support arrived, including two 155 mm and ten 75 mm pieces. On the night of March 29, the Japanese finally breached the wall. Setting out from the district's southern outskirts, a Chinese assault squad stormed the Wenchang Pavilion from the south and east, killing nearly the entire Japanese garrison aside from four taken as prisoners of war. The Chinese then retook the northwest corner of the district. Even by the brutal standards already established in the war, the fighting at Taierzhuang was fierce, with combatants facing one another at close quarters. Sheng Cheng's notes preserve the battlefield memories of Chi Fengcheng, one of the campaign's standout officers “We had a battle for the little lanes [of the town], and unprecedentedly, not just streets and lanes, but even courtyards and houses. Neither side was willing to budge. Sometimes we'd capture a house, and dig a hole in the wall to approach the enemy. Sometimes the enemy would be digging a hole in the same wall at the same time. Sometimes we faced each other with hand grenades — or we might even bite each other. Or when we could hear that the enemy was in the house, then we'd climb the roof and drop bombs inside — and kill them all.” The battle raged for a week. On April 1, General Chi requested volunteers for a near-suicide mission to seize a building: among fifty-seven selected, only ten survived. A single soldier claimed to have fired on a Japanese bomber and succeeded in bringing it down; he and his comrades then set the aircraft ablaze before another plane could arrive to rescue the pilot. One participant described the brutal conditions of the battle “"The battle continued day and night. The flames lit up the sky. Often all that separated our forces was a single wall. The soldiers would beat holes in the masonry to snipe at each other. We would be fighting for days over a single building, causing dozens of fatalities." The conditions were so brutal that Chinese officers imposed severe measures to maintain discipline. Junior officers were repeatedly forbidden to retreat and were often ordered to personally replace casualties within their ranks. Li Zongren even warned Tang Enbo that failure to fulfill his duties would lead him to be “treated as Han Fuju had been.” In Taierzhuang's cramped streets, Japan's artillery and air superiority offered little advantage; whenever either service was employed amid the dense melee, casualties were roughly even on both sides. The fighting devolved into close-quarters combat carried out primarily by infantry, with rifles, pistols, hand grenades, bayonets, and knives forming the core of each side's arsenal. The battle unfolded largely hand-to-hand, frequently in darkness. The stone buildings of Taierzhuang provided substantial cover from fire and shrapnel. It was precisely under these close-quarters conditions that Chinese soldiers could stand as equals, if not superior, to their Japanese opponents, mirroring, in some respects, the experiences seen in Luodian, Shanghai, the year before. On March 31, General Sun Lianzhong arrived to assume command of the 2nd Army Group. A Japanese assault later that day was repulsed, but a Chinese counterattack also stalled. At 04:00 on April 1, the Japanese attacked the Chinese lines with support from 11 tanks. The Chinese defenders, armed with German-made 37mm Pak-36 antitank guns, destroyed eight of the armored vehicles at point-blank range. Similar incidents recurred throughout the battle, with numerous Japanese tanks knocked out by Chinese artillery and by suicide squads. In one engagement, Chinese suicide bombers annihilated four Japanese tanks with bundles of grenades. On April 2 and 3, Chi urged the Chinese defenders around Taierzhuang's north station to assess the evolving situation. The troops reported distress, crying and sneezing, caused by tear gas deployed by the Japanese against Chinese positions at Taierzhuang's north station, but the defenders remained unmoved. They then launched a massive armored assault outside the city walls, with 30 tanks and 60 armored cars, yet managed only to drive the Chinese 27th Division back to the Grand Canal. The fighting continued to rage on April 4 and 5. By then, the Japanese had captured roughly two-thirds of Taierzhuang, though the Chinese still held the South Gate. It was through this entry point that the Chinese command managed to keep their troops supplied. The Chinese also thwarted Japanese efforts to replenish their dwindling stocks of arms and ammunition. In consequence, the Japanese attackers were worn down progressively. Although the Japanese possessed superior firepower, including cannon and heavy artillery, the cramped conditions within Taierzhuang nullified this advantage for the moment. The Chinese command succeeded in keeping their own supplies flowing, a recurring weakness in other engagements and also prevented the Japanese from replenishing their dwindling stock of arms and bullets. Gradually, the Japanese maneuvered into a state of attrition. The deadlock of the battle was broken by events unfolding outside Taierzhuang, where fresh Chinese divisions had encircled the Japanese forces in Taierzhuang from the flanks and rear. After consulting their German advisors earlier, the commanders of the 5th War Area prepared a double envelopment of the exposed Japanese forces in Taierzhuang. Between March and April 1938, the Nationalist Air Force deployed squadrons from the 3rd and 4th Pursuit Groups, fighter-attack aircraft, in long-distance air interdiction and close-air support of the Taierzhuang operations. Approximately 30 aircraft, mostly Soviet-made, were deployed in bombing raids against Japanese positions. On 26 March, Tang Enbo's 20th Army, equipped with artillery units, attacked Japanese forces at Yixian, inflicting heavy casualties and routing the survivors. Tang then swung south to strike the Japanese flank northeast of Taierzhuang. Simultaneously, the Chinese 55th Corps, comprised of two divisions, executed a surprise crossing of the Grand Canal and cut the railway line near Lincheng. As a result, Tang isolated the Japanese attackers from their rear and severed their supply lines. On 1 April, the Japanese 5th Division sent a brigade to relieve the encircled 10th Division. Tang countered by blocking the brigade's advance and then attacking from the rear, driving them south into the encirclement. On 3 April, the Chinese 2nd Group Army launched a counter-offensive, with the 30th and 110th Divisions pushing northward into Beiluo and Nigou, respectively. By 6 April, the Chinese 85th and 52nd Armies linked up at Taodun, just west of Lanling. The combined force then advanced north-westward, capturing Ganlugou. Two more Chinese divisions arrived a few days later. By April 5, Taierzhuang's Japanese units were fully surrounded, with seven Chinese divisions to the north and four to the south closing in. The Japanese divisions inside Taierzhuang had exhausted their supplies, running critically low on ammunition, fuel, and food, while many troops endured fatigue and dehydration after more than a week of brutal fighting. Sensing imminent victory, the Chinese forces surged with renewed fury and attacked the encircled Japanese, executing wounded soldiers where they lay with rifle and pistol shots. Chinese troops also deployed Soviet tanks against the defenders. Japanese artillery could not reply effectively due to a shortage of shells, and their tanks were immobilized by a lack of fuel. Attempts to drop supplies by air failed, with most packages falling into Chinese hands. Over time, Japanese infantry were progressively reduced to firing only their machine guns and mortars, then their rifles and machine guns, and ultimately resorted to bayonet charges. With the success of the Chinese counter-attacks, the Japanese line finally collapsed on April 7. The 10th and 5th Divisions, drained of personnel and ammunition, were forced to retreat. By this point, around 2,000 Japanese soldiers managed to break out of Taierzhuang, leaving thousands of their comrades dead behind. Some of the escapees reportedly committed hara-kiri. Chinese casualties were roughly comparable, marking a significant improvement over the heavier losses suffered in Shanghai and Nanjing. The Japanese had lost the battle for numerous reasons. Japanese efforts were hampered by the "offensive-defensive" operations carried out by various Chinese regional units, effectively preventing the three Japanese divisions from ever linking up with each other. Despite repeated use of heavy artillery, air strikes, and gas, the Japanese could not expel the Chinese 2nd Group Army from Taierzhuang and its surrounding areas, even as the defenders risked total annihilation. The Japanese also failed to block the Chinese 20th Group Army's maneuver around their rear positions, which severed retreat routes and enabled a Chinese counter-encirclement. After Han Fuju's insubordination and subsequent execution, the Chinese high command tightened discipline at the top, transmitting a stringent order flow down to the ranks. This atmosphere of strict discipline inspired even junior soldiers to risk their lives in executing orders. A “dare-to-die corps” was effectively employed against Japanese units. They used swords and wore suicide vests fashioned from grenades. Due to a lack of anti-armor weaponry, suicide bombing was also employed against the Japanese. Chinese troops, as part of the “dare-to-die” corps, strapped explosives such as grenade packs or dynamite to their bodies and charged at Japanese tanks to blow them up.  The Chinese later asserted that about 20,000 Japanese had perished, though the actual toll was likely closer to 8,000. The Japanese also sustained heavy material losses. Because of fuel shortages and their rapid retreat, many tanks, trucks, and artillery pieces were abandoned on the battlefield and subsequently captured by Chinese forces. Frank Dorn recorded losses of 40 tanks, over 70 armored cars, and 100 trucks of various sizes. In addition to vehicles, the Japanese lost dozens of artillery pieces and thousands of machine guns and rifles. Many of these weapons were collected by the Chinese for future use. The Chinese side also endured severe casualties, possibly up to 30,000, with Taierzhuang itself nearly razed. Yet for once, the Chinese achieved a decisive victory, sparking an outburst of joy across unoccupied China. Du Zhongyuan wrote of “the glorious killing of the enemy,” and even Katharine Hand, though isolated in Japanese-controlled Shandong, heard the news. The victory delivered a much-needed morale boost to both the army and the broader population. Sheng Cheng recorded evening conversations with soldiers from General Chi Fengcheng's division, who shared light-hearted banter with their senior officer. At one moment, the men recalled Chi as having given them “the secret of war. when you get food, eat it; when you can sleep, take it.” Such familiar, brisk maxims carried extra resonance now that the Nationalist forces had demonstrated their willingness and ability to stand their ground rather than retreat. The victors may have celebrated a glorious victory, but they did not forget that their enemies were human. Chi recalled a scene he encountered: he had picked up a Japanese officer's helmet, its left side scorched by gunpowder, with a trace of blood, the mark of a fatal wound taken from behind. Elsewhere in Taierzhuang, relics of the fallen were found: images of the Buddha, wooden fish, and flags bearing slogans. A makeshift crematorium in the north station had been interrupted mid-process: “Not all the bones had been completely burned.” After the battle, Li Zongren asked Sheng if he had found souvenirs on the battlefield. Sheng replied that he had discovered love letters on the corpses of Japanese soldiers, as well as a photograph of a girl, perhaps a hometown sweetheart labeled “19 years old, February 1938.” These details stood in stark contrast to news coverage that depicted the Japanese solely as demons, devils, and “dwarf bandits.” The foreign community noted the new, optimistic turn of events and the way it seemed to revive the resistance effort. US ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote to Secretary of State Cordell Hull from Wuhan just days after Taierzhuang, passing on reports from American military observers: one had spent time in Shanxi and been impressed by Communist success in mobilizing guerrilla fighters against the Japanese; another had spent three days observing the fighting at Taierzhuang and confirmed that “Chinese troops in the field there won a well-deserved victory over Japanese troops, administering the first defeat that Japanese troops have suffered in the field in modern times.” This reinforced Johnson's view that Japan would need to apply far more force than it had anticipated to pacify China. He noted that the mood in unoccupied China had likewise shifted. “Conditions here at Hankow have changed from an atmosphere of pessimism to one of dogged optimism. The Government is more united under Chiang and there is a feeling that the future is not entirely hopeless due to the recent failure of Japanese arms at Hsuchow [Xuzhou] . . . I find no evidence for a desire for a peace by compromise among  Chinese, and doubt whether the Government could persuade its army or its people to accept such a peace. The spirit of resistance is slowly spreading among the people who are awakening to a feeling that this is their war. Japanese air raids in the interior and atrocities by Japanese soldiers upon civilian populations are responsible for this stiffening of the people.”. The British had long been wary of Chiang Kai-shek, but Sir Archibald Clark Kerr, the British ambassador in China, wrote to the new British foreign secretary, Lord Halifax, on April 29, 1938, shortly after the Taierzhuang victory, and offered grudging credit to China's leader “[Chiang] has now become the symbol of Chinese unity, which he himself has so far failed to achieve, but which the Japanese are well on the way to achieving for him . . . The days when Chinese people did not care who governed them seem to have gone . . . my visit to Central China from out of the gloom and depression of Shanghai has left me stimulated and more than disposed to believe that provided the financial end can be kept up Chinese resistance may be so prolonged and effective that in the end the Japanese effort may be frustrated . . . Chiang Kai-shek is obstinate and difficult to deal with . . . Nonetheless [the Nationalists] are making in their muddlIn the exhilaration of a rare victory”. Chiang pressured Tang and Li to build on their success, increasing the area's troop strength to about 450,000. Yet the Chinese Army remained plagued by deeper structural issues. The parochialism that had repeatedly hampered Chiang's forces over the past six months resurfaced. Although the various generals had agreed to unite in a broader war of resistance, each prioritized the safety of his own troops, wary of any move by Chiang to centralize power. For example, Li Zongren refrained from utilizing his top Guangxi forces at Taierzhuang, attempting to shift the bulk of the fighting onto Tang Enbo's units. The generals were aware of the fates of two colleagues: Han Fuju of Shandong was executed for his refusal to fight, while Zhang Xueliang of Manchuria had allowed Chiang to reduce the size of his northeastern army and ended up under house arrest. They were justified in distrusting Chiang. He truly believed, after all, that provincial armies should come under a national military command led by himself. From a national-unity standpoint, Chiang's aim was not unreasonable. But it bred suspicion among other military leaders that participation in the anti-Japanese war would erode their own power. The fragmented command structure also hindered logistics, making ammunition and food supplies to the front unreliable and easy to cut off a good job of things in extremely difficult circumstances. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Chinese victory at the battle of Tairzhuang was a much needed morale boost after the long string of defeats to Japan. As incredible as it was however, it would amount to merely a bloody nose for the Imperial Japanese Army. Now Japan would unleash even more devastation to secure Xuzhou and ultimately march upon Wuhan.

Tony, Zhang, Blaine Reed and Rich Excell are back to discuss the latest on the job market, rate cuts, financial conditions and the Dollar.  Is now the time to look to Asian markets given the catalysts? Does the Tricolor and First Brands news suggest cracks in the credit markets?   Have a listen to find out

In 1928, a group of officers in the Kwantung Army attempted to frame the KMT for their own assassination of Zhang Zuolin. The failed attempts to enforce accountability and discipline which followed set the stage for similar incidents in the future.Support the show My latest novel, "Califia's Crusade," is now available at Amazon, Barnes & Noble, Kobo, Apple Books, Bookshop.org, and many other online platforms!

@OptionsPlay's Tony Zhang says he's been "bullish for quite some time" on Meta Platforms (META) due to how it uses A.I. to boost advertising revenue. He adds that its 24x forward P/E makes it a "good entry point" for investors at current levels. Tony later makes parallels between Elevance Health (ELV) and UnitedHealth (UNH) when it comes to building its own comeback story. He leans bearish on Caesars Entertainment (CZR) as Tony sees the company "struggling on all fronts."

Why do we love robots so much? Especially as toys?  And for so long? I think it's because toy robots perfectly reflect embody the intersection of imagination, play, and technology. Robots reflect our fundamental curiosity about life itself—what it means to move, think, or act independently. For children, they are magical objects that blur the line between the inanimate and the animate, allowing them to project stories of adventure, control, and companionship. For adults, robot toys oftenreflect deeper cultural hopes and anxieties about progress, automation, and the future.In this episode, Chris talksto Jamie Zhang, Senior Director and CFO of Robosen.The company has made a splash with its super, sophisticated robots based on Buzz Lightyear and Optimus Prime. In September 2025, they have introduced a Mini line starting with eight Toy Story characters and many more to come. Jamie and Chris talk about robotics, developing a line of well-priced, yet sophisticated best friends that give consumers new ways to express their fandom and connect with their favorite characters on a personal level.

Jesse Zhang is the Co-Founder and CEO @ Decagon, the conversational AI platform for customer experience. As one of the fastest growing companies in the valley, they have raised over $230M at a last round price of $1.5BN. Prior to Decagon, Jesse founded Lowkey (acquired by Niantic), studied CS at Harvard, and worked at places like Google, HRT, Citadel, and Intel. AGENDA: 00:00 Introduction and Sponsor Messages 03:43 Olympiad Mathematician to Startup Founder 05:34 Selling to Niantic and What I Did Differently the Second Time 07:16 Why 90% of Founders Build Companies the Wrong Way 12:19 Scaling to $50M ARR in 15 Months 31:31 Is the AI Talent War Out of Hand: How To Compete with Meta Pay Packets 32:38 Why Remote Work is Total BS 34:06 Competitors in AI Customer Experience: Sierra, Intercom and more 37:34 AI Market Predictions 44:56 Embracing Stress and Winning Culture 50:13 Quick Fire Questions: Most Underrated AI Founder, Biggest Changed Opinion