Podcasts about Guangdong

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Wuhan Campaign. As Japanese forces pressed toward central China, Chiang Kai-shek faced a brutal choice: defend Wuhan with costly sieges or unleash a dangerous flood to buy time. The Yellow River breached its banks at Huayuankou, sending a wall of water racing toward villages, railways, and fields. The flood did not erase the enemy; it bought months of breathing room for a battered China, but at a terrible toll to civilians who lost homes, farms, and lives. Within Wuhan's orbit, a mosaic of Chinese forces struggled to unite. The NRA, split into competing war zones and factions, numbered about 1.3 million but fought with uneven equipment and training. The Japanese, deploying hundreds of thousands, ships, and air power, pressed from multiple angles: Anqing, Madang, Jiujiang, and beyond, using riverine forts and amphibious landings to turn the Yangtze into a deadly artery. Yet courage endured as troops held lines, pilots challenged the skies, and civilians, like Wang Guozhen, who refused to betray his country, chose defiance over surrender. The war for Wuhan was not a single battle but a testament to endurance in the face of overwhelming odds.   #173 The Fall of Wuhan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the last episode we began the Battle of Wuhan. Japan captured Anqing and gained air access to Jiujiang, Chinese defenses around the Yangtze River were strained. The southern Yangtze's Ninth War Zone held two key garrisons: one west of Poyang Lake and another in Jiujiang. To deter Japanese assault on Jiujiang, China fortified Madang with artillery, mines, and bamboo booms. On June 24, Japan conducted a surprise Madang landing while pressing south along the Yangtze. Madang's fortress withstood four assaults but suffered heavy bombardment and poison gas. Chinese leadership failures contributed to the fall: Li Yunheng, overseeing Madang, was away at a ceremony, leaving only partial contingents, primarily three battalions from marine corps units and the 313th regiment of the 53rd division, participating, totaling under five battalions. Reinforcements from Pengze were misrouted by Li's orders, arriving too late. Madang fell after three days. Chiang Kai-shek retaliated with a counterattack and rewarded units that recaptured Xiangshan, but further progress was blocked. Li Yunheng was court-martialed, and Xue Weiying executed.   Madang's loss opened a corridor toward Jiujiang. The Japanese needed weeks to clear minefields, sacrificing several ships in the process. With roughly 200,000 Chinese troops in the Jiujiang–Ruichang zone under Xue Yue and Zhang Fukui, the Japanese captured Pengze and then Hukou, using poison gas again during the fighting. The Hukou evacuation cut off many non-combat troops, with over 1,800 of 3,100 soldiers successfully evacuated and more than 1,300 missing drowned in the lake. Two weeks after Hukou's fall, the Japanese reached Jiujiang and overtook it after a five-day battle. The retreat left civilians stranded, and the Jiujiang Massacre followed: about 90,000 civilians were killed, with mass executions of POWs, rapes, and widespread destruction of districts, factories, and transport. Subsequently, the Southern Riverline Campaign saw Japanese detachments along the river advance westward, capturing Ruichang, Ruoxi, and other areas through October, stretching Chinese defenses thin as Japan pressed toward Wuchang and beyond. On July 26, 1938, the Japanese occupied Jiujiang and immediately divided their forces into three routes: advancing toward De'an and Nanchang, then striking Changsha, severing the Yue-Han Railway, and surrounding Wuhan in an effort to annihilate the Chinese field army. The advance of the 101st and 106th Infantry Divisions slowed south of the Yangtze River, yet the Central China Expeditionary Army remained intent on seizing Ruichang and De'an to cut off Chinese forces around Mount Lu. To this end, the 9th and 27th Infantry Divisions were deployed to the sector, with the 9th regarded as an experienced unit that had fought in earlier campaigns, while the 27th was newly formed in the summer of 1938; this contrast underscored the rapidly expanding scope of the war in China as the Japanese Army General Staff continued mobilizing reservists and creating new formations. According to the operational plan, the 101st and 106th Divisions would push south toward De'an to pin Chinese defenders, while the 9th and 27th Divisions would envelop Chinese forces south of the river. Okamura Yasuji ordered five battalions from the 9th to move toward De'an via Ruichang, and the Hata Detachment was tasked with securing the area northwest of Ruichang to protect the 9th's flank. North of the Yangtze, the 6th Infantry Division was to move from Huangmei to Guangji, with Tianjiazhen as the ultimate objective; capturing Tianjiazhen would allow the 11th Army to converge on Wuhan from both north and south of the river.  The operation began when the 9th Division landed at Jiujiang, threatening the left flank of the Jinguanqiao line. The Chinese responded by deploying the 1st Corps to counter the 9th Division's left flank, which threatened the Maruyama Detachment's lines of communication. The Maruyama Detachment counterattacked successfully, enabling the rest of the 9th Division to seize Ruichang on August 24; on the same day, the 9th attacked the 30th Army defending Mount Min. The Chinese defense deteriorated on the mountain, and multiple counterattacks by Chinese divisions failed, forcing the 1st Corps to retreat to Mahuiling. The seizure of Ruichang and the surrounding area was followed by a wave of atrocities, with Japanese forces inflicting substantial casualties, destroying houses, and damaging property, and crimes including murder, rape, arson, torture, and looting devastating many villages and livelihoods in the Ruichang area. After Ruichang and Mount Min fell, the Maruyama Detachment and the 106th Infantry Division advanced on Mahuiling, seeking to encircle Chinese forces from the northwest, with the 106th forming the inner ring and the Maruyama Detachment the outer ring; this coordination led to Mahuiling's fall on September 3. The 27th Infantry Division, arriving in late August, landed east of Xiaochikou, providing the manpower to extend Japanese offensives beyond the Yangtze's banks and outflank Chinese defenders along the river. Its main objective was to seize the Rui-wu highway, a vital route for the continued advance toward Wuhan. After the fall of Mahuiling, Japanese command altered its strategy. The 11th Army ordered the Maruyama Detachment to rejoin the 9th Infantry Division and press westward, while the 101st Infantry Division was to remain at Mahuiling and push south toward De'an along with the 106th Infantry Division. This divergent or “eccentric” offensive aimed to advance on Wuhan while protecting the southern flank. The renewed offensive began on September 11, 1938, with the 9th Infantry Division and Hata Detachment advancing west along the Rui-yang and Rui-wu highways toward Wuhan, followed days later by the 27th Infantry Division. Initially, the Japanese made solid progress from Ruichang toward a line centered on Laowuge, but soon faced formidable Chinese defenses. The 9th and 27th Divisions confronted the Chinese 2nd Army Corps, which had prepared in-depth positions in the mountains west of Sanchikou and Xintanpu. The 27th Division encountered stiff resistance from the 18th and 30th Corps, and although it captured Xiaoao by September 24, its vanguard advancing west of Shujie came under heavy attack from the 91st, 142nd, 60th, and 6th Reserve Infantry Divisions, threatening to encircle it. Only the southward advance of the 101st and 106th Divisions relieved the pressure, forcing the Chinese to redeploy the 91st and 6th Reserve Divisions to the south and thereby loosening the 27th's grip. After the redeployment, the 9th and 27th Divisions resumed their push. The 9th crossed the Fu Shui on October 9 and took Sanjikou on October 16, while the 27th seized Xintanpu on October 18. The Hata Detachment followed, capturing Yangxin on October 18 and Ocheng on October 23, further tightening Japanese control over the highways toward Wuhan. By mid-October, 11th Army commander Okamura Yasuji resolved to sever the Guangzhou-Hankou railway to disrupt Chinese lines. On October 22, the 9th and 27th Divisions attacked toward Jinniu and Xianning. By October 27, the 9th had captured Jinniu and cut the railway; the 27th Division extended the disruption further south. These actions effectively isolated Wuchang from the south, giving the Imperial Japanese Army greater leverage over the southern approaches to Wuhan. The push south by the 101st and 106th Infantry Divisions pressed toward De'an, where they encountered the entrenched Chinese 1st Army Corps. The offensive began on September 16 and by the 24th, elements of the 27th Division penetrated deep into the area west of Baishui Street and De'an's environs. Recognizing the growing crisis, Xue Yue mobilized the nearby 91st and 142nd Divisions, who seized Nanping Mountain along the Ruiwu Line overnight, effectively cutting off the 27th Division's retreat. Fierce combat on the 25th and 26th saw Yang Jialiu, commander of the 360th Regiment of the 60th Division, die a heroic death. Zhang Zhihe, chief of staff of the 30th Group Army and an underground CCP member, commanded the newly formed 13th Division and the 6th Division to annihilate the Suzuki Regiment and recapture Qilin Peak. Learning of the 27th Division's trap, Okamura Yasuji panicked and, on the 25th, urgently ordered the 123rd, 145th, and 147th Infantry Regiments and mountain artillery of the 106th Division on the Nanxun Line, along with the 149th Regiment of the 101st Division on the Dexing Line, to rush to Mahuiling and Xingzi. To adapt to mountain warfare, some units were temporarily converted to packhorse formations. On the 27th, the 106th Division broke through the Wutailing position with force, splitting into two groups and pushing toward Erfangzheng and Lishan. By the 28th, the three regiments and mountain artillery of the 106th Division advanced into the mountain villages of Wanjialing, Leimingguliu, Shibaoshan, Nantianpu, Beixijie, and Dunshangguo, about 50 li west of De'an. On the same day, the 149th Regiment of the 101st Division entered the Wanjialing area and joined the 106th Division. Commanded by Lieutenant General Junrokuro Matsuura, the 106th Division sought to break out of Baicha and disrupt the Nanwu Highway to disrupt the Chinese retreat from De'an. At this juncture, Xue Yue's corps perceived the Japanese advance as a predatory, wolf-like maneuver and deemed it a strategic opportunity to counterattack. He resolved to pull forces from Dexing, Nanxun, and Ruiwu to envelop the enemy near Wanjialing, with the aim of annihilating them. Thus began a desperate, pivotal battle between China and Japan in northern Jiangxi, centered on the Wanjialing area. The Japanese 106th Division found its rear communications cut off around September 28, 1938, as the Chinese blockade tightened. Despite the 27th Division's severed rear and its earlier defeat at Qilin Peak, Okamura Yasuji ordered a renewed push to relieve the besieged 106th by directing the 27th Division to attack Qilin Peak and advance east of Baishui Street. In this phase, the 27th Division dispatched the remnants of its 3rd Regiment to press the assault on Qilin Peak, employing poison gas and briefly reaching the summit. On September 29, the 142nd Division of the 32nd Army, under Shang Zhen, coordinated with the 752nd Regiment of the same division to launch a fierce counterattack on Qilin Peak at Zenggai Mountain west of Xiaoao. After intense fighting, they reclaimed the peak, thwarting the 27th Division's bid to move eastward to aid the 106th. Concurrently, a portion of the 123rd Regiment of the 106th Division attempted a breakout west of Baishui Street. Our 6th and 91st Divisions responded with a determined assault from the east of Xiaoao, blocking the 123rd Regiment east of Baishui Street. The victories at Qilin Peak and Baishui Street halted any merger between the eastern and western Japanese forces, enabling the Chinese army to seal the pocket and create decisive conditions for encircling the 106th Division and securing victory in the Battle of Wanjialing. After the setback at Qilin Peak, Division Commander Masaharu Homma, defying Okamura Yasuji's orders to secure Baishui Street, redirected his focus to Tianhe Bridge under a pretext of broader operations. He neglected the heavily encircled 106th Division and pivoted toward Xintanpu. By September 30, Chinese forces attacked from both the east and west, with the 90th and 91st Divisions joining the assault on the Japanese positions. On October 1, the Japanese, disoriented and unable to pinpoint their own unit locations, telegrammed Okamura Yasuji for air support. On October 2, the First Corps received orders to tighten the encirclement and annihilate the enemy forces. Deployments were made to exploit a numerical advantage and bolster morale, placing the Japanese in a desperate position. On October 3, 1938, the 90th and 91st Divisions launched a concerted attack on Nantianpu, delivering heavy damage to the Japanese force and showering Leimingguliu with artillery fire that endangered the 106th Division headquarters. By October 5, Chinese forces reorganized: the 58th Division of the 74th Army advanced from the south, the 90th Division of the 4th Army from the east, portions of the 6th and 91st Divisions from the west, and the 159th and 160th Divisions of the 65th Army from the north, tightening the surrounding cordon from four directions. On October 6, Xue Yue ordered a counterattack, and by October 7 the Chinese army had effectively cut off all retreat routes. That evening, after fierce hand-to-hand combat, the 4th Army regained the hilltop, standing at a 100-meter-high position, and thwarted any Japanese plan to break through Baicha and sever Chinese retreat toward De'an. By October 8, Lieutenant Colonel Sakurada Ryozo, the 106th Division's staff officer, reported the division's deteriorating situation to headquarters. The telegram signaled the impending collapse of the 106th Division. On October 9, Kuomintang forces recaptured strategic positions such as Lishan, tightening encirclement to a small pocket of about three to four square kilometers in Nantianpu, Leimingguliu, and Panjia. That night, the vanguard attacked the Japanese 106th Division's headquarters at Leimingguliu, engaging in close combat with the Japanese. Matsuura and the division's staff then took up arms in defense. In the early hours of October 10, Japanese forces launched flares that illuminated only a narrow arc of movement, and a limited number of troops fled northwest toward Yangfang Street. The two and a half month battle inflicted tremendous casualties on the Japanese, particularly on the 101st and 106th divisions. These two formations began with a combined strength of over 47,000 troops and ultimately lost around 30,000 men in the fighting. The high casualty rate hit the Japanese officer corps especially hard, forcing General Shunroku Hata to frequently airdrop replacement officers onto the besieged units' bases throughout the engagement. For the Chinese, the successful defense of Wanjialing was pivotal to the Wuhan campaign.  Zooming out at a macro level a lot of action was occurring all over the place. Over in Shandong, 1,000 soldiers under Shi Yousan, who had defected multiple times between rival warlord cliques and operated as an independent faction, occupied Jinan and held it for a few days. Guerrillas briefly controlled Yantai. East of Changzhou extending to Shanghai, another non-government Chinese force, led by Dai Li, employed guerrilla tactics in the Shanghai suburbs and across the Huangpu River. This force included secret society members from the Green Gang and the Tiandihui, who conducted executions of spies and perceived traitors, losing more than 100 men in the course of operations. On August 13, members of this force clandestinely entered the Japanese air base at Hongqiao and raised a Chinese flag. Meanwhile, the Japanese Sixth Division breached the defensive lines of Chinese 31st and 68th Armies on July 24 and captured Taihu, Susong, and Huangmei Counties by August 3. As Japanese forces advanced westward, the Chinese Fourth Army of the Fifth War Zone deployed its main strength in Guangji, Hubei, and Tianjia Town to intercept the offensive. The 11th Army Group and the 68th Army were ordered to form a defensive line in Huangmei County, while the 21st and 29th Army Groups, along with the 26th Army, moved south to outflank the Japanese. The Chinese recaptured Taihu on August 27 and Susong on August 28. However, with Japanese reinforcements arriving on August 30, the Chinese 11th Army Group and the 68th Army were unable to sustain counteroffensives and retreated to Guangji County to continue resisting alongside the 26th, 55th, and 86th Armies. The Chinese Fourth Army Group directed the 21st and 29th Army Groups to flank the Japanese from the northeast of Huangmei, but they failed to halt the Japanese advance. Guangji fell on September 6, and while Guangji was recovered by the Chinese Fourth Corps on September 8, Wuxue was lost on the same day. Zooming back in on the Wuhan Front, the Japanese focus shifted to Tianjiazhen. The fortress of Tianjiazhen represented the 6th Infantry Division's most important objective. Its geographic position, where the Yangtze's two banks narrow to roughly 600 meters, with cliffs and high ground overlooking the river, allowed Chinese forces to deploy gun batteries that could control the river and surrounding terrain. Chinese control of Tianjiazhen thus posed a serious obstacle to Japan's amphibious and logistical operations on the Yangtze, and its seizure was deemed essential for Japan to advance toward Wuhan. Taking Tianjiazhen would not be easy: overland approaches were impeded by mountainous terrain on both sides of the fortress, while an amphibious assault faced fortified positions and minefields in the narrow river. Recognizing its strategic importance, Chinese forces reinforced Tianjiazhen with three divisions from central government troops, aiming to deter an overland assault. Chinese preparations included breaching several dykes and dams along the Yangtze to flood expanses of land and slow the Japanese advance; however, the resulting higher water levels widened the river and created a more accessible supply route for the Japanese. Instead of relying on a long overland route from Anqing to Susong, the Japanese could now move supplies directly up the Yangtze from Jiujiang to Huangmei, a distance of only about 40 kilometers, which boosted the 6th Division's logistics and manpower. In August 1938 the 6th Infantry Division resumed its northward push, facing determined resistance from the 4th Army Corps entrenched in a narrow defile south of the Dabie Mountains, with counterattacks from the 21st and 27th Army Groups affecting the 6th's flank. The Dabie Mountains are a major mountain range located in central China. Running northwest to southeast, they form the main watershed between the Huai and Yangtze rivers. The range also marks the boundary between Hubei Province and its neighboring provinces of Henan to the north and Anhui to the east. By early September the 6th had captured Guangji, providing a staging ground for the thrust toward Tianjiazhen, though this extended the division's long flank: after Guangji fell, it now faced a 30-kilometer front between Huangmei and Guangji, exposing it to renewed Chinese pressure from the 21st and 27th Army Groups. This constrained the number of troops available for the main objective at Tianjiazhen. Consequently, the Japanese dispatched only a small force, three battalions from the Imamura Detachment, to assault Tianjiazhen, betting that the fortress could be taken within a week. The KMT, learning from previous defeats, reinforced Tianjiazhen with a stronger infantry garrison and built obstacles, barbed wire, pillboxes, and trench networks, to slow the assault. These defenses, combined with limited Japanese logistics, six days of rations per soldier, made the operation costly and precarious. The final Japanese assault was postponed by poor weather, allowing Chinese forces to press counterattacks: three Chinese corps, the 26th, 48th, and 86th, attacked the Imamura Detachment's flank and rear, and by September 18 these attacks had begun to bite, though the floods of the Yangtze prevented a complete encirclement of the eastern flank. Despite these setbacks, Japanese riverine and ground operations continued, aided by naval support that moved up the Yangtze as Matouzhen's batteries were overtaken. After Matouzhen fell and enabled a secure riverine supply line from Shanghai to Guangji, 11th Army commander Okamura Yasuji quickly sent relief supplies upriver on September 23. These replenishments restored the besieged troops near Tianjiazhen and allowed the Japanese to resume the offensive, employing night assaults and poison gas to seize Tianjiazhen on September 29, 1938, thereby removing a major barrier to their advance toward Wuhan along the Yangtze. The 11th Army pressed north along the Yangtze while the 2nd Army, commanded by Prince Naruhiko Higashikuni, concentrated the 3rd, 10th, 13th, and 16th Infantry Divisions around Hefei with initial aims at Lu'an and Heshan and the broader objective of moving toward the northern foothills of the Dabie Mountains. When Chinese forces began destroying roads west of Lu'an, Naruhiko shifted the 2nd Army's plan. Rather than pushing along a line from Lu'an to Heshan, he redirected toward the Huangchuan–Shangcheng corridor, where more intact roads remained accessible, and Chinese withdrawals in the Huangchuan–Shangceng area to counter the 11th Army's Yangtze advance allowed the 2nd Army to gain speed in the early stage of its offensive. The 10th and 13th Infantry Divisions were ordered to begin their advance on August 27, facing roughly 25,000 Chinese troops from the Fifth War Zone's 51st and 77th Corps, and achieving notable early gains. The 10th captured Lu'an on August 28, followed by the 13th taking Heshan on August 29. The 10th then seized Kushi on September 7. Meanwhile, the 13th crossed the Shi River at night in an attempt to seize Changbailing, but encountered stiff resistance from multiple Chinese divisions that slowed its progress. To bolster the effort, Naruhiko ordered the Seiya Detachment from the 10th Division—three infantry battalions—to reinforce the 13th. Despite these reinforcements, momentum remained insufficient, so he deployed the 16th Infantry Division, which had arrived at Yenchiachi, to assault Shangcheng from the north. After crossing the Shi River at Yanjiachi, the 16th outflanked Shangcheng from the north, coordinating with the 13th from the south; the Chinese withdrew and Shangcheng fell. Following this success, Naruhiko ordered the 13th and 16th Divisions to push deeper into the Dabie Mountains toward Baikou and Songfu, while the 10th and 3rd Divisions moved toward Leshan and Xinyang, with Xinyang, a crucial Beijing–Wuhan Railway node, representing a particularly important objective. The Japanese advance progressed steadily through the Dabie Mountains, with the 10th executing bold maneuvers to outflank Leshan from the south and the 3rd penetrating toward the Beijing–Wuhan railway north of Xinyang, collectively disrupting and cutting the railway near Xinyang in October. An independent unit, the Okada Detachment, operated between these forces, advancing through Loshan before sealing Xinyang on October 12. The seizure of Xinyang effectively severed Wuhan's northern artery from external reinforcement and resupply, signaling a decisive turn against Wuhan as a Chinese stronghold. While the 2nd Army advanced in the Dabie Mountains, another critical development was taking place far to the south. By the end of 1937, southern China became more crucial to the Republic of China as a lifeline to the outside world. Guangzhou and Hong Kong served as some of the last vital transportation hubs and sources of international aid for Chiang Kai-Shek, with approximately 80 percent of supplies from abroad reaching Chinese forces in the interior through Guangzhou. Imperial General Headquarters believed that a blockade of Guangdong province would deprive China of essential war materiel and the ability to prolong the war. As I always liked to term it, the Japanese were trying to plug up the leaks of supplies coming into China, and Guangzhou was the largest one. In 1936 the Hankow-Canton railway was completed, and together with the Kowloon-Canton railway formed a rapid all-rail link from south China to central and northern China. For the first sixteen months of the war, about 60,000 tons of goods transited per month through the port of Hong Kong. The central government also reported the import of 1.5 million gallons of gasoline through Hong Kong in 1938, and more than 700,000 tons of goods would eventually reach Hankou using the new railway. In comparison, the Soviet Union in 1937 was sending war materiel through Xinjiang to Lanzhou using camels, with Chinese raw materials traveling back either the same route or via Hong Kong to Vladivostok. By 1940, 50,000 camels and hundreds of trucks were transporting 2,000–3,000 tons of Soviet war material per month into China. Japanese planning for operations began in early November 1937, with the blockade's objectives centered on seizing a portion of Daya Bay and conducting air operations from there. In December 1937, the 5th Army, including the 11th Division, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, and the 4th Air Brigade, were activated in Formosa under Lt. Gen. Motoo Furusho to achieve this objective. Due to the proximity of Daya Bay to Hong Kong, the Japanese government feared potential trouble with Britain, and the operation was subsequently suspended, leading to the deactivation of the 5th Army. By June 1938, the Battle of Wuhan convinced Imperial General Headquarters that the fighting could not be localized. The headquarters reversed policy and began preparations to capture Guangzhou and to expedite the settlement of the war. During the peak of the battles of Shanghai and Nanjing, urgent demands for aerial support at the Battle of Taiyuan in the north and at Canton in the south forced the Nationalist Air Force of China to split the 28th Pursuit Squadron and the 5th Pursuit Group , based at Jurong Airbase in the Nanking defense sector. The squadron was divided into two smaller units: Lt. Arthur Chin led one half toward Canton, while Capt. Chan Kee-Wong led the other half to Taiyuan. On September 27, 1937, the 28th PS under Lt. Arthur Chin dispatched four Hawk IIs from Shaoguan Airbase, and the 29th PS under Lt. Chen Shun-Nan deployed three Hawk IIIs from Tianhe Airbase. Their mission was to intercept Japanese IJNAF G3M bombers attempting to strike the Canton–Hankow railway infrastructure. The two flights engaged the Japanese bombers over Canton, claiming at least two kills; one G3M dumped fuel and ditching off the coast of Swatow, with its crew rescued by a British freighter, though one of the gunners died of battle injuries. In October 1937, amid mounting demands and combat losses, the Chinese government ordered 36 Gloster Gladiator Mk.I fighters, whose performance and firepower surpassed that of the Hawk IIs and IIIs, and most of these would become frontline fighters for the Canton defense sector as the war extended into 1938. On February 23, 1938, Capt. John Huang Xinrui, another Chinese-American volunteer pilot, took command of the renewed 29th PS, now equipped with the Gladiators. He led nine Gladiators from Nanxiong Airbase on their first active combat over Canton, supporting three Gladiators from the 28th PS as they intercepted thirteen Nakajima E8N fighter-attack seaplanes launched from the seaplane tenders Notoro Maru and Kinugasa Maru. The battle proved challenging: most of the Gladiators' machine guns jammed, severely reducing their firepower. Despite this, five of the E8Ns were shot down, confirmed by Capt. Huang and his fellow pilots who managed to strike the Japanese aircraft with only one, two, or three functioning guns per Gladiator. Chin later revealed that the gun jams were caused by defective Belgian-made ammunition. The combat nevertheless proved tragic and costly: Lt. Xie Chuanhe (Hsieh Chuan-ho) and his wingman Lt. Yang Rutong pursued the E8Ns but were stymied by inoperable weapons, with Lt. Yang killed in the counterattack, and Lt. Chen Qiwei lost under similar circumstances. The 4th War Area Army, commanded by He Yingqin, was assigned to the defense of south China in 1938. General Yu Hanmou led the 12th Army Group defending Guangdong province. The region's defense included about eight divisions and two brigades of regular army troops stationed around Guangzhou, with an additional five divisions of regular troops deployed in Fujian. The 4th War Area Army totaled roughly 110,000 regular army troops. By this time, most regular army units in Guangxi and four Guangdong divisions had been redirected north to participate in the Battle of Wuhan. Beyond the regular army, two militia divisions were deployed near Guangzhou, and the Guangxi militia comprised five divisions. Militia units were typically raised from local civilians and disbanded as the army moved through new areas. Their roles centered on security, supply transportation, and reconnaissance. Guangdong's main defensive strength was concentrated in Guangzhou and the immediate environs to the city's east. Other Chinese forces defended Chaozhou and western Guangdong. Defensive fortifications included the Humen fortress guarding the Pearl River mouth and three defensive lines near Daya Bay. Guangzhou housed three batteries of four three-inch guns, a battery of three 120mm guns, and Soviet-supplied 37mm anti-aircraft guns. The Imperial Japanese Navy conducted an aerial and naval interdiction campaign aimed at China's communication lines to neighboring regions. Japan believed that the blockade would hasten the end of the war, and disruption of the Chinese logistics network was the primary objective in Guangdong province from August 1937 until October 1938. The 5th Fleet's blockading actions extended along the coast from Haimenchen, Zhejiang to Shantou, with the 5th Destroyer Squadron patrolling the coast south of Shantou. At times, units from the Marianas were deployed to support coastal blockade operations in south China, usually consisting of cruisers accompanied by destroyer flotillas. One or two aircraft carriers and fleet auxiliaries would also be on station. Naval interdictions focused on stopping junks ferrying military supplies from Hong Kong to coastal China. The first recorded attack occurred in September 1937 when eleven junks were sunk by a Japanese submarine. Although Japan successfully blockaded Chinese shipping and ports, foreign shipping could still enter and depart from Hong Kong. The central government had established Hong Kong as a warehouse for munitions and supplies to pass through. Aerial interdictions targeted Chinese railway bridges and trains in Guangdong. Starting in October 1937, the Japanese launched air raids against the Sunning railway, focusing on government facilities and bridges in Jiangmen and towns along the railway. By 1938, airstrikes against the Kowloon–C Canton railway became common, with damaged trains periodically found along the line. An air-defense early warning system was created to divert trains during raids into forested areas that offered overhead concealment. In May 1938, the Colonial Office and the Foreign Office approved a Chinese request to construct and operate a locomotive repair yard within the New Territories to keep the railway operational. Airstrikes against rail facilities in Guangzhou were designed to interrupt rail supplies from Hong Kong so Japan would not need to commit to land operations in south China. However, the air raids did not severely impede railway operations or stop supplies moving through Hunan or Guangxi. The blockade in south China also targeted aircraft flying out of Hong Kong. In November 1937, a Royal Navy aircraft from HMS Eagle encountered Japanese naval anti-aircraft fire off the coast of Hong Kong. In December 1937, fifteen Japanese bombers overflew Lantau Island and the Taikoo docks. In August 1938, Japanese naval aircraft shot down a China National Aviation Corporation passenger plane, and two Eurasia Aviation Corporation passenger planes were shot down the following month. Beyond military targets, the Japanese conducted politically motivated terror bombing in Guangzhou. Bombing intensified from May to June 1938 with incendiary munitions and low-level strafing attacks against ships. The Imperial Japanese Navy Air Service, operating from Formosa and the carrier Kaga, conducted about 400 airstrikes during this period and continued into July. By the end of the summer, Guangzhou's population had dwindled to approximately 600,000 from an original 1.3 million. From August 1937 to October 1938, casualties in Guangzhou were estimated at 6,000 killed and 8,000 injured. On October 12, 1938, Japanese forces from the 21st Army, including the 5th, 18th, and 104th Infantry Divisions, landed in Guangzhou, launching the operation at 4:00 am with elements of the 5th and 18th Divisions hitting Aotou and elements of the 104th Division landing at Hachung in Bias Bay. Initially totaling about 30,000 men, they were soon reinforced by a further 20,000, and resistance was minimal because most of Yu Hanmou's 12th Army Group had been redeployed to central China to defend approaches to Wuhan, leaving only two regular Chinese divisions, the 151st and 153rd, to defend the region. By the night of October 12, the Japanese had established a 10-kilometer-deep beachhead and advanced inland; on October 13 they seized the towns of Pingshan and Tamshui with little opposition, and on October 15 they converged on Waichow and captured it. The fall of Pingshan, located on the Sai Kong River with a deep, broad river and only a flimsy crossing, and Waichow, where Chinese defenses included trenches and concrete pillboxes, surprised observers since these positions had been prepared to resist invasion; nonetheless, Chinese forces fled, opening the road to Guangzhou for the Japanese. Between October 16 and 19, three Japanese columns pushed inland, with the easternmost column crossing the East River on the 16th and the 5th Infantry Division capturing Sheklung on the 19th as Chinese forces retreated. By the night of October 20, Guangzhou's defenders withdrew and adopted a scorched-earth policy to deny resources to the invaders. On October 21, Japanese tanks entered Guangzhou without infantry support, and a regiment from the 5th Infantry Division captured the Bocca Tigris forts with no resistance. With Guangzhou secured, the Guangzhou–Wuhan railway and the Hong Kong–Guangzhou railway were severed, supplies to Wuhan were cut, Chiang Kai-Shek faced a daunting and depressing task, he had to abandon Wuhan. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Yangtze became a bloodied artery as Chinese and Japanese forces clashed from Anqing to Jiujiang, Madang to Tianjiazhen. A mosaic of Chinese troops, filled with grit and missteps, held lines while civilians like Wang Guozhen refused to surrender. The siege of Wanjialing crowned Chinese resilience, even as Guangzhou buckled under a relentless blockade. The Fall of Wuhan was all but inevitable.

As a key gateway for fostering connectivity, Hong Kong is set to accelerate the integrated development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area and the nation's high-quality growth.香港作为加强互联互通的核心门户，正计划加快粤港澳大湾区一体化建设，推动国家高质量发展。The city will achieve this by continuously channeling global capital, promoting innovation and building cultural bridges, senior officials, industry leaders and experts told the Greater Bay Area Conference 2025, which was held on Thursday in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.在香港特别行政区于周四举办的“2025粤港澳大湾区大会”上，政府高官、行业领袖及专家表示，香港将通过持续引入全球资本、推动创新发展、搭建文化交流桥梁等举措实现上述目标。Qu Yingpu, publisher and editor-in-chief of China Daily, lifted the curtain on the high-profile conference with a prerecorded welcome speech, which was followed by keynote speeches delivered by Leung Chun-ying, vice-chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and Hong Kong Chief Executive John Lee Ka-chiu.中国日报社社长兼总编辑曲莹璞通过预录欢迎辞为这场备受关注的大会拉开帷幕。随后，全国政协副主席梁振英、香港特别行政区行政长官李家超分别发表主旨演讲。Leung emphasized the central government's vision for the Hong Kong and Macao special administrative regions to actively integrate into the nation's development.梁振英强调，中央政府始终支持香港、澳门两个特别行政区积极融入国家发展大局。He said that upholding the principle of "one country, two systems" and promoting integrated development across the Greater Bay Area would "unleash huge energy similar to nuclear fusion", driving development on both sides.他表示，坚持“一国两制”方针，推动粤港澳大湾区融合发展，将“释放出堪比核聚变的巨大能量”，为大湾区内外发展注入动力。Leung also highlighted the freer flow of people, goods, capital and data as key pathways and objectives of the region's integrated development. Noting the concrete progress in infrastructure and visa relaxation, he said the collaboration between the Hong Kong SAR and Guangdong province has become broader and deeper.梁振英还指出，人员、货物、资金、数据的更自由流动，是大湾区一体化发展的核心路径与目标。他提到，当前大湾区基础设施建设与签证便利化政策已取得切实进展，香港特区与广东省的合作领域正不断拓宽、合作深度持续加深。"Faster and easier cross-boundary journeys have brought about the flow of talent to cities where they are most needed, and where they are most productive," Leung added.“更快捷、更便捷的跨境出行，让人才能够流向最需要、也最能发挥其价值的城市，”梁振英补充道。The senior official expressed his firm belief in the huge untapped potential of Hong Kong's role as a "super-connector", not only within the Greater Bay Area but also in linking the region with the rest of the world.这位高官坚信，香港作为“超级联系人”的潜力尚未完全释放——这一角色不仅体现在大湾区内部，更在于将大湾区与全球其他地区紧密联结。"For all sectors, there are opportunities, and for all opportunities, there are windows. Opportunities come and go, and the windows open and shut," Leung said, calling for "better understanding" and more on-the-ground actions.“各行业皆有机遇，所有机遇皆有窗口期。机遇转瞬即逝，窗口期亦会开合，”梁振英说道，他呼吁各方“增进理解”并采取更多务实行动。The conference, themed "Financial Connectivity, Nurturing Talent, Building Cultural Bridges", was co-organized by China Daily and the Hong Kong Coalition. It brought together more than 300 guests, including executives from Fortune Global 500 and China 500 companies, representatives of think tanks, academia and media, and experts from public and private sectors across Asia.本次大会以“金融互联・人才培育・文化筑桥”为主题，由中国日报与香港友好协进会联合主办。来自亚洲各地的300余名嘉宾参会，包括《财富》世界500强与中国500强企业高管、智库代表、学术界人士、媒体从业者，以及公共部门与私营领域的专家。Qu, the publisher and editor-in-chief of China Daily, highlighted Hong Kong's advantage in "value adding" as the "super-connector", noting that the city's newly established GoGlobal Task Force "will make Hong Kong the primary channel for attracting international capital and technology".中国日报社社长兼总编辑曲莹璞强调，香港作为“超级联系人”，具备独特的“增值”优势。他指出，香港新建立的出海服务平台“将推动香港成为吸引国际资本与技术的主要渠道”。He said he believes the Greater Bay Area is set to "contribute to the national goal of scientific and technological self-reliance", while the upcoming 15th National Games, which will be co-hosted by Hong Kong, Macao and Guangdong, make it "a magnet for domestic and international talent, as well as tourists — a connector of cultures and civilizations".他认为，粤港澳大湾区必将“为国家实现科技自立自强的目标贡献力量”；而即将由香港、澳门与广东联合举办的第十五届全国运动会，将使大湾区“成为吸引国内外人才与游客的‘磁石'，成为连接不同文化与文明的纽带”。"The Greater Bay Area has the glorious mission of becoming a principal support of the new development paradigm and a pioneer of Chinese modernization. By pursuing high-quality development and better integrating itself into China's overall development, the Greater Bay Area can well fulfill this mission and make an important contribution to national rejuvenation," Qu added.“粤港澳大湾区肩负着成为新发展格局重要支撑、中国式现代化先行典范的光荣使命。通过推动高质量发展、更好融入国家发展大局，大湾区完全能够履行这一使命，为民族复兴作出重要贡献，”曲莹璞补充道。In a video speech, Hong Kong Chief Executive Lee underscored the city's unique position as the only city having both Chinese and global advantages.香港特别行政区行政长官李家超在视频致辞中强调，香港是唯一兼具“中国优势”与“全球优势”的城市，地位独特。Leveraging its common law system, competitive taxation and a bilingual talent pool, Hong Kong serves as a "premier gateway for cooperation, bridging people, trades, businesses, cultures and values across the region".依托普通法制度、具有竞争力的税收政策及双语人才库，香港成为“区域合作的首要门户，为区内人员、贸易、企业、文化及价值观的互联互通搭建桥梁”。The GoGlobal Task Force will support Chinese mainland enterprises in their global expansion to "create important value for both our country and Hong Kong", Lee said, emphasizing the importance of accelerating the city's development as an international innovation and technology center.李家超表示，“出海”服务平台将支持中国内地企业拓展全球市场，“为国家与香港创造重要价值”。他同时强调，加快推动香港建设国际创新科技中心具有重要意义。With strengthened talent cultivation and cultural exchanges, particularly through the upcoming 15th National Games, Hong Kong will continue to link the Greater Bay Area to global markets, Lee added.李家超补充道，通过加强人才培养与文化交流（尤其是借助即将举办的第十五届全国运动会），香港将继续发挥纽带作用，推动粤港澳大湾区与全球市场对接。The conference featured two panel discussions on innovative finance and talent development, and a dialogue on the National Games' impact on local sports and culture.大会设置两场专题小组讨论，分别聚焦“创新金融与人才发展”；此外还举办了一场主题对话，探讨全运会对香港本地体育与文化发展的影响。Panelists highlighted Hong Kong's GoGlobal Task Force initiative, which supports mainland firms' overseas expansion and facilitates capital flows.参会嘉宾重点关注香港“出海”服务平台 的相关举措——该平台不仅支持内地企业海外拓展，还为资金流动提供便利。Their discussions also focused on enhancing university-industry collaboration to drive technological advancement and leveraging the games to boost regional integration through sports and cultural exchanges.嘉宾们在讨论中还提出，应加强校企合作以推动技术进步，并借助全运会契机，通过体育与文化交流促进区域融合。Furthermore, they discussed strategies to improve cross-regional coordination and advance the Greater Bay Area as a benchmark for China's high-quality development.此外，嘉宾们还就“如何完善跨区域协调机制”“推动粤港澳大湾区成为中国高质量发展标杆”等议题探讨了具体策略。untapped/ˌʌnˈtæpt/adj.未开发的；未利用的integrated/ˈɪntɪɡreɪtɪd/adj.一体化的；综合的facilitate/fəˈsɪlɪteɪt/v.促进；使便利

The mystery of the disappearing autumn has people living in northern China baffled. Only days ago, they were happily wearing T-shirts and skirts; but now, thick coats and down jackets are out in force. Fall was just a fleeting feeling, and indications are that this weather pattern could become the norm in the future.中国北方“秋日消失”的现象让当地民众感到困惑。就在几天前，人们还身着T恤短裙，如今却已纷纷穿上厚外套与羽绒服。秋天仿佛成了转瞬即逝的感觉，且有迹象表明，这种天气模式未来可能成为常态。According to available meteorological data, the transitional period between summer and winter is shrinking in China, with autumn arriving later than usual and ending sooner.现有气象数据显示，我国夏冬两季之间的过渡时段正不断缩短，秋季不仅来得更晚，结束得也更早。Delayed autumn秋季推迟While southwestern cities such as Guiyang in Guizhou province, Chengdu in Sichuan province, and Chongqing still enjoy around 70 to 80 days of cool autumn weather — with Guiyang topping the list at 79 days — people living in the north barely experience 50 days of autumn, said Weather China, a website under the China Meteorological Administration.中国气象局旗下“中国天气网”指出，贵阳（贵州）、成都（四川）、重庆等西南城市仍能享受70至80天左右的凉爽秋季（其中贵阳以79天位居榜首），而北方民众的秋季体验时长却不足50天。An analysis of long-term weather data from the website reveals that since 1991, autumn has been delayed across much of the country. Cities such as Zhengzhou in Henan province, Ningbo in Zhejiang province, and Shenzhen in Guangdong province now see autumn arrive more than 10 days late on average, while Nanjing in Jiangsu province, Fuzhou in Fujian province, and other places have recorded delays of five to nine days.该网站对长期气象数据的分析显示，1991年以来，我国多地秋季均出现推迟现象。河南郑州、浙江宁波、广东深圳等城市的秋季平均推迟超过10天，江苏南京、福建福州等地则推迟了5至9天。Studies show that across China, the duration of winter, spring and autumn is shrinking, and these shifts are more prominent in northern and eastern regions, the website said.中国天气网表示，研究发现我国冬季、春季、秋季的时长均在缩短，且这种变化在北方和东部地区更为显著。"Maybe there will be only three seasons in the future," a netizen said on social media platform Sina Weibo. "A trench coat feels like the most impractical outfit in Beijing, "another said, indicating the sharp transition from cool to cold weather in the capital.“未来或许只剩三个季节了。”一名网友在社交平台新浪微博上留言。另一名网友则调侃道：“风衣在北京成了最不实用的衣服”，暗指北京天气从凉爽到寒冷的急剧转变。Wang Weiyue, a meteorologist at Weather China, said that given global climate change, rising temperatures across various regions have become an indisputable fact, and this delays the onset of autumn, affecting agricultural production and people's daily lives.中国天气网气象专家王伟跃表示，在全球气候变化背景下，各地气温升高已成为不争的事实，这不仅导致秋季来临时间推迟，还对农业生产和民众日常生活产生了影响。Sudden chill寒潮突至This year's northern chill has arrived abruptly.今年北方的寒潮来得格外突然。Li Duo, a senior engineer at the National Climate Center, said that since October, several regions, including parts of Heilongjiang province, the Inner Mongolia autonomous region, Hebei province, and the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, were 1 C to 2 C colder than usual.国家气候中心高级工程师李多介绍，10月以来，黑龙江部分地区、内蒙古自治区、河北省、新疆维吾尔自治区等多地气温较常年偏低1至2摄氏度。The recent temperature drop in northern China was mainly due to two major cold-air events between Oct 9 and 10 and Oct 18 and 19, Li said.李多指出，近期我国北方降温主要受10月9日至10日、10月18日至19日两次强冷空气过程影响。The China Meteorological Administration forecasts that much of northern China will remain colder than average through Friday, while southern regions will also see temperatures drop by up to 5 C by the end of the month.中国气象局预报显示，截至周五，我国北方大部地区气温将持续低于常年同期；月底前，南方地区气温也将下降，降幅最高可达5摄氏度。Experts advised residents to dress warmly, stay alert to weather changes, and ventilate indoor spaces when using heating to avoid carbon monoxide-related risks.专家提醒，民众需注意添衣保暖，密切关注天气变化；使用取暖设备时，要注意室内通风，防范一氧化碳中毒风险。fleeting/ˈfliːtɪŋ/adj.短暂的；转瞬即逝的transitional/trænˈzɪʃənl/adj.过渡的；转变的indisputable/ˌɪndɪˈspjuːtəbl/adj.无可争辩的；不容置疑的

Over the next three days, Typhoon Fengshen will affect the central and northern South China Sea as well as southern coastal areas of China, the National Meteorological Center said on Monday, warning of potential damage from strong winds and secondary disasters caused by heavy rainfall.未来三天，“风神” 台风将影响南海中北部及中国南部沿海地区，国家气象中心于周一表示，并警示强风及强降雨引发的次生灾害可能造成破坏。The center issued a blue alert for Fengshen on Monday morning as the 24th typhoon of 2025 continued to strengthen over the South China Sea. As of 9 am, the storm's center was located about 455 kilometers northeast of Sansha city, Hainan province.由于 2025 年第 24 号台风 “风神” 在南海海域持续增强，国家气象中心于周一上午发布了台风 “风神” 蓝色预警。截至上午 9 时，台风中心位于海南省三沙市东北方向约 455 公里处。Fengshen is currently classified as a tropical storm, with maximum sustained winds of 82.8 kilometers per hour. Its wind field extends 220 to 280 km from the center. The storm is expected to move northwest at a speed of 20 to 25 km/h, gradually intensifying into a severe tropical storm or even a typhoon, with wind speeds reaching 108 to 126 km/h.目前，“风神” 被归类为热带风暴，最大持续风速为每小时 82.8 公里，其风场从中心向外延伸 220 至 280 公里。预计该风暴将以每小时 20 至 25 公里的速度向西北方向移动，并逐渐加强为强热带风暴，甚至台风，风速可达每小时 108 至 126 公里。By Tuesday, Fengshen is forecast to turn southwestward due to a cold front, heading toward the central coast of Vietnam and weakening as it approaches.预计到周二，受冷锋影响，“风神” 将转向西南方向移动，朝越南中部沿海地区前进，且在靠近过程中强度逐渐减弱。The typhoon will bring heavy rain and strong winds to eastern and northern Taiwan, the coastal areas of Fujian, Guangdong and Hainan provinces, and the northern part of the South China Sea. From 2 pm Monday to 2 pm Tuesday, northern Taiwan is expected to experience heavy to torrential rain, with some areas receiving 100 to 200 millimeters of rainfall.该台风将给中国台湾岛东部和北部、福建、广东、海南三省沿海地区以及南海北部带来强降雨和大风。从周一下午 2 时至周二下午 2 时，台湾北部预计将出现大雨到暴雨，部分地区降雨量可达 100 至 200 毫米。Meanwhile, a cold front will continue to affect central and eastern China, causing temperatures to drop by 4 to 6 C in these regions, as well as parts of Guizhou and Yunnan provinces. Some areas may see a temperature drop of up to 8 C, with the "0 C line" pushing southward to central North China.与此同时，一股冷锋将持续影响中国中东部地区，导致这些地区以及贵州、云南两省部分区域气温下降 4 至 6 摄氏度。部分地区降温幅度可能达 8 摄氏度，0℃等温线将南压至华北中部。The center said due to the combined effects of the cold front and Fengshen, the southern East China Sea, the Taiwan Strait, the northern South China Sea and coastal areas of Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong provinces are forecast to experience winds of up to 117.4 km/h, with gusts of up to 149 km/h, from 2 pm Monday to 2 pm Tuesday. It also issued a yellow alert for strong winds.国家气象中心表示，受冷锋与 “风神” 台风的共同影响，预计从周一下午 2 时至周二下午 2 时，东海南部、台湾海峡、南海北部以及浙江、福建、广东三省沿海地区将出现最大风速达每小时 117.4 公里的大风，阵风可达每小时 149 公里。该中心还发布了大风黄色预警。From Oct 19 to 28, heavy rainfall is expected across several regions. Some areas — including parts of Sichuan, Yunnan, Guizhou, Guangdong and Hainan provinces, as well as Taiwan and the Xizang autonomous region — may receive 80 to 150 mm of rain, with eastern Hainan and northern Taiwan exceeding 250 mm.10 月 19 日至 28 日期间，多个地区预计将出现强降雨。其中，四川、云南、贵州、广东、海南五省部分地区以及台湾地区和西藏自治区，降雨量可能达 80 至 150 毫米；海南东部和台湾北部部分地区降雨量将超过 250 毫米。Rainfall in these areas is expected to be 50 percent to 80 percent above the average for this time of year, according to the center.国家气象中心称，这些地区的降雨量预计将比常年同期偏多 50% 至 80%。Most of central and eastern China will experience average temperatures 1 to 3 C below the seasonal norm over the next 10 days. In contrast, temperatures in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region and the Qinghai-Tibet Plateau will be 1 to 3 C above average.未来 10 天，中国中东部大部分地区平均气温将较常年同期偏低 1 至 3 摄氏度。与之相反，新疆维吾尔自治区和青藏高原地区平均气温将较常年同期偏高 1 至 3 摄氏度。The center warned that widespread frost is expected, potentially affecting crop storage and agricultural facilities. Starting Tuesday, the prolonged rainy period in the Huanghuai region will end, aiding autumn harvests, soil drying, and the planting of winter wheat and rapeseed, it added.国家气象中心警示，预计将出现大范围霜冻天气，可能对农作物储藏及农业设施造成影响。该中心补充称，从周二开始，黄淮地区持续已久的降雨天气将结束，这将对秋收、土壤散墒以及冬小麦和油菜播种有利。typhoon音标：/taɪˈfuːn/翻译：n. 台风（发生在西北太平洋和南海的热带气旋）meteorological音标：/ˌmiːtiərəˈlɒdʒɪkl/（英式）；/ˌmiːtiərəˈlɑːdʒɪkl/（美式）翻译：adj. 气象的；气象学的（常修饰 “center”“data”“conditions” 等词，如 “meteorological center” 意为 “气象中心”）sustained音标：/səˈsteɪnd/翻译：adj. 持续的；持久的（在气象语境中常修饰 “winds”，表示 “持续风速”，如 “maximum sustained winds” 意为 “最大持续风速”）frost音标：/frɒst/（英式）；/frɔːst/（美式）翻译：n. 霜冻；霜 v. 结霜；受冻（文中指 “霜冻天气”，可能对农业造成影响，如 “widespread frost” 意为 “大范围霜冻”）

In a significant shift toward improved labor conditions, food delivery platforms Eleme and Meituan are set to abolish financial penalties for delayed deliveries, moving from a punitive model to a positive incentive-based management approach, Jiemian News reported on Tuesday.据界面新闻2月25日报道，为切实改善劳动者工作条件，外卖平台饿了么与美团正推进取消超时配送罚款措施，管理模式将从惩罚性机制转向正向激励机制，这一举措标志着外卖行业劳动保障体系建设迈出重要一步。Eleme is testing a revised service-points mechanism that replaces direct monetary penalties with point deductions to better incentivize performance and reward high-quality service. Cities participating in the trial include Nantong and Changzhou in Jiangsu province, Jieyang in Guangdong province, and Jingdezhen in Jiangxi province. There are plans to expand the initiative to more cities within October.其中，饿了么正试点优化服务积分机制，不再对超时配送直接处以罚款，而是通过积分扣除的方式规范服务，并加大对优质服务的奖励力度。目前试点范围已覆盖江苏省南通市、常州市，广东省揭阳市以及江西省景德镇市，平台计划在10月内将该机制推广至更多城市。Meituan is on a similar track. Having tested a "non-penalty mechanism" in over 30 cities, the company has publicly pledged to completely eliminate late-delivery fines by the end of 2025.美团也同步推进相关改革。此前，美团已在30余个城市试点“无罚款机制”，目前该平台已公开承诺，将于2025年底前全面取消超时配送罚款。Both companies are also upgrading safety and wellness measures, such as introducing AI voice reminders and optimizing mandatory break systems, to create a fairer and safer working environment for their food delivery drivers.此外，两大平台还在持续升级骑手安全与健康保障措施，包括上线人工智能语音提醒功能、优化强制休息制度等，切实为外卖骑手营造更公平、更安全的从业环境，进一步夯实外卖行业劳动者权益保障基础。abolishv.废除，取消/əˈbɒlɪʃ/punitiveadj.惩罚性的，惩戒性的/ˈpjuːnətɪv/incentivizev.激励，鼓励/ɪnˈsentɪvaɪz/

During the just-concluded National Day and Mid-Autumn Festival holiday, millions of travelers across China were able to travel light—sending local specialties and souvenirs home through China's fast-growing parcel delivery network. For many, the packages may have even arrived before the travelers themselves.在刚刚结束的国庆中秋双节假期期间，中国数百万游客得以轻装出行——通过中国快速发展的包裹快递网络，将当地特产和纪念品寄回家中。对许多人而言，这些包裹甚至可能比他们先到家。According to the State Post Bureau of China, the nation's postal and courier industry handled 7.23 billion parcels during the eight-day National Day and Mid-Autumn Festival holiday, which ended on Wednesday, maintaining stable operations amid a surge in tourism and holiday consumption. The daily average parcel volume exceeded 900 million, reflecting robust consumer demand and the growing vitality of the country's holiday economy.中国国家邮政局数据显示，在周三（10月8日）结束的八天国庆中秋假期期间，全国邮政快递行业共处理包裹72.3亿件，在旅游和假日消费激增的背景下保持了运营稳定。日均包裹量超9亿件，反映出强劲的消费需求和中国假日经济日益增长的活力。Courier companies embraced new "express delivery + culture and tourism" models, setting up service outlets, smart lockers and self-service boxes at railway stations, airports, hotels and scenic areas. The move offered travelers greater convenience while turning tourism flows into new consumption momentum, the bureau said.国家邮政局表示，快递公司推出“快递+文旅”新模式，在火车站、机场、酒店和景区设立服务网点、智能快递柜和自助寄件箱。此举为游客提供了更大便利，同时将旅游人流转化为新的消费动力。In popular destinations such as Kashgar in the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region, Sanya in Hainan province, and Lhasa in the Xizang autonomous region, shipments of local specialties rose sharply during the holiday. By collaborating with merchants, courier companies helped create a "travel–purchase–ship" consumption loop. At scenic spots like Qiandao Lake in Hangzhou, Gulangyu Island in Xiamen, and Beijing Road in Guangzhou, themed courier stores and parcel lockers catered to tourists' needs for shipping souvenirs and luggage.在新疆维吾尔自治区喀什市、海南省三亚市、西藏自治区拉萨市等热门旅游目的地，假期期间当地特产的寄递量大幅增长。快递公司通过与商家合作，助力打造“旅游—购买—寄递”消费闭环。在杭州千岛湖、厦门鼓浪屿、广州北京路等景区，主题快递门店和包裹寄存柜满足了游客寄递纪念品和行李的需求。This year's "golden week" sparked strong travel and consumption momentum nationwide. By optimizing operations and diversifying services, courier firms enriched travel experiences and unlocked new consumption potential, according to the bureau.国家邮政局指出，今年“黄金周”在全国范围内激发了强劲的旅游和消费势头。快递公司通过优化运营、丰富服务类型，提升了游客的出行体验，并释放了新的消费潜力。Ahead of the holiday, shipments of popular festive goods—including mooncakes, hairy crabs, seafood, meats and fresh fruits—surged. To ensure freshness and efficiency, companies established collection points and cold-chain warehouses in provinces such as Guangdong, Guizhou, Jiangsu and Hubei, allowing goods to be dispatched directly from production sites. They also optimized trunk routes, boosted air freight capacity, and adjusted transport resources dynamically to meet the seasonal rush.假期前夕，月饼、大闸蟹、海鲜、肉类、新鲜水果等热门节庆商品的寄递量大幅上升。为保障商品新鲜度和配送效率，快递公司在广东、贵州、江苏、湖北等省份设立集货点和冷链仓库，实现商品从产地直接发运；同时优化干线运输路线、提升航空货运能力，并动态调整运输资源，以应对季节性物流高峰。On the final leg of delivery, companies adopted multi-warehouse coordination and intelligent dispatching systems to achieve "nearby delivery", speeding up services.在配送末端环节，快递公司采用多仓协同和智能调度系统，实现“就近配送”，提升了配送速度。According to the bureau, China's postal and courier sector continues to enhance service capacity while deepening integration with the cultural and tourism industries. By innovating diversified consumption scenarios, it is injecting new vitality into the holiday economy and supports stable consumption growth.国家邮政局表示，中国邮政快递行业在持续提升服务能力的同时，正深化与文旅产业的融合。通过创新多元化消费场景，快递行业为假日经济注入新活力，并助力消费稳定增长。 State Post Bureau of Chinan.中国国家邮政局 /steɪt pəʊst ˈbjʊərəʊ ɒv ˈtʃaɪnə/courier companies (in China)n.（中国的）快递公司/ˈkʊriə ˈkʌmpəniz (ɪn ˈtʃaɪnə)/

Chinese women are gaining greater rights to development in the economic sector, especially in the digital economy, and their talent has shone through thanks to their perseverance, improved educational background and working abilities.中国女性在经济领域（尤其是数字经济领域）正获得更充分的发展权利。凭借坚韧的毅力、不断提升的教育水平和工作能力，她们的才华得以充分展现。Xie Mingli, 27, who switched her job from an education consultant to a cross-border e-commerce live-streaming anchor in Shenzhen, Guangdong province, in 2024, said it was an interesting choice to make, as she believes that women have the power to tackle challenges in both life and work.27岁的谢明丽（音译）于2024年在广东省深圳市从教育顾问转行成为跨境电商直播主播。她表示，这是一个有趣的选择，因为她认为女性有能力应对生活和工作中的各种挑战。"As a girl, I was told to stick to established practices like getting a bachelor's degree, finding a stable job and then getting married. But my mother, who is self-employed, has always encouraged me to try new things and never lose my curiosity or courage," she said. "I worked as an education consultant for two years after finishing my postgraduate education, and I think it's time to move on to another interesting career."“从小到大，总有人告诉我要遵循既定路径：拿到学士学位、找份稳定工作，然后结婚。但我母亲是个体户，她一直鼓励我尝试新事物，不要丢掉好奇心和勇气，”她说，“研究生毕业后，我做了两年教育顾问，现在我觉得是时候开启另一份有趣的职业了。”Xie is among the growing number of women starting their career or getting higher engagement in the digital economy in recent years, thanks to the government's greater support for enhancing women's rights to development and for improving their digital literacy.近年来，在政府加大对女性发展权利保障力度、提升女性数字素养的支持下，越来越多女性进入数字经济领域就业或加深参与度，谢明丽便是其中之一。According to a white paper recently released by the State Council Information Office, which explains China's philosophy, principles and practices in promoting gender equality and women's well-rounded development in the new era, female employees comprise about 43 percent of the nation's total workforce, with the proportion maintained at that level since 2012.国务院新闻办公室近日发布一份白皮书，阐述了新时代中国促进性别平等和妇女全面发展的理念、原则与实践。该白皮书显示，女性从业人员占全国从业人员总数的比例约为43%，自2012年以来这一比例始终保持在该水平。The latest figures from the National Bureau of Statistics showed that as of the end of 2024, female employees totaled around 320 million, accounting for 43.4 percent of the nation's total workforce, indicating women's fuller engagement in economic development.国家统计局最新数据显示，截至2024年底，女性从业人员总数约3.2亿人，占全国从业人员总数的43.4%，这表明女性正更充分地参与经济发展。In addition, women account for over half of the entrepreneurs in the internet sector, and roughly one-third of the nation's workers in new forms of employment, including digital trade, e-commerce and livestreaming, the white paper said.白皮书还指出，在互联网行业创业者中，女性占比超过一半；在数字贸易、电子商务、直播等新就业形态从业人员中，女性占比约三分之一。Early in 2022, AliResearch, the research arm of the Alibaba Group, released a report that said China's digital economy has created 57 million job opportunities for women, which has increased their value in the job market and expanded their employment space.2022年初，阿里巴巴集团旗下研究机构阿里研究院发布报告称，中国数字经济已为女性创造5700万个就业机会，提升了女性在就业市场中的价值，拓宽了她们的就业空间。The report said that as of 2022, there were about 23.58 million female shop owners on the Chinese online shopping platform Taobao, and 12.44 million female livestreaming anchors on Taobao and Douyin, the Chinese version of TikTok.报告显示，截至2022年，中国在线购物平台淘宝上的女性店主约有2358万人；在淘宝和抖音（TikTok中国版）平台上，女性直播主播达1244万人。Xie, the anchor, said that women have gained more respect, in addition to more equal returns and pay, and she believes the gender gap will continue to narrow in the future.主播谢明丽表示，如今女性不仅获得了更平等的回报与薪酬，还得到了更多尊重。她相信未来性别差距将进一步缩小。"When I was at school, seniors often said that employers preferred men as they would not be bothered by 'problems like giving birth'. I'm grateful that I didn't meet such discrimination, and I have been paid on a par with male workers, both at my previous job and the current one," she said.“上学时，学长学姐常说，雇主更倾向于招聘男性，因为男性不会受‘生育等问题'影响。我很庆幸自己没有遇到这种歧视，无论是上一份工作还是现在的工作，我的薪资都与男性同事持平，”她说。"Women do have an equal, or even bigger, right to speak in the job market, as we possess excellent working abilities, especially in some e-commerce-related areas, where women can show higher affability and approachability," Xie said, adding that she is happy to see more women from different walks of life get involved in the digital economy, in which they can not only make a living but also create some social values.“女性在就业市场中拥有平等甚至更充分的话语权，因为我们具备出色的工作能力，尤其是在电商相关领域，女性更能展现出亲和力与易沟通的特质，”谢明丽补充道。她表示，很高兴看到各行各业有更多女性参与到数字经济中，在这里她们不仅能谋生，还能创造社会价值。Feng Ling, vice-president of the All-China Women's Federation, said at a recent news conference in Beijing that women are riding the digital economy wave, thanks to the government's continuous efforts to improve their digital literacy and give them skills training and financial support.全国妇联副主席冯玲（音译）在近期北京举行的新闻发布会上表示，得益于政府持续提升女性数字素养、提供技能培训与资金支持，女性正积极拥抱数字经济浪潮。The Outline for Women's Development in China (2021-30), released in 2021 by the State Council, the country's Cabinet, has set a target of enhancing women's ability to use information technology to get engaged in socioeconomic high-quality development, she said, noting that several other State-level programs have also set targets and offered solutions to improve women's ability to get access to online entrepreneurship and forge their digital skills.她说，2021年国务院（中国政府内阁）发布的《中国妇女发展纲要（2021-2030年）》明确提出，要提升女性运用信息技术参与经济社会高质量发展的能力。她还指出，其他多项国家级规划也设定了目标并提出举措，旨在提升女性开展网络创业的能力、培养女性数字技能。"The women's federation, together with the Ministry of Commerce and the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs, has organized training programs for women in the countryside since 2015 to teach them to make short videos and sell agricultural produce online," Feng said.冯玲表示：“自2015年起，全国妇联联合商务部、农业农村部，为农村女性开展培训，教授她们制作短视频和线上销售农产品。”"Also, women starting or running their own businesses can get support through the nation's inclusive financial services. More women have realized their personal value in the digital economy sector, and turned into a strong force to push forward the development of the digital economy," she added.“此外，创业或经营企业的女性可通过国家普惠金融服务获得支持。越来越多女性在数字经济领域实现了个人价值，成为推动数字经济发展的重要力量，”她补充道。female employees in the digital economyn.数字经济领域女性从业人员 /ˈfiːmeɪl ɪmˈplɔɪiːz ɪn ðə ˈdɪdʒɪtl ɪˈkɒnəmi/female livestreaming anchorsn.女性直播主播/ˈfiːmeɪl ˈlɪvstriːmɪŋ ˈæŋkəz/

Go to http://DrinkAG1.com/adv to get a FREE Frother with your first purchase of AGZWe uncovered the sinister truth behind China's mega bridge. HAND MACHINE GHOST - LIMITED RUN! - https://thechinashow.threadless.comSupport the show here and see the Monday Exclusive show Xiaban Hou! https://www.patreon.com/advpodcastsSign up for the sticker giveaway!https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLScdk5BnaNwlkH8yjt-wgUwq6xWBZIgusPRM5ifELKgPdKxLHg/viewform?usp=headerCartoon feat. Jüri Pootsmann - I Remember Uhttps://soundcloud.com/nocopyrightsoundsTrack : Cartoon feat. Jüri Pootsmann - I Remember USome Sources - https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/09/technology/nvidia-chips-china-megaspeed.htmlSalary data in Anlong https://tjgb.hongheiku.com/xjtjgb/xj2020/53025.htmlSalary data in Fenggang https://www.gzfenggang.gov.cn/zwgk/zfxxgkzl/fdzdgknr/ghjh/gmjjhshfzgh/202502/t20250220_86927630.htmlhttps://www.researchgate.net/publication/341419632_Bone_Glue_-_The_Final_Frontier_for_Fracture_Repair_and_Implantable_Device_Stabilizationhttps://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9941416/https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1934590925002267https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/human-neuroscience/articles/10.3389/fnhum.2016.00033/fullhttps://www.nature.com/articles/s43587-025-00930-1https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/aging/articles/10.3389/fragi.2025.1638168/fullBRIDGE SOURCES - * 1981 Liziyida Bridge (Chengdu–Kunming Railway), Sichuan* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1981_Chengdu%E2%80%93Kunming_rail_crash* 1999 Qijiang “Rainbow” Pedestrian Bridge, Chongqing* https://www.engineeringcivil.com/civil-engineering-disasters-collapse-of-bridges.html* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Qijiang_Rainbow_Bridge_collapse* 2007 Jiujiang Bridge, Foshan (Guangdong)* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Collapse_of_Jiujiang_Bridge* 2007 Fenghuang (Tuojiang) Bridge, Hunan (under construction)* https://www.scmp.com/article/606792/dozens-feared-dead-after-hunan-bridge-collapse* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2007_Fenghuang_Bridge_collapse* 2009 Hongqi Road Viaduct, Zhuzhou (Hunan)* https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2009-05/18/content_7790004.htm* 2010 Tangying Bridge, Luanchuan (Henan)* https://www.globaltimes.cn/content/556460.shtml* https://www.scielo.cl/scielo.php?pid=S0718-915X2022000200193&script=sci_arttext* 2010 Nanjing Overpass (under construction), Jiangsu* https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2010-11/27/content_11617576.htm* 2011 Gongguan Bridge, Wuyishan (Fujian)* https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2011-07/15/content_12912763.htm* 2012 Hangzhou Viaduct dismantling accident, Zhejiang* https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/201207/716566.shtml* 2012 East Guangchang River Bridge, Jiangxi* https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/201208/721127.shtml* 2012 Yangmingtan Bridge (ramp), Harbin (Heilongjiang)* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yangmingtan_Bridge* 2013 Lianhuo Expressway Bridge (Mianchi, Henan)* https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-bridge-idUSBRE91003D20130201* https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-21300038* 2014 Gaozhou stone-arch bridge, Guangdong* https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/china/2014-05/05/content_17487284.htm* 2014 Jinshan Bridge, Enshi (Hubei) (under construction)* https://www.mdpi.com/2076-3417/10/6/2112* 2016 Ganjiang Bridge (dismantling), Taihe (Jiangxi)* https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/201609/1009862.shtml* 2019 Wuxi S342 Overpass, Jiangsu* https://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-bridge-collapse-idUSKBN1WP0JH* https://www.caixinglobal.com/2019-11-01/in-depth-overloaded-and-overturned-inside-the-deadly-wuxi-bridge-collapse-101478011.html* https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/10/11/deaths-reported-as-bridge-collapses-in-chinas-jiangsu-province* 2021 S2 Ezhou Expressway Ramp Bridge, Hubei* https://www.reuters.com/world/china/bridge-collapse-central-china-kills-four-2021-12-18/* 2024 Lixinsha Bridge, Guangzhou (Guangdong)* https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2024_Lixinsha_Bridge_collapse* 2024 Danning (G4015) Expressway Bridge, Zhashui (Shaanxi)* https://apnews.com/article/shaanxi-china-bridge-collapse-river-dead-b077896e4b291ef82a46ed601bfd04ca* 2024 Yakang Expressway Bridge (near Kangding), Sichuan* https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3240129/more-bodies-found-after-mountain-bridge-collapse-china* 2025 Jianzha Yellow River Bridge (under construction), Qinghai* https://abc13.com/post/china-bridge-collapse-today-kills-least-12-construction-workers-yellow-river-qinghai-province/17622521This video features copyrighted material used for commentary and educational purposes. We believe this constitutes a 'fair use' of any such copyrighted material as provided for in section 107 of the US Copyright Law.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Last time we spoke about the Nanjing Massacre. Japanese forces breached Nanjing as Chinese defenders retreated under heavy bombardment, and the city fell on December 13. In the following weeks, civilians and disarmed soldiers endured systematic slaughter, mass executions, rapes, looting, and arson, with casualties mounting rapidly. Among the most brutal episodes were hundreds of executions near the Safety Zone, mass shootings along the Yangtze River, and killings at improvised sites and “killing fields.” The massacre involved tens of thousands of prisoners, with estimates up to 300,000 victims. Women and children were subjected to widespread rape, mutilation, and terror intended to crush morale and resistance. Although the Safety Zone saved many lives, it could not shield all refugees from harm, and looting and arson devastated large parts of the city. Foreign witnesses, missionaries, and diary entries documented the extensive brutality and the apparent premeditated nature of many acts, noting the collapse of discipline among troops and orders that shaped the violence.    #169 Nanjing has Fallen, the War is not Over Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Directly after the fall of Nanjing, rumors circulated among the city's foreigners that Tang Shengzhi had been executed for his inability to hold the city against the Japanese onslaught. In fact, unlike many of his subordinates who fought in the defense, he survived. On December 12, he slipped through Yijiang Gate, where bullets from the 36th Division had claimed numerous victims, and sailed across the Yangtze to safety. Chiang Kai-shek protected him from bearing direct consequences for Nanjing's collapse. Tang was not unscathed, however. After the conquest of Nanjing, a dejected Tang met General Li Zongren at Xuzhou Railway Station. In a brief 20-minute conversation, Tang lamented, “Sir, Nanjing's fall has been unexpectedly rapid. How can I face the world?” Li, who had previously taunted Tang for over-eagerness, offered sympathy. “Don't be discouraged. Victory or defeat comes every day for the soldier. Our war of resistance is a long-term proposition. The loss of one city is not decisive.” By December 1937, the outlook for Chiang Kai-shek's regime remained bleak. Despite his public pledges, he had failed to defend the capital. Its sturdy walls, which had withstood earlier sieges, were breached in less than 100 hours. Foreign observers remained pessimistic about the prospects of continuing the fight against Japan. The New York Times wrote “The capture of Nanking was the most overwhelming defeat suffered by the Chinese and one of the most tragic military debacles in modern warfare. In defending Nanking, the Chinese allowed themselves to be surrounded and then slaughtered… The graveyard of tens of thousands of Chinese soldiers may also be the graveyard of all Chinese hopes of resisting conquest by Japan.” Foreign diplomats doubted Chiang's ability to sustain the war, shrinking the question to whether he would stubbornly continue a losing fight or seek peace. US Ambassador Nelson Johnson wrote in a letter to Admiral Yarnell, then commander of the US Asicatic Fleet “There is little left now for the Chinese to do except to carry on a desultory warfare in the country, or to negotiate for the best terms they can get”.  The Japanese, too, acted as if Chiang Kai-shek had already lost the war. They assumed the generalissimo was a spent force in Chinese politics as well, and that a gentle push would suffice to topple his regime like a house of cards. On December 14, Prime Minister Konoe announced that Chiang's losses of Beijing, Tianjin, Shanghai, and now Nanjing, had created a new situation. “The National Government has become but a shadow of its former self. If a new Chinese regime emerged to replace Chiang's government, Japan would deal with it, provided it is a regime headed in the right direction.” Konoe spoke the same day as a Liaison Conference in Tokyo, where civilian and military leaders debated how to treat China now that it had been thoroughly beaten on the battlefield. Japanese demands had grown significantly: beyond recognizing Manchukuo, Japan pressed for the creation of pro-Japanese regimes in Inner Mongolia and the north China area. The same day, a puppet government was established in Japanese-occupied Beijing. While these demands aimed to end China as a unitary state, Japanese policy was moving toward the same goal. The transmissions of these demands via German diplomatic channels caused shock and consternation in Chinese government circles, and the Chinese engaged in what many regarded as stalling tactics. Even at this late stage, there was division among Japan's top decision makers. Tada, deputy chief of the Army General Staff, feared a protracted war in China and urged keeping negotiations alive. He faced strong opposition from the cabinet, including the foreign minister and the ministers of the army and navy, and ultimately he relented. Tada stated “In this state of emergency, it is necessary to avoid any political upheaval that might arise from a struggle between the Cabinet and the Army General Staff.” Although he disagreed, he no longer challenged the uncompromising stance toward China. On January 16, 1938, Japan publicly stated that it would “cease henceforth to deal with” Chiang Kai-shek. This was a line that could not be uncrossed. War was the only option. Germany, the mediator between China and Japan, also considered Chiang a losing bet. In late January 1938, von Dirksen, the German ambassador in Tokyo, urged a fundamental shift in German diplomacy and advocated abandoning China in favor of Japan. He warned that this was a matter of urgency, since Japan harbored grudges against Germany for its half-hearted peace efforts. In a report, von Dirksen wrote that Japan, “in her deep ill humor, will confront us with unpleasant decisions at an inopportune moment.” Von Dirksen's view carried the day in Berlin. Nazi Germany and Hirohito's Japan were on a trajectory that, within three years, would forge the Axis and place Berlin and Tokyo in the same camp in a conflict that would eventually span the globe. Rabe, who returned to Germany in 1938, found that his account of Japanese atrocities in Nanjing largely fell on deaf ears. He was even visited by the Gestapo, which apparently pressed him to keep quiet about what he had seen. Ambassador von Dirksen also argued in his January 1938 report that China should be abandoned because of its increasingly friendly ties with the Soviet Union. There was some merit to this claim. Soviet aid to China was substantial: by the end of 1937, 450 Soviet aviators were serving in China. Without them, Japan likely would have enjoyed air superiority. Chiang Kai-shek, it seemed, did not fully understand the Russians' motives. They were supplying aircraft and pilots to keep China in the war while keeping themselves out. After Nanjing's fall, Chiang nevertheless reached out to Joseph Stalin, inviting direct Soviet participation in the war. Stalin politely declined, noting that if the Soviet Union joined the conflict, “the world would say the Soviet Union was an aggressor, and sympathy for Japan around the world would immediately increase.” In a rare moment of candor a few months later, the Soviet deputy commissar for foreign affairs spoke with the French ambassador, describing the situation in China as “splendid.” He expected China to continue fighting for several more years, after which Japan would be too weakened to undertake major operations against the Soviet Union. It was clear that China was being used. Whatever the motive, China was receiving vital help from Stalin's Russia while the rest of the world stood on the sidelines, reluctant to upset Japan. Until Operation Barbarossa, when the Soviet Union was forced to the brink by the German Army and could no longer sustain extensive overseas aid, it supplied China with 904 planes, 1,516 trucks, 1,140 artillery pieces, 9,720 machine guns, 50,000 rifles, 31,600 bombs, and more. Despite all of this, all in all, China's position proved less disastrous than many observers had feared. Chinese officials later argued that the battle of Nanjing was not the unmitigated fiasco it appeared to be. Tang Shengzhi had this to say in his memoirs“I think the main purpose of defending Nanjing was to buy time, to allow troops that had just been pulled out of battle to rest and regroup. It wasn't simply because it was the capital or the site of Sun Yat-sen's mausoleum.” Tan Daoping, an officer in Nanjing, described the battle “as a moderate success because it drew the Japanese in land”. This of course was a strategy anticipated by interwar military thinker Jiang Baili. It also allowed dozens of Chinese divisions to escape Shanghai, since the Japanese forces that could have pursued them were tied down with the task of taking Nanjing. Tan Daoping wrote after the war “They erred in believing they could wage a quick war and decide victory immediately. Instead, their dream was shattered; parts of their forces were worn out, and they were hindered from achieving a swift end”. Even so, it was a steep price was paid in Chinese lives. As in Shanghai, the commanders in Nanjing thought they could fight on the basis of sheer willpower. Chinese officer Qin Guo Qi wrote in his memoirs “In modern war, you can't just rely on the spirit of the troops. You can't merely rely on physical courage and stamina. The battle of Nanjing explains that better than anything”. As for the Brigade commander of the 87th division, Chen Yiding, who emerged from Nanjing with only a few hundred survivors, was enraged. “During the five days of the battle for Nanjing, my superiors didn't see me even once. They didn't do their duty. They also did not explain the overall deployments in the Nanjing area. What's worse, they didn't give us any order to retreat. And afterwards I didn't hear of any commander being disciplined for failing to do his job.” Now back in November of 1937, Chiang Kai-shek had moved his command to the great trinity of Wuhan. For the Nationalists, Wuhan was a symbolically potent stronghold: three municipalities in one, Hankou, Wuchang, and Hanyang. They had all grown prosperous as gateways between coastal China and the interior. But the autumn disasters of 1937 thrust Wuhan into new prominence, and, a decade after it had ceased to be the temporary capital, it again became the seat of military command and resistance. Leading Nationalist politicians had been seen in the city in the months before the war, fueling suspicions that Wuhan would play a major role in any imminent conflict. By the end of the year, the generals and their staffs, along with most of the foreign embassies, had moved upriver. Yet as 1937 slipped into 1938, the Japanese advance seemed practically unstoppable. From the destruction of Shanghai, to the massacre in Nanjing, to the growing vulnerability of Wuhan, the NRA government appeared powerless against the onslaught.  Now the Japanese government faced several options: expanding the scope of the war to force China into submission, which would risk further depletion of Japan's military and economic resources; establishing an alternative regime in China as a bridge for reconciliation, thereby bypassing the Nationalist government for negotiations; and engaging in indirect or direct peace negotiations with the Nationalist Government, despite the failure of previous attempts, while still seeking new opportunities for negotiation. However, the Nanjing massacre did not compel the Chinese government and its people to submit. On January 2, Chiang Kai-shek wrote in his diary, “The conditions proposed by Japan are equivalent to the conquest and extinction of our country. Rather than submitting and perishing, it is better to perish in defeat,” choosing to refuse negotiations and continue resistance.  In January 1938 there was a new escalation of hostilities. Up to that point, Japan had not officially declared war, even during the Shanghai campaign and the Nanjing massacre. However on January 11, an Imperial Conference was held in Tokyo in the presence of Emperor Hirohito. Prime Minister Konoe outlined a “Fundamental Policy to deal with the China Incident.”The Imperial Conference was attended by Prime Minister Fumimaro Konoe, Army Chief of Staff Prince Kan'in, Navy Minister Admiral Fushimi, and others to reassess its policy toward China. Citing the Nationalist Government's delay and lack of sincerity, the Japanese leadership decided to terminate Trautmann's mediation. At the conference, Japan articulated a dual strategy: if the Nationalist Government did not seek peace, Japan would no longer regard it as a viable negotiating partner, instead supporting emerging regimes, seeking to resolve issues through incidents, and aiming either to eliminate or incorporate the existing central government; if the Nationalist Government sought reconciliation, it would be required to cease resistance, cooperate with Japan against communism, and pursue economic cooperation, including officially recognizing Manchukuo and allowing Japanese troops in Inner Mongolia, North China, Central China, and co-governance of Shanghai. The Konoe cabinet relayed this proposal to the German ambassador in Japan on December 22, 1937: It called for: diplomatic recognition of Manchukuo; autonomy for Inner Mongolia; cessation of all anti-Japanese and anti-Manchukuo policies; cooperation between Japan, Manchukuo, and China against communism; war reparations; demilitarized zones in North China and Inner Mongolia; and a trade agreement among Japan, Manchukuo, and China.  Its terms were too severe, including reparations payable to Japan and new political arrangements that would formalize the separation of north China under Japanese control. Chiang's government would have seventy-two hours to accept; if they refused, Tokyo would no longer recognize the Nationalist government and would seek to destroy it.  On January 13, 1938, the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Chonghui informed Germany that China needed a fuller understanding of the additional conditions for peace talks to make a decision. The January 15 deadline for accepting Japan's terms elapsed without Chinese acceptance. Six days after the deadline for a Chinese government reply, an Imperial Conference “Gozen Kaigi” was convened in Tokyo to consider how to handle Trautmann's mediation. The navy, seeing the war as essentially an army matter, offered no strong position; the army pressed for ending the war through diplomatic means, arguing that they faced a far more formidable Far Eastern Soviet threat at the northern Manchukuo border and wished to avoid protracted attrition warfare. Foreign Minister Kōki Hirota, however, strongly disagreed with the army, insisting there was no viable path to Trautmann's mediation given the vast gap between Chinese and Japanese positions. A second conference followed on January 15, 1938, attended by the empire's principal cabinet members and military leaders, but without the emperor's presence. The debate grew heated over whether to continue Trautmann's mediation. Hayao Tada, Deputy Chief of Army General Staff, argued for continuation, while Konoe, Hirota, Navy Minister Mitsumasa Yonai, and War Minister Hajime Sugiyama opposed him. Ultimately, Tada acceded to the position of Konoe and Hirota. On the same day, Konoe conveyed the cabinet's conclusion, termination of Trautmann's mediation, to the emperor. The Japanese government then issued a statement on January 16 declaring that it would no longer treat the Nationalist Government as a bargaining partner, signaling the establishment of a new Chinese regime that would cooperate with Japan and a realignment of bilateral relations. This became known as the first Konoe statement, through which Tokyo formally ended Trautmann's mediation attempt. The Chinese government was still weighing its response when, at noon on January 16, Konoe publicly declared, “Hereafter, the Imperial Government will not deal with the National Government.” In Japanese, this became the infamous aite ni sezu (“absolutely no dealing”). Over the following days, the Japanese government made it clear that this was a formal breach of relations, “stronger even than a declaration of war,” in the words of Foreign Minister Hirota Kōki. The Chinese ambassador to Japan, who had been in Tokyo for six months since hostilities began, was finally recalled. At the end of January, Chiang summoned a military conference and declared that the top strategic priority would be to defend the east-central Chinese city of Xuzhou, about 500 kilometers north of Wuhan. This decision, like the mobilization near Lugouqiao, was heavily influenced by the railway: Xuzhou sat at the midpoint of the Tianjin–Pukou Jinpu line, and its seizure would grant the Japanese mastery over north–south travel in central China. The Jinpu line also crossed the Longhai line, China's main cross-country artery from Lanzhou to the port of Lianyungang, north of Shanghai. The Japanese military command marked the Jinpu line as a target in spring 1938. Control over Xuzhou and the rail lines threading through it were thus seen as vital to the defense of Wuhan, which lay to the city's south. Chiang's defense strategy fit into a larger plan evolving since the 1920s, when the military thinker Jiang Baili had first proposed a long war against Japan; Jiang's foresight earned him a position as an adviser to Chiang in 1938. Jiang had previously run the Baoding military academy, a predecessor of the Whampoa academy, which had trained many of China's finest young officers in the early republic 1912–1922. Now, many of the generals who had trained under Jiang gathered in Wuhan and would play crucial roles in defending the city: Chen Cheng, Bai Chongxi, Tang Shengzhi, and Xue Yue. They remained loyal to Chiang but sought to avoid his tendency to micromanage every aspect of strategy.  Nobody could say with certainty whether Wuhan would endure the Japanese onslaught, and outsiders' predictions were gloomy. As Wuhan's inhabitants tasted their unexpected new freedoms, the Japanese pressed on with their conquest of central China. After taking Nanjing, the IJA 13th Division crossed the Yangtze River to the north and advanced to the Outang and Mingguang lines on the east bank of the Chihe River in Anhui Province, while the 2nd Army of the North China Front crossed the Yellow River to the south between Qingcheng and Jiyang in Shandong, occupied Jinan, and pressed toward Jining, Mengyin, and Qingdao. To open the Jinpu Railway and connect the northern and southern battlefields, the Japanese headquarters mobilized eight divisions, three brigades, and two detachments , totaling about 240,000 men. They were commanded by General Hata Shunroku, commander of the Central China Expeditionary Army, and Terauchi Hisaichi, commander of the North China Front Army. Their plan was a north–south advance: first seize Xuzhou, a strategic city in east China; then take Zhengzhou in the west along the Longhai Railway connecting Lanzhou and Lianyungang; and finally push toward Wuhan in the south along the Pinghan Railway connecting Beijing and Hankou. At the beginning of 1938, Japan's domestic mobilization and military reorganization had not yet been completed, and there was a shortage of troops to expand the front. At the Emperor's Imperial Conference on February 16, 1938, the General Staff Headquarters argued against launching operations before the summer of 1938, preferring to consolidate the front in 1938 and undertake a large-scale battle in 1939. Although the Northern China Expeditionary Force and the Central China Expeditionary Force proposed a plan to open the Jinpu Line to connect the northern and southern battlefields, the proposal was not approved by the domestic General Staff Headquarters. The Chinese army, commanded by Li Zongren, commander-in-chief of the Fifth War Zone, mobilized about 64 divisions and three brigades, totaling roughly 600,000 men. The main force was positioned north of Xuzhou to resist the southern Japanese advance, with a portion deployed along the southern Jinpu Railway to block the southern push and secure Xuzhou. Early in the campaign, Chiang Kai-shek redeployed the heavy artillery brigade originally promised to Han Fuju to Tang Enbo's forces. To preserve his strength, Shandong Provincial Governor Han Fuju abandoned the longstanding Yellow River defenses in Shandong, allowing the Japanese to capture the Shandong capital of Jinan in early March 1938. This defection opened the Jinpu Railway to attack. The Japanese 10th Division, under Rensuke Isogai, seized Tai'an, Jining, and Dawenkou, ultimately placing northern Shandong under Japanese control. The aim was to crush the Chinese between the two halves of a pincer movement. At Yixian and Huaiyuan, north of Xuzhou, both sides fought to the death: the Chinese could not drive back the Japanese, but the Japanese could not scatter the defenders either. At Linyi, about 50 kilometers northeast of Xuzhou, Zhang Zizhong, who had previously disgraced himself by abandoning an earlier battlefield—became a national hero for his determined efforts to stop the Japanese troops led by Itagaki Seishirō, the conqueror of Manchuria. The Japanese hoped that they could pour in as many as 400,000 troops to destroy the Chinese forces holding eastern and central China. Chiang Kai-shek was determined that this should not happen, recognizing that the fall of Xuzhou would place Wuhan in extreme danger. On April 1, 1938, he addressed Nationalist Party delegates, linking the defense of Wuhan to the fate of the party itself. He noted that although the Japanese had invaded seven provinces, they had only captured provincial capitals and main transport routes, while villages and towns off those routes remained unconquered. The Japanese, he argued, might muster more than half a million soldiers, but after eight or nine months of hard fighting they had become bogged down. Chiang asserted that as long as Guangzhou (Canton) remained in Chinese hands, it would be of little significance if the Japanese invaded Wuhan, since Guangzhou would keep China's sea links open and Guangdong, Sun Yat-sen's homeland, would serve as a revolutionary base area. If the “woren” Japanese “dwarfs” attacked Wuhan and Guangzhou, it would cost them dearly and threaten their control over the occupied zones. He reiterated his plan: “the base area for our war will not be in the zones east of the Beiping–Wuhan or Wuhan–Guangdong railway lines, but to their west.” For this reason he authorized withdrawing Chinese troops behind the railway lines. Chiang's speech mixed defiance with an explanation of why regrouping was necessary; it was a bold public posture in the face of a developing military disaster, yet it reflected the impossible balance he faced between signaling resolve and avoiding overcommitment of a city that might still fall. Holding Xuzhou as the first priority required Chiang Kai-shek to place a great deal of trust in one of his rivals: the southwestern general Li Zongren. The relationship between Chiang and Li would become one of the most ambivalent in wartime China. Li hailed from Guangxi, a province in southwestern China long regarded by the eastern heartland as half civilized. Its people had rarely felt fully part of the empire ruled from Beijing or even Nanjing, and early in the republic there was a strong push for regional autonomy. Li was part of a cohort of young officers trained in regional academies who sought to bring Guangxi under national control; he joined the Nationalist Party in 1923, the year Sun Yat-sen announced his alliance with the Soviets. Li was not a Baoding Academy graduate but had trained at Yunnan's equivalent institution, which shared similar views on military professionalism. He enthusiastically took part in the Northern Expedition (1926–1928) and played a crucial role in the National Revolutionary Army's ascent to control over much of north China. Yet after the Nanjing government took power, Li grew wary of Chiang's bid to centralize authority in his own person. In 1930 Li's so‑called “Guangxi clique” participated in the Central Plains War, the failed effort by militarist leaders to topple Chiang; although the plot failed, Li retreated to his southwest base, ready to challenge Chiang again. The occupation of Manchuria in 1931 reinforced Li's belief that a Japanese threat posed a greater danger than Chiang's centralization. The tension between the two men was evident from the outset of the war. On October 10, 1937, Chiang appointed Li commander of the Fifth War Zone; Li agreed on the condition that Chiang refrain from issuing shouling—personal commands—to Li's subordinates. Chiang complied, a sign of the value he placed on Li's leadership and the caution with which he treated Li and his Guangxi ally Bai Chongxi. As Chiang sought any possible victory amid retreat and destruction, he needed Li to deliver results. As part of the public-relations front, journalists were given access to commanders on the Xuzhou front. Li and his circle sought to shape their image as capable leaders to visiting reporters, with Du Zhongyuan among the most active observers. Du praised the “formidable southwestern general, Li Zongren,” calling him “elegant and refined” and “vastly magnanimous.” In language echoing the era's soldiers' public presentation, Du suggested that Li's forces operated under strict, even disciplined, orders “The most important point in the people's war is that . . . troops do not harass the people of the country. If the people are the water, the soldiers are the fish, and if you have fish with no water, inevitably they're going to choke; worse still is to use our water to nurture the enemy's fish — that really is incomparably stupid”.  Within the southern front, on January 26, 1938, the Japanese 13th Division attacked Fengyang and Bengbu in Anhui Province, while Li Pinxian, Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the 5th War Zone, directed operations south of Xuzhou. The defending 31st Corps of the 11th Group Army, after resisting on the west bank of the Chi River, retreated to the west of Dingyuan and Fengyang. By February 3, the Japanese had captured Linhuai Pass and Bengbu. From the 9th to the 10th, the main force of the 13th Division forced a crossing of the Huai River at Bengbu and Linhuai Pass respectively, and began an offensive against the north bank. The 51st Corps, reorganized from the Central Plains Northeast Army and led by Commander Yu Xuezhong, engaged in fierce combat with the Japanese. Positions on both sides of the Huai shifted repeatedly, producing a riverine bloodbath through intense hand-to-hand fighting. After ten days of engagement, the Fifth War Zone, under Zhang Zizhong, commander of the 59th Army, rushed to the Guzhen area to reinforce the 51st Army, and the two forces stubbornly resisted the Japanese on the north bank of the Huai River. Meanwhile, on the south bank, the 48th Army of the 21st Group Army held the Luqiao area, while the 7th Army, in coordination with the 31st Army, executed a flanking attack on the flanks and rear of the Japanese forces in Dingyuan, compelling the main body of the 13th Division to redeploy to the north bank for support. Seizing the initiative, the 59th and 51st Armies launched a counteroffensive, reclaiming all positions north of the Huai River by early March. The 31st Army then moved from the south bank to the north, and the two sides faced across the river. Subsequently, the 51st and 59th Armies were ordered to reinforce the northern front, while the 31st Army continued to hold the Huai River to ensure that all Chinese forces covering the Battle of Xuzhou were safely withdrawn. Within the northern front, in late February, the Japanese Second Army began its southward push along multiple routes. The eastern axis saw the 5th Division moving south from Weixian present-day Weifang, in Shandong, capturing Yishui, Juxian, and Rizhao before pressing directly toward Linyi, as units of the Nationalist Third Corps' 40th Army and others mounted strenuous resistance. The 59th Army was ordered to reinforce and arrived on March 12 at the west bank of the Yi River in the northern suburbs of Linyi, joining the 40th Army in a counterattack that, after five days and nights of ferocious fighting, inflicted heavy losses on the Japanese and forced them to retreat toward Juxian. On the western route, the Seya Detachment (roughly a brigade) of the Japanese 10th Division crossed the Grand Canal from Jining and attacked Jiaxiang, meeting stiff resistance from the Third Army and being thwarted, while continuing to advance south along the Jinpu Railway. The Isogai Division, advancing on the northern route without awaiting help from the southeast and east, moved southward from Liangxiadian, south of Zouxian, on March 14, with the plan to strike Tengxian, present-day Tengzhou on March 15 and push south toward Xuzhou. The defending 22nd Army and the 41st Corps fought bravely and suffered heavy casualties in a hard battle that lasted until March 17, during which Wang Mingzhang, commander of the 122nd Division defending Teng County, was killed in action. Meanwhile, a separate Japanese thrust under Itagaki Seishirō landed on the Jiaodong Peninsula and occupied Qingdao, advancing along the Jiaoji Line to strike Linyi, a key military town in southern Shandong. Pang Bingxun's 40th Army engaged the invaders in fierce combat, and later, elements of Zhang Zizhong's 333rd Brigade of the 111th Division, reinforced by the 57th Army, joined Pang Bingxun's forces to launch a double-sided pincer that temporarily repelled the Japanese attack on Linyi. By late March 1938 a frightening reality loomed: the Japanese were close to prevailing on the Xuzhou front. The North China Area Army, commanded by Itagaki Seishirō, Nishio Toshizō, and Isogai Rensuke, was poised to link up with the Central China Expeditionary Force under Hata Shunroku in a united drive toward central China. Li Zongren, together with his senior lieutenants Bai Chongxi and Tang Enbo, decided to confront the invaders at Taierzhuang, the traditional stone-walled city that would become a focal point of their defense. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Nanjing falls after one of humanities worst atrocities. Chiang Kai-Shek's war command has been pushed to Wuhan, but the Japanese are not stopping their advance. Trautmann's mediation is over and now Japan has its sights on Xuzhou and its critical railway junctions. Japan does not realize it yet, but she is now entering a long war of attrition.

Working groups are guiding rescue operations in Guangdong and Hainan as Typhoon Matmo is battering southern China. Authorities have evacuated around 350,000 people for safety.

Typhoon Matmo has forced the evacuation of nearly 350,000 people in Guangdong and Hainan Provinces as it hits southern China.

China's Ministry of Emergency Management has upgraded the emergency typhoon responses in two southern provinces to Level III amid the approaching Typhoon Matmo, which will make landfall on Sunday.

In dieser Folge blicke ich ein wenig auf meine bisherigen China-Aufenthalte 2025 zurück und mache in diesem Zuge klar, wo genau die Unterschiede liegen. Es ist essenziell, aus meiner Sicht, diese zu verstehen, denn nur so wird das Gesamtkonstrukt „China“ klar – und damit auch das gebündelte Potenzial dieses Landes.
 Erwähnte Namen:
 - Perflussdelta (Süden: Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Hongkong usw.)
 - Yangtze-Delta (Mitte: Shanghai, Hangzhou usw.)
 - Jing-Jin-Ji (Norden: Peking, Tianjin, Hebei)
 Städte: Guangzhou, Shenzhen, Hongkong, Shanghai, Hangzhou, Peking, Dalian, Tianjin, Nanjing, Ningbo
 Provinzen: Hainan, Guangdong, Fujian, Zhejiang, Hebei, Sichuan
 The Northern and Southern Dynasties (Mark Edward Lewis).
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 Die verwendete Musik wurde unter AudioJungle - Royalty Free Music & Audio lizensiert. Urheber: Alexiaction.
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 Zum Zeitpunkt der Erstellung dieses Beitrags war der Autor, Eric Nebe, in folgenden der besprochenen Finanzinstrumente selbst investiert: Alibaba, Baidu, JD. Geplante Änderungen: Keine. Weitere Informationen entnehmen Sie bitte unserem Transparenzhinweis zum Umgang mit Interessenskonflikten: Sie bitte unserem Transparenzhinweis zum Umgang mit Interessenskonflikten: https://www.china2invest.de/transparenz-und-rechtshinweise

In Xinjiang, ancient traditions are not frozen in time but are dynamically evolving. This episode explores how daily life in the millennia-old Kashi Ancient City, and across all of Xinjiang, is being revitalized with modern comforts while carefully preserving its unique soul. From the enduring epic of Manas to the innovative fusion of Guangdong's Yingge dance with Uygur melodies, it's clear how dedicated cultural preservation, youthful creativity, and open exchanges are composing a vibrant new chapter for the region's diverse cultural mosaic.

Get access to The Backroom (75+ exclusive episodes) and support 1Dime Radio: https://www.patreon.com/OneDimeIn this episode of 1Dime Radio, I am joined by Dr. Jane Hayward, a lecturer in Chinese Studies at the Lao China Institute at King's College. Dr. Hayward specializes in explaining China's political economy and misconceptions surrounding it. We discuss the specifics of how China's political system works, its mix of meritocracy, democracy, technocracy, & dictatorship, and the very different systems of competing provinces, like Guangdong and Chongqing. She also explains the inner workings of the Chinese Communist Party-state and its political economy. In The Backroom on Patreon, the Trump Tariffs, Jane's experience living in China, the prospects for China's future, and much more. Become a Patron at Patreon.com/OneDime if you haven't already.In The Backroom on Patreon, we discuss Trump's new tariffs, Jane's firsthand experience living in China, where the model is headed, and more.Timestamps00:00 The Backroom Preview02:38 1Dime Radio Introduction03:52 China's Decentralized Political System08:12 Local vs Provincial Governments16:43 Democracy in China?20:00 Party Membership, Hierarchy, and Controlled Opposition34:20 Barriers to Entry and Party Membership39:30 Technocracy and Meritocracy49:44 Chongqing vs. Guangdong: Experiments in Socialist vs Capitalist Governance01:06:39 The Labor Movement in China01:17:34 The Gender Divide in China01:30:15 Conclusion and The Backroom TransitionGUEST: Dr. Jane Hayward's YouTube channel: https://www.youtube.com/@janehaywardchina/videosFOLLOW Me:1Dime:• Substack (Articles and Essays): https://substack.com/@tonyof1dime• X/Twitter: https://x.com/1DimeOfficial• Instagram: instagram.com/1dimeman• Check out my main channel videos: https://www.youtube.com/@1Dimee.Outro Music by Karl CaseyIf you learned something, leave a like, comment, 5-Star Rating, and share it with a friend.

嚴迅奇博士：許李嚴建築師事務所執行董事，國際建築大師：香港故宮博物館、添馬政府總部、立法會、國際金融中心及香港站、iSQUARE、四季酒店、嘉里酒店、花旗銀行大廈、廣東省、雲南省博物館、寶安文化綜合體與中大深圳校園、成都天府創新中心與義大利舞動森林總設計師、《Looking into Hong Kong》作者 (2025)、1983 巴黎巴士底歌劇院國際競賽冠軍、亞洲建築師協會金獎、芝加哥建築獎、德國 ICONIC 獎及世界建築節獲獎者、香港建築師學會理事、康文署博物館專家顧問、中大榮譽教授、港大建築系及南加州大學建築系顧問、香港大學建築系校友（1974、1976）、榮譽社會科學博士（2013）Dr. Rocco Yim: Architecture Master, Rocco Design Architects Principal, Lead Architect of HK Palace Museum, Tamar Central Government Complex Headquarters, Legislative Council, IFC, iSQUARE, Four Seasons Hotel, Kerry Hotel, Citibank Tower, Guangdong, Yunnan Museums, Bao'an Cultural Complex & CUHK Shenzhen Campus, Tianfu Innovation Centre Chengdu & Dancing Forest Italy, Author of “Looking into Hong Kong” (Thames & Hudson), 1983 Opéra Bastille Intl. Competition 1st Prize Winner, ARCASIA Gold Medal, Chicago Athenaeum, German ICONIC Awards & World Architecture Festival Category Winner, HKIA Council Member, Museum Expert Adviser to LCSD, Honorary Professor at CUHK, Advisory Council Member at HKU & USC, HKU Architecture alum (1974, 1976), Honorary Doctor of Social Sciences (2013)Interviewer: Wendy Chong Pui Wan採訪者：蔣沛芸- Rocco Design Architects Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/roccodesignarchitects/Do check out Dr. Rocco's new book "Looking into Hong Kong - The Architecture of Rocco Design".Bringing together 25 projects mostly within Hong Kong, including the high-profile East Kowloon Cultural Centre and the Hong Kong Palace Museum, this book showcases the work of the man single-handedly most responsible for the city's modern architectural form.The selected projects have been chosen for the way in which they reflect the design principles and practices of the studio, but also because they highlight the particularities of the city, such as its dense, vertical and connected nature.Growing up, studying and now practising in the city, his deep knowledge of its intricacies allows him to design buildings that make the city work better and improve the lives of those that live there, a principle which continues to drive him.

Mes chers camarades, bien le bonjour !Les tops historiques, j'en fais souvent et je crois que vous adorez ça, mais parfois c'est franchement galère. Quel est le boss des papes ? Ou le numéro uno des conquérants ? Ou encore le roi des pirates et des corsaires ? Difficile à choisir, entre Barbe Noire, Jack Rackham, Charles Vane, François l'Olonnais, Henry Morgan, Richard Hawkins, Francis Drake, ou Surcouf ! Ah, par contre, pour la reine des pirates, au moins c'est facile. Car y'a pas photo : Anne Bonny et Mary Read n'ont jamais commandé leur propre équipage ! C'est bien triste, mais elles se font clairement dominer par Ching Shih, la Veuve, le Dragon, la pirate chinoise qui a commandé par loin de… 20.000 gangsters ! Accrochez vous, car cette femme était un vrai ouragan !Bonne écoute !

Storm Bualoi has killed at least 10 people in the Philippines, which is still recovering from the impacts of a super typhoon. Guangdong and Hainan provinces in southern China are also bracing for Bualoi and have ordered boats back to port.

Près de 2 millions de personnes déplacées dans le Guangdong suite au typhon Ragasa;Trois types d'avions effectuent des décollages et des atterrissages assistés par catapulte électromagnétique;L'équipage de Shenzhou-20 effectuera sa quatrième série d'activités extravéhiculaires;Les micro-séries chinoises à la conquête de l'audience internationale;Le nombre d'utilisateurs d'Internet mobile chinois s'élève à plus de 1,6 milliard;La Chine lance sa première route maritime arctique vers l'Europe;Le Guangxi accueille le premier Festival de la culture du café;La Chine lance la construction d'un télescope de haute précision sur le "toit du monde";La Chine a publié 30 normes nationales en matière d'IA

天高皇帝远 "Heaven Is Vast & the Emperor is Far Away" On the far side of the realm from th celestial halls of shining Beijing, an outcast girl born on the fringes of society will scrabble to survive amidt the coastal chaos of the end of the 18th Century. With little more than her looks and wits, she'll have to outwit & outplay freebooter, bandit, and official alike if she is ever going to rise above her station on the boats of Guangdong harbor. Time Period Covered: ca. 1775-1807 CE Major Historical Figures: Zheng Yi Sao/Ching Shih (née Shi Yang), Pirate Queen of the Red Flag Fleet [1775-1844] Captain Zheng Yi, Fleet Commander of the Red Flag Fleet [1765-1807] Zhang Baozai (Cheung Po Tsai), "The Kid" [1783-1822] Major Sources Cited: Andrade, Tonio. The Gunpowder Age: China, Military Innovation, and the Rise of the West in World History. Antony, Robert J. Like Froth Floating on the Sea: The World of Pirates and Seafarers in Late Imperial South China. Mann Jones, Susan and Philip A. Kuhn. "The Ch'ing Government and Its Problems, 1800–1812” in The Cambridge History of China, Volume 10, Part 1: Late Ch'ing, 1800–1911. Murray, Dian. Pirates of the South China Coast. Rawski, Evelyn. Education and Popular Literacy in Ch'ing China. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Founded in 1929, Chow Tai Fook Jewellery Group is owned by one of the most influential families in Hong Kong, namely the Cheng family behind the late property tycoon Cheng Yu-tung. With a deep heritage, the firm’s brand aims to not only honour traditions, but also foster deep, meaningful connections, with a diverse customer base through its jewellery pieces. The company said its commitment to innovation and craftsmanship has been integral in helping it maintain mindshare among customers over the decades. In this “On the Go” Special edition of “Under the Radar”, Money Matters’ finance presenter Chua Tian Tian flew down to Guangdong, China on a media tour to see how the company is putting its words into action. Her journey started at Chow Tai Fook’s Shunde Artisanal Smart Manufacturing Centre, about 1.5 hours drive away from Shenzhen, where she visited the firm’s diamond processing facilities and master studio. She also visited the firm’s new image store in Shenzhen, where she spoke with Gabriela Ferreira, General Manager, International of Chow Tai Fook Jewellery on the firm’s corporate strategy and expansion plans – including those for Singapore.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Chinesische Forscher haben in Guangdong eine Kassette entwickelt, die alle jemals aufgenommenen Musikstücke speichern kann. Insgesamt passen 36 Petabyte Musik darauf, die Daten werden auf DNA-Molekülen gespeichert. Jakob Roth fragt sich, was wir als Menschheit mit dieser neuen Errungenschaft anfangen könnten.

In Xinjiang, ancient traditions are not frozen in time but are dynamically evolving. This episode explores how daily life in the millennia-old Kashi Ancient City, and across all of Xinjiang, is being revitalized with modern comforts while carefully preserving its unique soul. From the enduring epic of Manas to the innovative fusion of Guangdong's Yingge dance with Uygur melodies, it's clear how dedicated cultural preservation, youthful creativity, and open exchanges are composing a vibrant new chapter for the region's diverse cultural mosaic.

South China's Guangdong Province has raised its wind emergency response to Level I, the highest level, amid the approaching Typhoon Ragasa, which is expected to make landfall on Wednesday.

Guangdong Province is under full emergency response ahead of the expected arrival of Typhoon Ragasa. Schools, transportation and constructions sights in many cities are suspended in Guangdong and Hainan provinces.

As Super Typhoon Ragasa approaches, public transportation in Guangdong province — particularly train services — will be heavily disrupted starting on Tuesday, while most coastal cities in the province have suspended school, work, production and business operations.随着超强台风“桦加沙”逼近，广东省公共交通（尤其是铁路运输）将于2日起遭遇严重影响，该省多数沿海城市已启动停课、停工、停产、停业措施。Ragasa, the 18th typhoon of 2025, was upgraded to a super typhoon by China's National Meteorological Center on Sunday morning, with the maximum wind force near the center reaching above level 17.“桦加沙”作为2025年第18号台风，中国气象局于周日上午将其升级为超强台风，台风中心附近最大风力达17级以上。High-speed and regular trains within Guangdong will gradually be suspended from noon on Tuesday, with the range of suspensions adjusted systematically according to the storm's impact, China Railway Guangzhou Group said on Monday. All train services in the province will be suspended on Wednesday, it added. Services are expected to resume once the typhoon weakens, with schedules updated accordingly.中国铁路广州局集团有限公司1日发布消息称，2日中午起，广东省内高铁及普速列车将逐步停运，停运范围将根据台风影响情况统筹调整；3日，该省所有列车运行将全面暂停。待台风强度减弱后，铁路部门将逐步恢复列车运营，并及时更新列车运行时刻。The typhoon is forecast to make landfall along the coast from Huizhou in Guangdong to Wenchang in Hainan province between the early morning and afternoon on Wednesday. At that time, it is expected to be a strong typhoon or super typhoon, with winds of level 14 to 16, said Wang Haiping, chief forecaster at the National Meteorological Center.中国气象局首席预报员王海平表示，预计“桦加沙”将于3日凌晨至下午时段，在广东惠州至海南文昌一带沿海登陆。登陆时，其强度预计为强台风或超强台风级别，风力可达14至16级。"One of the main reasons for the high intensity of Typhoon Ragasa is that the ocean has been continuously heated throughout the summer, resulting in relatively high sea temperatures after autumn," Wang said. He added that typhoons in autumn often interact with cold air masses moving south, a process that lifts warm, moist air and can trigger extreme rainfall.王海平指出：“台风‘桦加沙'强度偏高的主要原因之一，是整个夏季海洋持续升温，导致入秋后海温仍处于较高水平。”他补充道，秋季台风常与南下的冷空气相互作用，这一过程会抬升暖湿气流，可能引发极端强降雨。"The strong typhoon will bring heavy to torrential rainfall in South China's coastal area," Wang said at a Monday news conference.在1日召开的新闻发布会上，王海平强调：“此次强台风将给我国华南沿海地区带来大到特大暴雨。”Authorities in Guangdong on Monday morning raised the province's wind emergency response to Level II, the second-highest in China's four-tier warning system.1日上午，广东省应急管理部门将该省台风应急响应级别提升至Ⅱ级——这是我国四级应急预警体系中的第二高级别。Local railway operators have adjusted train operations based on the storm's expected path. Guangzhou Baiyun International Airport said it would adjust or cancel flights depending on conditions, while ferry service to Chuanshan Islands in Jiangmen will be suspended from Tuesday as nearby sea winds are expected to reach about 72 kilometers per hour.当地铁路部门已根据台风预计路径调整列车运行计划。广州白云国际机场表示，将依据天气情况调整或取消航班；江门川山群岛航线轮渡将于2日起停运，届时该区域附近海面风力预计将达每小时72公里。As of 10 am Monday, Guangdong's Maritime Safety Administration had relocated more than 10,000 coastal vessels to safe waters.截至1日上午10时，广东海事局已组织逾1万艘沿海船舶转移至安全水域避风。By Monday afternoon, authorities in Zhuhai, Dongguan, Shanwei, Shenzhen, Zhongshan, Jiangmen, Yangjiang and Huizhou had announced suspensions of classes, work, production, public transport and business operations on Tuesday and Wednesday.截至1日下午，珠海、东莞、汕尾、深圳、中山、江门、阳江、惠州等地已陆续发布通知，2日至3日期间，当地将实施停课、停工、停产、暂停公共交通及停业措施。In Hong Kong, education officials said classes at all schools — including secondary schools, primary schools, special schools, kindergartens, kindergarten-cum-child care centers and evening schools — would be suspended for both days.香港特区教育部门宣布，全港所有学校（包括中学、小学、特殊学校、幼儿园、幼稚园暨幼儿中心及夜校）2日至3日将全面停课。Hong Kong International Airport will remain open during the storm, but a substantial number of flights are expected to be grounded, Airport Authority Hong Kong said. Wing Yeung Tak-wing, the authority's service delivery director, told reporters the airport would see a significant reduction in flights after 6 pm on Tuesday and a full-day impact on Wednesday. Passengers are urged to confirm flight statuses with airlines before heading to the airport.香港机场管理局表示，台风影响期间香港国际机场将保持开放，但预计大量航班将延误或取消。香港机场管理局服务总监杨永恒向媒体介绍，2日下午6时后机场航班起降将大幅减少，3日全天航班运行都将受到显著影响。机场管理局提醒旅客，前往机场前务必先与航空公司确认航班状态。In Hainan, the Haikou Transportation and Port & Shipping Administration announced that Xinhai Port, Xiuying Port and Railway South Port will suspend operations beginning at 6 pm on Tuesday. The closures are expected to last until Thursday evening, depending on weather conditions.在海南省，海口市交通运输和港航管理局宣布，新海港、秀英港、铁路南港将于2日下午6时起停止运营。停运时间预计将持续至4日晚间，具体恢复运营时间将根据天气情况另行通知。Although the typhoon's eye may not make direct landfall on Hainan, the island's northern and western coasts are forecast to see winds of level 10 to 12, with torrential rain expected in Haikou and other regions.气象部门预计，尽管台风“桦加沙”的中心可能不会直接在海南登陆，但海南岛北部及西部沿海地区将遭遇10至12级大风，海口等多地将出现特大暴雨。Wang Changxiao, director of the disaster prevention and mitigation department at the Emergency Management Bureau of Shenzhen Municipality, urged residents to prepare sufficient emergency supplies such as bread and medicine.深圳市应急管理局防灾减灾处负责人王长晓提醒市民，需提前储备充足的面包、药品等应急物资。"The super typhoon will become one of the most significant storms to hit the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area since 2018," Wang said. "While staying at home, residents should secure doors and windows and have sufficient emergency supplies ready."王长晓表示：“此次超强台风将成为2018年以来影响粤港澳大湾区的最强台风之一。市民居家期间，需加固门窗，并准备好充足的应急物资。”suspendv.暂停，中止； /səˈspend/torrentialadj.特大的，暴雨的/təˈrenʃl/mitigationn.减轻；缓解/ˌmɪtɪˈɡeɪʃn/

Chongqing's Datianwan Stadium became the center of excitement on Saturday night as it hosted the opening match of the Chongqing City Football League, also known as Yu Chao. This is the upgraded version of the city's amateur super league, launched in 2016.周六晚间，重庆大田湾体育场成为万众瞩目的焦点，这里举办了重庆城市足球联赛（又称“渝超联赛”）的揭幕战。该联赛是重庆2016年启动的业余足球超级联赛升级后的版本。The stadium and its surroundings were turned into a vibrant carnival with food stands, cultural exhibits and live music performances.The opening match saw Chongqing's Yuzhong team face off against Jiulongpo and clinch a 3-2 victory.体育场及其周边地区化作一场活力四射的嘉年华，现场设有小吃摊、文化展区，并举办了现场音乐表演。揭幕战中，重庆渝中队对阵九龙坡队，最终以3比2的比分获胜。"We had never explored this area before, but tonight our family enjoyed a delightful meal of iron pot spicy fish outside the stadium. I think it has sparked widespread enthusiasm for sports and stimulated local consumption," said Sun Pinpin, 34, who attended the match with her husband and 10-year-old son.“我们以前从没来过这片区域，但今晚我们一家人在体育场外享用了美味的铁锅麻辣鱼。我觉得这不仅点燃了大众对体育的热情，还带动了当地消费。”34岁的孙彬彬说道，她与丈夫及10岁的儿子一同前来观赛。The league is regarded as the largest city soccer competition in China, featuring 41 teams from Chongqing's 38 districts and counties, as well as from the Chongqing Liangjiang New Area, Chongqing High-tech Industrial Development Zone and Chongqing Wansheng Economic and Technological Development Zone. In total, 178 matches are scheduled this season.该联赛是中国规模最大的城市足球赛事，共有41支球队参赛，分别来自重庆38个区县，以及重庆两江新区、重庆高新技术产业开发区和重庆万盛经济技术开发区。本赛季共计划进行178场比赛。The occasion also marked a significant moment for Datianwan Stadium, which had not seen such vibrancy since it last hosted a Chinese Jia-A League game 22 years ago. Built in 1956, the stadium was the first premier venue established after the founding of the People's Republic of China. Saturday's opener drew 21,680 fans.此次赛事也为大田湾体育场迎来了重要时刻——自22年前承办中国甲A联赛赛事后，这座体育场许久未呈现如此热闹的景象。大田湾体育场始建于1956年，是中华人民共和国成立后建成的首座顶级体育场馆。周六的揭幕战吸引了21680名球迷到场观赛。With the season scheduled to run until March or April next year, given the number of teams and matches, the CQFL is the most extensive city soccer league nationwide, said Zhang Jie, a technical official of the league.联赛技术官员张杰表示，考虑到参赛球队数量和赛事场次，本赛季重庆城市足球联赛（CQFL）赛程将持续至明年3月或4月，是全国规模最广的城市足球联赛。Chongqing, a megacity of 32 million on the upper reaches of the Yangtze River, has a rich soccer heritage. Local communities began organizing matches in the 1950s, and by the 1970s had set up a league with a promotion and relegation system. The structure helped develop amateur teams with national influence.重庆是长江上游地区一座拥有3200万人口的超大城市，有着深厚的足球传统。当地社区自20世纪50年代起便开始组织足球比赛，到70年代已建立起带有升降级制度的联赛体系。这一体系助力培养出了具有全国影响力的业余球队。"The primary goal of organizing the league is to enhance public fitness and offer a platform for ordinary people to showcase their skills and express themselves through soccer," Zhang said.“举办该联赛的首要目标是促进全民健身，并为普通人提供一个通过足球展现技艺、表达自我的平台。”张杰说道。During the opening match, Yuzhong's Li Feiya scored the league's first goal. A full-time teacher, Li embodies the league's spirit of community involvement, balancing classroom duties with soccer training.揭幕战中，渝中队的李非亚攻入了联赛首球。身为一名全职教师，李非亚兼顾教学工作与足球训练，是联赛社区参与精神的典型代表。The event energized the local community and boosted tourism and hospitality. Du Xueyong, deputy director of the Chongqing Municipal Sports Bureau, said the league is expected to generate more than 100 million yuan ($14.04 million) in consumption across dining, accommodation and transportation. Tourism revenue in host areas is projected to increase by over 20 percent.此次赛事为当地社区注入了活力，同时推动了旅游业和酒店餐饮业的发展。重庆市体育局副局长杜学勇表示，预计该联赛将带动餐饮、住宿、交通等领域消费超1亿元人民币（折合1404万美元），赛事举办地的旅游收入预计将增长20%以上。In May, the 2025 Jiangsu Football City League in Jiangsu province captured national attention, inspiring more provinces to organize their own amateur "super leagues".Jiangxi and Guangdong provinces launched theirs in July and August. Hunan province kicked off its league six days before Chongqing while Sichuan province is scheduled to kick start its own on Sept 20.今年5月，2025年江苏省足球城市联赛引发全国关注，这也激励了更多省份举办各自的业余“超级联赛”。江西省和广东省分别于7月和8月启动了本地联赛；湖南省在重庆联赛开赛6天前开启了赛事，而四川省则计划于9月20日启动本省联赛。These leagues are driving deeper integration of sports and consumer activities. Meituan Travel reported that during the opening match of the Hunan Super League, bookings for flights and train tickets to Changsha rose 35 percent year-on-year, while five-star hotel reservations increased by 62 percent.这些联赛正推动体育与消费活动的深度融合。美团旅行数据显示，湖南超级联赛揭幕战期间，前往长沙的机票和火车票预订量同比增长35%，五星级酒店预订量同比增长62%。Given the national men's soccer team's struggles for nearly two decades, many see grassroots competitions as a more genuine and promising path for the future of Chinese soccer.鉴于中国国家男子足球队近20年来发展受阻，许多人认为，基层赛事才是中国足球未来更真实、更具前景的发展方向。promotion and relegation system升降级制度/prəˈməʊʃn ənd ˌrelɪˈɡeɪʃn ˈsɪstəm/hospitality酒店餐饮业/ˌhɒspɪˈtæləti/grassroots competitions基层赛事/ˈɡrɑːsruːts ˌkɒmpəˈtɪʃnz/

Hello Youtube Members, Patreons and Pacific War week by week listeners. Yes this was intended to be an exclusive episode to join the 29 others over on my Youtube Membership and Patreon, but since we are drawing to the end of the Pacific War week by week series, I felt compelled to make some special episodes to answer some of the bigger questions. Why did Japan, or better said, why did Emperor Hirohito decide to finally surrender? It seems obvious on the face of it, but there is actually a lot more to it than bombs or Soviet invasions. I guess you can call this episode a teaser or a shameless plug for going over to my Youtube Membership or Patreon. There's honestly a lot of interesting subjects such as ‘why was the japanese army so brutal”, “Hirohito's war time responsibility”, “the 4 part Kanji Ishiwara series”. Thus if you liked this one please show some love and check out my other stuff on my Youtube Membership or over at www.patreon.com/pacificwarchannel.   Stating all of that lets just jump right into it.   We first need to start off briefly looking at Emperor Hirohito.    Upon taking the throne, Emperor Hirohito in 1926 Hirohito inherited a financial crisis and a military that was increasingly seizing control of governmental policies. From the beginning, despite what many of you older audience members may have been told, Hirohito intensely followed all military decisions. Hirohito chose when to act and when not to. When the Kwantung Army assassinated Zhang Zuolin, he indulged their insubordination. This emboldened them to invade Manchuria in 1931, whereupon Hirohito was furious and demanded they be reigned in. Attempts were made, but they were heavily undermined by radicals. Hirohito could have put his foot down, but he chose not to. On September 22nd, at 4:20pm Hirohito said to the IJA Chief of General staff, Kanaya Hanzo “although this time it couldn't be helped, the army had to be more careful in the future”. Thus Hirohito again acquiesced to the military, despite wanting them to stop or at least localize the conflict. The military had disregarded his wishes, they should have been severely punished. Why did Hirohito not take a firmer stance?    Again for older audience members you may have heard, “hirohito was a hostage at the whim of his own military”. This narrative made it seem he was some sort of hostage emperor, but this is not the case at all. In fact Hirohito was instrumental in many military decisions from 1931-1945. The reason this, I will call it “myth” , went on was because after Japan's surrender, the US basically rewrote the Japanese constitution and covered up the Emperor's involvement in all the nasty stuff, to maintain control over Japan. Yeah it sounds a bit conspiracy esque, but I assure you it was indeed the case. This narrative held firm all the way until Hirohito's death, when finally meeting notes and personal accounts from those close to him came out, illuminating a lot. Though to this day, many records are still red -tapped.   The reason Hirohito did not stamp his foot down has to do with the Kokutai.    The Kokutai   So before I carry on, I have to explain what exactly is the Kokutai.    The Kokutai, loosely translated as "national essence," refers to the qualities that distinguish the Japanese identity. However, this concept is remarkably vague and poorly defined; even Japanese historians acknowledge this ambiguity. In contrast to Kokutai is seitai, or "form of government." While the Kokutai embodies the eternal and immutable aspects of Japanese polity—rooted in history, traditions, and customs centered around the Emperor—Japan's seitai has evolved significantly throughout its extensive history. For instance, shoguns governed for over 700 years until 1868, when the Meiji Restoration reinstated direct imperial rule.   Nevertheless, Emperor Meiji's direct authority came to an end with the adoption of the Meiji Constitution in 1889, which established a constitutional monarchy, introducing significant complexities into the governance system.   Article 4 of the constitution declares: “The Emperor is the head of the Empire, combining in Himself the rights of sovereignty, uniting the executive, legislative, and judicial branches of government, although subject to the consent of the Imperial Diet.” Under this framework, the Emperor alone possessed the power to appoint or dismiss ministers of state, declare war, negotiate peace, conclude treaties, direct national administration, and command the army and navy.   A glaring flaw in this arrangement is the inherent ambiguity of the Meiji Constitution. While it established a democratic parliament, it simultaneously afforded the Emperor absolute authority to usurp it. The document failed to clearly define the relationships between the executive, legislative, and judicial branches, and its language was intentionally vague. Most critically, the military—the army and navy—were not directly accountable to the civilian government.    So with the kokutai, the Emperor is a divine figure who embodies the state's sovereignty. It was not necessarily the Emperor's job to surrender on behalf of the official government of Japan, but he most certainly could do so, given the Japanese people still remained faithful to the kokutai.    Now Hirohito did not live an ordinary life. According to the imperial custom, Japanese royals were raised apart from their parents, at the age of 3 he was placed in the care of the Kwamura family who vowed to raise him to be unselfish, persevering in the face of difficulties, respectful of the views of others and immune to fear. One thing that was absolutely indoctrinated into him was to defend the kokutai. It became his top mission as a monarch, it was the only mission in many ways. At the very core of how he saw the world and how he acted, it was always to protect the kokutai.    So when the Japanese military began these insubordinate acts, Hirohito's primary concern was to the kokutai, ie: anything that threatened his imperial authority and the imperial institution itself. Although the military usurped his authority, the operations had been successful. Hirohito was not at all opposed to seeing his empire expand. He understood the value of manchuria, he was fully onboard with the military plans to eventually seize control over it, but these radicals were accelerating things to quickly for everyone's liking. He turned a blind eye, dished light punishments and carried on. However the local conflict escalated. It traveled to Shanghai by 1932 and here Hirohito took action. He understood Shanghai was full of western powers. Nations like Britain and America could place economic sanctions on Japan if things were allowed to get out of hand here. So he ordered General Yoshinori Shirakawa to bring the Shanghai expedition to a close.    During this period, two factions emerged within the Japanese military: the Kodoha, or “Imperial Way,” and the Toseiha, or “Control” faction. The Kodoha was founded by General Sadao Araki and his protégé, Jinzaburo Masaki. Their primary objective was a Shōwa Restoration aimed at purging Japan of corrupt politicians and businessmen, especially those associated with the zaibatsu. Composed mainly of young army officers, the Kodoha espoused a romanticized and radical interpretation of Bushido, idealizing pre-industrial Japan, which Araki believed had been tainted by Western influences. To achieve their goals, they resorted to assassinations and planned a coup d'état.   In response, the Toseiha faction was formed, initially led by Lt. General Tetsuzan Nagata and later by Hideki Tojo. Like the Kodoha, the Toseiha sought a Shōwa Restoration but adopted a more moderate and conservative approach. They recognized the importance of preserving traditional values while integrating Western ideals, advocating for a balanced perspective. The Toseiha promoted pragmatic military strategies to navigate the complexities of modern warfare. Although they acknowledged the existence of corrupt politicians and zaibatsu, they preferred to work within the existing political system, anticipating that future total wars would necessitate a strengthened industrial and military capacity. Their ranks primarily included promising graduates from the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) Academy, Army Staff College, and select naval members. The most significant distinction between the two factions was that the Toseiha explicitly rejected the use of a coup d'état in pursuit of their goals.   Between 1932-1936 radical officers, mostly of the Kodoha faction assassinated politicians and military leaders trying to usher in a showa restoration. You might be led to believe this was in the interest of Hirohito, you would be mistaken. Hirohito did not want a military dictatorship at the whim of the cult of the emperor. Ironic to say, given how WW2 turns out mind you. This really would have been a hostage situation. Hirohito wanted to maintain the exact ambiguous situation that was Showa Era Japan pre 1945. He saw this as the most ideal structure to defend the kokutai, because blame could not be placed solely upon his shoulders. He always maintained a get out of jail free card one could say.    The February 26 incident of 1936, was the climax of the Kodoha faction. They performed a mutiny trying to usher in a SHowa restoration. They assumed when their messenger came to the emperor he would join them and take direct rule. Instead Hirohito was furious. His first thought was the mutineers were trying to enlist his brother Chichibu to overthrow him. He dragged his brother who was a fraternizer amongst the kodoha members mind you, into a meeting, demanding he never associate with them again nor attempt to challenge him. Then Hirohito furious demanded the mutineers be dealt with. At one point he even threatened to lead the imperial guards to put them down. The coup failed, the kodoha faction was destroyed. Ironically the toseiha faction were the ones to do it and thus they became the defacto ruling clique.    The military, especially the kwantung army did not stop with their insubordination.    On July 8th of 1937 the Kwangtung army performed the Marco Polo Bridge incident, ushering in the second sino-japanese war. This was one of many false flag operations they had pulled off over the years. Upon being told about this Hirohito's first response was whether the USSR would invade Manchukuo over the matter. This is what he said to Prime Minister Konoe and army minister Sugiyama “What will you do if the Soviets attack us from the rear?” he asked the prince. Kan'in answered, “I believe the army will rise to the occasion.” The emperor repeated his question: “That's no more than army dogma. What will you actually do in the unlikely event that Soviet [forces] attack?” The prince said only, “We will have no choice.” His Majesty seemed very dissatisfied. Hirohito furious demanded to know what contingency plans existed and his advisors told him before he gave his red seal of approval to invade northern china.   Henceforth he micromanaged a lot of the military decisions going forward and he oversaw the forming and dissolving of numerous cabinets and positions when things went his way or did not in the military and political scene.  Emperor Hirohito was presented with several opportunities to cause cease-fires or peace settlements during the war years. One of the best possible moments to end it all came during the attack on Nanking when Chiang Kai-sheks military were in disarray. On July 11 of 1938, the commander of the 19th division fought a border clash with the USSR known to us in the west as the battle of Lake Khasan. It was a costly defeat for Japan and in the diary of Harada Kumao he noted Hirohito scolded Army minister Itagaki “Hereafter not a single soldier is to be moved without my permission.” When it looked like the USSR would not press for a counter attack across the border, Hirohito gave the order for offensives in China to recommence, again an example of him deciding when to lay down the hammer.   By 1939 the US began threatening sanctions for what Japan was doing in China. Hirohito complained to his chief aide de camp Hata Shunroku on August 5th “It could be a great blow to scrap metal and oil”. Hirohito was livid and scolded many of his top officials and forced the appointment of General Abe to prime minister and demanded of him “to cooperate with the US and Britain and preserve internal order”.   Fast forward a bit, with war raging in Europe Hirohito, on June 19th of 1940 Hirohito asked if chief of staff Prince Kan'in and Army Minister Hata “At a time when peace will soon come in the European situation, will there be a deployment of troops to the Netherlands Indies and French Indochina?” This question highlighted Hirohito's belief at that time that Germany was close to achieving victory, which led him to gradually consider deploying troops to French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies since neither of those parent nations was in a position to protect their territories and vital resources. Regarding the war in China, the Japanese aimed to stop the flow of materials entering China from places like Hong Kong. Hirohito received reports indicating that Britain would not agree to block the shipment of materials into China via Hong Kong. The military recognized that an invasion of Hong Kong might be necessary, which would mean declaring war on Britain. When this was communicated to him, Hirohito responded, “If that occurs, I'm sure America will enforce an embargo, don't you think?” In response, Kido, the lord of the privy seal, reassured him by stating, “The nation must be fully prepared to resist, proceeding with caution and avoiding being drawn into events instigated by foreign interests.”   Hirohito went through countless meetings, but eventually signed order number 458 authorizing the invasion of French Indochina, knowing full well the consequences. The US,UK and Netherlands began embargoes of oil, rubber and iron. In the words of Admiral Takagai “As time passes and this situation continues, our empire will either be totally defeated or forced to fight a hopeless war. Therefore we should pursue war and diplomacy together. If there is no prospect of securing our final line of national survival by diplomatic negotiations, we must be resolved to fight.” Hirohito understood the predicament full well, that each day Japan was wasting its oil reserves, if they were to strike it had to be quickly.   On October 13th Hirohito told his closest advisor Koichi Kido “In the present situation there seems to be little hope for the Japan–U.S. negotiations. If hostilities erupt this time, I think I may have to issue a declaration of war.”   The reason I am bringing up all this stuff is to solidify, Hirohito had agency, he was micromanaging and forming decisions. After the war broke out with the west, Hirohito did have the ability to stamp his foot down. Of course there could have been wild repercussions, his military could have usurped him with Chichibu, it was definitely possible. But you need to keep this mind set, as far as why Hirohito acts or doesn't, its always to protect the Kokutai. Thus one of the levers for peace, solely rested on Hirohito's perception if the kokutai could be retained or not.    From the outset of the Pacific War, Hirohito believed Germany was going to defeat the USSR. In line with his military leaders, they all believed Japan had to seize everything they could in the asia-pacific and thwart off the US until a negotiated peace could be met. Hirohito committed himself to overseeing the war, determined to achieve victory at any cost. He was a very cautious leader, he meticulously analyzed each campaign, anticipating potential setbacks and crafting worst-case scenario predictions. He maintained a skeptical view of the reports from his senior officials and was often harshly critical of high commanders.   While he did not frequently visit the front lines like other commanders in chief, Hirohito wielded significant influence over theater operations, shaping both planning and execution whenever he deemed necessary. Similar to his approach during the war in China, he issued the highest military orders from the Imperial Headquarters, conducted audited conferences, and made decisions communicated under his name. He regularly welcomed generals and admirals to the imperial palace for detailed briefings on the battlefront and visited various military bases, battleships, and army and naval headquarters. His inspections encompassed military schools and other significant military institutions, adding to his comprehensive involvement in the war effort.   Now the war went extremely well for Japan until the battle of Midway. This was as major setback, but Japan retained the initiative. Then the Guadalcanal campaign saw Japan lose the initiative to the Americans. Upon receiving the initial report of the Ichiki detachment's destruction, Hirohito remarked, “I am sure it [Guadalcanal] can be held.” Despite the numerous reports detailing the devastating effects of tropical diseases and starvation on his troops, he persistently demanded greater efforts from them. Hirohito exerted continuous pressure on his naval and land commanders to retake the island. On September 15th, November 5th, and November 11th, he requested additional Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) troops and aircraft to be allocated to the cause.   General Sugiyama expressed concerns about dispatching more IJA pilots due to their inexperience in transoceanic combat, preferring to reinforce the North China Army for an attack on Chongqing instead. Hirohito pressed the issue again, but Sugiyama responded that the IJA had diverted its air resources to New Guinea and Rabaul. Undeterred by the objections from senior commanders, Hirohito persisted in his demands. By late November, it became evident that Guadalcanal was a lost cause.   At an Imperial Headquarters conference on December 31st, 1942, the chiefs of staff proposed canceling the attempts to recapture Guadalcanal. Hirohito sanctioned this decision but stated, “It is unacceptable to just give up on capturing Guadalcanal. We must launch an offensive elsewhere.” He insisted on this point, leading to the selection of new strategic targets in the Solomons, north of New Georgia, and in the Stanley Range on New Guinea. Hirohito even threatened to withhold authorization for withdrawing troops from Guadalcanal until a new plan was established. He later opposed the withdrawal from Munda Airfield, as it contradicted the newly defined defensive line.   As the defensive perimeter in the central and northern Solomons began to crumble, Hirohito continued to insist that the navy engage in decisive battles to regain the initiative, allowing for the transport of supplies to the many soldiers trapped on various islands. When he learned of the navy's failure to reinforce Lae on March 3rd, he asked, “Then why didn't you change plans immediately and land at Madan? This is a failure, but it can teach us a good lesson and become a source of future success. Do this for me so I can have peace of mind for a while.” The phrase “Do this for me” would come to be his signature rallying cry.   After Guadal canal, it was loss after loss for Japan. By February of 1944, Hirohito forced Sugiyama to resign so Hideki Tojo could take his position as chief of the general staff, note Tojo was prime minister and army minister at this point. Hirohito worked alongside Tojo to plan some last ditch efforts to change the war situation. The most significant one was Operation Ichi-Go. As much damage as they did to China with that, Chiang Kai-Shek's government survived. Hirohito watched as island by island fell to the Americans. When the Americans were poised to take Saipan he warned Tojo “If we ever lose Saipan, repeated air attacks on Tokyo will follow. No matter what it takes, we have to hold there.” Saipan fell, so Hirohito stopped supporting Tojo and allowed his rivals to take down his cabinet by june 18th of 1944.    Hirohito remained resolute in his determination to wrest victory from the Allies. On October 18th, the Imperial Headquarters ordered a decisive naval engagement, leading to the Battle of Leyte Gulf. After the war, Hirohito publicly stated, "Contrary to the views of the Army and Navy General Staffs, I consented to the showdown battle at Leyte, believing that if we launched an attack and America hesitated, we might find an opportunity to negotiate." Leyte Gulf didnt work. The military began the kamikaze program. On new years day of 1945 Hirohito inspected the special last meal rations given to departing kamikaze units. Iwo Jima fell. Okinawa remained, and Hirohito lashed out “Is it because we failed to sink enemy transports that we've let the enemy get ashore? Isn't there any way to defend Okinawa from the landing enemy forces?” On the second day of Okinawa's invasion Hirohito ordered a counter landing by the 32nd army and urged the navy to counterattack in every way possible. It was a horrible failure, it cost the lives of up to 120,000 Japanese combatants, 170,000 noncombatants. The Americans lost 12,500 killed and 33,000 wounded. An absolute bloodbath.    The Surrender time   Now we come to the time period where Japan seriously began looking for ways to surrender. In Europe Germany was heading to its defeat and Japan knew this. As for Japan, their army in Burma had been annihilated. Their forces in China were faring better after Operation Ichi-go, having opened up a land corridor along the main railway from Beiping to Wuhan and from throughout Guangdong but still stuck in a deadlock stalemate, facing a guerrilla war that was costing them 64% of their military expenditures. They deeply feared once the Soviets finished up with Germany, they would undoubtedly turn east against Manchuria. With the Soviets attacking from the north, the US would attack from the south, perhaps landing in Shanghai and the home islands. The Kamikaze tactics were proving formidable, but not nearly enough. By 1945, 43% of the IJA were now stationed in Japan, Korea and Formosa, bracing for the final stand. Former prime minister Reijiro Wakatsuki came out of retirement in may of 1945, having heard Germany collapsed, to urge Hirohito and the Prime Minister Kantaro Suzuki to open negotiations with the US as soon as possible. However he also said “the enemy must first be made to see the disadvantages of continuing the war”. To this Hirohito's chief counselor Makino Nobuaki said that “the ultimate priority is to develop an advantageous war situation.” Advisor admiral Kesiuke Okada said Japan should wait for “a moment favorable for us,” then make peace. Advisors Kiichiro Hiranuma and Koki Hirota advised the emperor to fight on until the end.   Now I want to bring in a key player to the surrender decision, that of Prince Konoe. Konoe was very close to Hirohito and understood the emperors mentality, especially how he viewed things in relation to the kokutai.    The senior statesman Prince Konoe had been consulting with Hirohito for over 18 months at this point trying to convey the message that if the war continued it would threaten the kokutai. Many months prior, he confided in the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, that the army was suffering from “a cancer” in the form of the Toseiha faction. However, he noted that “Kido and others” did not share his perspective, while “his Majesty is relatively unconcerned with ideological issues.” For the past four years, he continued, the emperor had been advised and still believed that “the true extremists are the Kodoha faction.” In reality, the greater threat to the kokutai arose from the Toseiha faction. Konoe further asserted that if the war escalated, they would attempt to alter the kokutai.   Konoe speculated that whether the threat originated from communists within the nation, primarily referring to left-wing radicals in the Toseiha faction, or from the “Anglo-American enemy,” both would seek to preserve the emperor while pushing towards the country's communization.In his written report to the emperor on February 14, which Kido listened to attentively, Konoe elaborated on his conspiracy theory. He asserted that the Soviet Union regarded Japan as its primary threat in East Asia. The Soviets had allied with the Chinese Communists, the largest and most formidable Communist party in Asia, and were collaborating with the United States and Britain to drive Japan out of China. He warned that they would enter the war when the opportunity arose.   Defeat, he cautioned the emperor, was inevitable if the conflict persisted. However, he emphasized that a far greater fear was the potential destruction of the kokutai. The ongoing war was eroding the domestic status quo, unleashing forces that threatened Japan and its imperial institution from within as much as from external adversaries. The real danger lay in the emperor's and Kido's trust in the generals of the Toseiha faction, who were unintentionally facilitating the communization of Japan. Konoe implored for a swift peace settlement before a Communist revolution emerged, making the preservation of the kokutai impossible. Hirohito agreed with Konoe but stated “ To end the war would be “very difficult unless we make one more military gain.” Konoe allegedly replied, “Is that possible? It must happen soon. If we have to wait much longer, . . . [a mere battle victory] will mean nothing.” Hirohito replied “If we hold out long enough in this war, we may be able to win, but what worries me is whether the nation will be able to endure it until then.”   On February 15th of 1945, Hirohito's intelligence warned the Soviet Union would likely abrogate its Neutrality Pact with Japan. Even Tojo conceded there was a 50/50 chance the USSR would invade Manchuria. In March, the US began B-29 incendiary bombing raids over Tokyo, turning 40% of the capital into ash. On March 18th, Hirohito with some aides drove around the capital to witness the devastation. The civilians looked exhausted and bewildered to Hirohito. Factory production was collapsing, absenteeism was rising, instances of lese majeste were running rampant. For the next 5 months imperial family members and senior statesmen all began speaking to Hirohito about the “crises of the kokutai”. The threat Konoe had warned about for months was becoming the main talking point. It seemed like the Japanese people within the countryside and urban areas remained steadfast in the resolve to obey their leaders, work and sacrifice for their nation, but for how long would they feel so?    It was only after the battle for Okinawa was lost and 60 Japanese cities had been leveled by American incendiary bombs that Hirohito openly indicated he wanted to negotiate a surrender.   Kido's diary reveals the first clear indication that the emperor might be urged to consider an early peace on June 8, 1945, when Kido drafted his “Draft Plan for Controlling the Crisis Situation.” This marked a pivotal moment. It followed the unintentional bombing of the Imperial Palace, the complete loss of hope for saving Okinawa, and coincided with the day the Supreme War Leadership Council adopted the “Basic Policy for the Future Direction of the War.” With the fighting in Europe concluded, Japan found itself entirely isolated. Kido's plan, although vague, proposed seeking the Soviet Union's assistance as an intermediary to help Japan gain leverage in negotiations with its adversaries. By drafting this plan, Kido signaled the end of his long alliance with the military hard-liners. Hirohito's acceptance of it indicated his readiness for an early peace.   Hirohito was moved to an underground bunker in the mountains of Matsushiro in Nagano prefecture where upon those around him noted he fell into a deep depression. On June 22nd  Hirohito informed the Supreme War Leadership Council he wanted them to open diplomatic maneuvers to end the war. In early July Soviet Ambassador Jacob Malik broke off inconclusive talks with Hirota. Hirohito stepped in immediately and ordered a new special envoy be sent to Moscow. However Hirohito nor the Suzuki government had concrete plans on how to mediate a surrender through the Soviets. The only things they did prioritize was a guarantee of the emperors political position and retainment of the imperial system, ie the kokutai. This was taken into consideration rather than ending the war as quickly as possible to save the lives of millions.    From April 8, 1945, until Japan's capitulation, the Suzuki government's chief war policy was “Ketsugo,” an advanced iteration of the “Shosango” (Victory Number 3) plan for defending the homeland. The hallmark of this strategy was a heavy reliance on suicide tactics, including deploying a massive number of kamikaze “special attack” planes, human torpedoes launched from submarines, dynamite-stuffed “crash boats” powered by truck engines, human rocket bombs carried by aircraft, and suicide assaults by specially trained ground units.   While preparations for Operation Ketsu progressed, the Imperial Diet convened on June 9 to pass a Wartime Emergency Measures Law, along with five additional measures aimed at mobilizing the entire nation for this final battle. On the same day, the emperor, who had yet to initiate efforts to end the war, issued another imperial rescript in conjunction with the Diet's convocation, instructing the nation to “smash the inordinate ambitions of the enemy nations” and “achieve the goals of the war.” Concurrently, the controlled press launched a daily die-for-the-emperor campaign to foster gratitude for the imperial benevolence and, from around mid-July onward, initiated a campaign to “protect the kokutai.”   The Americans countered with their own propaganda aimed at breaking Japan's will to fight. B-29 bombers dropped millions of leaflets written in Japanese, announcing the next scheduled targets for bombing raids and urging surrender, while using the emperor to challenge the militarists. Leaflets bearing the chrysanthemum crest criticized the “military cliques” for “forcing the entire nation to commit suicide” and called on “everyone” to “exercise their constitutional right to make direct appeals [for peace] to the Emperor.” They asserted that “even the powerful military cliques cannot stop the mighty march for peace of the Emperor and the people.” One notable batch of seven million leaflets conveyed the terms of the “joint declaration” issued by the United States, Great Britain, and China. “Today we come not to bomb you,” they stated. “We are dropping this leaflet to inform you of the response from the United States government to your government's request for conditions of surrender.... Whether the war stops immediately depends on your government. You will understand how to end the war if you read these two official notifications.”   Amid pressures from imperial edicts to continue preparations for a final battle and focus solely on victory, the Japanese people were also subjected to an intense American psychological warfare campaign in addition to aerial bombardment. During late July and August, prefectural governors, police chiefs, and officers of the “special higher police” submitted reports to the Home Ministry detailing the rapidly deteriorating national morale.    Now on the other side, Roosevelt made it known back in January of 1943 at the Casablanca conference, the allies would only accept unconditional surrender. By 1945, the allies understood the predicament this left Japan with. On May 8th of 1945, Truman added “Japan's surrender would not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people” trying to indicate a non vindictive spirit. However the Kokutai question always remained ambiguous. State Department Joseph Grew, the former ambassador to Japan, began arguing to Truman they needed to make public a clear definition of the terms to persuade Japan to surrender. As he argued to Truman: Emperor Hirohito was seen as the key figure in Japan's surrender, likened to a "queen bee in a hive... surrounded by the attentions of the hive." Throughout the war, he was characterized in various ways—as a “puppet” of the militarists, a constitutional monarch, and a pacifist. Grew had immense faith in the influence exerted by what he referred to as the “moderates” surrounding the Japanese throne.    However many of Grew's colleagues argued the future existence of the monarchy was intolerable as it was akin to fascism. Many wanted to punish the emperor. Truman was in a tug of war. The Potsdam declaration issued on July 26th of 1945 came in the form of a ultimatum aiming to quicken japans surrender. Truman clarified the terms for the unconditional surrender at the end of its terms: "We call upon the government of Japan to proclaim now the unconditional surrender of all Japanese armed forces, and to provide proper and adequate assurances of their good faith in such action. The alternative for Japan is prompt and utter destruction." Zero mention of the emperor. Grew had argued to add “this may include a constitutional monarchy under the present dynasty.” But it was deleted from the article. The status of the emperor was not guaranteed, the kokutai was thus up in the air.    The next day, the Suzuki cabinet rejected the terms. The Japanese leadership and Hirohito were still banking and awaiting Soviet replies to their terms.    Lets talk about the Soviet talks now   Back on July 12th ambassador Naotake Satō sent this message to the Soviets: “His Majesty the Emperor, mindful of the fact that the present war daily brings greater evil and sacrifice upon the peoples of all the belligerent powers, desires from his heart that it may be quickly terminated. But so long as England and the United States insist upon unconditional surrender, the Japanese Empire has no alternative but to fight on with all its strength for the honor and existence of the Motherland”.  However the Soviets had made commitments to their allies, promising in fact to invade Japan to aid them.    As for the Soviets their primary objective was to ensure unrestricted access to the Pacific Ocean. The year-round ice-free areas of the Soviet Pacific coastline, particularly Vladivostok, could be blockaded by air and sea from Sakhalin Island and the Kurile Islands. Securing these territories to guarantee free access to the Soya Strait was their main goal. Secondary objectives included acquiring leases for the Chinese Eastern Railway, the Southern Manchuria Railway, as well as gaining control over Dairen and Port Arthur.   To achieve these aims, Stalin and Molotov prolonged negotiations with the Japanese, creating a false sense of hope for a Soviet-mediated peace. Simultaneously, in their discussions with the United States and Britain, the Soviets insisted on strict adherence to the Cairo Declaration, which had been reaffirmed at the Yalta Conference. This declaration stipulated that the Allies would not accept a separate or conditional peace with Japan; thus, the Japanese would need to surrender unconditionally to all the Allies. The Soviets aimed to prolong the war by opposing any efforts to dilute this requirement. This approach would provide the Soviets with the necessary time to complete the transfer of their troops from the Western Front to the Far East and to conquer Manchuria, Inner Mongolia, northern Korea, South Sakhalin, the Kuriles, and potentially Hokkaidō, starting with an assault on Rumoi. AUGUST 1945   Thus we come to at last the critical point, August of 1945.    The Americans prepared for the deployment of atomic bombs and for an invasion of southern Kyushu, known as Operation Olympic, scheduled to commence on November 1. At 8:15 A.M. on August 6, a single B-29 bomber, the Enola Gay dropped little boy, devastating much of the undefended city of Hiroshima, instantly killing an estimated 100,000 to 140,000 people and leading to the deaths of possibly another 100,000 over the next five years. At the epicenter of the explosion, “a light appeared 3,000 times brighter than the sun,” creating a fireball that emitted thermal radiation capable of “instantly scorching humans, trees, and houses.” As the air heated and rushed upward, cold air surged in to ignite a firestorm. Hours later, a whirlwind escalated the flames to their peak until more than eight square miles were virtually reduced to cinders. Subsequently, black, muddy rain filled with radioactive fallout began to fall. Two days later, using Japan's rejection of the Potsdam Declaration as a pretext, the Soviet Union declared war on Japan. Then on August 9, the United States dropped a second atomic bomb on Nagasaki, resulting in the immediate deaths of approximately 35,000 to 40,000 people and injuring more than 60,000.   Meanwhile, in Tokyo, during the critical period between the Potsdam Declaration and the atomic bombing of Hiroshima, Emperor Hirohito remained silent about accepting the Potsdam terms. However, on July 25 and 31, he explicitly conveyed to Kido that the imperial regalia must be defended at all costs. The three sacred objects—a mirror, a curved jewel, and a sword—symbolized the legitimacy of his rule through the northern court and were integral to his identity as the divine sovereign. Hirohito's focus was on protecting these symbols of office, as he insisted on having them brought to the palace. This fixation on maintaining his symbols occurred during a pivotal moment when the pressing issue was whether to accept immediate capitulation. Reflecting on this, he was unprepared to seize the opportunity to end the war himself.   Prime Minister Suzuki, following his initial rejection of the Potsdam ultimatum, also saw no need for further action. His Cabinet Advisory Council, which included the president of Asano Cement, the founder of the Nissan consortium, the vice president of the Bank of Japan, and other representatives from the nation's leading business interests that had profited significantly from the war, convened on the morning of August 3. They recommended accepting the Potsdam terms, arguing that the United States would permit Japan to retain its non-military industries and continue participating in world trade.    Here are some reactions to the two bombs and invasion of Manchuria.    Yonai Mitsumasa said to admiral Takagi Sokichi, on August 12, that “I think the term is perhaps inappropriate, but the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war are, in a sense, gifts from the gods [tenyu, also “heaven-sent blessings”]. This way we don't have to say that we quit the war because of domestic circumstances. I've long been advocating control of our crisis, but neither from fear of an enemy attack nor because of the atomic bombs and the Soviet entry into the war. The main reason is my anxiety over the domestic situation. So, it is rather fortunate that we can now control matters without revealing the domestic situation”.    Konoe's characterized the Soviet involvement in the war as “a godsend for controlling the army,”. Kido viewed of both the atomic bombings and the Soviet entry into the conflict as “useful” elements for ensuring a smooth transition. A nascent power struggle was unfolding, rendering the potential death toll—whether one hundred thousand or two hundred thousand—immaterial to those involved, as long as their desired outcome was achieved: an end to the war that would leave the monarchy intact and capable of managing the discontent that defeat would inevitably provoke. Throughout the final acts of this wartime drama, the Japanese “moderates” found it easier to capitulate to external pressures than to take decisive action on their own to conclude the war.   Another illuminating looks at Japan's elite's perspective on surrender terms was the document titled “Essentials of Peace Negotiations” (wahei kosho no yoryo). Drafted by Konoe and his adviser, retired Lt. Gen. Sakai Koji, after Konoe had reluctantly accepted a mission to Moscow, this document, stipulated the preservation of the emperor system, along with most of the imperial prerogatives, as the absolute minimum condition for peace. It defined the “original” or “essential homeland” as including the southern half of the Kurile Islands but showed a willingness to concede all overseas territories to the enemy, including Okinawa and the American-occupied Bonin Islands, as well as the southern half of Sakhalin. The “Essentials” also accepted complete disarmament for an unspecified period, thereby compromising on the issues of demobilizing and disarming the armed forces. More significantly, an “explanation” attached to the “Essentials” emphasized that “the main aim is to secure the imperial line and maintain the political role of the emperor.”    Why Japan surrendered   We come to it atleast after a long podcast. Why did Japan ultimately surrender?   The twin psychological shocks of the first atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war, combined with Kido's and the emperor's concern over escalating public criticism of the throne and its occupant, fueled an almost paranoid fear that, sooner or later, the populace would react violently against their leaders if the war persisted much longer. These factors ultimately led Hirohito to accept, in principle, the terms of the Potsdam Declaration.   At the first meeting of the six member constituents of the Supreme War Leadership Council, held from 10:30 A.M. to 1:00 P.M. on August 9, Army Minister Anami Korechika, Chiefs of Staff Umezu Yoshijiro, representing the army, and Yonai, representing the navy, along with Tōgō, from the Foreign Ministry, were expected to discuss the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. Instead, the conversation revolved around whether to attempt a conditional surrender—specifically, should they insist on one condition, the preservation of the kokutai, or four?   After Suzuki addressed the assembly regarding the atomic bombing of Hiroshima and the Soviet attack, Yonai, as recounted by Navy Chief of Staff Toyoda, was the first to speak, framing the issue in terms of four conditions. “Let's start to talk, Do we accept the Potsdam Declaration with no conditions? If not, and we wish to insist on attaching hopes and conditions, we may do so this way. First, preservation of the kokutai; then for the rest, the main items in the Potsdam Declaration: treatment of war criminals, method of disarmament, and the matter of sending in an army of occupation.” Thus, the participants identified what they perceived to be the ambiguous points within the Potsdam Declaration and used them as the foundation for their discussions.   The army insisted on four conditions: First, the preservation of the kokutai, which they considered distinct from the Potsdam Declaration itself. The other conditions proposed were, second, that the Imperial Headquarters assume responsibility for disarmament and demobilization; third, a prohibition on occupation; and fourth, the delegation of the punishment of war criminals to the Japanese government. The army equated the kokutai with the emperor's right of supreme command. Their self-serving desire for autonomous war crimes trials was based on the belief that the Allies would use such trials to politically indict the military. Consequently, army leaders aimed to preempt the activities of any international tribunal by conducting their own trials—similar to the approach taken by the uninvaded and unrepentant Germans after World War I.   Supporting the military's views during cabinet meetings that day were three civilian members of the Suzuki cabinet: Justice Minister Matsuzaka Hiromasa, Home Minister Yasui Toji, and Minister of Health Okada Tadahiko. At the imperial conference that night, which extended into the early hours of the tenth, Foreign Minister Tōgō's interpretation of the “preservation of the kokutai” referred solely to the safeguarding of the Imperial House or dynasty, rather than the continuation of Hirohito's reign.   Hiranuma, another advocate for the single condition, interpreted the kokutai as the “emperor's sovereign right to rule the state [not] deriving from national law. Even if the entire nation is sacrificed to the war, we must preserve both the kokutai and the security of the imperial house.” This discrepancy illustrated that there was no completely unified understanding of what the kokutai entailed; the debate over one condition versus four represented conflicting visions for the future of the Japanese state and masked the competition for political power that was already unfolding.   It remains doubtful whether the emperor and Kido initially sided with Tōgō against the four conditions proposed by the senior military leaders. A more likely inference is that both men retained sympathies for the hardliners, both military and civilian, who preferred to continue the futile war rather than surrender immediately and unconditionally. This may explain why, on August 9, Konoe had Hosokawa Morisada approach Navy General Headquarters to urge the emperor's brother, Prince Takamatsu, to pressure Hirohito (through Kido) to accept the Potsdam terms. Later that afternoon, Konoe enlisted the help of diplomat Shigemitsu Mamoru to persuade Kido to reconsider his stance on the four conditions. Ultimately, at the urging of Takamatsu and Shigemitsu, Kido did shift to support Tōgō's position.   At the end of the war, as at its beginning and throughout every stage of its progression, Emperor Hirohito played a highly active role in supporting the actions carried out in his name. From the very beginning of the Asia-Pacific war, the emperor played a significant role in the unfolding events around him. Prior to the Battle of Okinawa, he consistently advocated for a decisive victory. Afterward, he acknowledged the necessity of pursuing an early peace, although he did not favor an immediate cessation of hostilities. Instead, he wavered, steering Japan toward ongoing warfare rather than direct negotiations with the Allies. When the final crisis fully unfolded, the only option left was unconditional surrender. Even then, he continued to procrastinate until the atomic bomb was dropped and the Soviets launched their attack. The wartime emperor ideology that once sustained morale made it exceedingly difficult for Japan's leaders to accept the act of surrender. Aware of their objective defeat, yet indifferent to the suffering the war inflicted on their own people—as well as on the populations of Asia, the Pacific, and the West whose lives they had disrupted—the emperor and his military leaders sought a means to lose without appearing to lose. They aimed to mitigate domestic criticism following surrender while preserving their power structure.   Blinded by their fixation on the fate of the imperial house and committed to an overly optimistic diplomacy toward the Soviet Union, Japan's leaders missed several opportunities to end their lost war. Would Japan's leaders have surrendered more promptly if the Truman administration had “clarified” the status of the emperor before the cataclysmic double shocks of the atomic bomb and the Soviet entry into the war? Probably not. However, it is likely they would have surrendered to prevent the kokutai from being destroyed from within. The evidence suggests that the first atomic bomb and the Soviet declaration of war led Hirohito, Kido, and other members of the court to believe that continuing the war would inevitably result in that destruction. They recognized that the populace was war-weary and despondent, with rising hostility toward the military and the government, accompanied by increasing criticism of the emperor himself. More specifically, Kido and Hirohito were privy to Home Ministry reports, which contained information from governors and police chiefs nationwide. These reports indicated that citizens were beginning to label the emperor as an incompetent leader responsible for the deteriorating war situation.   This is the third variable, never spoken about. Many first look at the atomic bombs. Bigger brain people turn to the Soviet Invasion of Manchuria. But hardly anyone reads about how the collapse of Japan's social fabric, scared the shit out of the Emperor and his closest advisors. You can't have a kokutai, without a populace that worshiped you.    When the emperor expressed in February, “What worries me is whether the nation [could] endure” long enough to achieve victory, he was not merely voicing concern for the suffering of his subjects; rather, he feared that such suffering could lead to social upheaval—in short, revolution. At that time, he referred to the ordinary, war-related hardships of food shortages, air raids, devastated cities, destruction of homes, and the omnipresent grief from the loss of loved ones. The atomic bomb escalated death, pain, and suffering to unimaginably higher levels, intensifying the threat from within. After the bombings of Japan and two atomic bombs, Hirohito was in a dark way, given a golden get out of jail free card. Hirohito could now save his suffering people from further anguish by surrendering, allowing him to deflect responsibility for leading them into misery while adopting an air of benevolence and care. Indeed, Hirohito did care—though not primarily for the Japanese people, but rather for the survival of his own imperial house and throne.   After the bombing of Hiroshima, Hirohito delayed for a full two days before instructing Kido, shortly before 10 A.M. on August 9, to “quickly control the situation” because “the Soviet [Union]” had declared war. Kido immediately communicated with Prime Minister Suzuki, who began arrangements for an Imperial Conference scheduled for later that night. Following the seidan of August 10, Chief Cabinet Secretary Sakomizu took charge of drafting the “Imperial Rescript Ending the War” based on Hirohito's directives. Assisted by two scholars of the Chinese classics, Kawada Mizuho and Yasuoka Masahiro, Sakomizu worked tirelessly for over three days before submitting a version of the rescript to the Suzuki cabinet. After six hours of contentious discussion on the night of August 14, the cabinet modified and approved the document. Hirohito promptly signed it, and Shimomura and Kido persuaded him to record a suitably opaque final version for broadcast to the nation.   On the night of August 14, the Suzuki government notified the United States and other Allied nations that it had accepted both the Potsdam Declaration and the Byrnes letter of August 11. Accelerating the emperor's actions during this climactic moment of the unconditional surrender drama was the American psychological warfare campaign. When a leaflet dropped from B-29 bombers came into Kido's possession on the night of August 13 or the morning of the fourteenth, he conferred with the emperor and explained the gravity of the situation. The latest enemy leaflets were informing the Japanese people of the government's notification of surrender under one condition, along with the full text of Byrnes's response. If this continued, it would undermine the imperial government's reliance on secrecy to obscure the true nature of the lost war and the reasons for the prolonged surrender delay.   Given Kido's and the emperor's concerns about rising signs of defeatism, including criticism of the throne, immediate action was necessary to prevent the populace from acting on their own initiative. Thus, the second seidan was convened. At noon on August 15, the Japanese people gathered around their radio receivers and heard, for the first time, the high-pitched voice of their emperor telling them:    “After pondering deeply the general trends of the world and the actual conditions obtaining in Our Empire today, We have decided to effect a settlement of the present situation by resorting to an extraordinary measure. We have ordered Our Government to communicate to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, China and the Soviet Union that Our Empire accepts the provisions of their Joint Declaration. To strive for the common prosperity and happiness of all nations as well as the security and well-being of Our subjects is the solemn obligation which has been handed down by Our Imperial Ancestors and which lies close to Our heart. Indeed, We declared war on America and Britain out of Our sincere desire to ensure Japan's self-preservation and the stabilization of East Asia, it being far from Our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandizement. But now the war has lasted for nearly four years. Despite the best that has been done by everyone—the gallant fighting of the military and naval forces, the diligence and assiduity of Our servants of the State, and the devoted service of Our one hundred million people—the war situation has developed not necessarily to Japan's advantage, while the general trends of the world have all turned against her interest. Moreover, the enemy has begun to employ a new and most cruel bomb, the power of which to do damage is, indeed, incalculable, taking the toll of many innocent lives. Should we continue to fight, not only would it result in an ultimate collapse and obliteration of the Japanese nation, but also it would lead to the total extinction of human civilization. Such being the case, how are We to save the millions of Our subjects, or to atone Ourselves before the hallowed spirits of Our Imperial Ancestors? This is the reason why We have ordered the acceptance of the provisions of the Joint Declaration of the Powers... The hardships and sufferings to which Our nation is to be subjected hereafter will be certainly great. We are keenly aware of the inmost feelings of all of you, Our subjects. However, it is according to the dictates of time and fate that We have resolved to pave the way for a grand peace for all the generations to come by enduring the unendurable and suffering what is unsufferable”.   Clearly Hirohito sought to justify his decision to surrender by citing the dropping of the atomic bombs. He wanted to become the saviour of the Japanese people. Hirohito wanted to obfuscate the issue of accountability, to prevent expressions of strife and anger and to strengthen domestic unity around himself, to protect and raise the kokutai.  Interestingly, the surrender declaration to the civilian population was not the same one sent to the military. On August 17th Hirohito issued a second “rescript to soldiers and sailors” throughout the asia-pacific.   “ Now that the Soviet Union has entered the war against us, to continue . . . under the present conditions at home and abroad would only recklessly incur even more damage to ourselves and result in endangering the very foundation of the empire's existence. Therefore, even though enormous fighting spirit still exists in the Imperial Navy and Army, I am going to make peace with the United States, Britain, and the Soviet Union, as well as with Chungking, in order to maintain our glorious national polity”.   The lesser-known August 17 rescript to the army and navy specified Soviet participation as the sole reason for surrender, while maintaining the kokutai as the primary aim. Dissembling until the end—and even beyond—it was noted that the emperor presented two different justifications for his delayed surrender. Both statements were likely true.   Months later Hirohito's said this about his decision to surrender “The main motive behind my decision at that time was that if we . . . did not act, the Japanese race would perish and I would be unable to protect my loyal subjects [sekishi—literally, “children”]. Second, Kido agreed with me on the matter of defending the kokutai. If the enemy landed near Ise Bay, both Ise and Atsuta Shrines would immediately come under their control. There would be no time to transfer the sacred treasures [regalia] of the imperial family and no hope of protecting them. Under these circumstances, protection of the kokutai would be difficult. For these reasons, I thought at the time that I must make peace even at the sacrifice of myself.”    There exists this sort of childish argument today whether it was the atomic bombs or the Soviet Invasion that caused Japan to surrender. However, this overlooks as I think I've explained in 9000 words jeez, the influence of the kokutai. Defending the kokutai was Hirohito's number one priority. The Soviets threatened it. Communism threatened it. What Japan perceived to be “democracy” threatened it. American victory threatened it. And the destruction of Japan's social fabric threatened it. I love this one piece of history, that I have only come across in one book, that being the main one I am using here.   On August 12th, Hirohito came to the imperial family to tell them he had made the decision to surrender. His uncle Prince Yasuhiko Asaka asked him whether the war would be continued if the kokutai could not be preserved. Hirohito replied “of course”.

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the battle of Nanjing. As the relentless tide of war approached Nanjing in December 1937, fear gripped its residents. As atrocities unfolded in the countryside, civilians flocked toward safety zones, desperate for refuge. Under the command of General Tang Shengzhi, the Chinese forces prepared for a fierce defense, determined to hold their ground against the technologically superior invaders. Despite heavy losses and internal strife, hopes flickered among the defenders, fueled by the valor of their troops. Key positions like Old Tiger's Cave became battlegrounds, exemplifying the fierce resistance against the Japanese advance. On December 9, as artillery fire enveloped the city, a battle for the Gate of Enlightenment commenced. Both sides suffered grievously, with the Chinese soldiers fighting to the last, unwilling to yield an inch of their soil. Each assault from Japan met with relentless counterattacks, turning Nanjing into a symbol of perseverance amidst impending doom, as the siege marked a critical chapter in the conflict, foreshadowing the brutal events that would follow.   #167 The Battle of Nanjing Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By mid-December, the landscape surrounding Nanjing was eerily quiet. The Japanese Army marched through what seemed to be desolate fields and mountains, but they were not truly empty. Civilians were scarce, with most having fled, but a few remained in their homes, hiding in cellars and barns, clinging to the hope that the war would bypass them. Meanwhile, thousands of Chinese soldiers, left behind and unable to keep pace with their units, still posed a significant danger to the Japanese forces. The Japanese Army had not truly conquered the territory east and south of Nanjing; they had merely passed through. Mopping-up operations became a top priority. Soldiers from the 16th Infantry Division, stationed near Purple Mountain, spent early December conducting these missions far from the city's walls. “Chinese stragglers may be hiding in this area, and they must be flushed out. Any small structure of no strategic value to the Japanese Army must be burned!” This command rang out to the division's soldiers as they spread across the countryside around Unicorn Gate. Soon, isolated fires began to illuminate the horizon, one for each home. Soldiers from the 9th Infantry Division, who were not directly engaged in combat south of the Gate of Enlightenment, were also conducting similar mopping-up operations. On December 11 at noon, one squad received orders to investigate a suspicious farm building. Although it had been searched previously, movement inside prompted renewed caution. The Japanese entered carefully, moving from room to room. In the basement, they discovered eight Chinese soldiers who offered no resistance, immediately raising their hands in surrender. Bound together, they were brought outside. Using a few Chinese words supplemented by sign language, the Japanese gathered that the Chinese had been in the vicinity where one of their comrades had been killed days earlier. Unanimously, they decided the prisoners should be executed in front of their comrade's grave. Some of the older soldiers hesitated, reluctant to partake in the killings, leaving it to the younger ones to carry out the order. Soon, eight headless bodies lay sprawled before a solitary Japanese grave.  On the morning of December 11, the first soldiers of the 6th Japanese Infantry Division finally spotted the distant city wall of Nanjing. They had been engaged in fierce combat for nearly two days, attempting to dislodge the tenacious defenders of the Yuhuatai plateau, the elite soldiers of the 88th Division. In a desperate bid to maintain their foothold on Yuhuatai, the 88th Division deployed its reserved 528th Regiment along with a battalion of engineers. Despite their efforts, the regiment's ranks had been depleted, filled with inexperienced recruits, and their leadership nearly obliterated, limiting their effectiveness. Under the relentless assaults from the Japanese forces, their defenses began to falter almost immediately. Faced with the stiff resistance at the Gate of Enlightenment, the Japanese shifted their focus to the Chinese Gate on December 11. Japanese aircraft were summoned for tactical air support, forcing the 88th Division's defenders to retreat behind the wall. This withdrawal occurred swiftly and somewhat chaotically, allowing the Japanese to pursue closely. Before the Chinese could regroup, 300 Japanese soldiers had breached the wall. Only the mobilization of all available forces enabled the Chinese to push the attackers back outside. Meanwhile, the left flank of the 88th Division, stationed east of Chinese Gate, remained outside the wall. Here, they clashed with elements of the 9th Japanese Division but faced intense pressure and were compelled to fall back. By the end of the day, the Chinese division had shortened its defensive line, regrouping in front of the city wall. Plans for a nighttime counterattack were ultimately abandoned, as it became clear that the division's soldiers were too fatigued to mount an effective offensive. Overall, it proved to be a successful day for the Japanese 10th Army. Further south, the Kunisaki Detachment successfully crossed the Yangtze River at Cihu village, beginning their advance toward Pukou. Its special amphibious training made the detachment ideally suited for the operation, but its limited numbers, essentially a reinforced infantry regiment, raised concerns at field headquarters about whether it could accomplish the task alone. Prince Asaka proposed transporting part of the 13th Division across the Yangtze further north to sever the railway connecting Tianjin to Pukou, cutting off a potential retreat route for Chinese forces that had escaped Nanjing.  On December 11, Japanese artillery shells rained down relentlessly, targeting both the interior and exterior of Nanjing's city walls. Administrators of the Safety Zone were alarmed to witness several shells landing perilously close to its southern edge. In a bid to provide some semblance of security, American and foreign flags were raised around the zone's perimeter, though their protective influence against artillery fire from miles away was negligible. The leaders of the Safety Zone faced an unexpected dilemma: how to handle lawbreakers with the city courts now out of operation. That day, they encountered a thief caught in the act. As Rabe noted in his diary “We sentence the thief to death, then pardon him and reduce his punishment to 24 hours in jail, and ultimately, due to the absence of a jail, we simply let him go”. Refugees continued to pour in, with a total of 850 having found shelter at Ginling College. Vautrin and her colleagues began to feel that their initial estimate of 2,700 women and children seeking refuge on the campus was overly optimistic. They were soon proven wrong. On the banks of the Yangtze River, hundreds of injured soldiers and civilians were lining up to be ferried across to Pukou, where trains awaited to transport them further inland and away from danger. Many had been waiting for days without food. While ferries made continuous trips across the river to rescue as many as possible, the process was painfully slow. As of late December 10, approximately 1,500 wounded civilians remained stranded on the south bank of the Yangtze. The Japanese forces were confronted by a fiercely determined enemy composed largely of young soldiers from the Training Division. These soldiers had the advantage of having been stationed near Purple Mountain for several years, making them familiar with the terrain. Additionally, they were part of an elite unit, groomed not just in equipment and training but also instilled with a sense of nationalism rooted in Chiang Kai-shek's ideology. Li Xikai, the commander of the division's 3rd Regiment, had set up his command post directly in the path of the primary Japanese advance, yet his regiment continued to resist. Despite the fierce resistance, the Japanese gradually gained control over the Purple Mountain area. General Nakajima Kesago, commander of the 16th Division, visited an artillery observation post early in the day and was pleased to receive reports that his troops had captured two peaks of Purple Mountain and were poised to take the main peak.  Yet there loomed a problem on Nakajima's right flank. A widening gap was emerging between the 16th Division and the 13th Division, which had advanced along the southern bank of the Yangtze. There was a risk that Chinese forces could escape through this lightly guarded area. The 13th Division was stationed in the strategically important river port city of Zhenjiang, preparing to cross the Yangtze. The Central China Area Army ordered the 13th Division to mobilize three infantry battalions and one artillery battalion. This new formation, known as the Yamada Detachment after its commander, Yamada Senji, was tasked with remaining on the Yangtze's south bank and advancing westward to capture two Chinese fortresses on the river: Mt. Wulong and Mt. Mufu. This redeployment alleviated concerns about the gap, allowing the 16th Division to focus on the city wall. As the sun dipped towards the horizon, one Captain Akao Junzo prepared for what he believed would be his final assault. He had been ordered to seize a hill northeast of Sun Yat-sen Gate that overlooked the city entrance. His commander told him “The attack on Nanjing will likely be the last battle of this war, and I hope your company can be at the front when the enemy's lines are breached”. The hill was fortified with numerous machine gun positions, reinforced with mud, bricks, and tiles, and connected by an intricate network of trenches. Dense rows of barbed wire lay before the positions, designed to halt attackers and expose them to machine-gun fire. Additionally, the area was likely heavily mined, and Chinese soldiers maintained a high level of alertness. Akao knew this all too well; when he crawled forward and slightly lifted his head to survey the landscape, he triggered a hail of bullets, one of which grazed his helmet. Around late afternoon, four mountain guns from the regimental artillery began firing on the Chinese positions, sustaining the bombardment for over an hour. By 5:00 pm, as the winter sky darkened, Akao decided it was time to launch the attack. Expecting close-quarters combat, he instructed his men to carry only their rifles and small entrenchment tools. With the entire company poised to move, he dispatched a small group of soldiers ahead to cut openings in the barbed wire while receiving covering fire from the mountain guns and the rifles and machine guns of their comrades. The remainder of the company advanced with swords raised and bayonets fixed. As they approached within about 700 feet of the enemy positions, the artillery bombardment ceased as planned. The enemy, still reeling from the ferocity of the earlier assault, scrambled in a panic from their trenches, retreating in disarray. Akao and his fellow soldiers pressed forward, cutting down any opposition in their path. Seizing the momentum, Akao charged to occupy the hill that had been his target. He found it deserted upon his arrival and sent a triumphant message back to command, reporting that the objective had been achieved. However, the reply he received left him baffled: he was ordered to withdraw with his company and return to their lines. Apparently, the regimental command deemed the position too precarious. Sensing that a precious advantage was being squandered, Akao disregarded the order. Before his company could establish a defensive position on the hill, the Chinese launched a counterattack. Lying down, the Japanese soldiers returned fire while frantically digging into the earth to fortify their position. Gradually, they began to form a rudimentary perimeter at the summit. The fighting continued into the night. Exhausted from days without sleep, many soldiers rotated between guard duty and rest, dozing off intermittently in their shallow trenches, reassuring one another that everything would be alright before drifting back to sleep. They successfully repelled all attempts by the Chinese to reclaim the hill and were eventually relieved. On December 11, after leaving his capital, Chiang Kai-shek took time to reflect on everything that had happened in his diary. He reassured himself that his nationalist revolution would persist, regardless of whether he held Nanjing, “Temporary defeat can be turned into eventual victory.” Yet he did not fear so much the Japanese invasion itself, but rather how the weakening of his nationalist government might allow the Communists to rise. He wrote about how his nation was on the brink of becoming a second Spain. While foreign invasions were undoubtedly disastrous, they could eventually be overcome, if not immediately, then over years or decades. Sometimes, this could be achieved merely by absorbing the outmatched invader and assimilating them into Chinese society. In contrast, internal unrest posed a far more fundamental threat to the survival of any regime. As we have seen in this series, going back to the mid 19th century, was it the foreign empires of Britain, France and Russia that threatened to destroy the Qing dynasty, or was it the internal civil war brought on by the Taiping? As Chiang famously put it “the Japanese were a treatable disease of the skin. Communism however was a disease of the heart”. Chiang could accept a humiliating but rapid retreat from Nanjing. In his view, it would be far more difficult to recover from a bloody yet futile struggle for the city that might cost him what remained of his best troops. A prolonged defensive battle, he reasoned, would be a tragic waste and could shift the balance of power decisively in favor of the Communists. This new mindset was reflected in a telegram he sent late on December 11 to Tang Shengzhi: “If the situation becomes untenable, it is permissible to find the opportune moment to retreat to regroup in the rear in anticipation of future counterattacks.” On December 12, tankettes cautiously plunged into the Yuhuatai plateau. Unexpectedly the Chinese defenders abandoned their positions and rushed down the hillside toward Nanjing's walls. Upon discovering this, the Japanese tankettes opened fire on the retreating Chinese, cutting swathes through the masses and sending bodies tumbling down the slope. Some Japanese infantry caught up, joining in the slaughter and laughing boisterously as they reveled in the chaos. A tankette column escorted a group of engineers to the Nanjing wall and then drove east along the moat until they reached a large gate, flanked by two smaller openings, all securely shut. A chilling message, painted in blue, adorned the gate's surface. Written in Chinese characters, it conveyed a stark warning: “We Swear Revenge on the Enemy.” The wall itself loomed three stories high, but Japanese artillery was already targeting it, this was known as the Chinese Gate. Now that Yuhuatai was virtually in Japanese hands, capturing the gate had become the primary objective. At this location, the wall stood 70 feet tall, protected by a 100-foot moat to the outside. All bridges spanning the moat had been destroyed. The area around the gate was heavily defended, with approximately one machine gun positioned every 50 yards atop the wall. Inside, the gate was reinforced with a formidable barrier of sandbags. Chinese infantry armed with mortars and small arms could fire down on the Japanese attackers while others had established isolated positions in nearby buildings that had survived the “scorched earth” policy. Taking the gate and the heavily fortified southwestern corner of the wall was the responsibility of the 6th Division. The division was deploying its regiments: the 13th, the 47th, and the 23rd from east to west. The 45th Regiment, the final unit of the division, was tasked with skirting the western side of the wall and advancing northward, aiming for the Yangtze docks at Xiaguan. The soldiers of the division had already formed a rough understanding of the formidable defenses they were facing. During the night between December 11 and 12, they had advanced nearly to the wall, gathering intelligence to prepare for an assault at dawn. As planned, the assault commenced. Field artillery fired round after round at the gate, but the wall sustained minimal damage. A Japanese tank rolled up, firing point-blank at the gate but producing no visible effect. Next, it was the engineers' turn. A “dare-to-die” squad, equipped with long ladders, crept as close to the wall as possible without exposing themselves and then sprinted the final distance. The moment they broke into the open, a Chinese machine gun opened fire, cutting them down to the last man. At noon, three Japanese planes soared overhead, dropping bombs near a Chinese-held building outside the gate. The smoke from the resulting fire briefly obscured the area. Seizing the opportunity presented by the reduced visibility, a large group of Chinese soldiers holed up inside attempted to dash back to the wall. The Japanese spotted their movement instantly, and every soldier in the line opened fire. The fleeing Chinese were mowed down like ripe grass, collapsing in heaps.  Meanwhile the battle for the Gate of Enlightenment was drawing to a close. On the Chinese side of the wall, confusion reigned regarding the overall situation on December 12. Chen Yiding, brigade commander of the 87th Division, had been warned that heads would roll if the Gate of Enlightenment fell to the Japanese. Hearing the sounds of fierce fighting on the edges of Yuhuatai and seeing the smoke rise from numerous fires on Purple Mountain, he was left in the dark about their implications, surrounded by the fog of war. Chen's troops had finally managed to establish a telephone link to the rear, but by mid-afternoon, it was cut off, likely due to a stray artillery shell. After dark, Chen sent an officer to his left flank to make contact with the Chinese forces there. The report that followed was far from reassuring. A unit from Guangdong Province was abandoning its positions and retreating north, attempting to exit the capital through one of the gates in the city wall. The officer had attempted to inquire about their destination, but the retreating soldiers ignored him. With neighboring units evacuating autonomously, a significant gap was opening in the Chinese line atop the wall between the Gate of Enlightenment and Sun Yat-sen Gate. A frightening possibility emerged: the Japanese could walk right in across the undefended southeastern corner of the city wall and surround Chen Yiding's troops before they had a chance to withdraw. The situation was becoming untenable, a fact underscored by the artillery fire raining down on Chen's position. Despite this, retreat was not a simple decision for Chen and the other commanders of the 87th Division. They had been garrisoned in Nanjing before the war, and the city had become home to many of the soldiers. Shortly after midnight, Chen called a meeting with his senior officers. After considerable discussion, they concluded that they had no choice but to withdraw. Nonetheless, Chen insisted that everyone sign a document confirming their support for this decision, recognizing the potential danger of taking such a significant step without consensus. After all, his own life had been threatened if the situation deteriorated further. Soon after, the Chinese began to move out of their positions. The Japanese were initially unaware of the retreat; all they noticed during the night between December 12 and 13 was that the Chinese artillery fire began to grow increasingly distant. By 4:00 am it had stopped completely. The few remaining Chinese were quickly overwhelmed and killed. In the end, the gate, which had cost so many lives during the seemingly endless battle, was taken almost effortlessly by the Japanese. Soldiers of the 9th Division, stationed outside the wall, scrambled up the slope created by the previous days' shelling. Once at the top, they thrust their hands into the air, shouting “Banzai!” so loudly that they believed their families back home in Japan might hear them. Tears streamed down their faces as soldiers embraced and shook hands, reflecting on the friends they had lost throughout the months of fighting, from Shanghai to their current position. They reassured each other that their sacrifices had been worth it for this very moment. On December 12,  the slopes of Purple Mountain  were ablaze. Zhou Zhenqiang, commander of the Training Division's 1st Brigade, led his men in a desperate struggle to maintain control of the mountain's forested peaks. However, they were being overwhelmed by the better-equipped Japanese troops, and Zhou knew it was only a matter of time before he would have to relinquish his position. Zhou found himself unable to obtain any information from his superiors about the overall situation, despite repeated attempts to contact the Training Division's headquarters. He dispatched a runner, who returned a few hours later with disheartening news: the divisional commander had left late in the afternoon. Other reports indicated a general breakdown in command. The elite 88th Division was in disarray, and an entire division of Guangdong troops, that being the same force that had abandoned the wall near the Gate of Enlightenment, had been spotted marching out of the Gate of Great Peace, seemingly intent on returning home. With indications of collapse all around him, Zhou decided to execute an orderly withdrawal from Purple Mountain, leaving a small contingent behind to cover the retreat. His troops entered through the city wall at Sun Yat-sen Gate and marched in disciplined columns through the streets of Nanjing, where signs of imminent anarchy were evident. Chinese soldiers were scattered everywhere, speaking a cacophony of dialects, yet they appeared to lack any coherent command. Tang Shengzhi's grip on the situation was weakening. Meanwhile Japan's 13th Air Group had been busy with the final stages of the battle for Nanjing.  In the morning of December 12, after raiding Chinese positions at Sun Yat-sen Gate, they  received new orders. Intelligence indicated that Chinese ships, laden with troops, were moving up the Yangtze from Nanjing. Japanese infantry on the ground could only watch as this prize slipped through their fingers, and the army requested air support. All available planes at Changzhou, a mix of A4N fighters and Yokosuka B4Y bombers, totaling 24 aircraft, were assembled for the crucial mission. The day was clear, providing excellent visibility as the pilots headed toward the section of the Yangtze where they believed the vessels would be, based on reasonable assumptions about their speed. At 1:30 p.m., 28 nautical miles upriver from Nanjing, the pilots sighted four ships. Trusting their military intelligence, they saw no need for further identification. Initially, the B4Ys bombed the vessels from a considerable height. One bomb struck the lead ship, a military vessel, disabling its forward gun and snapping the foremast. Then, a first wave of six A4Ns dove down over the line of ships, attacking individually. In total, they dropped about 20 bombs. Several exploded close enough to the lead vessel to damage its hull and injure crew members on deck. A 30-caliber machine gun on board was manned, with gunners stripped to the waist firing at the Japanese planes but failing to score a hit. Several of the A4Ns strafed the ship with machine-gun fire. After 20 minutes of sustained bombing and strafing, the result was utter devastation. The lead vessel was stuck in mid-river, riddled with bullets, aflame, and listing to starboard. Two other ships were beached on the right bank, while another sat stranded on the left. Satisfied with their mission, the Japanese aviators broke off and returned to their temporary base. Upon their landing in Changzhou, instead of receiving accolades, the pilots were met with reprimands. Why hadn't they sunk all the vessels? They were ordered to return immediately to finish the job. Though they didn't find the original targets, they stumbled upon four other vessels closer to Nanjing. One aircraft dove toward the ships, releasing a 60-kilogram bomb that struck one vessel. As the pilot pulled up, he caught sight of the Union Jack on the hull and realized his mistake; he had inadvertently targeted neutral ships. The other pilots recognized the significance of the markings as well and withheld their bombs. The vessel was identified as the SS Wantung. Soon after, the Japanese pilots understood that the ships they had attacked earlier upriver from Nanjing were also Western; three of them were Standard Oil tankers. The last vessel, which had sustained the most damage, was the USS Panay, a lightly armed flat-bottomed gunboat,  tasked with protecting American lives and property along China's longest river. The Panay had been instrumental in evacuating American citizens from the war zone in November and December. On the day it was attacked, the Panay was carrying four American embassy personnel and ten American and foreign journalists to safety. The ship's doctor converted the engine room into a makeshift sick bay, treating a steady stream of injured personnel. By the end, he was tending to 45 patients. The soldiers and passengers were evacuated in two small boats to a nearby marshy island covered in reeds, where they hid, fearful of further strafing. From their hiding place, they watched as a Japanese powerboat filled with soldiers approached the Panay. After firing more volleys at the vessel, the soldiers boarded it, remaining for only five minutes before departing. The American flag still flew from the bow at that time. At 3:54 pm, the Panay rolled over to starboard and sank in seven to ten fathoms of water. Cold and frightened, the survivors waded through knee-deep mud to a nearby village, assisting those too severely wounded to walk.  Meanwhile back at Chinese Gate, the mutual slaughter continued into the afternoon of December 12. The Japanese made no significant progress, although their failure was not for lack of trying. The commanders of the 6th Division had strategically placed the boundary between the 13th and 47th Regiments exactly at the gate, encouraging both units to compete to be the first to seize the position. Yet, despite their efforts, it became clear that willpower alone was not enough to breach the Chinese defenses at Chinese Gate. In peacetime, Nanjing's city gates served as entry points into a bustling capital, but in wartime, they transformed into heavily fortified and nearly impregnable strongholds. Any Japanese officer hoping for a swift victory would soon be disappointed; by early afternoon, the situation at the gate had devolved into a stalemate. The section of the wall manned by the 47th Infantry Regiment, located east of the gate, also saw little meaningful movement as the day wore on. Japanese soldiers, pinned down by Chinese fire from atop the wall, could do little more than take pride in a symbolic triumph. A small group of soldiers had managed to reach the wall and place a ladder against it, but it fell nearly ten feet short of the top. One soldier skillfully scaled the last portion, gripping protruding bricks and crevices of the nearly vertical surface. The entire Japanese front watched him with bated breath. He reached the top and unfurled a Japanese flag, but it immediately drew intense Chinese fire, forcing him to duck for cover. Soon, he vanished from sight, raising concerns among his compatriots about his fate. Later, it was revealed that he had taken refuge in a depression in the wall, waiting out the battle. The real breakthrough of the day would occur west of the gate. The 23rd Regiment was deployed there with orders to capture sections of the wall near the southwestern corner. It became evident that the wall could not be scaled without first bringing up artillery to create gaps in its solid masonry. A significant portion of the divisional fire support, 36 small-caliber mountain guns, four 100mm howitzers, and four 150mm howitzers, was assigned to this section. Artillery observers were also sent to the 23rd Regiment's forward command post to coordinate with the infantry and assess the effects of the shelling. By mid-afternoon, the artillery bombardment had created a ravine-like hole in the wall large enough for an assault. The 23rd Regiment positioned its 2nd and 3rd Battalions at the front, with the 1st Battalion held in reserve. First, the engineers undertook the challenging task. As the assault commenced, the rest of the regiment provided covering fire to force the Chinese defenders to seek shelter while the engineers charged into the 70-foot-wide moat. Once a human chain formed, they held up ladders as a makeshift bridge, allowing a company from the 3rd Battalion to rush across and into the gap in the wall. As the batteries switched to close infantry support, they laid down a barrage around the breach to prevent Chinese interference as the attack entered its decisive phase. The Japanese soldiers scrambled up the rubble, created by the artillery fire, which rose several dozen feet high. Shortly before 5:00 p.m., the Japanese seized control of the southwestern segment of the wall. The Chinese launched several counterattacks to reclaim the position, but none were successful. This action ultimately sealed Nanjing's fate; beyond the wall, there was nothing left to save the ancient city and its inhabitants. As defeat appeared imminent, more and more civilians sought safety in foreign-controlled areas, though danger still loomed large. Bits of shrapnel narrowly missed Dr. Robert Wilson while he operated in the Safety Zone. Every square foot of John Rabe's property became filled with families, many camping in the open with their own blankets. Some sought refuge under his large swastika flag, believing that this would make the area especially “bomb-proof” given the growing friendship between Tokyo and Berlin; they assumed Japanese aviators would think twice before targeting a region seemingly under German protection. With just hours left before the Japanese Army was expected to gain control, the residents of Nanjing made their last preparations, prioritizing personal survival. The brutal behavior of Japanese troops in conquered territories fueled intense concern over the possible fate of injured soldiers who might fall into enemy hands. As Nanjing's last hours as a free city unfolded, it became imperative for local hospitals to evacuate as many wounded soldiers as possible across the Yangtze. On December 12, doctors found a motorboat stranded on the riverbank, having apparently broken down. They managed to repair it and ferried several hundred patients to safety throughout the day. Throughout December 12, the citizens of Nanjing were subjected to the unsettling cacophony of heavy shelling, mixed with the roar of bombers overhead. By evening, the entire horizon south of the city glowed with flames. The sound of fighting emanated from all directions, continuing long after sunset. However, in the middle of the night, activity began to wan. Every few minutes, the muffled thuds of shells could still be heard, though their origin was unclear. For the most part, an eerie silence prevailed, as if the city was holding its breath in anticipation of the final onslaught. Chiang Kai-shek had indicated he would understand if Tang chose to abandon the capital. However, on December 12, he reversed his stance, sending a telegram to Tang expressing optimism that the Nanjing garrison could hold out significantly longer. In his words “If you do not shy away from sacrifices, you will be able to hold high the banner of our nation and our army, and this could transform defeat into victory. If you can hold out one more day, you will add to the pride of the Chinese nation. If you can hold out for half a month or more, the domestic and international situation could see a substantial change.” Tang adopted a hardline approach toward any signs of defeatism among his troops. When he learned that General Sun Yuanliang, commander of the formerly elite 88th Division, was leading approximately 2,000 men from the Gate of Enlightenment to the dock area, Tang acted swiftly. He dispatched Song Xilian, the commanding general of the 36th Division, to halt the retreat. When the two units met, a fratricidal clash nearly occurred. Fortunately, the 88th Division agreed to return to the gate and continue fighting. Whatever Tang's plans, they were rendered irrelevant at 3:00 pm,  when he received another telegram from Chiang, this time ordering a full retreat. Rumors that the Chinese Army had started evacuating Nanjing triggerec panic among many units. Thousands abandoned their positions and joined the throngs of soldiers and civilians moving slowly down the city's main avenues. The crowd seemed to have collectively decided that getting a boat out of Nanjing was the best option, and by late afternoon, a solid mass of humanity stretched for miles through the city toward the dock areas at Xiaguan. To reach Xiaguan, everyone had to pass through Yijiang Gate. This relatively modern structure had served as the main entry point for visitors arriving in Nanjing by boat in recent decades and now only half of the main entrance was open. A crowd of that size trying to get through such a narrow bottleneck was a recipe for disaster. Those unfortunate enough to be right at the front felt the crushing pressure of tens of thousands of individuals pushing from behind. In that densely packed throng, stumbling and falling to the ground was akin to a death sentence; anyone who went down was inevitably crushed by the oncoming waves of terrified civilians and soldiers. As chaos erupted, discipline evaporated entirely. Officers lost control over their men, leading to infighting among the soldiers. Pushing and shoving escalated into fistfights, and trucks drove directly into the mass of people to force their way through. Tanks, emitting sounds akin to prehistoric beasts, rolled through the mob, crushing many under their weight. Amid the madness, some soldiers, driven by frustration over the lack of movement, began shooting into the crowd at random. To relieve the pressure at Yijiang Gate, some units were ordered to exit Nanjing via the Gate of Great Peace at the northeastern corner of the city wall. Upon arrival, they found the entrance nearly sealed shut. Thick walls of sandbags had been erected around it, leaving only a narrow opening through which one person could pass at a time. Massive crowds fought among themselves to get through; even under perfect order and discipline, it would have taken the entire night and most of the following day for everyone to pass. In the midst of the frantic chaos, it could take a week or more. During the night of the 12th, a select group of Japanese soldiers, chosen for the offensive, stripped their equipment down to the bare essentials: rifles, bayonets, and helmets. They avoided any gear that could produce a metallic noise, alerting the Chinese defenders to their approach. Stealthily, they moved up to the wall, carrying bamboo ladders tied together in threes for added height. Ascending the rungs, they ensured not to make a sound that could betray their position to an alert Chinese sentry. Everything hinged on remaining undetected; even a couple of hand grenades tossed down the wall could halt the attack in its tracks. Reaching the top without being noticed, the soldiers quickly fanned out. Chinese soldiers stationed on the wall saw the swift dark figures and opened fire, but it was too late to thwart the assault. A brief fight ensued; most Japanese soldiers were too close to use their rifles and immediately resorted to their bayonets. The stunned defenders were pushed back, and the successful assault team established a perimeter, awaiting reinforcements from outside the wall. They didn't have to wait long. A massive assault along the length of the 6th Division's front line commenced at dawn on December 13. Japanese artillery concentrated its fire on a narrow section of the city wall, progressively working its way from the bottom up. Gradually, the shells formed a slope of debris that soldiers could use to scale the wall. A short air raid was executed, and after the planes had weakened the remaining resistance, a group of soldiers rushed up the slope. While their comrades provided covering fire, they climbed the last stretch, rolling down a rope ladder. Within minutes, 40 other Japanese soldiers had joined them. By 10:30 am, the Rising Sun flag was flying over the wall. The Japanese invaders were met with a horrific sight at the top of the wall. Beyond lay the grim aftermath of days of shelling. Some houses were leveled, while others burned. The ground was littered with bodies, some decapitated or disemboweled, and pools of blood surrounded them. As Chiang Kai-shek's order to abandon the city gradually filtered down to the troops manning the wall around Nanjing, things began to move rapidly.  By late morning on December 13, all the major entry points into the city had fallen to the Japanese. These included Chinese Gate in the southwest, the Gate of Enlightenment in the south, and Sun Yat-sen Gate in the east. The first thing that struck the Japanese soldiers upon ascending the wall was how starkly different it was from their expectations. They had anticipated a bustling city teeming with people, but instead, the area adjacent to the wall was characterized by farm plots, resembling countryside more than an urban center. The second notable observation was the complete absence of inhabitants. Cautiously, the Japanese soldiers entered the city they had just conquered, their bayonets fixed and rifles at the ready. Yet, surprisingly, very few shots were fired. After weeks of fearing death and injury, once the immediate danger receded, a certain stupor settled in. For most civilians in Nanjing, their initial encounter with the city's new rulers was uneventful. It took several hours for the Japanese to move from the wall into the urban parts of the capital. It was not until around noon that residents noticed the first groups of Japanese soldiers marching down the streets in clusters of six to twelve men. Initially, many met the conquerors with relief, hoping they would be treated fairly. Their optimism was bolstered by Japanese planes dropping leaflets over the city, reassuring residents of humane treatment. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On December 9, fierce battles erupted, especially at the Gate of Enlightenment. Despite heavy fighting, the Chinese showed remarkable resilience, turning Nanjing into a symbol of determination. However, the tide shifted as overwhelming Japanese artillery and tactics began to breach defenses. By December 13, as chaos engulfed the city, the invaders claimed victory, but not without significant loss. Civilians, caught amid the destruction, clung to hope amid despair.

Chinese star Xin Zhilei won the Best Actress award at the 82nd Venice International Film Festival on Saturday, becoming the second actress from the Chinese mainland to receive the honor, more than three decades after Gong Li's historic win in 1992.当地时间周六，中国演员辛芷蕾在第82 届威尼斯国际电影节上斩获最佳女演员奖，成为继 1992 年巩俐历史性获奖后，第二位摘得该荣誉的中国内地女演员。With her vivid portrayal of a woman trapped in a love triangle in the arthouse flick The Sun Rises on Us All, Xin received the Volpi Cup for Best Actress from Zhao Tao, also a famous Chinese actress who served as one of this year's international jurors.在影片《日掛中天》中，辛芷蕾生动演绎了一位深陷情感纠葛的女性角色。这部艺术电影的颁奖环节，由本届电影节国际评审团成员、中国知名演员赵涛为辛芷蕾颁发了最佳女演员沃尔皮杯。Directed by Cai Shangjun, who is regarded as a leading figure in Chinese neo-noir cinema, the film — shot in multiple cities across South China's Guangdong province — tells the story of two former lovers who reunite after seven years, only to find their encounter ending in tragedy at the hands of an inescapable fate.《日掛中天》由中国新黑色电影代表导演蔡尚君执导，取景于中国南方广东省多个城市。影片讲述了一对昔日恋人时隔七年重逢，却在命运的捉弄下，最终以悲剧收场的故事。Overcome with joy, Xin, the 39-year-old actress, tearfully said in her acceptance speech: "This feels like a dream. Over a decade ago, when I first started in the film industry, I made a bold claim — I wanted to become an international superstar on a world-class stage. Back then, I faced a lot of ridicule."39 岁的辛芷蕾在领奖时难掩激动，含泪发表获奖感言：“这感觉像一场梦。十几年前刚进入电影行业时，我曾大胆立下目标 —— 要在世界级舞台上成为国际巨星。那时，我遭到了不少嘲讽。”Having begun her showbiz career in 2005, the actress overcame many difficulties to stand on the award stage in Venice, one of the three most prestigious film festivals in Europe. She said she felt proud of herself and encouraged all women by saying: "If you have a dream, dare to dream big and dare to go for it. Who knows — one day it might just come true, just like it did for me."辛芷蕾于2005 年开启演艺生涯，历经诸多挑战，最终站上了欧洲三大顶级电影节之一 —— 威尼斯国际电影节的领奖台。她表示，为自己感到骄傲，同时鼓励所有女性：“只要心怀梦想，就大胆去畅想、勇敢去追逐。说不定有一天，梦想就会像我这样，照进现实。”The film's title is inspired by a line from a Cantonese Opera, which is based on a script by Ming Dynasty (1368-1644) playwright Tang Xianzu. The original work depicts a tragic romance between a poet and a young woman during the Tang Dynasty (618-907).该片片名灵感源自一部粤剧的台词，而这部粤剧改编自明代（1368-1644 年）戏曲家汤显祖的剧本。原著讲述了唐代（618-907 年）一位诗人与一名女子之间的悲情爱情故事。Xin revealed she was captivated by her character — an ordinary person striving to overcome a painful past and build a better life. She explained that the character is difficult to define as simply "good" or "bad", and that audiences may find her choices challenging to understand.辛芷蕾透露，自己被所饰演的角色深深吸引—— 这个普通人物努力摆脱痛苦过往、追寻美好生活的经历极具感染力。她解释道，这个角色难以简单用 “好” 或 “坏” 来定义，观众或许会对角色的选择感到费解。Recounted through a delicate and nuanced narrative, the film focuses not on a dramatic plotline, but on the inner emotional journey of a woman grappling with her own tsunami-like feelings, added Xin.辛芷蕾补充说，影片采用细腻入微的叙事手法，并未侧重紧张刺激的剧情，而是聚焦于女性角色的内心情感历程，展现她如何应对汹涌如潮的复杂情绪。According to her agency, filming in Guangdong was challenging due to the humid temperatures, which frequently left Xin's costume and hair drenched. Despite this, she gave her best performance in every scene.据辛芷蕾所属经纪公司介绍，影片在广东拍摄期间，当地潮湿的气候给拍摄带来不小挑战，辛芷蕾的戏服和头发常常被汗水浸湿。即便如此，她在每一场戏中都展现出最佳状态。A native of Northeast China's Heilongjiang province, Xin first earned international recognition for the 2016 Chinese film Crosscurrent, which won the Silver Bear for Outstanding Artistic Contribution for Cinematography at the 66th Berlin International Film Festival. Her most popular roles include an emperor's favored concubine in the hit costume drama Ruyi's Royal Love in the Palace (2018) and a mysterious restaurant operator in Hong Kong auteur Wong Kar-wai's directorial TV debut Blossoms Shanghai (2023).辛芷蕾籍贯为中国东北黑龙江省。2016 年，她凭借中国电影《长江图》首次获得国际关注，该片曾在第 66 届柏林国际电影节上荣获杰出艺术贡献银熊奖（摄影奖）。她的代表作还包括 2018 年热门古装剧《如懿传》中饰演的皇帝宠妃，以及 2023 年香港导演王家卫首部电视剧《繁花》中塑造的神秘餐厅经营者。In an earlier interview, director Cai recalled that because the film is told from a woman's perspective, it placed particularly high demands on casting the female lead. After an initial struggle — having reached out to around 20 actresses and 10 actors for the two leading roles — Cai finally chose Xin, with the recommendation from his wife and co-writer, Han Nianjin, who saw Xin on a variety show and was impressed by her natural, easygoing and decisive temperament.导演蔡尚君在早前采访中回忆，由于影片以女性视角展开叙事，对女主角的选角要求极高。起初，为男女主角两个核心角色，剧组接触了约20 位女演员和 10 位男演员，选角工作一度陷入困境。最终，在妻子兼联合编剧韩念瑾的推荐下，蔡尚君确定由辛芷蕾出演。韩念瑾此前在一档综艺节目中关注到辛芷蕾，被她自然随性、果断干练的气质所打动。Cai said that China's film industry has undergone a significant transformation in recent years, challenged by a shrinking box office, as well as the unprecedented expansion of short videos and micro-dramas. In this climate, an enduring event like the Venice International Film Festival becomes a cherished destination for artists, he added.蔡尚君表示，近年来中国电影行业经历了显著变革，不仅面临票房下滑的压力，还受到短视频和微短剧爆发式发展带来的冲击。他认为，在此背景下，威尼斯国际电影节这样具有持久影响力的国际影展，成为了电影人珍视的展示平台。

More Taiwan residents are supporting and participating in cross-Strait exchanges despite restrictions imposed by the Democratic Progressive Party, a Chinese mainland spokesperson said on Wednesday.中国大陆发言人周三表示，尽管民进党实施了限制，但仍有更多台湾居民支持和参与两岸交流。In late June, the mainland announced that starting July 1, the fee for Taiwan residents applying for a mainland travel permit for the first time would be waived. The policy has been widely recognized and praised on the island.6月下旬，大陆宣布从7月1日起，台湾居民首次申领大陆通行证的费用将被免除。该政策在岛上得到了广泛认可和赞扬。Zhu Fenglian, spokeswoman for the State Council Taiwan Affairs Office, said at a news conference that since the policy took effect, there has been a notable surge in the number of applications for travel permits from first-time applicants.国务院台湾事务办公室发言人朱凤莲在新闻发布会上说，自该政策生效以来，首次申请旅行证的人数明显增加。In July, the number of applications rose 22 percent from the previous month, with 72 percent of applicants under age 45.7月份，申请人数比上个月增加了22%，其中72%的申请者年龄在45岁以下。"This indicates a clear rise in the willingness of young people in Taiwan to visit and engage with the mainland," Zhu said.朱说：“这表明台湾年轻人访问大陆和接触大陆的意愿明显上升。”。She added that the mainland also saw a substantial increase in first-time visitors from Taiwan. In July, the number of first-time visitors grew 33 percent compared with the previous month.她补充说，大陆首次来台湾的游客也大幅增加。7月份，首次访问的人数比上个月增长了33%。"We will continue to introduce more policies that benefit Taiwan people and create better conditions for cross-Strait exchanges and interactions," Zhu said, encouraging more Taiwan residents to "embark on the journey to witness the real and multifaceted mainland".朱说：“我们将继续出台更多惠及台湾人民的政策，为两岸交流互动创造更好的条件。From Sept 11 to 14, an expo showcasing popular products from Taiwan will be held in Dongguan, Guangdong province, aiming to help Taiwan enterprises expand into the domestic market. Nearly 600 enterprises and more than 2,000 buyers have registered, Zhu said.9月11日至14日，一场展示台湾热门产品的博览会将在广东东莞举行，旨在帮助台湾企业拓展国内市场。朱说，已有近600家企业和2000多名买家注册。"The event aims to support Taiwan compatriots and businesses in seizing opportunities in the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area and building a common market across the Strait," she said.她说：“此次活动旨在支持台湾同胞和企业抓住广东-香港-澳门大湾区的机遇，建设两岸共同市场。”。A cross-Strait youth exchange event taking place in Shanghai in August is also expected to attract more than 2,000 young participants from Taiwan, Zhu said.朱说，今年8月在上海举行的两岸青年交流活动预计将吸引2000多名台湾青年参加。She noted that many Taiwan netizens are posting videos on social media platforms that objectively share information about the mainland, often commenting, "We are one family across the Strait, we are all Chinese."她指出，许多台湾网民在社交媒体平台上发布客观分享大陆信息的视频，经常评论道：“我们是海峡两岸的一家人，我们都是中国人。”"We welcome more Taiwan compatriots to visit the mainland and experience the pride of being Chinese together," she said.她说：“我们欢迎更多台湾同胞来大陆访问，共同体验身为中国人的自豪感。”。Zhu also said Taiwan residents can open accounts on mainland social media platforms, such as Douyin and Bilibili, to share information with mainland netizens as long as they apply according to the rules.朱还表示，台湾居民只要按照规定申请，就可以在抖音、哔哩哔哩等大陆社交媒体平台上开立账户，与大陆网民分享信息。"We are pleased to see netizens from both sides of the Strait enhancing mutual understanding, learning from each other, following and liking each other's content in accordance with relevant laws and regulations, thereby strengthening friendships and well-being," she said.她说：“我们很高兴看到海峡两岸的网民根据相关法律法规增进相互了解，相互学习，关注和喜欢对方的内容，从而加强友谊和福祉。”。surgen.激增/sɜːdʒ/netizensn.网络公民/ˈnɛtɪzənz/

Red tourism, visiting locations with historical significance to the Communist Party of China, is sweeping the nation as China celebrates the 80th anniversary of victory in the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggressionfrom1931 to 1945 and the World Anti-Fascist War.在中国庆祝中国人民抗日战争（1931-45）和世界反法西斯战争胜利80周年之际，参观对中国共产党具有历史意义的地点的红色旅游正在席卷全国。Jinggangshan city in East China's Jiangxi province has seen bookings to its Red tourism scenic spots rise by 22 percent this summer, according to travel portal Qunar. The city is considered a cradle of the Chinese revolution where the CPC established its first rural revolutionary base in 1927.根据旅游门户网站去哪儿网的数据，今年夏天，中国东部江西省井冈山市红色旅游景点的预订量增长了22%。这座城市被认为是中国革命的摇篮，1927年中国共产党在这里建立了第一个农村革命根据地。Bookings to other renowned Red tourism spots such as Yan'an in Shaanxi province and Shaoshan in Hunan province have increased by 20 percent and 12 percent, respectively, year-on-year, according to Qunar.去哪儿网的数据显示，陕西省延安市和湖南省韶山市等其他著名红色旅游景点的预订量同比分别增长了20%和12%。"I'm deeply touched by the perseverance, upbeat and unyielding spirit of Chinese soldiers during their long and arduous fights against the Japanese invasion in the 1930s and 1940s," said Ye Mingsheng, 17, while visiting the Taihang Memorial Museum of the Eighth Route Army in late July with his parents.7月下旬，17岁的叶明生和父母一起参观太行八路军纪念馆时说：“中国士兵在20世纪三四十年代长期艰苦的抗日战争中表现出的毅力、乐观和不屈的精神让我深受感动。”。He said visiting the memorial hall was like attending an immersive history lesson, where he could feel the difficulties the Chinese soldiers had faced during the war, and their optimism and unyielding determination have also inspired him. "The trip has intensified my national ethos," he said.他说，参观纪念馆就像上了一堂身临其境的历史课，在那里他可以感受到中国士兵在战争期间面临的困难，他们的乐观和不屈不挠的决心也激励了他。他说：“这次旅行强化了我的民族精神。”。Cai Miao, a manager from travel agency Tuniu, said that some recently released movies have intensified people's desire for Red tourism this summer.途牛旅行社经理蔡淼表示，最近上映的一些电影加剧了人们对今年夏天红色旅游的渴望。Dead To Rights, for example, which is set during the Nanjing Massacre in 1937, tells the story of a group of Chinese civilians seeking refuge in a photo studio and risking their lives to expose atrocities committed by the Imperial Japanese Army. The film was released on July 25, and from that day to Aug 3, travel bookings to Nanjing increased by 16 percent from the period of July 15 to July 24 on Tuniu.以1937年南京大屠杀为背景，告诉了一群中国平民在照相馆避难，冒着生命危险揭露日本帝国军队暴行的故事。这部电影于7月25日上映，从那天到8月3日，途牛的南京旅游预订量比7月15日到7月24日增长了16%。"Tour products to Nanjing, capital city of East China's Jiangsu province, have been some of our bestsellers this summer. Many of our customers said the most important stop of their trips to the city is to visit the Memorial Hall for the Victims in Nanjing Massacre by Japanese Invaders, which memorializes those killed in the Nanjing Massacre by the Imperial Japanese Army," Cai Miao said.蔡淼说：“今年夏天，前往中国东部江苏省省会南京的旅游产品一直是我们最畅销的产品之一。我们的许多客户表示，他们此行最重要的一站是参观日本侵略者南京大屠杀遇难者纪念馆，该纪念馆纪念在日本帝国军队南京大屠杀中遇难的人。”。She added that young Chinese people were the majority taking Red tourism trips this summer, either with their families or during company team building events.她补充说，今年夏天，大多数中国年轻人都会和家人一起或在公司团队建设活动中参加红色旅游。"Places including Beijing, Nanjing in Jiangsu, Guangzhou in Guangdong and Changsha in Hunan province have been the most popular destinations for Red tourism trip goers this summer," she said.她说：“今年夏天，北京、江苏南京、广东广州和湖南长沙等地一直是红色旅游者最受欢迎的目的地。”。Qunar said that several Red tourism destinations have launched theatrical performances or outdoor shows based on stories of the CPC's development to attract tourists.去哪儿网表示，一些红色旅游目的地已经根据中国共产党的发展故事推出了戏剧表演或户外表演，以吸引游客。It said that ticket bookings to the theatrical performance — The Great Turning Point in Zunyi, Guizhou province, had increased threefold this summer. The performance centers on the Zunyi Meeting in 1935, a landmark event in the history of the CPC, as it largely determined the fate of the Party at a critical juncture for its survival.据报道，今年夏天，贵州遵义《大转折》的门票预订量增加了两倍。这场演出以1935年遵义会议为中心，这是中国共产党历史上的一个里程碑事件，因为它在很大程度上决定了党在生死关头的命运。Zhang Jinshan, a tourism planning and development researcher at Beijing Union University, said that Red tourism is a combination of Red culture — a culture related to the CPC and its revolutionary history, and travel.北京联合大学旅游规划与发展研究员张金山表示，红色旅游是红色文化——一种与中国共产党及其革命历史有关的文化——和旅游的结合。"The increasing popularity of Red tourism among Chinese people, especially the young adults and children, enables the nation's younger generations to learn the values and ideals of the CPC, and the hardships Chinese people experienced to establish the People's Republic of China," he said, adding that visiting Red tourism spots can also remind people of safeguarding the homeland and cherishing the hard-won peace.他说：“红色旅游在中国人民，特别是年轻人和儿童中的日益普及，使国家的年轻一代能够了解中国共产党的价值观和理想，以及中国人民为建立中华人民共和国所经历的艰辛。”他补充说，参观红色旅游景点也可以提醒人们保卫家园，珍惜来之不易的和平。atrocitiesn.（尤指战争中的）残暴行为

Nighttime dining, shopping and travel are thriving across China this summer, injecting fresh momentum to economic growth at a time when the country has prioritized consumption as its top priority this year.今年夏季，我国夜间餐饮、购物、旅游等消费业态蓬勃发展。在国家将消费列为今年工作重点的背景下，夜间经济为经济增长注入了新动能。The market size of China's nighttime economy has so far surpassed 50 trillion yuan ($7 trillion), said marketing consultancy Zhiyanzhan.More restaurants have extended business hours and launched delivery services to attract late-night diners and increase revenue.市场咨询机构智研瞻产业研究院数据显示，目前我国夜间经济市场规模已突破50 万亿元（约合 7 万亿美元）。为吸引夜宵客、提升营收，越来越多餐饮企业延长营业时间，并推出外卖服务。Huda Restaurant, a popular crayfish eatery in Beijing's bustling Guijie Street, is operating four outlets in the same area, cumulatively serving more than 6,500 customers daily on average. During peak hours on some nights, customers sometimes have to wait in line for three hours, according to the restaurant.位于北京繁华簋街的热门小龙虾餐厅“胡大饭店”，在该区域布局了 4 家门店，日均总客流量超 6500 人次。据餐厅介绍，部分夜晚的高峰时段，顾客有时需排队 3 小时才能就餐。"Tourists are often unable to wait that long to dine in. Some choose the takeaway option, or order deliveries to their hotels. Some 70 percent of our takeout orders come from nearby hotels, as many tourists tend to order deliveries at night after their daytime sightseeing in the city," said Zhang Shengtao, deputy general manager of Huda.“很多游客等不了那么久，有的会选择打包带走，有的则直接点外卖送到酒店。我们约 70% 的外卖订单来自周边酒店 —— 不少游客白天在市区观光后，晚上习惯点外卖。” 胡大饭店副总经理张胜涛说。"We take food delivery platforms as an important supplement to our operations, as the platforms allow customers to search for our restaurant from different channels. With no increase in the number of staff members and no change in restaurant areas, delivery services can help raise order volumes and lead to profit growth," Zhang said.他表示：“我们把外卖平台当作经营的重要补充，这些平台能让顾客通过多种渠道找到我们。在不增加员工、不扩大门店面积的情况下，外卖业务能帮助提升订单量，进而带动利润增长。”The restaurant chain said diners aged between 25 and 39 account for a large share of its total customers, while consumers opting for deliveries are mainly aged between 18 and 35.该餐饮连锁品牌透露，25 至 39 岁的顾客占堂食总客流的较大比例，而选择外卖的消费者以 18 至 35 岁人群为主。Hong Yong, an associate research fellow at the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation, said the availability of nighttime dining meets the demand for late night snacking among urban white-collar employees and many young consumers, especially as more people stay up late, work overtime, or venture out for social entertainment, and late night dining gradually becomes a part of their daily routine.中国国际贸易促进委员会国际贸易经济合作研究院副研究员洪勇指出，夜间餐饮的普及，满足了城市白领及众多年轻消费者的夜宵需求。如今熬夜、加班、外出社交娱乐的人群增多，夜宵逐渐成为他们日常生活的一部分。"Nighttime economic activities such as dining, night tours and shopping provide richer consumption scenarios, and meet consumers' demand for leisure and entertainment, social interaction and emotional release," Hong said.“餐饮、夜游、购物等夜间经济活动，提供了更丰富的消费场景，满足了消费者休闲娱乐、社交互动、情感释放的需求。” 洪勇说。"The expansion of nighttime consumption scenarios will help promote the diversification of consumption formats, encourage higher frequencies of spending, effectively stimulate domestic demand and promote sustained economic growth momentum," he added.他补充道：“夜间消费场景的拓展，有助于推动消费业态多元化，提高消费频次，有效激发内需，为经济持续增长注入动力。”According to a report released by the Ministry of Commerce, 60 percent of China's urban consumption takes place after dusk. At large-scale malls, sales between 6 pm and 10 pm usually account for over half of the whole day's revenue.商务部发布的报告显示，我国60% 的城市消费发生在傍晚之后。在大型商场，18 时至 22 时的销售额通常占全天营收的一半以上。Shui Tea Shop, a tea drink brand based in Jinan, Shandong province, now operates some 1,400 stores nationwide, which are mainly located in Shandong, Jiangsu and Hebei provinces, as well as Tianjin and Beijing.总部位于山东济南的茶饮品牌“阿水大杯茶”，目前在全国拥有约 1400 家门店，主要分布在山东、江苏、河北三省及天津、北京两地。Since June, some of its stores began to extend their business hours. Now, over 300 stores operate until 11 pm, more than 100 stores operate until midnight, and a further 100 outlets are open beyond midnight. The extension of business hours will last until the end of September, the company said.该公司表示，自今年6 月起，部分门店开始延长营业时间：目前超 300 家门店营业至 23 时，100 余家营业至次日 0 时，另有 100 家门店营业至凌晨之后，这一延长营业时间的举措将持续至 9 月底。"After extending the business hours, there has been a clear trend of growth in store revenue, and some stores have experienced sales growth of over 100 percent compared with the period before the extension," said Wei Qun, director of delivery services at A-Shui Tea Shop.“延长营业时间后，门店营收增长趋势明显，部分门店销售额较延长前增长超 100%。” 阿水大杯茶外卖业务负责人魏群说。"Nighttime sales have been especially high in Jinan and Qingdao of Shandong, as well as Tianjin. Stores with higher revenues are mainly located in core business circles, and nighttime sales mainly come from orders for deliveries," Wei said.“山东的济南、青岛以及天津等地的夜间销售额表现尤为突出。高营收门店主要集中在核心商圈，夜间销售以外卖订单为主。” 魏群介绍。He added that in summer, many consumers are interested in having barbecues and crayfish at night, and restaurants providing such meals located in core business districts have largely extended their operating hours. Their popularity has also driven the sales growth of beverages, as certain drinks pair nicely with these kinds of food.他还提到，夏季夜晚，不少消费者喜欢吃烧烤、小龙虾，核心商圈内提供这类餐食的餐厅大多延长了营业时间。这些餐饮的火爆也带动了饮品销量—— 部分饮品与这类食物搭配口感更佳。In addition to the catering sector, many sightseeing spots have extended their opening hours this summer, and upgraded night tourism products to meet the diverse demand of travelers. Besides driving an increase in ticket revenue for scenic spots, it has promoted the growth of related businesses such as catering, accommodation and shopping in surrounding areas.除餐饮行业外，今年夏季，多家景区延长开放时间，并升级夜间旅游产品，以满足游客多样化需求。这不仅推动景区门票收入增长，还带动了周边餐饮、住宿、购物等关联业态的发展。The government has encouraged more industry players to actively develop the night tourism economy.政府也积极鼓励更多市场主体参与夜间旅游经济发展。According to a guideline issued earlier this year by the State Council, China's Cabinet, the holding of more nighttime activities such as folk performances, lantern fairs, temple fairs, and light and shadow shows has been encouraged, and different regions could develop water night tours based on local conditions.今年早些时候，国务院印发的指导意见明确，鼓励举办民俗展演、灯会、庙会、光影秀等夜间活动，各地可结合实际发展水上夜游项目。In addition, the government will support the upgrading and renovation of lighting services at night in commercial areas, and the optimization of support facilities such as parking lots and public transportation, according to the document.意见还提出，将支持商业街区夜间照明设施升级改造，优化停车场、公共交通等配套设施。In Guiyang, Southwest China's Guizhou province, a three-day international kite festival that included nighttime events attracted more than 163,000 tourists in July, netting tourism revenue of over 60 million yuan, according to the local government.据贵州省贵阳市政府消息，今年7 月举办的为期三天的国际风筝节（含夜间活动），吸引游客超 16.3 万人次，实现旅游收入超 6000 万元。Night markets, roadside concerts in parks, trunk markets and other nighttime consumption scenes were attractive to tourists.夜市、公园路边音乐会、后备箱集市等夜间消费场景，对游客具有很强的吸引力。"This type of nighttime cultural tourism model, with feature activities as its core, gathers popularity and forms a consumption loop, and has become an effective way to boost the nighttime economy," said Mu Qianyi, an analyst of LeadLeo Research Institute, a market research provider based in Shanghai.“这种以特色活动为核心的夜间文旅模式，能聚集人气、形成消费闭环，已成为拉动夜间经济的有效方式。” 上海市场研究机构头豹研究院分析师穆芊伊说。Mu added that new technologies and scenarios such as drone light shows at night will help enrich the experiences of tourists. The improvement in the quality of scenes naturally enhances the attractiveness and vitality of nighttime cultural tourism, and could help inject new impetus into economic growth.穆芊伊补充道，夜间无人机灯光秀等新技术、新场景，将进一步丰富游客体验。消费场景品质的提升，自然会增强夜间文旅的吸引力与活力，为经济增长注入新动力。Particularly, Shanghai has been developing a booming nighttime economy, and the city's after-dark economy index has maintained the top position in the country for five consecutive years. This year, it has been followed by Guangzhou, Guangdong province, and Chengdu, Sichuan province, said Rising Lab, a city-oriented big data platform of Yicai Media Group.值得关注的是，上海夜间经济持续繁荣。第一财经传媒集团旗下城市大数据平台“第一财经研究院” 数据显示，上海夜间经济指数已连续五年位居全国首位，今年紧随其后的是广东广州与四川成都。In Shanghai, nighttime lighting covered 75 percent of the city's area last year, and nighttime public transportation covered 1,975 square kilometers, which significantly helped to improve the local nighttime consumption environment, the platform found.该平台还发现，去年上海夜间照明覆盖面积占全市面积的75%，夜间公共交通覆盖范围达 1975 平方公里，这一配套设施的完善显著改善了当地夜间消费环境。

Preview: PRC Guangdong Province. Colleague Gordon Chang comments on the relentless decline of the low-end manufacturers in Guangdong. More later. 1890 SHANGHAI

Strong winds and heavy rain whipped South China's Hainan province and parts of Guangdong province on Sunday, as Typhoon Kajiki passed over open waters to the south of Hainan and headed toward Vietnam's central coast.周日，台风“剑鱼”经过海南南部的开阔水域，向越南中部海岸移动，强风和暴雨袭击了中国南部的海南省和广东省部分地区。A short video posted online by Guangdong Radio and Television showed winds snapping off tree branches, and heavily rocking a docked boat and sending waves sliding over the pier.广东广播电视台在网上发布的一段短视频显示，风刮断了树枝，一艘停靠在码头上的船剧烈摇晃，海浪滑过码头。Kajiki gained strength as it moved westward over the sea with maximum sustained winds of 162 kilometers per hour, China's National Meteorological Center said.中国国家气象中心称，“剑鱼”向西移动，在海上增强，最大持续风速为每小时162公里。Rainfall of 25 to 40 centimeters was forecast for southern parts of Hainan Island, including Sanya, a popular beach resort.预计海南岛南部地区将有25到40厘米的降雨，包括著名的海滩度假胜地三亚。Hainan took extensive measures to prepare for Typhoon Kajiki, amid fears that it could be the strongest typhoon to hit the region in the past 40 years.海南采取了广泛的措施来应对台风“剑鱼”，人们担心这可能是过去40年来袭击该地区的最强台风。As Typhoon Kajiki approached, the province raised its emergency response to the highest level. The typhoon, the 13th of the year, intensified from a severe tropical storm to a full typhoon at 2 am on Sunday. It gained strength and headed toward Hainan's southern coast, with landfall or a close pass expected on Sunday evening, said Cai Qinbo, spokesperson for the Hainan provincial meteorological bureau.随着台风剑鱼（Kajiki）的逼近，该省将应急响应提升至最高级别。今年的第13号台风于周日凌晨2点从强烈热带风暴增强为台风。海南省气象局发言人蔡钦波表示，台风增强并向海南南部海岸移动，预计将于周日晚上登陆或近距离通过。Authorities in Sanya evacuated 31,843 people from potentially vulnerable areas to safety by 3 pm on Sunday, according to the city's publicity department. Temporary shelters were set up at some local facilities like primary schools to receive the affected.据三亚市宣传部称，截至周日下午3点，三亚市有关部门已将31843人从潜在脆弱地区疏散到安全地带。在小学等一些当地设施设立了临时避难所，以接收受影响的人。Across the province, over 770,000 emergency supplies had been prepared for vulnerable areas. More than 2,800 rescue workers are on standby with necessary vehicles and equipment, said Wu Zhanchao, deputy head of the Department of Emergency Management of Hainan Province.全省为脆弱地区准备了77万多件应急物资。海南省应急管理厅副厅长吴占超表示，2800多名救援人员随时待命，配备了必要的车辆和设备。All 30,769 local fishing boats had either returned to port or were safely sheltered, with over 21,000 crew members moved to shore.所有30 769艘当地渔船要么已返回港口，要么已得到安全庇护，21 000多名船员已移到岸上。Residents were advised to avoid unnecessary travel, stay away from low-lying areas, temporary structures and the coast, and be alert for potential geological hazards.政府建议居民避免不必要的旅行，远离低洼地区、临时建筑和海岸，并警惕潜在的地质灾害。In Sanya, measures included closing schools, offices, business operations, suspending public transportation and shipping, and shutting scenic areas.在三亚，措施包括关闭学校，办公室，商业运营，暂停公共交通和航运，以及关闭景区。Hotels in Sanya took comprehensive steps to ensure guest safety. Atlantis Sanya provided multilingual notices in Chinese, English and Russian in each guest room, detailing the latest weather updates, temporarily suspended facilities, and offered alternative indoor activities within the resort.三亚的酒店采取了全面措施来确保客人的安全。三亚亚特兰提斯酒店在每间客房都提供了中、英、俄三种语言的通知，详细介绍了最新的天气情况、暂停使用的设施，并在酒店内提供了其他室内活动。"I'm not worried about the typhoon at all because the tour guide and travel agency have a lot of experience in dealing with it. They explained the precautions during the typhoon and reminded us to stay indoors as much as possible," said Yelena Rostova, a Russian tourist visiting Sanya as part of a tour group.“我一点也不担心台风，因为导游和旅行社在应对台风方面有很多经验。他们解释了台风期间的预防措施，并提醒我们尽可能呆在室内，”来三亚旅游的俄罗斯游客叶莲娜·罗斯托娃（Yelena Rostova）说。"I hope the typhoon passes quickly so that my family and I can enjoy the sunny beaches and our vacation," she added.她补充说：“我希望台风快点过去，这样我和我的家人就可以享受阳光明媚的海滩和我们的假期。”With strong winds and heavy rain lashing the city, Wang Wen, a resident of Sanya, chose to stay home over the weekend. "It has not significantly affected my daily life," she said.随着强风和暴雨袭击城市，三亚居民王文（音）选择在周末呆在家里。“这对我的日常生活没有太大影响，”她说。

Bienvenidos a Saga Noticias con Max Espejel y Kim Armengol. En la emisión de hoy: Claudia Sheinbaum encabezó en Palacio Nacional la revisión del programa IMSS-Bienestar; Marcelo Ebrard anunció más de 12 mil millones de pesos de inversión farmacéutica dentro del Plan México; Luisa María Alcalde impulsa comités regionales de Morena; el juez Brian Cogan rechazó una petición relacionada con Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán; y seguimos la investigación sobre la operación “Caballo de Troya” y el aumento de redadas en Los Ángeles. Además: entrevistas con Arturo Ángel y especialistas en migración, el caso del sacerdote fallecido en Veracruz, la tormenta tropical Ivo, la polémica por la presentación de Marilyn Manson en SLP, sentencias y detenciones relevantes en el país, cambios económicos (inflación y Banxico), la alerta sísmica en celulares y el brote de chikungunya en Guangdong. No olvides suscribirte, activar la campanita y escuchar todos nuestros contenidos en Saga Podcast. ¡Comenta, comparte y quédate en la Saga!

Bienvenidos a Saga Noticias con Max Espejel y Kim Armengol. En la emisión de hoy: Claudia Sheinbaum encabezó en Palacio Nacional la revisión del programa IMSS-Bienestar; Marcelo Ebrard anunció más de 12 mil millones de pesos de inversión farmacéutica dentro del Plan México; Luisa María Alcalde impulsa comités regionales de Morena; el juez Brian Cogan rechazó una petición relacionada con Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán; y seguimos la investigación sobre la operación “Caballo de Troya” y el aumento de redadas en Los Ángeles. Además: entrevistas con Arturo Ángel y especialistas en migración, el caso del sacerdote fallecido en Veracruz, la tormenta tropical Ivo, la polémica por la presentación de Marilyn Manson en SLP, sentencias y detenciones relevantes en el país, cambios económicos (inflación y Banxico), la alerta sísmica en celulares y el brote de chikungunya en Guangdong. No olvides suscribirte, activar la campanita y escuchar todos nuestros contenidos en Saga Podcast. ¡Comenta, comparte y quédate en la Saga!

Concerted disaster mitigation and relief efforts, including the relocation of affected individuals, are being conducted in northern China to address the challenges posed by extremely heavy rainfall.为应对强降雨带来的严峻挑战，中国北方地区正在开展协同的灾害应对和救援行动，其中包括对受灾人员的转移安置工作。Beijing experienced extremely heavy rainfall for 147 hours between July 23 and Tuesday, and this caused sudden mountain torrents in the city's northern areas such as Miyun, Huairou, Pinggu and Yanqing districts.7月23日，北京遭遇了长达147小时的强降雨，这导致了该市北部地区（如密云、怀柔、平谷和延庆等区）出现了突发的山洪。At 10 am on Sunday, the Beijing Meteorological Observatory issued a blue alert—the lowest level of China's four-tier weather warning system—for heavy rain, forecasting significant rainfall in Beijing from Monday afternoon to early Tuesday morning.周日上午10点，北京气象台发布了蓝色预警——这是中国四级气象预警体系中的最低级别——称北京将有强降雨，预计从周一下午到周二凌晨，北京地区将有大量降雨。Cumulative precipitation could reach more than 50 millimeters in most areas of the city, while in certain mountainous regions, it could reach up to 100 mm, which might trigger secondary disasters such as mountain torrents and landslides, it said.该部门表示，全市大部分地区的累计降水量可能超过50毫米，而在某些山区，降水量甚至可能达到100毫米，这可能会引发诸如山洪和山体滑坡等次生灾害。In China's weather warning system, a red alert is the most severe, followed by orange, yellow and blue.在中国的天气预警系统中，红色预警是最为严重的级别，其次是橙色、黄色和蓝色预警。Meteorological observatories in Huairou and Miyun issued an orange alert for rainstorms on Sunday, indicating that from 11 pm on Sunday to 8 am on Tuesday, heavy rainfall is expected in those districts, with some areas receiving over 100 mm of rain.怀柔和密云的气象观测站于周日发布了暴雨橙色预警，这意味着从周日晚上11点到周二早上8点，这些地区将有强降雨，部分地区的降雨量将超过100毫米。The risk of disasters such as mountain torrents, debris flows and landslides is extremely high in mountainous and hilly areas, and waterlogging might occur in low-lying areas, it said.该报告指出，在山区和丘陵地区，发生山洪、泥石流和山体滑坡等灾害的风险极高，而低洼地区还可能出现内涝现象。As of Sunday morning, Huairou had implemented temporary scheduling measures for 55 bus routes, including suspension of 37 routes.截至周日上午，怀柔区已对55条公交线路实施了临时调度措施，其中包括暂停37条线路的运营。In neighboring Hebei province, in response to the rainfall forecast for parts of Xinglong county in the city of Chengde over the next three days, residents of seven villages in Liudaohe township have been relocated to a local middle school as a safety precaution.在邻近的河北省承德市兴隆县，鉴于未来三天该地区部分区域的降雨预报，柳道河乡的七个村庄的居民已被转移到当地的一所中学，以采取安全防范措施。The school has converted two dormitory buildings into a temporary shelter, providing over 800 beds and essential supplies to accommodate the displaced individuals.该学校将两栋宿舍楼改造成了临时避难所，提供了超过800张床位和必需的物资，以安置那些被迫流离失所的人员。Wang Xinyu, who is in charge of the settlement site at the school, said: "For the elderly, weak, sick or those who need special care, we will arrange separate rooms. At present, food is being supplied through external donations, and we have also purchased approximately 3,000 kilograms of vegetables, as well as rice, flour and oil."负责学校安置点工作的王新宇表示：“对于老人、体弱者、病人或需要特殊照顾的人，我们将安排单独的房间。目前，食物是通过外部捐赠提供的，我们还购买了约3000公斤的蔬菜，以及大米、面粉和食用油。”A heavy rainstorm that hit Xinglong on July 28 left three people dead and four others missing at a vacation resort. Rescue operations continue at the site.7月28日，一场强降雨袭击了兴隆市，造成3人死亡，另有4人失踪，他们当时正在一处度假胜地游玩。救援工作仍在该地进行中。Tianjin's meteorological bureau upgraded its blue alert for rainstorms to yellow, the second-lowest level, early Sunday morning. But later on Sunday, the city lifted the alert for rainstorms.天津气象局于周日清晨将暴雨蓝色预警级别提升至黄色（这是二级预警级别），但随后在周日傍晚，该市解除了暴雨预警。Recent heavy rain caused damage to several villages in the city's Jizhou district. Responding promptly to recent rainstorm alerts, Jizhou had relocated 2,130 people by Saturday night.近期的强降雨给该市吉州区的几个村庄造成了破坏。吉州区迅速响应了近期的暴雨警报，截至周六晚上已转移了2130名居民。To cope with waterlogging, more than 600 flood prevention workers from the Tianjin Drainage Management Center and over 400 social support personnel set in motion all drainage pumps to accelerate water removal. Main roads were cleared of water as of Sunday.为应对内涝情况，来自天津排水管理中心的600多名防汛工作人员以及400多名社会救援人员启动了所有排水泵，以加快排水速度。截至周日，主要道路的积水已被排干。Besides northern China, some other parts of the nation are also facing the threat of heavy rain and flooding.除了中国北方地区，该国的其他一些地区也正遭受着暴雨和洪水的威胁。On Sunday, the Ministry of Water Resources activated a Level IV emergency response—the lowest level—for flooding in Gansu and Qinghai provinces as well as the Ningxia Hui autonomous region, following a forecast of heavy to torrential rainfall.周日，水利部针对甘肃、青海两省以及宁夏回族自治区的洪水情况启动了四级应急响应（这是最低级别响应），此前已预测到会有强降雨至暴雨天气。China has a four-tier emergency response system for flood control, with Level I being the most severe.中国针对防洪工作设有四级应急响应机制，其中一级响应级别最为严重。The ministry urged local authorities to closely monitor weather conditions and take necessary measures, and it has sent working groups to Qinghai and Ningxia to assist in flood control.该部门要求地方当局密切监测天气状况并采取必要措施，并已派遣工作组前往青海和宁夏协助进行防洪工作。South China's Guangdong province issued a Level IV emergency response in anticipation of heavy rain on Sunday. The province is expected to face torrential rains from Sunday to Tuesday, potentially leading to flooding, mountain torrents, geological hazards and urban and rural waterlogging, the provincial meteorological service said.中国南部的广东省于周日启动了四级应急响应，以应对即将到来的强降雨。广东省气象部门表示，从周日到周二，该省预计将遭遇暴雨，可能会引发洪水、山洪、地质灾害以及城乡内涝。The Emergency Management Bureau of Huidong county in Guangdong announced on Sunday that five people who had been hiking on a local mountain on Friday were confirmed dead.广东省惠东县应急管理局于周日宣布，周五在该县一座山上进行徒步旅行的五人已被确认死亡。Due to continuous heavy rainfall in recent days, as well as the area's complex terrain and swift water flow, members of a search and rescue operation that faced significant challenges found the bodies on Sunday, the bureau said.该部门表示，由于近日持续的强降雨，加之该地区地形复杂、水流湍急，参与此次搜救行动的人员在周日找到了遇难者的遗体。 heavy rainfalln.强降雨/ˈheviˈreɪnfɔːl/emergency responsen.应急响应/ɪˈmɜːdʒənsi rɪˈspɒns/

A State Council executive meeting presided over by Premier Li Qiang on Thursday called for stepping up efforts to improve the effectiveness of macroeconomic policies, while arranging the implementation of interest subsidies on personal consumption loans and loans to service sector businesses to better stimulate consumption and enhance market vitality.本周四，国务院常务会议主持李强总理呼吁加大力度提高宏观经济政策的有效性，同时安排对个人消费贷款和服务业企业贷款实施利息补贴，以更好地刺激消费，增强市场活力。As the country's latest step to boost innovation-driven growth, the State Council executive meeting approved a guideline on deeply implementing the AI Plus initiative, calling for promoting the large-scale, commercial application of artificial intelligence and advancing its accelerated adoption and deep integration across various fields of economic and social development.作为中国推动创新驱动增长的最新举措，国务院常务会议批准了一项关于深入实施人工智能+倡议的指导方针，呼吁促进人工智能的大规模商业应用，并推进其在经济和社会发展各个领域的加速采用和深度融合。On Thursday, the National Bureau of Statistics released the latest purchasing managers index, or PMI, data, which suggested the necessity to consolidate the resilience of the manufacturing sector and overall economic momentum in the second half of the year.周四，国家统计局发布了最新的采购经理人指数（PMI）数据，该数据表明，下半年有必要巩固制造业的韧性和整体经济势头。Economists called for further reinforcing support for domestic demand and employment, as the nation's manufacturing activity cooled in July amid unfavorable weather and the traditional off-season. The official PMI for the manufacturing sector stood at 49.3 in July, down from 49.7 in June, the NBS said on Thursday.经济学家呼吁进一步加强对国内需求和就业的支持，因为在不利天气和传统淡季的影响下，该国7月份的制造业活动有所降温。国家统计局周四表示，7月份制造业官方采购经理人指数为49.3，低于6月份的49.7。Despite the moderation, high-tech manufacturing continued to gain traction in July, highlighting the vitality of the country's industrial upgrading and reinforcing the sector's ability to withstand ongoing external challenges, experts said.专家表示，尽管有所放缓，但高科技制造业在7月份继续获得动力，突显了该国产业升级的活力，并增强了该行业抵御持续外部挑战的能力。Wang Qing, chief macroeconomic analyst at Golden Credit Rating International, said, "With both domestic and external demand softening, the manufacturing PMI ended its two-month rebound and declined within the contraction territory in July."东方金诚首席宏观经济分析师王青表示：“随着国内外需求疲软，制造业采购经理人指数结束了两个月的反弹，7月份在收缩区间内下降。”The official manufacturing PMI has stayed below the 50 mark that separates expansion from contraction for the fourth consecutive month. In July, the subindex of new orders — a barometer of market demand — dropped to 49.4 from 50.2 in June, while that of new export orders went down to 47.1 from 47.7 in the previous month.官方制造业采购经理人指数（PMI）连续第四个月保持在50分以下，50分是扩张与收缩的分界线。7月份，作为市场需求晴雨表的新订单分项指数从6月份的50.2降至49.4，而新出口订单分项指数从前一个月的47.7降至47.1。External headwinds dampened export momentum, while the effect of earlier policies to boost domestic demand started to wane in July, Wang said, adding that high temperatures, heavy rains and flooding in some regions disrupted production.王说，外部逆风抑制了出口势头，而早些时候提振内需的政策的效果在7月份开始减弱，并补充说，一些地区的高温、暴雨和洪水扰乱了生产。Downward pressures on economic growth may intensify in the third quarter, said Wang, who expects additional measures to boost domestic demand as China's relatively low levels of sovereign debt and inflation have offered ample policy room to offset a slowdown in external demand.王表示，第三季度经济增长的下行压力可能会加剧。他预计，随着中国相对较低的主权债务和通胀水平为抵消外部需求放缓提供了充足的政策空间，将采取额外措施提振内需。The Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China Central Committee held a meeting on Wednesday that made arrangements for economic work in the second half, emphasizing that macro policies should continue to exert force and be strengthened at an appropriate time.中共中央政治局周三召开会议，对下半年经济工作作出部署，强调宏观政策要继续发挥作用，适时加强。Xiong Yi, Deutsche Bank's chief economist for China, said, "If GDP growth slows faster than expected, a budget deficit increase may become necessary in the fourth quarter."德意志银行中国首席经济学家熊奕表示：“如果GDP增长放缓速度超过预期，第四季度可能需要增加预算赤字。”He said he anticipates that the Chinese economy will grow 4.8 percent in 2025, following its strong resilience in the first half of the year.他说，他预计中国经济在上半年强劲复苏后，到2025年将增长4.8%。According to Xiong, service consumption is expected to become a new driver of economic growth and employment in the second half of the year. China is enhancing its support for service consumption, with a particular focus on cultural tourism, elderly care, healthcare and domestic services.熊表示，服务消费有望成为下半年经济增长和就业的新动力。中国正在加强对服务消费的支持，特别关注文化旅游、养老、医疗保健和家政服务。Despite the overall decline, the PMI for high-tech manufacturing came in at 50.6 in July, while that for equipment manufacturing was at 50.3, the NBS said, indicating the sectors' capability to thrive despite challenges.国家统计局表示，尽管整体下降，但7月份高科技制造业的采购经理人指数为50.6，而设备制造业的PMI为50.3，表明这些行业在面临挑战的情况下仍有能力蓬勃发展。For instance, Nantong Haixing Electronics Co, an electronic energy storage materials producer based in Nantong, Jiangsu province, saw its export value exceeding 50 million yuan in the first half of 2025, marking a year-on-year increase of 67.23 percent, data from Nanjing Customs showed.例如，南京海关的数据显示，总部位于江苏省南通市的电子储能材料生产商南通海星电子有限公司在2025年上半年的出口额超过5000万元人民币（695万美元），同比增长67.23%。Jin Wenhui, the head of the company's foreign trade unit, said that despite intense worldwide competition, sustained investment in innovation has enabled the company to pursue industrial upgrading and remain resilient in a rapidly evolving global landscape.该公司外贸部门负责人金文辉表示，尽管全球竞争激烈，但对创新的持续投资使该公司能够追求产业升级，并在快速发展的全球格局中保持弹性。Guangdong Greenway Technology Co, a manufacturer of electric motorcycles and bicycles, as well as mobile energy storage systems, based in Dongguan, Guangdong province, shipped its products to more than 80 countries and regions across Europe and the Americas in the first half of the year, according to Huangpu Customs in Guangdong.广东黄埔海关表示，总部位于广东省东莞市的电动摩托车和自行车以及移动储能系统制造商广东绿道科技有限公司上半年将其产品运往欧美80多个国家和地区。Wu Jing, head of the company's foreign trade unit, said, "With years of development in lithium battery manufacturing, we've steadily increased our supply of high-quality, eco-friendly products amid the global shift toward energy transition, while actively exploring new markets and opportunities overseas."该公司外贸部门负责人吴京表示：“随着锂电池制造业多年的发展，在全球能源转型的背景下，我们稳步增加了高质量、环保产品的供应，同时积极探索海外新市场和机遇。”economic momentumn.经济势头/ˌiːkəˈnɒmɪk məˈmɛntəm/budget deficitn.预算赤字/ˈbʌdʒɪt ˈdɛfɪsɪt/

Dr Philip Smith, Digital and Education Editor of Gut and Honorary Consultant Gastroenterologist at the Royal Liverpool Hospital, Liverpool, UK interviews Professor Tao Zuo from the Guangdong Institute of Gastroenterology, The Sixth Affiliated Hospital of Sun Yat-sen University, Sun Yat-sen University, Guangzhou, Guangdong, China, on the paper "Dietary whey protein protects against Crohn's disease by orchestrating cross-kingdom interaction between the gut phageome and bacteriome" published in paper copy in Gut in August 2025.   Please subscribe to the Gut podcast on your favourite platform to get the latest podcast every month. If you enjoy our podcast, you can leave us a review or a comment on Apple Podcasts (https://apple.co/3UOTwqS) or Spotify (https://spoti.fi/3Ifxq9p).

Nvidia founder and CEO Jensen Huang expressed resounding confidence in China's technological development during a wide-ranging interview with China Daily in Beijing on Wednesday, highlighting the nation's distinctive advantages in artificial intelligence, advanced manufacturing and electric vehicle innovation. 周三，英伟达创始人兼首席执行官黄仁勋在北京接受《中国日报》的广泛采访时，对中国的科技发展表达了坚定信心，强调了中国在人工智能、高端制造和电动汽车创新领域的独特优势。Huang emphasized China's "unique strengths" driving technological advancement — world-class AI capabilities demonstrated by breakthroughs like DeepSeek's open-source reasoning model; exceptional expertise in mechatronics and electromechanical systems; and a massive manufacturing ecosystem enabling rapid robotics deployment. 黄仁勋强调，中国拥有推动技术进步的 “独特优势”：深度求索（DeepSeek）的开源推理模型等突破展现出世界级的人工智能能力；在机电一体化和机电系统方面拥有卓越专长；以及庞大的制造生态系统，能够实现机器人的快速部署。 These conditions are uniquely concentrated in China, making me incredibly optimistic about its robotics development trajectory. Nvidia has been coming to China for 30 years and China is the second-largest technology market in the world and it is also growing very quickly. So this is a very important market there's a lot of very dynamic and innovative customers. In China, we have very challenging, dynamic and very innovative customers and we want to be able to serve them and I will continue to do that," Huang said. 黄仁勋表示：“这些条件在中国独特地集中在一起，让我对中国机器人产业的发展轨迹感到无比乐观。英伟达进入中国已有 30 年，中国是全球第二大科技市场，且增长非常迅速。因此，这是一个极为重要的市场，有许多充满活力和创新精神的客户。在中国，我们面对的是极具挑战性、充满活力且极具创新力的客户，我们希望能够为他们提供服务，并将继续这样做。” The comments came as the senior executive paid his third visit to China this year, highlighting the importance of the Chinese market to Nvidia, which has become the first company in the world with a market cap of $4 trillion. Huang also attended the opening ceremony of the third China International Supply Chain Expo on Wednesday. 这番言论发表之际，这位高管正进行今年第三次中国之行，凸显了中国市场对英伟达的重要性 —— 英伟达已成为全球首家市值达 4 万亿美元的公司。黄仁勋周三还出席了第三届中国国际供应链博览会的开幕式。 "The electric vehicles in China are probably, in the last five years, the most surprising to the world in terms of the advancement. On purely technical styling, you know, objective basis, the cars are absolutely great," Huang said. 黄仁勋说：“过去五年，中国的电动汽车在技术进步方面可能是最令世界惊讶的。纯粹从技术设计来看，客观地说，这些汽车非常出色。” In a candid remark referencing the unavailability of Chinese EVs such as Xiaomi's cars in the US market, Huang said "That's our misfortune, not yours." 在谈及小米等中国电动汽车无法进入美国市场时，黄仁勋直言：“这是我们的不幸，而非你们的。” When addressing competition with Huawei in AI chips, Huang recognized the Shenzhen, Guangdong province-based firm as "a formidable technology company" with deep excellence in semiconductors and networking infrastructure. 在谈及与华为在人工智能芯片领域的竞争时，黄仁勋认可这家总部位于广东深圳的公司是 “一家令人敬畏的科技企业”，在半导体和网络基础设施方面拥有深厚的卓越实力。 Analyzing China's broader AI landscape, Huang outlined a three-tier ecosystem driving progress — foundational infrastructure including chips and systems; rapidly evolving AI models such as Alibaba's Qwen and Moonshot's Kimi; and hyper-competitive application development. 在分析中国整体人工智能格局时，黄仁勋概述了推动发展的三层生态系统：包括芯片和系统在内的基础架构；快速发展的人工智能模型（如阿里巴巴的通义千问和 moonshot AI 的 kimi）；以及竞争激烈的应用开发。 On Tuesday, Nvidia said it will resume sales of H20 chips to China, and it also announced a new, fully compliant GPU, or graphics processing unit, for the Chinese market. 周二，英伟达表示将恢复向中国销售 H20 芯片，并宣布为中国市场推出一款全新的、完全合规的图形处理器（GPU）。 Nvidia is filing applications to sell the H20 GPU to China again as the US government has assured the company that licenses will be granted, and that Nvidia hopes to start deliveries soon. 英伟达正提交向中国再次销售 H20 GPU 的申请，美国政府已向该公司保证会授予许可，英伟达希望能尽快开始供货。 Xiang Ligang, director-general of the Zhongguancun Modern Information Consumer Application Industry Technology Alliance, a telecom industry association, said the resumption of H20 chip sales was good news for both Nvidia and Chinese companies that seek to purchase such products. 电信行业协会 —— 中关村现代信息消费应用产业技术联盟理事长项立刚表示，恢复 H20 芯片销售对英伟达和有意购买此类产品的中国企业来说都是好消息。 "This is a win-win result," Xiang said, adding that China is the world's largest semiconductor market that companies ignore at their peril. 项立刚称：“这是一个双赢的结果。” 他还表示，中国是全球最大的半导体市场，企业忽视这一市场将自担风险。 The Chinese mainland consumes more than half of the world's semiconductors, which are then assembled into tech products and reexported or sold in the domestic market, said research firm Daxue Consulting. 调研公司大同学术咨询表示，中国内地消耗了全球一半以上的半导体，这些半导体经组装成科技产品后，或再出口，或在国内市场销售。 savvy /ˈsævi/ 智慧，见识 resounding /rɪˈzaʊndɪŋ/ 坚定的，强烈的 formidable /ˈfɔːmɪdəbl/ 令人敬畏的，难对付的 compliant /kəmˈplaɪənt/ 合规的，符合规定的

China's parcel delivery industry reached a new milestone in the first half of 2025, handling over 95 billion parcels, up 19 percent year-on-year, as the sector continues to play a growing role in boosting domestic demand and supporting the real economy, the State Post Bureau of China said on Monday.中国国家邮政局周一表示，中国包裹递送行业在2025年上半年达到了一个新的里程碑，处理了950多亿个包裹，同比增长19%，因为该行业在促进内需和支持实体经济方面继续发挥着越来越大的作用。The country's delivery network processed more than 520 million parcels per day on average, surpassing the 50-billion mark 18 days earlier than it did last year. The robust growth reflects China's steady economic momentum and the accelerating rollout of policies supporting consumption and domestic demand, officials said.该国的快递网络平均每天处理超过5.2亿个包裹，比去年提前18天超过500亿大关。官员们表示，强劲的增长反映了中国稳定的经济势头以及支持消费和内需的政策的加速推出。"The express delivery sector is becoming a stronger engine for stimulating consumption, energizing the real economy and serving rural and western regions," said Zhu Li, deputy director of the industrial economy department at the bureau's Development and Research Center. "It has laid a solid foundation for achieving the industry's annual growth goals."“快递行业正在成为刺激消费、振兴实体经济、服务农村和西部地区的强大引擎，”该局发展研究中心工业经济部副主任朱力说。“它为实现行业的年度增长目标奠定了坚实的基础。”The expanding reach of the delivery network has brought remarkable changes to everyday life across the country — from the highlands of the Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region to the grasslands of the Inner Mongolia autonomous region.从新疆维吾尔自治区的高原到内蒙古自治区的草原，配送网络的不断扩大给全国各地的日常生活带来了显著的变化。In Yarkant county of Xinjiang, Ayinur, a young Uygur woman, easily retrieved a parcel from a local pickup station. Inside were school supplies for her younger brother and pastries for her grandmother.在新疆叶尔羌县，年轻的维吾尔族妇女阿依努尔（Ayinur）轻松地从当地的一个取货站取回了一个包裹。里面有她弟弟的学习用品和她祖母的糕点。"We used to travel all the way to the city for this," she said. "Now it's just at our doorstep."她说：“我们过去常常一路去城里。”。“现在它就在我们家门口。”In the southern city of Maoming in Guangdong province, known as the "hometown of lychees", freshly picked fruits glistening with morning dew are packed and shipped through priority cold-chain logistics by air and high-speed rail.在被称为“荔枝之乡”的广东省南部城市茂名，新鲜采摘的水果闪耀着晨露，通过优先的冷链物流——航空和高铁进行包装和运输。"We race against the clock," said a fruit farmer, surnamed Lin, while watching workers load boxes. "Customers in Beijing or Shanghai who place orders today can eat the lychees tomorrow."“我们争分夺秒，”一位姓林的果农看着工人们装箱子时说。“今天在北京或上海下订单的顾客明天就可以吃荔枝了。”To keep up with soaring demand and cut delivery times, courier companies have stepped up investment in infrastructure and smart logistics. That included expanding airfreight fleets, adding rail-air transportation routes, automating sorting hubs, building unmanned vertical warehouses, and deploying drones and driverless delivery vehicles, said Zhu, from the State Post Bureau's Development and Research Center.为了跟上飙升的需求并缩短交货时间，快递公司加大了对基础设施和智能物流的投资。国家邮政局发展研究中心的朱表示，这包括扩大空运机队，增加铁路航空运输路线，自动化分拣中心，建造无人垂直仓库，以及部署无人机和无人驾驶送货车。In Rui'an, Zhejiang provincewhich is famous for its delicate and highly perishable bayberries,a new drone-based branch line has opened up nationwide distribution opportunities.在浙江省瑞安市，以其精致易腐烂的杨梅而闻名，一条新的无人机支线在全国范围内开辟了分销机会。"Now, it only takes two hours for the berries to go from the tree to tables in Wenzhou, a neighboring city," said Gu Zhihao, head of operations at SF Express' Longhu station in Rui'an.顺丰速运瑞安龙湖站运营负责人顾志浩表示：“现在，在温州，浆果从树上到餐桌只需要两个小时。”。At 7:30 am, harvesters finish the first round of picking. A drone loaded with 50 kilograms of freshly picked bayberries lifts off, descending two minutes later at the foot of the hill at the Zhennan Bayberry Market.早上7:30，收割者完成了第一轮采摘。一架载有50公斤新鲜采摘的杨梅的无人机起飞，两分钟后降落在镇南杨梅市场的山脚下。From there, the berries either go to same-day delivery points within Wenzhou — shipped in blue baskets without excessive packaging — or to a nearby cold-chain facility where they are packed for nationwide overnight shipping.从那里，浆果要么被送到温州境内的当天交货点——装在蓝色篮子里，没有过度包装——要么被送到附近的冷链工厂，在那里被包装成全国隔夜运输。"No need for fancy boxes; just pure flavor," Gu said, adding that local orders exceed 1,500 kilograms per day.顾说：“不需要花哨的盒子，只需要纯正的味道。”他补充说，当地订单每天超过1500公斤。At the SF Express' Longhu operations center, just 600 meters from the Zhennan market, the race to deliver fresh produce nationwide is in full swing. Vacuum sealers hum, ice-packing stations work at full speed, and dedicated logistics lines ensure that bayberries will reach customers across the country the next day. For local farmer He Duanzhi, cold-chain orders now make up a staggering 90 percent of his daily sales.在距离镇南市场仅600米的顺丰速运龙湖运营中心，全国各地的新鲜农产品配送竞争正如火如荼。真空封口机嗡嗡作响，冰块包装站全速运转，专用物流线确保杨梅第二天就能送达全国各地的客户。对于当地农民何端志来说，冷链订单现在占他日销售额的90%，这一数字令人震惊。Behind the scenes, technology is driving transformation. From artificial intelligence-powered sorting to intelligent dispatch systems, automation is improving efficiency and enhancing the customer experience.在幕后，技术正在推动转型。从人工智能驱动的分拣到智能调度系统，自动化正在提高效率，增强客户体验。"Unmanned stations, autonomous vehicles and wider application of AI are not only optimizing operations, but also improving service quality and expanding what postal services can offer," said Zhu, from the State Post Bureau's Development and Research Center.“无人车站、自动驾驶汽车和人工智能的广泛应用不仅优化了运营，还提高了服务质量，扩大了邮政服务的范围，”国家邮政局发展研究中心的朱说。cold-chain logisticsn.冷链物流/kəʊld ˈtʃeɪn ləˈdʒɪstɪks/bayberryn.月桂果；杨梅/ˈbeɪbɛri/

【欢迎订阅】 每天早上5:30，准时更新。 【阅读原文】 标题：Bride prices are surging in China 正文：MARRIAGE IN CHINA can be mercenary. “Is 380,000 yuan a lot for a bride price?” a woman in Guangdong asks on a social-media site. She is thinking of getting married, and wants to know how much her fiancé's family should pay for her hand. The sum she is suggesting, equivalent to nearly $53,000, is more than seven times her annual wage. Thousands reply; many say she should demand more. “Sis, life is your own, don't wrong yourself, at least ask for 888,800,” says one. 知识点：mercenary adj. /ˈmɜːsənəri/ interested only in the amount of money that can be gained from a situation 唯利是图的 • Critics say the deal was driven by mercenary motives rather than genuine interest.批评者称这笔交易是出于唯利是图的动机，而非真正的兴趣。 • He accused her of having a mercenary attitude towards marriage.他指责她对婚姻持有一种功利的态度。 获取外刊的完整原文以及精讲笔记，请关注微信公众号「早安英文」，回复“外刊”即可。更多有意思的英语干货等着你！ 【节目介绍】 《早安英文-每日外刊精读》，带你精读最新外刊，了解国际最热事件：分析语法结构，拆解长难句，最接地气的翻译，还有重点词汇讲解。 所有选题均来自于《经济学人》《纽约时报》《华尔街日报》《华盛顿邮报》《大西洋月刊》《科学杂志》《国家地理》等国际一线外刊。 【适合谁听】 1、关注时事热点新闻，想要学习最新最潮流英文表达的英文学习者 2、任何想通过地道英文提高听、说、读、写能力的英文学习者 3、想快速掌握表达，有出国学习和旅游计划的英语爱好者 4、参加各类英语考试的应试者（如大学英语四六级、托福雅思、考研等） 【你将获得】 1、超过1000篇外刊精读课程，拓展丰富语言表达和文化背景 2、逐词、逐句精确讲解，系统掌握英语词汇、听力、阅读和语法 3、每期内附学习笔记，包含全文注释、长难句解析、疑难语法点等，帮助扫除阅读障碍。

A weekly magazine-style radio show featuring the voices and stories of Asians and Pacific Islanders from all corners of our community. The show is produced by a collective of media makers, deejays, and activists. Happy Asian American & Pacific Islander Heritage Month! Even though the Trump Administration has eliminated recognizing cultural heritage months, we are still celebrating diversity and inclusion here at APEX Express and KPFA. We believe in lifting up people's voices and tonight on APEX Express the Powerleegirls are focusing on “Asian American Children's book authors”. Powerleegirl hosts Miko Lee and daughter Jalena Keane-Lee speak with: Michele Wong McSween, Gloria Huang, and Andrea Wang   AAPINH Month Children's Books part 1 transcript Opening: [00:00:00] Apex Express Asian Pacific expression. Community and cultural coverage, music and calendar, new visions and voices, coming to you with an Asian Pacific Islander point of view. It's time to get on board the Apex Express.   Ayame Keane-Lee: [00:00:49] Happy Asian American and Pacific Islander Heritage Month. Even though the Trump administration has eliminated recognizing cultural heritage months, we are still celebrating diversity and inclusion. Here at Apex Express and KPFA, we believe in lifting up people's voices. And tonight on Apex Express, the PowerLeeGirls are focusing on Asian American Children's book authors. PowerLeeGirl hosts Miko Lee and daughter Jalena Keane-Lee. Speak with Michele Wong McSween, Gloria Huang and Andrea Wang. Thanks for joining us tonight on Apex Express. Enjoy the show.   Miko Lee: [00:01:21] Welcome, Michele Wong McSween to Apex Express.    Michele Wong McSween: [00:01:26] Thank you, Miko. It's nice to be here.    Miko Lee: [00:01:28] I'm really happy to talk with you about your whole children's series, Gordon & Li Li, which is absolutely adorable. I wanna start very first with a personal question that I ask all of my guests, which is, who are your people and what legacy do you carry with you?   Michele Wong McSween: [00:01:45] I would say my people are really my family starting with, my great, great grandparents who came here down to my grandparents, my parents, and onto my children because, to me family is. The reason why I created Gordon & Li Li in the first place, it was really to bridge that connection for my children. I didn't grow up feeling that connected with my culture because as a fourth generation Chinese American, I was really in the belief that I'm American. Why do I need to know anything about my culture? Why do I need to speak Chinese? I never learned. As a sidebar to that, I never learned to speak Chinese and it didn't really hit me until I had my own kids that I was really doing a disservice to not only my kids, but to myself. my people are my family. I do this for my kids. I do this to almost apologize to my parents for being so, Disrespectful to my amazing culture and I do it for the families who really want to connect and bridge that gap for their own children and for themselves.    Miko Lee: [00:02:53] And what legacy do you carry with you?    Michele Wong McSween: [00:02:55] Again, my family. My, great grandparents. Really. Started our family's legacy with the hard work and the prejudices and all the things that they endured so that we could have a better life. And I've always felt that it is my responsibility to teach my own kids about the sacrifices that were made and not to make them feel guilty, but to just make them appreciate that we are here. Because of the the blood, sweat, and tears that their ancestors did for them. And so we are, eternally grateful for that. I think it's important for us to continue that legacy of always doing our best, being kind and doing what we can do to further the experience of not just our family, but the people in our community that we connect with and to the greater world.    Miko Lee: [00:03:43] when you were growing up, were your parents speaking with you in Chinese and did you hear about your great grandparents and their legacy? Was that part of your upbringing?    Michele Wong McSween: [00:03:52] I heard about my great grandparents in the stories that my mom told us, but to be quite honest, I wasn't receptive to really digging deep in my cultural understanding of. my great-grandfather and what he went through. I know mom, I know he came over in 19 whatever. I know he brought over all these young sons from his village, but I really didn't fully take it in and. No, I didn't hear Chinese spoken in the house much. The only time my parents spoke it was to each other so that we didn't know what they were talking about. They had like this secret code, language. My experience with my language was not, That positive. we did attempt to go to Chinese school only to be teased by all the other kids because we didn't speak it. It didn't end up well. my mom ended up pulling us out and so no, we were really not connected all that much to the language.   Miko Lee: [00:04:48] I can really relate to what you're saying. As a fifth generation Chinese American, and my parents their ancestors came from different provinces, so their dialects were so different that they even spoke to each other in English. 'cause they couldn't understand each other in Chinese. So it happens so often. Yeah. Yeah. And so I really relate to that. I'm wondering if there was an epiphany in your life or a time where you thought, oh, I. I wish I knew more of those stories about my ancestors or was there some catalyst for you that changed?   Michele Wong McSween: [00:05:17] All of this really kind of happened when I moved to New York. I, you know, raised in Sacramento, went to college in the Bay Area, lived in San Francisco for a while with a job, and then I eventually moved to New York. And it wasn't until I came to New York and I met Asians or Chinese Americans like me that actually spoke Chinese and they knew about cool stuff to do in Chinatown. It really opened my eyes to this new cool world of the Chinese culture because I really experienced Chinatown for the first time when I moved to New York. And it was just so incredible to see all these people, living together in this community. And they all looked the same. But here's the thing, they all spoke Chinese, or the majority of them spoke Chinese. So when I went to Chinatown and they would look at me and speak to me in Chinese and I would give them this blank stare. They would just look at me like, oh my gosh, she doesn't even speak her own language. And it kind of made me feel bad. And this was really the first time that it dawned on me that, oh wow, I, I kind of feel like something's missing. And then it really hit me when I had my kids, because they're half Chinese and I thought, oh my gosh, wait a minute, if I'm their last connection to the Chinese culture and I don't speak the language. They have no chance of learning anything about their language they couldn't go that deep into their culture if I didn't learn about it. So that really sparked this whole, Gordon & Li Li journey of learning and discovering language and culture for my kids.    Miko Lee: [00:06:51] Share more about that. How, what happened actually, what was the inspiration for creating the Children's book series?    Michele Wong McSween: [00:06:58] It was really my children, I really felt that it was my responsibility to teach them about their culture and language and, if I didn't know the language, then I better learn it. So I enrolled all of us in different Mandarin courses. They had this, I found this really cute kids' Mandarin class. I went to adult Mandarin classes and I chose Mandarin because that was the approved official language in China. I am from Taishan, My parents spoke Taishanese, but I thought, well, if Mandarin's the official language, I should choose that one probably so that my kids will have at least a better chance at maybe some better jobs in the future or connecting with, the billion people that speak it. I thought Mandarin would be the way to go. When I started going to these classes and I just realized, wow, this is really hard, not just to learn the language, but to learn Mandarin Chinese, because we're not just talking about learning how to say the four different tones. We're talking about reading these characters that if you look at a Chinese character, you have absolutely no idea what it sounds like if you're, if you're learning Spanish or French or German, you can see the letters and kind of sound it out a little bit. But with Chinese characters. No chance. So I found it extremely difficult and I realized, wow, I really need to support my kids more because if I am going to be the one that's going to be bridging this connection for them, I need to learn more and I need to find some more resources to help us. when we would have bedtime story time, that whole routine. That was always the favorite time of my kids to be really, quiet and they would really absorb what I was saying, or we would talk about our days or just talk about funny things and I realized, wow, these books that they love and we have to read over and over and over again. this is the way that they're going to get the information. And I started searching high and low for these books. back in 2006, they didn't exist. and so I realized if they didn't exist and I really wanted them for my kids, then I needed to create them. That's the impetus, is there was nothing out there and I really wanted it so badly that I had to create it myself.   Miko Lee: [00:09:09] Oh, I love that. And I understand you started out self-publishing. Can you talk a little bit about that journey?    Michele Wong McSween: [00:09:15] I'm glad I didn't know what I know today because it was really hard. luckily I had, A friend who used to work for a toy company, it was all through connections. there was nothing really on Google about it. there was no Amazon print on demand. There were none of these companies that provide these services like today. So I just kept asking questions. Hey, do you know a toy manufacturer in China that maybe prints books? Do you know a company that could help me? get my books to the states. Do you know an illustrator that can help me illustrate my books? Because I had gone to fashion design school, but I had not learned to illustrate characters or things in a book. So asking questions and not being afraid to ask the questions was really how I was able to do it because, Without the help of friends and family, I wouldn't have been able to do this. I had all my friends look at my books, show them to their kids. I had my kids look at them, and I kind of just figured it out as I went along. Ultimately when I did publish my first book, I had so much support from my kids' schools. To read the books there, I had support from a local play space for kids that we would go to. I really leaned on my community to help me, get the books out there, or actually it was just one at the time. Two years later I self-published two more books. So I had three in total. no one tells you that when you self-publish a book, the easy part is actually creating it. The hard part is what comes after that, which is the pr, the marketing, the pounding, the pavement, knocking on the doors to ask people to buy your books, and that was really hard for me. I would just take my books in a bag and I would explain my story to people and I would show them my books. sometimes they would say, okay, I'll take one of each, or Okay, we'll try it out. and slowly but surely they would reorder from me. I just slowly, slowly built up, a whole Roster of bookstores and I kept doing events in New York.    I started doing events in Los Angeles and San Francisco, and through that I gained some following, some fans and people would tell their friends about me. they would give them to their nieces they would give them to their cousin's kids, or, things like that. I knew that I had to do it because my ultimate goal was to have Scholastic be my publisher. That was my ultimate goal. Because they are the publisher that I grew up with, that I love that I connected with, that I was so excited to get their book club, little flyer. I would check off every book that I wanted. And my mom never said no. She always let me get every single book I wanted. I realize now that that's what really Created the love of books for me is just having access to them and, going to the libraries and seeing all these books on the bookshelves and being able to take them out and read them on the spot. And then if I loved them enough, I would check them out and take them home and read them over and over. So it was really, my experience, having that love for books that I thought, oh gosh, it would be a dream. To have Scholastic become my publisher. So after 10 long years of events and community outreach and selling to these bookstores, I finally thought, okay, I've sold, about 17,000, 18,000 books. Maybe, maybe now I can take my series to them. I also had created an app. Maybe I can take this to them and show them what I've done. Maybe they'll be interested in acquiring me. And I got an appointment with the editor and I pitched my books on my app and within a couple of days they offered to acquire my books, which was my dream come true. So anyway, that was a very long story for how self-publishing really is and how ultimately it really helped my dream come true.    Miko Lee: [00:13:08] Now your books are on this Scholastic book, fair Circuit, right?    Michele Wong McSween: [00:13:13] Yes, they are. Well, it's actually just one book. They took the three books, which were everyday Words. Count in Mandarin and learn animals in Mandarin. They took all three books and they put them in one big compilation book, which is called My First Mandarin Words with Gordon & Li Li. So it's a bigger book. It's a bigger board book. Still very, very sturdy and it's a great, starter book for any family because it has those three first themes that were the first themes that I taught my own boys, and I think. It just, it's very natural for kids to want to learn how to count. animals were, and my kids were animal lovers, so I knew that that's what would keep them interested in learning Mandarin because they actually loved the topic. So, yes, my first mandarin words with Gordon & Li Li does live on Scholastics big roster.   Miko Lee: [00:14:01] Fun. Your dream come true. I love it. Yeah. Thanks. And you were speaking earlier about your background in fashion design. Has there been any impact of your fashion design background on your voice as a children's book author?   Michele Wong McSween: [00:14:14] I don't know if my background as a fashion designer has had any impact on my voice. I think it's had an impact on how I imagined my books and how I color my books and how I designed them because of working with, you know, color palettes and, and putting together collections I can visually see and, can anticipate. Because I have that background, I can kind of anticipate what a customer might want. And also, you know, speaking with people at my events and seeing what kids gravitate to, that also helps. But I think there's so much more to being an author than just writing the books. You know, when I go to my events, I have a table display, I have setups, I have props, I have, I actually now have a, a small. Capsule of merchandise because I missed designing clothes. So I have a teeny collection of, you know, sweaters, hoodies, onesies, a tote bag, and plushies   Miko Lee: [00:15:04] they're super cute by the way.    Michele Wong McSween: [00:15:06] Oh, thank you. So, you know, fashion has come in in different ways and I think having that background has really helped. kind of become who they are    Miko Lee: [00:15:17] Can you tell us about the latest book in the series, which is Gordon and Li Li All About Me. Can you tell a little bit about your latest?   Michele Wong McSween: [00:15:25] Gordon & Li Li All About Me is really, it's, to me, it's. I think my most fun interactive book because it really gets kids and parents up and out of their chairs, out of their seats and moving around. And you know, as a parent, I always would think about the kind of books that my kids would gravitate towards. What would they want to read and what as a parent would I want to read with my kids? Because really reading is all about connection with your kids. That's what I loved about books is it gave me a way to connect with my kids. And so a book about body parts to me is just a really fun way to be animated and get up and move around and you can tickle and, and squeeze and shake it around and dance around. And, you know, having three boys, my house was just like a big energy ball. So I knew that this book would be a really fun one for families and I have two nieces and a nephew, and I now, they're my new target market testers, and they just loved it. They had so much fun pointing to their body parts and the book ends with head, shoulders, knees, and toes in English and in Mandarin. And so of course. Every kid knows head, shoulders, knees, and toes in English. So we sing that. We get up, we point to our pottered parts, we shake it around, we dance around. And then the fun part is teaching them head, shoulders, knees, and toes in Mandarin because they're already familiar with the song. It's not scary to learn something in Mandarin. It just kind of naturally happens. And so I think the All About Me book is just a really fun way to connect with kids. I've actually launched it at a couple of events already and the response to the book has been overwhelming. I was at the Brooklyn Children's Museum and even the president of the museum came and did the head shoulders. Knees and toes, songs with us. It was so much fun. Everybody was dancing around and having a great time. So I'm just really, really excited for people to pick up this book and really learn about the body. It's, you know, body positivity, it's body awareness, and it's just a great way to connect with your kids.   Miko Lee: [00:17:31] So fun. I, I saw that you're recently at the Asian American Book Con. Can you talk a little bit about that experience?    Michele Wong McSween: [00:17:38] Oh, that was great. That was the first of its kind and. I led the entire author segment of it. I would say individual authors. There were, there were, publishing companies that brought in their own authors, but I was responsible for bringing in the independent authors. And so I think we had about eight of us. There were Indian, Korean, Chinese, Taiwanese, and we all came together for this one really special day of celebrating our voices and lifting each other up. And there was so much energy and so much positivity in that event, and I. Actually was just thinking about reaching out to the organizers last year and seeing if we could maybe do, part two? So, I'm glad you brought that up. It was a really positive experience.    Miko Lee: [00:18:27] So we're celebrating the end of Asian American Pacific Islander Native Hawaiian month. Can you tell us why this month is important to you?    Michele Wong McSween: [00:18:36] When you have something designated and set aside as, this is the month that we're going to be celebrating Asian American Native Hawaiian Pacific Islander heritage all month long, I think it kind of perks up. People's ears and they think, oh wow, this is a great opportunity for me to see what's happening in my community. I think it just brings the awareness to. The broader community and ultimately the world. And I think when we learn about each other and each other's cultures, it brings us closer together and makes us realize that we're really not that different from each other. And I think when there are so many events happening now it peaks the interest of people in the neighborhood that might otherwise not know about it and it can, really bring us closer together as a community.   Miko Lee: [00:19:27] Michelle Wong McSween, thank you so much for joining me on Apex Express. It's great to hear more about you and about your latest book Gordon & Li Li and the entire series. Thank you so much.    Michele Wong McSween: [00:19:39] Thank you, Miko   Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:19:40] Thank you all so much for joining us. I'm here with Gloria l Huang, author of Kaya of the Ocean. Thank you so much for joining us, Gloria.    Gloria Huang: [00:19:48] Oh, thanks so much for having me here.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:19:50] So first off, one question that we're asking all of our guests on our show tonight is, who are your people? However you identify, you know, your community, your ancestors, and what legacy do you carry with you?    Gloria Huang: [00:20:01] Oh, that's such a good question. So I am my heritage is Chinese. My parents were born in China and then grew up in Taiwan. And I myself was actually born in Canada. But then moved the states pretty young and and American Canadian dual citizen and now, but I, my heritage plays a lot into my. Kind of my worldview. It really shaped, how I grew up and how I saw things. And so it features very prominently in my writing and in my stories as you could probably tell from Kaya the ocean.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:20:34] Yes. And I love the book so much. It was such a    Gloria Huang: [00:20:37] thank you,    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:20:38] amazing read. And I'm also half Chinese and love the ocean. Just love the beach so much and have always felt such a connection with the water. I don't wanna give away too much things about the book, but I was wondering if you could talk about your inspiration for writing it and a little bit about, setting and everything.   Gloria Huang: [00:20:56] Of course. So the inspiration for the book actually started I came up with the idea when the world was first emerging from the pandemic and I was seeing a lot of people obviously experiencing a lot of anxiety, but a lot of children very close to me in my life. And they were experiencing it for the first time, which was can be so difficult. I remember when it happened to me and there's just this tendency to. Worry that there's something wrong with you or that you've done something and you feel so alone. And so I remember standing by the ocean one night actually and thinking that I'd really love to write a book about a girl who is struggling with. The anxiety just to be able to send a message to all these kids that there's nothing wrong with them. They're not alone and really all parts of who they are. Even the parts they might not love so much are important parts of these amazing, beautiful, complicated people. They are. So that was the inspiration for that part of the story, the setting. I was very inspired. As you mentioned, the ocean is a huge inspiration to me. It actually comes into my mind, a lot of my stories and someone pointed that out once and I was like, you're right, it does. And I think part of it is that I love the ocean. I love the beach. I love being there, but I'm also so in awe of this powerful thing that, you know, where we know so little about it. It is. There's so much mystery to it. It can look so beautiful on the surface and be so dangerous underneath. I love it as a metaphor. I love it as a part of nature. So I think that was a huge part of why I wanted to incorporate that, especially because I think it also plays well into the metaphor for how some people experience anxiety and you can be calm on the surface, but so much is happening underneath.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:22:29] Absolutely. Yeah. Those interplay with each other and are metaphors for each other in such a beautiful way, mirror the experience. Yeah. I wanted to talk a little bit more about anxiety and particular, as a young Asian American girl the cultural specificity of having anxiety as a young Asian American woman.    Gloria Huang: [00:22:46] Yes I definitely think it's no coincidence. I think that anxiety often goes hand in hand with perfectionism and pressure and I, many people feel that kind of pressure, but certainly a young Asian girl especially with immigrant parents, will feel specific kind of pressure. And so I was really trying to portray that, Somebody once said to me, they were like, oh, I really like how Kaya on the surface seems so put together. She's, got really good grades. She works really hard at school. She's close to her parents, but there's all this going on underneath. And I actually think that's not unusual in terms of that experience for Asian American children of immigrants, and especially if you're female I was really trying to. Tease that out. And then in addition I think there's a tendency, and this might exist in other cultures as well, but in Asian culture, at least in my family history there's a tendency not to really want to talk about mental health. There was a, there's a joke in my family that my parents thought anything could be solved with good sleep and good nutrition, like anytime you had any problem. And I think that there is a, there's a. resistance to feeling like your child can be struggling in a way you can't help them. So I, really wanted to touch on that, part of the cultural pressures at play in kaya's life.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:23:59] And you did so beautifully and it was very relatable, as a anxious Asian girly. And also just, the discussion of big feelings and somehow, having inklings that you may be more powerful than you even realize, but the kind of like emotions that come with that too.    Gloria Huang: [00:24:15] Yes. I think that's a huge part of it is that like when you experience these huge feelings they feel powerful, know, in a negative way. But what I was really trying to get at was, there is also power in accepting these parts of yourself and realizing that They can make up this powerful being that you are, even if you might not love them in that moment.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:24:34] Yeah. I felt very seen by the book and I, couldn't help but wonder wow, what would it have been like if I had read this when I was, 13 or 12 or kind of Closer to the age of the characters in the book.   Gloria Huang: [00:24:45] Thank you so much for saying that it actually means a lot because a lot of my motivation when I do write these books is to write for people who are either of that age or, wish they had a book like that at that age, which is also how I feel a lot about books nowadays and oh, I, I'm so glad that exists. I wish that had been around when I was that age.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:25:03] Yes. Were there any books that really set an example for you that either you read, maybe when you were, in the young adult. Age range or that you've read now as an adult where you're like, okay, this is definitely the audience that I wanna be writing for.   Gloria Huang: [00:25:17] Definitely. I actually love this question 'cause I'm a big reader and so I love talking about books . When I was a kid, middle grade books were my gateway into my love of reading. So I still remember a lot of my favorite books, but I would say a recent book, it's actually maybe not that recent now, it's maybe a couple years old, but a book that really. Had an effect on the middle grade book was when you trap a tiger by Tae Keller and it explores. The kind of Korean experience, but also through the prism of kind of understanding generational grief. And it was just so beautifully done and really made an impact on me. So that was one recently that I thought was really powerful. And, I was like, this is an important book. This is definitely a book I would've loved as a child. When I was younger and I was reading books, there were three books that meant a lot to me. One was called the true confessions of Charlotte Doyle, and it was like a swashbuckling adventure story starring a girl, which was, at that time not very common. And it was, it meant, it was so earth shattering to me to be able to see a female character in that role. So that was great. There's a book called. Homecoming by Cynthia Voigt. And it's an adventure story and it also stars. The main character is a very strong female character and Tuck everlasting, which I just think is a beautiful book. It's also female characters. Now I'm saying it out loud. They are all female main characters. And all about, existentialism and adventure and things that, it was important for me to see. Female characters exploring. But I did also wanna say that when I was reading middle grade books, some of my favorite books included a series called, babysitters Club, which I think that they've redone now as a graphic novel. And that was actually really important, not necessarily for the stories, but because there's a character named Claudia Kishi who. Was a Japanese American character and she absolutely shattered the minds of, I think all kids that age were Asian descent and female in reading these books because there just wasn't a character like her before that, she was so cool and artistic but she had immigrant parents and she had a sister who was very good at math and they didn't get along and she loved junk food and she was. So incredibly nuanced and it was just not something that we saw back then. So that really inspired me, I think, to want to add to the diversity of voices. And thankfully there are many more diverse voices now than when I was reading.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:27:30] I love that. And I also feel like books that you read at that age, they stay with you forever.   Gloria Huang: [00:27:35] They really do.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:27:35] And they shape so much of like your worldview and your friendships. And I'm curious, 'cause I know the book was released this year in January. Mm-hmm. So what has it been like for you on your book tour and what's been some other responses that you've heard? I.    Gloria Huang: [00:27:48] It's been really great. It was so exciting to do the book launch and then just the amount of support from the writing community from, my, my kind of network, my agents and my publisher and editor. And also just readers. It's been really great. But one thing I think I wasn't expecting to love quite so much, not because I was expecting to not love it. I just said, it occurred to me that I would feel this way is getting feedback from, child readers is amazing because, I think as writers we love feedback no matter what. And if it's positive feedback, that's even better. But having a child reach out and as some of my friends will send a video of their. Children reacting to the book or they'll, their, let their child type out a text messages and just to hear how the book hits with them and to hear their excitement or to hear that they were moved or to have them want to know what happens next. It meant so much to me because it was, they're the target audience and to have them feel seen in that way was just, it's just the ultimate kind of powerful feeling.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:28:51] That is so sweet. Oh my gosh. I can only imagine. And so you're talking about the young readers. Yes. But I'm also curious if you have any advice or thoughts for young writers who might be wanting to share and get similar stories out to the world?   Gloria Huang: [00:29:05] Yeah I definitely do. And one of the. Experiences I've had that's been great is I've been doing, some school visits and I go and I talk about the book, but I actually talk about the writing process. And when I do that, I really talk to the kids. As if they're writers. The one of the first questions I ask is, hold up your hand. If you love writing or you think you want me, you might wanna be a writer someday. And a lot of hands go up and I tell them like, what the publishing process is, what are, the different genre options, what you might wanna consider, how you come up with an idea, how you sit down and write it, how you reach out to an agent. And I am surprised at how. Intensely, they're hanging onto every word and they're insightful questions after it. It shows me that a lot of them are really thinking about this. I think for one of the school visits, I remember someone held up her hand and she said what is the youngest age I. Someone has been able to be published. And I thought that was great. Because they're so inspired and you can tell that, that they're thinking for the first time this is a possibility. I have all kinds of advice during the school visits, the main piece of advice is really. Just that it can be a tough industry. writing is a very isolated process usually. There's a lot of kind of obstacles and there's a lot of gatekeeping. And so I tell 'em that the most important thing they can do is just keep pushing through and not to let any, setbacks stop them, because the ultimate goal is to reach even just one person.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:30:24] Absolutely. And what kind of advice do you give around learning how to hone your own voice and also having discipline when it comes to an artistic practice?   Gloria Huang: [00:30:33] Yeah, I think that's such a great question. And I was gonna say this piece of advice is probably more for I. Older writers, but adult writers, I guess I should say. The one thing that I've really been thinking about having published a middle grade book is the very specific and unique experience of writing for middle grade audiences. I think a lot of my friends who write for older audience groups, young adults, adults, They have their own challenges, but one of the things that is different is when they're writing, they are writing for the same target audience. That's also the decision makers. So generally, adults and young adults are picking their own books, and they're speaking to someone who will. Ultimately be the ones to pick up the books where when you're writing for middle grade audiences they're not usually the decision makers. at bookstores, they may or may not be in charge of which book they buy, in. Schools, usually it's a librarian or a teacher. So in some ways you're writing for one audience, but you're also writing a subject matter that you're hoping the decision makers will decide is worthy to put in front of your ultimate readers. So that's one challenge. And then the other challenge is I think middle grade audiences are so. fascinating because they're going through this amazingly unusual time in their lives, whether it's eventful and there's new experiences and that can be exciting, but also scary. So there's a lot to mind in terms of topics, but they are also a mixture of being very sophisticated readers who are on the cusp of being teens. And so there's a healthy dose of, skepticism, but they're still young enough that they. Believe in magic, at least in the literary world. So you, there's a lot of room to play with that. But they also. They sound different. They speak differently than adults. So it's important to get the dialogue, for me I, turn to children in my life, including my own, just to do a check to make sure that the dialogue sounds authentic and something that, people, that kids would say. So a lot of thoughts there, but I think, I've been thinking a lot about middle grade and writing for middle grade, and what a unique experience it is.   Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:32:26] Yeah, that's such a good point about the decision maker and having the multiple audiences, and I'm sure sometimes the decision makers are reading the books too, right? Or reading it with their kids or what have you. For your personal writing practice, are there any upcoming projects that you can share with us? And how do you stay inspired for what I imagine is like the long haul of writing something.    Gloria Huang: [00:32:45] I'm happiest when I have like several projects in the pipeline. So as soon as I am done a book or it's, outta my hands, it's with my agents or my editors. I'm looking to write another book. And I think sometimes I probably overwhelm my amazing book before agents. 'cause I'm like, I'm ready to start another story. And they're like, we're still looking at the book you just sent us. But I, that's very much how. I am happiest. I would definitely say that everybody finds their own rhythm. I'm in some writers groups and some people are incredibly fast drafters and just need multiple projects at a time. And some people are like, no, I need to work on one project and I need to have it to perfection and I'm gonna work on it for a year or two. And I think whatever works for the individual artist, I think is the best kind of process for them. But yes, for me it's very much about having multiple projects. I think I'm most inspired when I have different projects going at the same time. finding your own rhythm, I think is my advice.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:33:40] kaya of the ocean has, strong themes and storylines about, myths, mythology, Chinese mythology, and goddesses. I'm curious if you wanna talk any more about that and then also if that shows up in any of the other projects you're working on    Gloria Huang: [00:33:54] Yes, the Chinese mythological water goddess that features. Pretty prominently in Kaya of the Ocean is Matsu. And I find her to be such a fascinating character. She is a real goddess who's worshiped still in Asia. I think. Fishermen often will, pray to her for safe passage when they go out on the water. And my father told me about her when I was younger he told me like the side stories and I thought that was really interesting. But it was only when I started thinking about this book that I thought, I'd love to, I'd love to incorporate her. I hadn't heard about her too much in, in the fictional world, even though I knew she was still like a revered goddess. But I thought it was so cool that she was this strong. I. Strong female figure in a space that didn't always have that, hundreds of years ago. And so I dove into her story a little bit and found out, the story is that she was once a human child who loved to read and then she was afraid of swimming in water until she was older and then she drowned, saving, trying to save some relatives and it was interesting 'cause I'd already started plotting out Kaya and writing Kaya. And so much of her story wove easily into what I had already come up with. Like there, I think she has two sidekicks that were one time enemies that she, made into her friends and I'd already had Kaya written with two friends, Naomi and Ana. So I, there was just so much that I felt was kismet. And it was really fun to be able to weave that story together and fictionalize it. But I think it was also meaningful for me to be able to do that because. When I was younger, I loved reading Greek mythology. the stories are beautiful and they've been redone in beautiful ways, but it definitely was an area where I didn't necessarily see myself reflected. As part of my goal to add to the diversity of voices, I really wanted to feature Chinese mythology and bring those stories in so that. Kids can either see themselves reflected in those stories and or understand a new kind of set of mythology and learn about a new culture.   Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:35:46] Yes. I'm so glad you put it that way because it is, it's such a privilege to have access to, our own I. Cultural stories and knowledge through these, like fun and modern interpretations. Definitely. So I'm so glad that this can provide that.    Gloria Huang: [00:36:00] Oh, thank you. I did realize I didn't answer your other question, which is does it feature my other works? Which so I have sold another middle grade novel and I'm, it's not announced yet. I'm hoping to announce it soon. And I have some other. Books. I'm working on a young adult novel so far. They have not featured Chinese mythology, but I do definitely have a type that my most of my books tend to be contemporary settings, but with elements of speculative. Fantasy, just like the light touch of that and sometimes a little bit of historical elements as well. So they, they definitely all have that similar motif, but so far chi of the ocean is the only one to feature a Chinese mythological goddess.   Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:36:43] Thank you so much for sharing that. I love that. And I really love the relationship that Kaya had with her two friends and just and then also like the cousin that comes and just capturing like the banter amongst, amongst the girls.    Gloria Huang: [00:36:56] Thank you so much. that was really important to me, I think because at the stage that Kaia is in her life the loves of her life really are her two friends, Naomi and Ana, and they feature very prominently in how she learns to cope with her anxiety and her symptoms of anxiety. And so I really, I think that I really wanted to center her their friendship as much as possible. So I'm I'm glad that you saw it that way too.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:37:19] Yeah. And I feel like, I mean, it truly is the most important relationship. And so it's nice when works of fiction and yeah, works of fiction, can reflect that in such a beautiful way. I know you mentioned that you have daughters or have children?    Gloria Huang: [00:37:32] I do, yes. I have a son and a daughter. And my daughter actually was quite involved because when I first started writing Kaya, I think she was exactly of the age that she would be the target reader group. And so she actually helped Beta read it. She provided a lot of feedback. She became like a cheerleader. She was definitely involved in the process and I think that was really exciting for her. my son became of the reading age once it came out, so he reads it and he's a big fan too,   Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:38:00] that's so sweet. I love that your daughter was part of the editing process too. That's amazing.    Gloria Huang: [00:38:04] Yeah. Yeah. She loves writing and always says she wants to be a writer herself, so it was really special that she got to be part of this and see it up close.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:38:13] Oh wow. Do you think you would do any collaborative projects with her in the future?   Gloria Huang: [00:38:16] It's so funny that you say that. She always suggests that. And then sometimes they'll actually start a Google doc and they'll say, let's write a story together. And we all have, of course, very different writing styles. And then at some point they both actually usually just start reading what I'm writing. And at that point I'm like, this is not collaborative. You have to write as well. So we've had a couple of false starts, but that's always a joke that we're gonna do that together.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:38:39] that's so sweet. What else is upcoming for you? I know this is, Asian American and native Hawaiian Pacific Islander month right now, and the episode will come out towards the end of May. So if there's anything else coming up from you for this month or for June or the summer. Yeah. We'd love to hear what you have going on.    Gloria Huang: [00:38:57] Oh, yeah. Today actually Kaya's audio book was released people can listen to it. It was narrated by this amazing, narrator, Cindy K. And so anywhere you find audio books is available. And that was really cool. I've listened to a little bit of it and you, when you write, you hear the words in your head one way, and then it's amazing to hear like another artist do their take on it. So that's really cool. I will be at the Bay Area book Festival at the end of the month of May. There. Doing like different panels and I'll be on a panel. it's about Fantastical Worlds. I'm really excited about that. hopefully we'll be able to announce this other book soon. As you, you may know publishing is a very long lead time it will be a while before it's released, but I think the hope is to release it during, a API month as well just not this year. And working on a young adult novel that hopefully we can go on submission with at some point. But it's an exciting time for sure.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:39:51] Wow, that does sound so exciting. I can't wait to hear about your new projects and to continue to read the work that you put out into the world. Is there anything else that you'd like to discuss or talk about?   Gloria Huang: [00:40:01] I think just to say a thank you to you for, having me on here and reading Kaya of the Ocean and really anyone who's been interested in joining Kaya and her friends on their journey. It's just, it's so amazing, I think, to create these characters that become real to you, and then have them become real to other people. I don't have the words to describe how meaningful it is to me, but thank you.    Jalena Keane-Lee: [00:40:24] Thank you for letting us join into the world of Kaya for a little bit 'cause it was very fun and healing and all of the amazing things. And thanks so much for joining us today on Apex Express.    Gloria Huang: [00:40:36] For sure. Thanks so much.   Miko Lee: [00:40:38] Welcome, Andrea Wang, award-winning children's book author to Apex Express.    Andrea Wang: [00:40:43] Thank you, Miko. I'm so happy to be here.    Miko Lee: [00:40:46] Happy to have you. I'd love to start first with a personal question, which is, who are your people and what legacy do you carry with you?   Andrea Wang: [00:40:57] My people are from China. My mother's family belonged to an ethnic minority, called the Haka or the Kaja people, and she and her siblings were. A military family, and we're each born in a different province. And when the Chinese Civil War ended in 1949, they went to Taiwan where she grew up and immigrated to the United States in 1965 or 1966. My father's family are from Guangdong Province, and so I'm Cantonese on that side, although I don't speak any Cantonese. And he went to Hong Kong after the Chinese Civil War. So I am the daughter of Chinese immigrants, second generation Chinese American.    Miko Lee: [00:42:01] And what legacy do you carry with you?   Andrea Wang:[00:42:03]  I carry the legacy of their stories, both the ones that I know and the ones that I don't know yet.    Miko Lee: [00:42:12] Ooh. It sounds like there's lots of juicy things for you still to discover. That is fun.    Andrea Wang: [00:42:16] Yes.    Miko Lee: [00:42:17] Today we're talking about your new book, watercress, can you share what the audience, what the book is about, and then what is your inspiration for this book?    Andrea Wang: [00:42:25] So the book is about a Chinese American girl who is growing up in rural Ohio and her parents spot watercress growing in a ditch by the side of the road, and they immediately pull over and make her enter older brother, get out of the car and get down into the ditch with them and collect this. Vegetable, but to her it's a weed. And so when they serve it to her and her family at dinner, she really is unhappy about this and. For her, picking food out of a ditch has a really different meaning than it does to her parents who survived a lot of hardship in China. And it's not until her mom tells her a story about her childhood growing up in China and spoiler alert, loses a sibling to the famine that the girl begins to understand and better appreciate her parents, her culture, and her heritage.   Miko Lee: [00:43:29] And the inspiration for this book.    Andrea Wang: [00:43:32] So the inspiration is largely my own life. this is a semi autobiographical story. The memory of picking watercress by the side of the road was just something that I couldn't forget, I don't know why this memory continued to haunt me into adulthood. And then after my mom passed away, I started writing down, memories and stories of being with my family in order to maintain a connection to her. When I wrote this, at first it was a personal essay and it just wasn't working. I would put it away and I would occasionally take it out and I would put it away and take it out and work on it again. And it wasn't until I decided to pursue writing for young people that I completely changed the manuscript from a personal essay into a picture book. But at that point it still wasn't working. It was in third person and it wasn't very personal It took me several more years to figure out the heart of the story for me. So it was largely based on my own memories and my mother's childhood stories that she shared with me.   Miko Lee: [00:44:39] Can you share more about the power of memory and the artistic process? 'cause you've written many books and in different genres as well, but can you talk a little bit more about memory and its impact on your work?   Andrea Wang: [00:44:52] Yeah, that's a great question. I tend to write primarily for myself. And to figure out how I felt about certain experiences, how they've changed me, to try and process things I feel like I remember a lot about my childhood. parts of it are very vivid and I like to go back to those. Moments that have stuck with me all these years and explore what it means to me. Like I'm just very curious about why I remember certain things watercress was largely my way of processing my childhood feelings of shame about my family and my culture. I have leaned into that and am still writing stories about identity and the struggle to find our identity. Memory has a lot to do with it. I put myself in every single book.    Miko Lee: [00:45:45] Ooh, that's so interesting. And you're talking a little bit about shame and overcoming that. I'm wondering if you could speak more on, if you feel like memories hold the power to heal.    Andrea Wang: [00:45:56] I firmly believe that memories hold the power to heal. I think that writing watercress and talking about these feelings has really helped me, , heal from, that sort of trauma of not feeling like I belonged as a kid and also that I may have been. Not the nicest kid to my parents, not the most filial, right? And so writing this story was, as I say in the author's note, sort of an apology and a love letter to my parents. So it's been very healing and healing to hear about from all the. People who have read the book and had it resonate with them, the things that they regretted in their lives and hoped to, heal as well.    Miko Lee: [00:46:42] Oh, have you heard that story a lot from adult readers?   Andrea Wang: [00:46:46] I have. They will often tell me about the things that their parents did that embarrassed them. A lot of foraging stories, but also stories about, relatives and ancestors who were sharecroppers or indigenous peoples. And it's just been fascinating how many people connect to the story on different levels. There is that theme of poverty. I think recognizing. That's not often talked about in children's books, I think makes people feel very seen.   Miko Lee: [00:47:14] Yeah. That feeling of shame is really showcased by the illustrator Jason Chin. I mean your young you character kind of has a grumpy look on their face. And it was just so fun. Even in the book notes, Jason Chin, the illustrator, writes about how he combined both the western and eastern style of art, but also his similar cross-cultural background. I'm wondering when you very first saw the artwork and this was kind of young you did anything surprise you by it?    Andrea Wang: [00:47:42] I mean, it's amazing, gorgeous artwork and I was really struck by how he dealt with the flashbacks because when I sold this manuscript, I. Had no idea how an illustrator would deal with how interior it is and, , and how they would tackle those flashbacks. And there's one spread where on the left hand side of the page, it shows the main character's current time and then it morphs across the gutter of the book into. The moms past and her childhood memories in China, and it was just exquisite is really the only way to describe it. It was, it's just brilliant, and amazing. We don't, as picture book authors typically get to work with our illustrators. We often do not have contact with them through the making of a picture book. But in this case. Our editors said since it was such a personal story for me, that he, , felt that Jason and I should collaborate. And so I provided photos, family photos, photos of Ohio, lots of different, , source materials to Jason and would talk to him about the feelings that young me in the book went through. And so the fact that, he was able to take all of that and put it on the page, it was just. Spectacular.    Miko Lee: [00:49:01] Oh, that's so fun. I also understand that you love mythical creatures as you I, and one of your children's books is the Nian Monster, which I love. I'm wondering what is your favorite mythical creature and why?   Andrea Wang: [00:49:15] I. Have been sort of fascinated with the qilin, the, or they call it the Chinese unicorn. Right. Although it looks very different from what we think of a, a European unicorn looks like. Yes. And I think it's because they're supposed to be this really benevolent, creature and Have all sorts of powers and I would love to do more research about the qilin and, you know, incorporate that into a book someday.   Miko Lee: [00:49:42] Ooh, fun. Next book. I love it. you have so many books and I'm really curious about your upcoming book Worthy about Joseph Pierce. I love these as Helen Zia talks about these. MIH moments that are missing in history. And Joseph Pierce was the highest ranking Chinese American man who fought in the Civil War. Some people might recognize this picture of this Chinese American guy in a kind of civil war, uniform. Can you tell us one, when is the book being released and a little bit more about it?    Andrea Wang: [00:50:11] Sure. The book is being released on September 9th, 2025, and it is. A picture book, which we typically think of as for younger readers, but it is 64 pages. So you know, it's an all ages picture book. I think my editor and I would like to say, and it is the story of a Chinese boy born in the, First half of the 18 hundreds in China in Guangdong province, and was sold by his father to an American ship captain named Amos Peck. the reasons for that are, lost to time, right? He left no primary sources behind, there was so much going on in China at the time. Famine war, you know, all of these, Difficult things that his father probably sold him in order to keep the rest of the family alive and as well as give him the opportunity to have a better life. And he did end up in Connecticut. He was raised with the captain's, siblings and sent to school and treated almost like a member of the family except for the fact that he was. Clearly Chinese and there were very few Chinese people in, Connecticut at that time. he joined the Union Army when he came of age and was able to leverage his service into gaining citizenship, which really people of color, weren't really able to do successfully back then. And so. He gained a citizenship. He married, he had a family. He was able to own property and accomplish all these amazing things. Sort of right before the Chinese exclusion Act was, enacted. So he was a very brave guy.    Miko Lee: [00:51:45] It's a wild story and you sent me on a little bit of a rabbit hole, which is fun. Just, looking at Ruth Ann, McCune's. historical piece that there were 10 different Chinese American men in the Civil War, but he was exceptional because he rose to such high ranks. And I just think it's so interesting that, in the 1880 census, he registered as Chinese. But then after the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882, he listed his race as Japanese in the 1890 census. but he was racialized as white so that he could buy property and everything. Yeah. Can you just talk a little bit about that, like talk about code switching? He like literally changed his race,    Andrea Wang: [00:52:26] right. And people at that time could not tell the difference. Similar to now, people often can't tell different Asian, ethnicities apart. Right. I found actual newspaper articles where Joseph Pierce was interviewed about the battles, that the United States was having with Japan or the battles that Japan was having. He was asked his opinion on what the Japanese government was doing because he told these reporters he was Japanese and that was really the only clue that I had that he, Was code switching that after the Chinese exclusion Act was passed, he felt like he needed to protect himself and his family and he must have cut off his cue because otherwise, you know, that would've identified him immediately as Chinese. So that went into the book. I think it's a powerful moment, right, where he's doing what he has to do to survive and ensure his protection and his family's safety,   Miko Lee: [00:53:25] You have a, a really interesting background. Just having No really, I mean, having done all these different things and I, you know, I think you have a science background too, right? Can you talk about the times that we're living in right now, the political times that we're living in, where our government is banning books that don't align with certain conservative ideologies, where right now certain words are forbodden suddenly. And can you talk a little bit about how that impacts you as a children's book author?    Andrea Wang: [00:53:59] it is very disheartening and discouraging that the current climate is against, people who look like me or other people of color. And as a children's book author, we are experiencing a huge decrease in the number of teachers and librarians who are asking us to come and visit schools, to talk to students, which is horrible because. These young people are the ones who need to learn from books, right? Knowledge is power. And if we are not keeping them informed, then we are doing them a disservice. I think the attacks on our freedom to read are really unjust. and. personally as an author of color, I understand that books like Worthy may end up on some of these banned book lists because it does talk about racism. but these are the stories that we need now, and I'm going to continue writing these stories about the Hidden History, And to talk about these difficult subjects that I think kids understand on some level. but if they're not reading about it in books, then it's hard to spark a conversation with, educators or adults about it. So I think these books that I'm writing, that many of my friends and other children's book authors are writing are providing that. Sort of gateway to talk about, the topics that are so important right now.    Miko Lee: [00:55:29] Thank you so much for sharing, and thank you so much for being on Apex Express today. We appreciate your voice and the work that you're putting out there in the world. Is there anything else you'd like to say?   Andrea Wang: [00:55:39] you know, there's so much to say, I think just to. Stand up for what we all believe in and to, I encourage people to stand up for their intellectual freedom and that of their children.   Miko Lee: [00:55:56] Thank you, Andrea Wang. I appreciate hearing from you and hearing your voice and seeing your work out there in the world.    Andrea Wang: [00:56:03] Thank you so much, Miko. It was a pleasure.   Miko Lee: [00:56:05] Please check out our website, kpfa.org. To find out more about our show tonight. We thank all of you listeners out there. Keep resisting, keep organizing, keep creating and sharing your visions with the world because your voices are important. Apex Express is created by Miko Lee, Jalena Keane-Lee, Preti Mangala-Shekar, Swati Rayasam, Aisa Villarosa, Estella Owoimaha-Church, Gabriel Tanglao, Cheryl Truong and Ayame Keane-Lee.   The post APEX Express – 5.29.25 AAPI Children's Books appeared first on KPFA.

  Last time we spoke about the February 26th incident. Within the turbulent “ government of assassination” period of 1936 Japan, a faction of discontented junior officers, known as the Kodoha, believed that their emperor, Hirohito, was being manipulated by corrupt politicians. In a desperate bid for what they termed a "Showa Restoration," they meticulously plotted a coup d'état. On February 26, they launched a rebellion in Tokyo, attempting to assassinate key figures they deemed responsible for undermining the emperor's authority. The young officers executed coordinated attacks on prominent leaders, resulting in several deaths, while hoping to seize control of the Imperial Palace. However, their plan unraveled when their actions met with unexpected resistance, and they failed to secure strategic locations. Dark snow blanketed the city as Hirohito, outraged by the violence, quickly moved to suppress the uprising, which ultimately led to the downfall of the Kodoha faction and solidified the military's grip on power, ushering in a new era marked by militarism and radicalism.   #151 The Suiyuan Operation Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. So we last left off with the February 26th incident breaking out in Japan, but now I would like to return to China. Now we spoke a little bit about some influential Japanese politicians in the previous episode. Prime Minister Satio Makoto oversaw Japan from May 1932 to July 1934, succeeded by Prime Minister Keisuke Okada from July 1934 to March 1936. The foreign policy of Japan towards China during the Saitō and Okada administrations exhibited a notable paradox, characterized by two conflicting elements. On one hand, Foreign Minister Hirota championed a diplomatic approach that emphasized friendship, cooperation, and accommodation with China. On the other hand, the military actively undermined the authority of the Nationalist government in northern China, creating a significant rift between diplomatic rhetoric and military action.    The Okada cabinet then endorsed the Army Ministry's "Outline of Policy to Deal with North China" on January 13, 1936. This policy document explicitly proposed the eventual detachment of five provinces, Hubei, Chahar, Shanxi, Suiyuan, and Shandong from the Nationalist government in Nanking. The approval of this outline marked a pivotal moment, as it represented the first official government endorsement of the military's longstanding agenda and underscored the army's evolution from a mere rogue entity operating in the region to the de facto authority dictating the course of Japan's policy towards China. Despite this, on January 22, during the 68th Diet session, Hirota reaffirmed his dedication to fostering better ties with China, to which a representative from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs responded positively. The Nationalist government in Nanjing also expressed interest in engaging in formal negotiations. However, this diplomatic initiative quickly faltered, and the expected discussions in Nanjing never took place. Shortly thereafter, a mutiny by young army officers on February 26, 1936, led to the fall of the Okada cabinet. Following Prince Konoe Fumimaro's refusal of the imperial mandate to form a new government, Hirota stepped in to establish a cabinet on March 9. General Terauchi Hisaichi was appointed as the Minister of the Army, Admiral Nagano Osami took charge of the Navy Ministry, and Baba Eiichi became the finance minister. Hirota briefly served as foreign minister until Arita Hachirö, who had just submitted his credentials as ambassador to China on March 6, returned to Japan. The Hirota Koki cabinet, established immediately following the February 26 incident further entrenched military influence in politics while allowing interservice rivalries to impede national objectives. In May 1936, Hirota, influenced by army and navy ministers, reinstated the practice of appointing military ministers solely from the ranks of high-ranking active-duty officers. He believed this would prevent associations with the discredited Imperial Way faction from regaining power. By narrowing the candidate pool and enhancing the army's power relative to the prime minister, Hirota's decision set the stage for army leaders to leverage this advantage to overthrow Admiral Yonai's cabinet in July 1940. Arita began his new job by meeting with Foreign Minister Chang Chen while hearing views from the Kwantung Army chief of staff General, Itagaki Seishiro. Yes, our old friend received a lot of promotions. Itagaki had this to say about the Kwantung Army's policy in China "The primary aim of Japan's foreign policy, is the sound development of Manchukuo based upon the principle of the indivisibility of Japan and Manchukuo. If, as is probable, the existing situation continues, Japan is destined sooner or later to clash with the Soviet Union, and the attitude of China at that time will gravely influence operations [against the Soviet Union]." The Kwantung Army's was growing more and more nervous about the USSR following its 7th comintern congress held in July and August of 1935. There it publicly designated Japan, Germany and Poland as its main targets of comintern actions. Japanese intelligence in the Red Army also knew the Soviets were gradually planning to expand the military strength so they could face a simultaneous west and east front war. This was further emboldened by the latest USSR 5 year plan. Alongside the growing Red northern menace, the CCP issued on August 1st a declaration calling upon the Nationalist Government to end their civil war so they could oppose Japan. By this time the CCP was reaching the end of its Long March and organizing a new base of operations in Yenan in northern Shanxi. The developments by the USSR and CCP had a profound effect on Japan's foreign policy in China. The Kwantung Army believed a war with the USSR was imminent and began to concentrate its main force along the border of Manchukuo. The Kwantung Army's plan in the case of war was to seize Vladivostok while advancing motorized units towards Ulan Bator in Outer Mongolia, hoping to threaten the Trans-Siberian Railway near Lake Baikal. Their intelligence indicated the USSR could muster a maximum of 250,000 troops in eastern Siberia and that Japan could deal with them with a force two-thirds of that number. The IJA at that point had inferior air forces and armaments, thus urgent funding was needed. The Kwantung Army proposed that forces in the home islands should be reduced greatly so all could be concentrated in Manchuria. To increase funding so Kwantung leadership proposed doing away with special allowances for Japanese officials in Manchuria and reorganizing the Japanese economic structure. The Kwantung leaders also knew the submarine base at Vladivostok posed a threat to Japanese shipping so the IJN would have to participate, especially against ports and airfields. All said and done, the Kwantung Army planned for a war set in 1941 and advised immediate preparations. On July 23, 1936, Kanji Ishiwara presented the army's document titled “Request Concerning the Development of Industries in Preparation for War” to the Army Ministry. He asserted that in order to prepare for potential conflict with the Soviet Union, Japan, Manchukuo, and North China must have the industries critical for war fully developed by 1941. Ishiwara emphasized the urgent need for rapid industrial growth, particularly in Manchukuo. He followed this request on July 29 with a draft of a “Policy on Preparations for War” regarding the Soviet Union, advocating for immediate reforms to Japan's political and economic systems to facilitate economic expansion and lay the groundwork for future fundamental changes. However, he cautioned that if significant turmoil erupted in economic sectors, Japan must be ready to execute a comprehensive overhaul without delay. At the same time, the Hirota cabinet initiated a review of its policy towards China. In the spring of 1936, a secret committee focused on the Current Situation was formed, consisting of officials from the Army, Navy, and Foreign ministries. Their discussions led to the adoption of the "Measures to Implement Policy toward China" by the Four Ministers Conference on August 11, along with the "Second Outline of Policy to Address North China," which the cabinet approved as part of the "Fundamentals of National Policy" on the same day. The first of these documents outlined the following actionable steps: “1. Conclusion of an anti-Communist military pact. a) To prepare for the conclusion of such a pact, a special secret committee of military experts from both countries should be organized. b) Their discussions should cover the scope and substance of the pact and ways and means of realizing the objectives of the pact.  2. Conclusion of a Sino-Japanese military alliance. A special secret committee, composed of an equal number of delegates from each nation, should be organized to prepare for the conclusion of an offensive and defensive alliance against attack by a third country.  3. Acceleration of solutions of pending questions between China and Japan. a) Engagement of a senior political adviser: The Nationalist government should engage a senior Japanese political adviser to assist in the conduct of the domestic and foreign affairs of the Nationalist government. b) Engagement of military advisers: The Nationalist government should engage military advisers, along with military instructors. c) Opening of airline services between China and Japan: Airline services between China and Japan should be opened immediately. To realize such a service, various means should be used to induce the Nanking authorities to establish an airline corporation in North China, to begin flights between Formosa and Fukien province, and to start test flights between Shanghai and Fukuoka. d) Conclusion of a reciprocal tariff treaty: A reciprocal tariff treaty should be concluded promptly between China and Japan, on the basis of the policy approved by the ministries concerned, with regard to the abolition of the special trade in eastern Hopei province and the lowering of the prohibitively high tariffs. For this purpose Japan should, if necessary, propose the creation of a special committee composed of Japanese and Chinese representatives.  4. Promotion of economic cooperation between China and Japan. Japan should promote cooperation with the common people of China to establish realistic and inseparable economic relations between China and Japan that will promote coexistence and co-prosperity and will be unaffected by changes in the Chinese political situation. “ The document also included suggestions for Japan's economic expansion into South China. This included tapping into the natural resources of the provinces of Fujian, Guangdong, and Guangxi, building a railway between Guangzhou and Swatow, and establishing air routes between Fuchoz and Taipei, which would connect to services in Japan and Thailand. It also called for survey teams to be dispatched to explore the resources of Sichuan, Gansu, Xinjiang, and Qinghai provinces, and for support to be provided to the independence movement in Inner Mongolia. However, these initiatives presented significant challenges. The preface to the "Second Outline of Policy to Deal with North China" cautioned, "In implementing this policy, we must carefully consider the Nanking government's prestige and avoid actions that could prompt it to adopt an anti-Japanese stance in response to the desires of the Chinese people."  On September 19th, six fundamental points for a settlement in North China were dictated to China to “establish a common defense against communism, promoting economic cooperation, lowering tariffs, initiating an airline service between the two nations, employing Japanese advisers, and controlling subversive Koreans." September 22 was set as the deadline for a response from China. While agreeing to some Japanese requests, the Chinese included several counter-demands that the Japanese found completely unacceptable. These demands required Japan to “(a) refrain from using armed intervention or arbitrary actions in its dealings with China, (b) recognize China as an equal and sovereign state, (c) avoid leveraging antigovernment groups or communist elements, and (d) remove any derogatory references to China from Japanese textbooks. The Chinese also insisted that any agreement regarding North China “must precede the annulment of the Tanggu and Shanghai cease-fire agreements, the disbanding of the East Hopei regime, a prohibition on unauthorized Japanese flights over North China, a ban on smuggling activities by Japanese, the restoration of China's right to control smuggling, and the disbandment of the illegal East Hopei government along with the armies of Wang Ying and Prince De in Suiyuan”. Now that mention of a Prince De in Suiyuan brings us to a whole new incident. This podcast series should almost be called “the history of Japanese related incidents in China”. Now we've spoken at great lengths about Japan's obsession with Manchuria. She wanted it for resources, growing space and as a buffer state. Japan also had her eyes set on Inner Mongolia to be used as a buffer state between Manchukuo, the USSR and China proper. Not to mention after the invasion of North China, Inner Mongolia could be instrumental as a wedge to be used to control Northern China. Thus the Kwantung Army began fostering a Mongolian independence movement back in August of 1933. They did so through a special organ led by chief of the general staff Koiso Kuniaki. He began work with the Silingol League led by Prince Sonormurabdan or “Prince So” and another influential Mongol, Prince Demchukdongrob or “Prince De”. Prince De was the West Sunid Banner in Northern Chahar. Likewise the Kwantung Army was grooming Li Xuxin, a Mongol commoner born in southern Manchuria. He had been a bandit turned soldier absorbed into Zhang Xueliangs army. Li had distinguished himself in a campaign against a group of Mongols trying to restore the Qing dynasty to further establish an independent Mongolia. During Operation Nekka Li had served in a cavalry brigade under Zu Xingwu, reputed to be the best unit in Zhang Xueliangs Northeastern border defense army. He led the army's advance unit into western Shandong. Afterwards Li suddenly became friends with Major Tanaka Hisashi, the head of the Special Service Agency at Dungliao where he defected to the Kwantung Army. He soon was leading a force too strong to be incorporated into the Manchukuo Army, thus it was disbanded, but his Kwantung Army buddies encouraged him to move to Tolun in Rehe province. At one point during the Nekka campaign, Li's army was threatened by a strong Chinese counterattack, but they had Manchukuo air support allowing them to capture Tolun. This victory launched what became the East Chahar Special Autonomous District with Li becoming a garrison commander and chief administrator.  Back in time, upon the founding of the Chinese Republic, the affairs of Inner Mongolia fell upon the Bureau of Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs. This was reorganized in 1930 into the Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs when the provinces of Chahar, Suiyuan and Ningxia were organized. Prince De had been a member of a nationalist group known as the Young Mongols, although his aim was self-determination for Inner Mongolia within China, not independence. The Nationalist government's support for Chinese settlement in Mongol territories and its disregard for Mongol perspectives quickly triggered a rise in Mongol nationalism and anti-Chinese feelings. This was exacerbated by the government's introduction of a law on October 12, 1931, requiring local Mongolian administrative units to consult with hsien officials on matters concerning their administration. The nationalist sentiment was further fueled by the presence of the neighboring Mongolian People's Republic in Outer Mongolia and the establishment of Xingan province in western Manchuria by Manchukuo authorities in March 1932. This new province included the tribes of eastern Inner Mongolia and granted them greater autonomy than other Manchukuo provinces while banning Chinese immigration into it. When Nanjing did not react to these developments, Prince De and his supporters took steps toward gaining autonomy. On July 15th, 1933, Mongol leaders from western Inner Mongolia gathered at Pailingmiao for two weeks to deliberate on a declaration for regional independence. Although many princes were initially hesitant to take this step, they reconvened on August 14 and sent a cable to Nanjing announcing their decision to create an autonomous Mongolian government. The cable was signed by Prince So and Prince De. Over the following two months, additional conferences at Pailingmiao were held to organize the new government, which would operate under Nanking's guidance but without involvement from provincial chairmen. On October 22, Prince Yun, head of the Ulanchap League and a close ally of Prince De, was elected to lead the new regime, with Prince De assuming the role of chief of its political affairs bureau. After receiving a cable from the Mongolian leaders in August, Nanjing quickly sent Minister of the Interior Huang Shao-hung and Xu Qingyang, head of the Commission on Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs, to halt the movement. However, the Mongols declined to travel to Kalgan or Kueisui to meet Huang. In November, as the leader of a special commission appointed by Nanjing, Huang reached an agreement with Yun De and other Mongolian leaders concerning a proposal that abandoned the Mongols' demand for an autonomous government. This agreement was later altered by Nanjing, and its essential points were excluded from a measure approved by the Central Political Council of the Kuomintang on January 17, 1934. The dispute reignited, fueled by the Nationalist government's rising concerns over the anticipated enthronement of Pu Yi in Manchukuo. On February 28, the Central Political Council enacted a measure that outlined "eight principles of Inner Mongolian autonomy" and created the Mongolian Local Autonomous Political Council. Since these principles did not grant authority over foreign and military affairs, powers explicitly reserved for the central government in the January measure, they were seen as a concession to the Mongols and were accepted. On March 7, the central government issued regulations to establish a semi autonomous regime for Inner Mongolia, which was officially launched at Pailingmiao on April 23. Although the council was led by three moderate princes, Prince Yun, supported by Princes So and Sha, the real administrative authority was held by Prince De, who served as the secretary-general. Most of the twenty-five council members were of Mongolian royalty, through whom Prince De aimed to fulfill his objectives. Nevertheless, the Nationalist government seemed to consider the council merely a token gesture to placate De, as Nanking never provided the promised administrative funds outlined in the "eight principle declaration." Was not much of a shock Prince De sought support from the Kwantung Army, which had established contact with him as early as June 1934. Japanese pressures in North China were starting to alter the power dynamics, and after the first Western incident in Jehol in February 1935, it compelled the relocation of Sung Queyuan's army from Chahar to Hopei, providing encouragement to Prince De. In May, he met with Kwantung Army Vice Chief of Staff Itagaki Seishirö, Intelligence Section Chief Kawabe Torashirö, and staff officer Tanaka Ryükichi, where he was officially informed for the first time about the Kwantung Army's intention to assist him. On July 25, the Kwantung Army drafted its "Essentials of Policy toward Inner Mongolia," which regarded Japanese support for cooperation between De and Li Xuxin as part of their strategic preparations for a potential conflict with the Soviet Union. Shortly after this policy was adopted, a conflict arose over who had the authority to appoint the head of the Mongol Xukung banner, situated north of the Yellow River and Paot'ou. Following the death of the previous administrator, Prince Xu declared that he had taken control of the position. In response to a request from the local abbot, Prince Yun, acting in his capacity as chairman of the Mongolian Political Council, dismissed Xu. Xu then turned to Nanking through Suiyuan Provincial Chairman Fu Zuoyi, arguing that the central government held the authority to appoint heads of administrative units. In retaliation, Prince De dispatched troops to Xukung. On November 10, Fu presented a mediation proposal, which was rejected since it not only failed to acknowledge Shih's dismissal but also demanded the withdrawal of De's forces. De refused to pull back, further intensifying his hostility toward the Nanking government. In December, the Kwantung Army attempted to move Li's forces from eastern Chahar into the six Xun to the north of Kalgan, which serves as Chahar's granary. Following the Qin-Doihara agreement, Matsui Gennosuke from the Kalgan Special Service Agency secured a deal to separate these six districts from the southern region predominantly populated by Chinese; a Mongolian peace preservation corps was tasked with maintaining order in the northern area, while a Chinese corps was responsible for the south. During the discussions for an autonomous regime centered around Song Queyuan in North China in November 1935, Kwantung Army troops were concentrated around Gubeikou. To exert pressure on Song's rear, the Kwantung Army proposed replacing the Chinese peace preservation unit in the area north of Kalgan with Li Xuxin's army, which would establish this territory as its base.   The operation commenced on December 8. In a surprise attack just before dawn, Li captured Paochang. By December 12, despite facing strong Chinese resistance and the heaviest snowfall in sixty years, Li, aided by Kwantung Army planes disguised as those of the Manchukuo Airline Corporation, had taken control of Kuyuan. Further advances were halted by an order from Kwantung Army headquarters, and on December 13, it was reported that, had the operation not been stopped, Tokyo would have issued an imperial command. The operation had faced opposition from the Tientsin army, which feared it would weaken Song Queyuan's position just as they were informing Tokyo that the autonomy movement was going smoothly. Additionally, both Britain and the United States publicly expressed strong opposition to the Kwantung Army's involvement in the autonomy movement. However, the directive was ultimately prompted by the emperor's anger upon discovering that a unit of the Kwantung Army led by Colonel Matsui Takurö had advanced to Tolun to support Li's progress. Although Li's advance was halted, the operation undeniably contributed to the formation of the Hopei-Chahar Political Council.   Although the operation was halted, the Kwantung Army remained committed to its objectives. They contended that Li's army's advance into the six districts north of Kalgan was merely a peace preservation unit moving into territory within the truce line established by the Tanggu Agreement. Consequently, on December 29, they ordered Li to advance southward. Li peacefully occupied Changpei the following day and entered Shangtu on December 31. Manchukuo civil officials were appointed to oversee the six districts, and the currency of Manchukuo was introduced, although the existing tax system initially remained unchanged. The Kwantung Army allocated silver worth 6 million yuan to support administrative expenses. This outcome, known as the Eastern Chahar incident, marked a complete success for the Kwantung Army, which then redirected its focus toward Suiyuan Province. Each year, the Kwantung Army developed a secret plan for covert operations for the following year. The 1936 plan included strategies to secure air bases for routes connecting Europe and Asia, targeting Tsinghai and Sinkiang provinces, Outer Mongolia, Western Mongolia, and even remote areas of Ningxia province. In January 1936, staff officer Tanaka Ryūkichi formulated a document titled "Essentials of Policy Toward (Northwestern) Inner Mongolia." This document advocated for the establishment of a Mongolian military government to facilitate Japanese operations in northwestern Mongolia and suggested pushing Fu Tso-yi out of Suiyuan into Shansi province. Tanaka's proposals were incorporated into the final plan of the Kwantung Army, ultimately leading to the Suiyuan incident of November 1936. In February 1936, a meeting at Pailingmiao, where Prince De proposed the independence of Inner Mongolia, resulted in the departure of Prince So and several other Mongolian leaders from the coalition. They sought to establish a rival political council at Kueisui under the protection of Fu Zuoyi. By April, De and his supporters decided to form a military government at Tehua in Chahar, which was officially inaugurated in June as the Inner Mongolian government, headed by De with Li Shou-hsin as his deputy. This new government quickly signed a mutual assistance treaty with Manchukuo, and the emperor granted De the title of prince.   In July, at a conference in Tehua, Tanaka was appointed as the head of the Special Service Agency for Inner Mongolia with the mission of implementing the army's Intelligence Section plans. He traveled to Pingtiqüan alongside Chief of Staff Itagaki and Intelligence Chief Mutō Akira to propose a local anti-Communist agreement to Fu. After failing to convince Fu, he attempted to persuade Sun Tien-ying to form a puppet army but managed to recruit only a bandit from Suiyuan, Wang Ying. The February 26 mutiny in Tokyo heightened anti-Japanese sentiments in China, resulting in increased violence. By August, the construction of an airplane hangar in Paot'ou was halted due to riots by local Chinese residents. On August 13, a group of fifteen Japanese, led by Nakajima Manzo, was ambushed while delivering ammunition to a pro-Japanese leader who was shortly thereafter assassinated. Chinese soldiers from Wang Qingkuo's 70th Division carried out the attack, and tensions escalated as the arrival of ammunition and Japanese laborers in Kalgan prompted border villages to strengthen their defenses.   By late September, Tanaka's "Guidelines for the Execution of the Suiyuan Operation" received approval, with operations set to commence in early November. The plan evolved from a covert mission into a personal initiative by Tanaka, financed largely through funds from the Kwantung Army's secret services and profits from special trading in eastern Hopei. Tanaka claimed to have transported 600,000 yen to Tehua in October and later sent 200,000 yuan into Inner Mongolia, estimating total expenses at approximately 6 million yen. He acquired new weaponry from the disbanded Northeast Army and established three clandestine forces: Wang Ying led 500 men, including artillery; Qin Xiashan commanded 3,000 from Sun Tienying's army; and Chang Futang also led 3,000 specialized units. During strategic meetings, Tanaka dismissed proposals for unified command and refusing to integrate secret units into the Mongolian army. He advocated for the slogan "Overthrow Chiang Kai-shek," while Matsui managed to include "Independence for Inner Mongolia."   The Japanese had developed the entire battle strategy. The 1st Army, commanded by Li Xuxin, would serve as the left flank, while the 2nd Army, led by Demchugdongrub, would be positioned on the right. Wang Ying's forces were designated as the central force. Their initial targets would be Hongort, Xinghe, Tuchengzi, and Guisui city, followed by a division to seize Jinging, Baotou, and Hetao. On November 13, Prince Demchugdongrub's and Wang Ying's forces left Shandu in two columns to assault Xinghe and Hongort. By the 15th, 1,500 troops reached Hongort, where they engaged the 1st Cavalry Division led by Peng Yubin. The next day, Ryukichi Tanaka, Demchugdongrub's chief advisor, sent two cavalry brigades and one infantry brigade to capture the town, effectively overrunning its defenders. Meanwhile, Wang Ying dispatched a smaller group to secure Tuchengzi.   Fu Zuoyi established his headquarters in Jining that same day. After assessing the situation, he concluded that if the enemy secured Hongort, it would diminish his defenders' morale. Consequently, he launched a counterattack. Peng Yubin led a joint force of the 1st Cavalry Division and Dong Qiwu's 218th Brigade to confront around 400 of Wang Ying's men defending Hongort and Tuchengzi. By 7 AM on the 18th, Tuchengzi was reclaimed, and at 8:30 AM, the 1st Cavalry Division entered Hongort, charging through 500 of Wang Ying's soldiers. The struggle for Hongort persisted for over three days, resulting in nearly 1,000 casualties before Fu Zuoyi regained control.   As the tide shifted against the invaders, Fu Zuoyi initiated an offensive toward the Bailing Temple, the rear base of the enemy, well-stocked and defended by 3,000 men under Prince Demchugdongrub. Fu Zuoyi ordered the 2nd Cavalry Division, along with the 211th and 315th Brigades, the 21st Artillery Regiment, and a convoy of 20 trucks and 24 armored vehicles to assault the Bailing Temple as quickly as possible. Taking advantage of the Mongolian chaos, Fu Zuoyi's 35th Brigade executed a flanking maneuver west of the Bailing Temple amid a severe snowstorm.   At 1 AM on the 24th, the battle for the Bailing Temple commenced as the Chinese engaged the Mongolians for the fortified positions around the temple. From 2 to 4 AM, the Chinese advanced closer to the temple walls, facing artillery and machine-gun fire. They launched desperate frontal assaults against the city gates, suffering heavy losses. A fierce stalemate ensued, with Japanese aerial bombardments causing significant casualties to the Chinese forces. Fu Zuoyi subsequently ordered all armored vehicles to converge at the main city gate. Despite intense fire, the armored cars managed to breach the gate, allowing Chinese infantry to flood into the temple area. The resulting carnage within the temple walls led to 900 Mongol deaths, with 300 captured as the rest fled. The Chinese suffered 300 casualties but secured the strategically vital rear base, along with a substantial stockpile of provisions, including 500 barrels of petrol, 600 rifles, 10 machine guns, vehicles, and field guns. Following the devastating defeat at Bailing Temple, the invaders regrouped at Xilamuleng Temple. On the 28th, the Japanese sent 100 vehicles to transport 3,000 troops to prepare for a significant counteroffensive to recapture Bailing Temple. On the 29th, Wang Ying personally led 2,000 cavalry north of Shangdu to Taolin in an attempt to contain the enemy. However, after he left the bulk of his forces at Xilamuleng Temple, officers from the Grand Han Righteous Army secretly began negotiating to defect to the Chinese side, undermining the forces needed for the counterattack against Bailing Temple.   The counteroffensive commenced on December 2nd, with 10 armored vehicles and 1,000 Mongol troops leading the charge at 6 AM. They were pushed back by the heavily fortified 211th Brigade, which was well-supplied with machine guns and artillery. The following day, at 3 AM, the Mongols attempted a surprise attack but faced an ambush as they crept toward the temple. They incurred hundreds of casualties, with 230 men either captured or having defected. After this, the counterattack stalled, as the Mongol forces couldn't approach within 3 miles of the temple. Subsequently, the Chinese 2nd Cavalry Division launched a pincer maneuver, causing significant casualties among the invaders. By 9 AM, the enemy had suffered 500 casualties and was in retreat. At 7 PM, Fu Zuoyi ordered another counteroffensive. By the next morning, hundreds more had been lost, and several hundred soldiers were captured. With such heavy losses, the defense of Xilamuleng Temple weakened significantly, prompting more officers to defect to the Chinese. Late on the 4th, Fu Zuoyi assembled a force comprising two cavalry regiments, one infantry regiment, one artillery battalion, four armored vehicles, and a squadron of cars to launch a nighttime assault on Xilamuleng Temple.   Meanwhile, the 2nd Cavalry Division clashed with Wang Ying's cavalry 30 miles northeast of Wulanhua. Wang Ying's 2,000 cavalry had been raiding nearby villages to create diversions, drawing enemy forces away from the Bailing-Xilamuleng theater. By the 9th, Wang Ying's cavalry were encircled in Xiaobei, where they were nearly annihilated, with Wang escaping with around a hundred guards toward Changpei. On the 7th, some Grand Han Righteous Army officers set in motion plans to defect to the Chinese side. Early on the 9th, these officers led their men to invade the residence of Japanese advisors, killing all 27 Japanese officers under Colonel Obama. Simultaneously, Fu Zuoyi's forces executed a flanking maneuver against the Xilamuleng Temple amidst the chaos. With mass defections, the Chinese forces surged into the temple area, resulting in the invader army disintegrating in confusion and surrender. After seizing the temple, the invaders were routed, their lines of communication severed, and only isolated pockets continued to resist. Taking advantage of the confusion, Fu Zuoyi launched simultaneous attacks, attempting to capture Shangdu. However, Yan Xishan sent him a telegram, ordering him to halt, stating that Shangdu fell under the jurisdiction of Shanxi and not Suiyuan.   In response to the loss, Tanaka planned a counteroffensive with Qin's troops, but Chiang kai-shek commanded a strong defense of Pailingmiao, successfully outmaneuvering Tanaka's strategies. The resurgence of Chinese forces led to the disintegration of Qin's troops, who revolted and eventually joined the Nationalist army. The Kwantung Army aimed to redeploy its forces for recovery but faced opposition from Tokyo, which criticized the situation. After Chiang kai-shek was kidnapped by Zhang Xueliang on December 12, Tanaka and Prince De seized the opportunity to reassess their strategy. Ultimately, the Kwantung Army decided to abandon efforts to reclaim Pailingmiao, marking the official end of hostilities on December 21. The Suiyuan incident ultimately strengthened Chinese resolve against Japan and increased international distrust.   The defeat of Japan's proxy forces inspired many Chinese to advocate for a more vigorous resistance against the Japanese. The triumph in Suiyuan was celebrated throughout China and surprised the international media, marking the first occasion where the Chinese army successfully halted a Japanese unit. Delegations traveled from as distant as southern Chinese provinces to encourage the defenders to continue their fight. Captured Japanese weapons and equipment served as proof of Japan's involvement in the conflict, despite Japan's Foreign Minister Hachirō Arita claiming that "Japan was not involved in this conflict in Suiyuan at all." After his defeat, Prince Demchugdongrub and his Inner Mongolian troops retreated to northern Chahar, where he had to reconstruct his army due to significant losses. The Japanese implemented new regulations for the Mongolian Army to enhance its effectiveness, and efforts to recruit new soldiers commenced.   I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. More incidents and more battles to seize territory raged in North China. However things did not go according to plan for the Japanese and their puppets. The tides had turned, and now a more angry and invigorating China would begin lashing out against the encroachment. It was only a matter of time before a full blown war was declared. 

What has happened in the past 100 days to America's science and technology ecosystem? What are China's ambitions and how is the government trying to take advantage of American uncertainty? And what can we learn from China's war mobilization exercises? To explore these questions, we're joined by Divyansh Kaushik and Alex Rubin, who both work at Beacon Global Strategies. Divyansh holds an AI PhD from Carnegie Mellon, and Alex spent the past decade at the CIA focusing on China and emerging technologies. We discuss… The Historical origins of the US R&D model, and the division of labor between universities, government, and industry, How budget cuts will impact the NSF, NIH, NIST, and DoD basic research, Why and how China attempts to emulate US research institutions, What a leaked wargame exercise from Guangdong province can tell us about China's grand strategy, How institutions like ChinaTalk can complement the IC with fresh, independent research. Outro music: The Elements - Tom Lehrer (YouTube Link) Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

It's a curious thing, sometimes you want to get away from something. Maybe it's the town you grew up in, or a family business. You think you know it, and are not interested. But circumstances change and find your way back to it with new eyes.In this conversation with Thomas Leung, we trace the arc of a family deeply rooted in Chinese herbal medicine. From his great-grandfather's shop in Guangdong, to navigating the upheaval of the Chinese revolution, to adapting a Manhattan herb store to changing demographics, Thomas brings both a practitioner's and a business owner's sensibility to the conversation.Listen in as we talk about the evolution of Chinese medicine in America, what it means to modernize without losing tradition, the challenge of standardizing herbal language, and the precarious state of our profession in this current moment.This conversation is about more than herbs. It's about responsibility, reinvention, and how the future of our medicine depends not only on practice—but on stewardship.

Last time we spoke about the January 28th Incident. In January of 1932, tensions escalated in Shanghai as anti-Japanese sentiments surged after Japan's invasion of Manchuria. Orchestrated by Yoshiko Kawashima, a Japanese spy, a provocation led to violence, sparking outrage among Japanese expatriates. Japan demanded apologies and compensation from China, threatening military action if their demands were unmet. As the Japanese military amassed forces in Shanghai, the Chinese 19th Route Army prepared to resist, igniting the conflict known as the January 28th Incident, marking the beginning of a fierce struggle for control. Amidst chaos, the Nanjing government struggled to respond to Japan's escalating aggression in Shanghai. Chiang Kai-Shek prioritized avoiding war, urging a diplomatic approach to protect Shanghai's economy. Despite pressure, the 19th Route Army was ordered to withdraw, but tensions flared when Japan attacked the Chinese garrison. The 19th Route Army fiercely resisted, leading to intense battles. As Japan sent reinforcements, Chiang faced mounting protests and criticism for his passive stance, questioning whether he could maintain his strategy against the encroaching enemy.   #144 The First Battle of Shanghai 1932 Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. In the last episode we covered the January 28th Incident. At 11:30 pm on January 28, Japan ordered 2,300 Japanese Marines to advance westward along every branch road on the west side of North Sichuan Road, without waiting for a response. This road, which crosses into the northern area of the International Settlement and has frequently been designated as a Japanese defense zone, includes Target Road (now known as Wujin Road in Hongkou District, Shanghai), Qiujiang Road, and Yokohama Road. Their objective was to seize the Songhu Railway defense line at Tiantong'an Station. They faced strong resistance from the 19th Route Army, further escalating the conflict. In the early hours of the 29th, Japanese aircraft launched from the Notoro seaplane carrier, which was moored on the Huangpu River, attacked the Chinese district of Zhabei. Both the Commercial Press located at No. 584 Baoshan Road and the Oriental Library, the largest private library in China with over 300,000 books, were completely destroyed. That same day the 19th Route Army sent a telegram to the entire nation concerning the situation: Do forgive me it's a rough translation “Urgent. Dear Sir and Madam, the Japanese have occupied our three northeastern provinces, changing the color of our territory and making our nation perish. Recently, they have killed and set fire in Shanghai, and vagrants are everywhere, doing the most despicable and violent things in the world. Gunboats are coming one after another, and the Marines are all landed. At 12:00 a.m. on the 28th, they openly invaded our defense line in Zhabei, Shanghai, and challenged us. Guang Nai and others are soldiers, and they only know that it is their duty to defend themselves and defend their land. They cannot give up even an inch of land or an inch of grass. They resist to save the country and protect the race. Even if they sacrifice only one person and one bullet, they will never retreat and lose the personality of the soldiers of the Republic of China. This thing and this ambition are exposed to the sun and the sun and are known to the world. The spirits of our ancestors in heaven are truly relying on it”. On the morning of January 29, Chiang Kai-shek met with He Yingqin and Zhu Peide to discuss countermeasures. Simultaneously Zhu Peide convened a meeting with He Yingqin, Gu Zhutong, Li Jishen, Deng Shizeng, Lin Wei, and others to address issues such as defense deployment, the security of Nanjing and the Yangtze River, and resistance against Japan. Chiang Kai-Shek established the principles going forward for negotiations with Japan, emphasizing the need to prepare for talks while actively resisting. He stated that negotiations must have a clear final line of defense and a maximum limit that would not compromise administrative and territorial integrity, undermine the spirit of the Nine-Power Treaty, or jeopardize national sovereignty. If these limits were exceeded and unacceptable concessions were made, a decisive battle would be fought, even at the cost of defeat and death.  The defense and military strategy for Beijing and Shanghai included the 19th Route Army defending Shanghai with full strength, while the front guard army consisting of the 87th and 88th divisions would protect Nanjing. He Yingqin would remain in Nanjing, overseeing all party, government, and military personnel left behind. Chiang, along with the Central Political Council of the Kuomintang, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the National Government, and Chen Mingshu, all expressed their commitment to resisting Japanese aggression. Chiang also sent a telegram to He Chengjun, director of the Hubei Province Pacification Office, and Xu Tingyao, commander of the Fourth Division, stating "Last night, the Japanese invaders attacked our 19th Route Defense Line in Zhabei, Shanghai, and the battle is ongoing. Our army is determined to fight to the death. Their naval forces in Han and Xun will likely engage in military operations. We urge you to remain vigilant and defend yourselves, never yielding to them. The Fourth Division should concentrate on strict defense in Wuhan and avoid dispersal. If military funds become scarce, local governments will need to raise them independently." The National Government Military Committee appointed Chiang Kai-shek, Feng Yuxiang, Yan Xishan, and Zhang Xueliang as members responsible for mobilizing the army and commanding the Shanghai War. Chiang Kai-Shek officially resumed power after resigning to prevent a surrender and committed to a prolonged resistance. On January 30, the Chinese Nationalist Government announced the relocation of the capital to Luoyang. Chiang Kai-shek sent a telegram urging resistance against the Japanese and dispatched the elite Fifth Army to reinforce Shanghai. That night, Dai Ji, the commander of the Songhu Garrison, took charge of military operations in Shanghai, overseeing the 19th Route Army. The commander-in-chief was Jiang Guangnai, with Cai Tingkai as the army commander and division commanders Qu Shounian, Mao Weishou, and Shen Guanghan. Chiang Kai-Shek then issued a telegram to his troops across the nation and again I apologize for the rough translation. "Since the Northeast Incident began, the Central Government has been enduring humiliation and maintaining peace in order to avoid war and protect the lifeline of the country. It hopes to use justice and fairness to awaken the Japanese pirates. Unexpectedly, the more we tolerate, the more arrogant they become. When the Shanghai Incident occurred, we accepted their demands with great pain, but the Japanese pirates still brazenly pressed on, repeatedly attacking our Shanghai Defense Force, bombing civilian houses, throwing bombs on the streets, and our compatriots were ravaged. The country is about to perish. Anyone with blood in his veins would rather endure it. Since the 19th Route Army has risen up to defend itself bravely, our entire army In this time of national destruction and extinction, when the revolutionary soldiers are facing imminent danger, they should fight for the dignity of the country, strive for the survival of the nation, fulfill their responsibilities for the revolution, and be determined to die rather than live in disgrace, so as to deal with the brutal Japan that destroys peace and despises faith and integrity... Chiang Kai-shek and his comrades have shared hardships for a long time. Although I am now in the opposition, I am willing to swear to live and die with the soldiers and fulfill my bounden duty. I am here to inform you in advance with my blood and sincerity, and ask you to be determined and work hard, share the same hatred with the enemy, do not be arrogant, maintain the spirit of sacrifice, stay ready to fight, and save the country from danger." From that day on, the various ministries, commissions and committees of the National Government began to move to Luoyang, but the Military Commission and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs remained in Nanjing . At the same time, the frontline troops were ordered to be jointly commanded by the Minister of Military Affairs He Yingqin and the Chief of the General Staff Zhu Peide.  Typically Chinese sources breakdown what is known as the First Battle of Shanghai into three phases. In the previous episode we looked through the event up until the point of the first phase. After the initial fighting, both the 19th route army and Japanese agreed to a ceasefire so they could strengthen their positions and at least allow some form of diplomacy to occur. This went into effect on the 29th. As we mentioned, immediately afterwards the Japanese rapidly began reinforcing their position in Shanghai. They first sent the Sasebo 26th Squadron on the 30th, bearing 474 troops of the Sasebo 3rd Special Marine Corps alongside supplies. The next day the aircraft carriers Kaga and Hosho came over with 30 aircraft from the 1st air fleet. Then the cruisers Naka, Yura and Abukuma alongside 4 torpedo boats came bearing another 2000 marines. On February 1st the Terukoku Maru brought over the Yokosuka 1st Special Marine corps, roughly 525 men who landed at Huishan Wharf. With all that said and done, roughly 7000 Japanese troops had been brought over. On February 1st, the IJN warships began bombarding Nanjing from the Yangtze River, prompting Yu Jishi to frantically demand Chiang Kai-Shek transfer more troops to Shanghai. That night the Japanese light cruiser Tenryu, the protected cruisers Hirado and Taima, and the seven ships of the Navy's 23rd Destroyer Squadron fired upon Nanjing using four 140mm guns, 12 152mm single-mounted rapid-fire guns, 12 120mm single-mounted guns, and 20 76mm single-mounted rapid-fire guns. The rich and officials fled the city for refuge, but the Japanese army did not land any men to follow up the attack. Simultaneously 40,000 Shanghai workers from over 20 Japanese owned cotton mills began an anti-Japanese strike, being heavily backed by Communists. The workers began aiding the 19th route army to blockade the Japanese in the factories and streets and sabotage what they could.  On February 2nd, the Japanese army attacked Wusong several times, but was repelled each time. On the 3rd the Japanese expanded their attacks against Zhabei, Baziqiao and other locations, but the Chinese defenders successfully repelled these assaults as well. On the 4th, the Japanese launched their first major offensive, which extended the conflict to Jiangwan and Wusong. Following a day of intense fighting, the Wusong fort was destroyed by enemy bombardment; however, the Japanese army was unable to land due to the determined resistance of the Chinese defenders. The anti-aircraft artillery company from the 88th Division, reassigned to the 4th Regiment of the 156th Brigade of the 19th Route Army, managed to shoot down a Japanese aircraft. After the failure of the general offensive, Yukiichi Shiozawa was dismissed and sent back to Japan. Vice Admiral Yoshisaburo Nomura, the newly appointed commander of the Third Fleet, succeeded Shiozawa. After Nomura assumed his role, the Japanese army began to bolster its forces. Japan had initially planned to deploy troops when tensions escalated in Shanghai, but the navy had opposed this move. However, as the situation deteriorated, the navy was compelled to seek assistance from the army. On February 2, the Japanese cabinet officially decided to send troops. In response to the urgent circumstances in Shanghai, they resolved to dispatch the Shanghai Dispatch Mixed Brigade, led by Brigade Commander Major General Shimomoto Kuma, along with the 9th Division, commanded by Lieutenant General Ueda Kenkichi. The Shanghai Dispatch Mixed Brigade and the Second Independent Tank Squadron were prioritized for transport. Concurrently, the Japanese Navy also sent the Yokosuka 2nd Special Marine Corps to Shanghai. The 24th Mixed Brigade landed in Wusong on the afternoon of February 7. By this time, the combined forces of the Japanese navy, army, and air force had exceeded 10,000 personnel. At dawn on February 8, the Japanese Army's 24th Mixed Brigade launched an attack on Zhanghuabang, Yunzaobang, and Wusong Town along three routes, but they were repelled by our forces. Meanwhile on February 4, the National Government Military Commission sent out a telegram that divided the country into four defense zones. The first zone, which includes the area north of the Yellow River, was assigned to Zhang Xueliang as the commander-in-chief. The second zone, covering the area south of the Yellow River, was placed under the command of Chiang Kai-shek. The third zone, encompassing the area south of the Yangtze River as well as Fujian and Zhejiang provinces, was led by He Yingqin. The fourth zone, which includes Guangdong and Guangxi, was commanded by Chen Jitang. The telegram also stated that, aside from maintaining troops for local stability, all commanders were to concentrate their forces within their respective defense zones to confront the aggressive Japanese. Additionally, a directive was issued for the provinces of Sichuan, Hunan, Guizhou, Hubei, Shaanxi, and Henan to send troops to serve as a general reserve. On February 5, upon learning that the Japanese army had been redeployed from mainland China to Shanghai, Chairman of the Military Commission Chiang Kai-shek sent a telegram from Luoyang to He Yingqin. He instructed that if the Japanese forces landed, the Chinese Air Force would engage in combat. Additionally, Chiang sent a message of condolence to Jiang Guangnai, Cai Tingkai, and Dai Ji of the 19th Route Army, stating "Brothers, you have been fighting valiantly for a week. Each time I reflect on the tremendous sacrifices made by the soldiers and their dedication, I feel a deep sadness... If necessary, Zhong (Zheng) can come to lead in person. When the Air Force enters the fray, the Army must establish various signals in advance to communicate with it and ensure coordinated efforts..." On the same day, the 88th Division arrived in Suzhou. On February 6, Chiang ordered the 261st Brigade of the 87th Division to move from Nanjing to reinforce Kunshan. The troops reached Kunshan on February 7. On February 8, Chiang directed He Yingqin to transfer an artillery battalion to support the 19th Route Army. Then, on February 9, Chiang Kai-shek mobilized the First Division, led by Commander Hu Zongnan, and the Seventh Division, commanded by Wang Jun, to prepare for reinforcement of the 19th Route Army in Shanghai. February 8th marks the second phase of the battle. On the 10th, to ensure that the 88th Division of the Central Army complied with the orders from the 19th Route Army of the Guangdong Army, Chiang Kai-shek sent a telegram to Yu Jishi insisting that "your troops must strictly follow the commands of Commander-in-Chief Chiang and coordinate their movements with allied forces." The Japanese Marine Corps, under Yukio Shiozawa, initiated a three-pronged encirclement attack from Hongkou. The National Army mounted a determined defense and ultimately repelled the Japanese forces, pursuing and destroying them, which significantly lowered their morale. On February 11, Chen Cheng, commander of the Central Army's 18th Army, sent a telegram to Chiang Kai-shek from Ji'an, Jiangxi, reporting that the troops had not been paid for nearly two months and were lacking food. At that time, the National Government was planning to redeploy the National Army that had been engaged in suppressing the Communists in Jiangxi to Zhejiang and Shanghai and to relocate the capital to Luoyang.  On February 12, following a battle at Caojiaqiao, the Japanese army's strategy to consolidate their forces was entirely disrupted. The next morning, February 13, the Japanese 24th Mixed Brigade crossed the Caojiaqiao Bridge in Zhuozaobang and engaged with the Nationalist army. Seizing the moment, the 19th Route Army Headquarters aimed to annihilate the Japanese forces. The Nationalist army surrounded the Japanese troops near the Yong'an Cotton Mill. Additionally, 60 members of a suicide squad launched a suicide attack, resulting in the complete destruction of 1,600 Japanese soldiers. The Japanese army faced significant losses, thwarting their attempt to swiftly capture Wusong. On February 14, Chiang ordered the 88th and 87th Divisions, which were already stationed in Nanxiang and Kunshan near Shanghai, to be reorganized into the Fifth Army. He appointed Zhang Zhizhong, a volunteer eager to fight against the Japanese, as the commander of the Fifth Army. This new army was placed under the unified command of the 19th Route Army and took over the defense line stretching from the northern end of Jiangwan through Miaoxing to the western end of Wusong. It served as the left-wing army, while the 19th Route Army acted as the right-wing, tasked with defending Jiangwan, the area south of Dachang, and the urban region of Shanghai. To replenish the 19th Route Army's losses, Chiang repeatedly ordered reinforcements from various locations. For instance, on February 15, Shangguan Yunxiang dispatched 500 active soldiers from Bengbu to the 19th Route Army; on February 17, Liang Guanying sent 500 unarmed soldiers from Qingjiangpu; and on February 19, Liu Zhi contributed 1,000 active unarmed soldiers from Henan. On February 16, Chiang Kai-shek communicated with Finance Minister Song Ziwen via telegram, stating, "Since the Japanese refuse to withdraw their troops from Shanghai, we must resist until the end. ... Food supplies in Jiangxi and Henan will dwindle, and assistance will be completely halted. Please arrange to deposit 10 million yuan in central banknotes in Nanchang and 20 million yuan in Zhengzhou. This will allow the government to continue functioning, the army to be sustained, and perhaps we can navigate this crisis and avert collapse. This is my final request. I hope you can find a way to assist." To prevent any friction between the Fifth Army and the Nineteenth Route Army over competing for military accolades, Chiang Kai-shek sent a telegram to Zhang Zhizhong and Yu Jishi on February 18. "The fight against Japan is a matter of national survival and is not a matter of honor for an individual or a certain unit. Our frontline officers and men should fully understand this. Therefore, the honor of the 19th Route Army is the honor of our entire National Revolutionary Army. There is absolutely no distinction between honor and disgrace. The Fifth Army's joining the front line is feared by the enemy and will also be slandered by the reactionaries (those who oppose the Nanjing Central Government). If we can continue to fight in the name of the 19th Route Army, it will be enough to demonstrate the strength of our National Revolutionary Army. We will share life and death, let alone honor and disgrace. I hope that this will be conveyed to the officers and men of the Fifth Army. They must unite and fight with our 19th Route Army and make no sacrifices to complete the revolutionary mission." Over on the other side, following reports of significant losses suffered by the Japanese army in Wusong, Tokyo received an imperial decree from Emperor Hirohito demanding the Shanghai incident get settled quick. In response, Chief of Staff Zairen urgently ordered the 9th Army Division, commanded by Ueda Kenkichi, to swiftly reinforce Shanghai. By the afternoon of February 13, the main contingent of the 9th Division had arrived at Shanghai Port, and by February 16, all personnel had disembarked in Wusong. Consequently, Lieutenant General Ueda took over command from Nomura. At this point, the Japanese invading forces comprised over 30,000 troops from naval, land, and air units, along with 60 to 70 field artillery pieces, more than 60 aircraft, and dozens of ships concentrated at the Wusong mouth. Ueda issued a statement late on the night of the 13th, asserting, "If anyone obstructs our division from fulfilling its mission, we will take decisive action without hesitation." On the 18th, he sent an ultimatum to Cai Tingkai, demanding, "Your army must immediately cease hostilities and withdraw from the following areas by 5:00 p.m. on February 20: on the west bank of the Huangpu River, retreat from areas connecting the western end of the concession, Caojiadu Town, Zhoujiaqiao Town, and Pushong Town to the north; on the east bank, withdraw from areas connecting Lannidu and Zhangjialou Town to the north, and retreat to a zone 20 kilometers away from the border of each concession Additionally, all military installations in the specified areas must be dismantled and no new ones established. If these demands are not met, the Japanese army will have no choice but to act freely against your forces, and your army will bear all resulting consequences." In response to Ueda's ultimatum, Tsai and Chiang ordered their front-line troops to fire heavily at Japanese positions as a warning. On the morning of February 20, Ueda commanded a full-scale attack across the front, employing tactics to break through the center while flanking from both sides. The 9th Division led the assault on the junction of Jiangwan and Miaohang, aiming to encircle Wusong from the north with the Kurume Brigade and Zhabei with the Marine Corps from the south. The Japanese began with artillery bombardments, followed by infantry and tank assaults on the Zhanghuabang and Yangshupu lines, both of which were successfully repelled by Chinese defenders. Over a thousand Japanese soldiers and several tanks in Zhabei were killed or wounded due to landmines. On February 21, Ueda personally directed thousands of infantry, supported by aircraft and artillery, to attack the Chinese defensive positions. Both sides incurred heavy casualties, and the battle continued until dawn on the 23rd. The Japanese forces attempted to encircle Jiangwan Town from Jiangwan Station, but the Chinese defenders fought valiantly, launching multiple charges and capturing Japanese Major Kong Sheng along with hundreds of soldiers. Ultimately, the Japanese army was unable to withstand the resistance and began to retreat. After the Japanese 9th Division arrived in Shanghai, it prepared to initiate a second major assault on the defenders of the city. The strategy involved a comprehensive attack stretching from Zhabei to Wusong to contain the Chinese army's strength, with primary forces concentrated on Jiangwan and Miaohang. The goal was to seize these two strategic points, achieve a breakthrough in the center, sever the link between the 5th Army and the 19th Route Army, and then defeat them individually. At dawn on February 20, the Japanese dispatched over ten aircraft for reconnaissance and bombing missions over the Miaohang area. Naval artillery and heavy army cannons heavily shelled the Miaohang positions. Simultaneously, Japanese artillery bombarded the Yunzaobang area in an effort to force a crossing and facilitate the Miaohang offensive.   By 9 am, part of the Japanese forces advanced towards the Xiaochang Temple and the Maijiazhai position, immediately conducting a fire search on our troops' positions. At noon, 3,000 Japanese soldiers launched an attack against our forces. The officers and soldiers of the 527th Regiment, defending the Maijiazhai and Zhuyuandun positions, mounted a counterattack, marking the beginning of the Battle of Miaohang. After three hours of intense fighting, the Japanese suffered significant casualties and were unable to continue, retreating to their original positions. Following this, over 2,000 Japanese troops attacked the Xiaochang Temple and Jinjiatang positions. The officers and soldiers of the 523rd Regiment, taking cover in the trenches, launched counterattacks and successfully repelled the Japanese forces. As dusk fell, the Japanese infantry halted their assaults, but naval and land artillery continued to bombard our positions in an attempt to weaken our defenses and personnel for a renewed attack the following day. On February 21, Japanese artillery relentlessly shelled the positions of the 88th Division of the Fifth Army in Miaohang. Following this, thousands of Japanese infantry launched an assault on the Yanjiazhai and Miaohang Town front. As the Japanese forces advanced, the officers and soldiers of the 523rd and 524th Regiments bravely counterattacked and successfully repelled them. However, a significant number of enemy troops coordinated a comprehensive assault on the Maijiazhai, Zhuyuandun, Xiaochangmiao, and Yanjiazhai lines south of Miaohang. Our 523rd, 524th, and 527th Regiments engaged in intense combat with the enemy, particularly at the Zhuyuandun front near Maijiazhai and Xu Xu, where the fighting was especially fierce. After a day of conflict, the enemy was temporarily pushed back. On February 22, the Japanese 9th Division launched a full-scale attack on the Miaohang position held by the 88th Division of the Fifth Army. Throughout the day, aircraft bombed the Chinese defenders, and thousands of artillery shells were fired at them. However, under the direct command of Zhang Zhizhong, the enemy faced a devastating defeat due to the coordinated three-pronged assault by the Sun Yuanliang Brigade, the Song Xilian Brigade, and the 61st Division of the 19th Route Army. The Miaohang position was ultimately saved from peril, inflicting heavy casualties on the elite forces of the Japanese 9th Division and the Kurume Mixed Brigade. This victory became known as the "Miaohang Victory." In the days that followed, the enemy continued their bombardment and attacks but were consistently repelled by the defenders. The Japanese army suffered significant losses, shifting from an all-out offensive to a more focused approach before ultimately halting their attacks. By the 25th, Ueda's overall offensive strategy had also failed. On February 24, the Japanese army decided to escalate the conflict once more, transferring the 11th and 14th divisions from Japan to join the Shanghai Expeditionary Force, which included troops already engaged in the war. At that time, the flagship of the Japanese Navy's Third Fleet, the Izumo, sustained damage from a bombing raid carried out by the suicide squad of the 19th Route Army, which sent shockwaves through Japan. Additionally, the large troop presence made a quick resolution to the war impossible. Consequently, on the 23rd, the Japanese cabinet decided to promptly reinforce the army. The General Staff then established the Shanghai Expeditionary Army Command, appointing General Shirakawa Yoshinori, the former Minister of War in the Tanaka Cabinet, to replace Ueda. They dispatched the 11th Division (led by Lieutenant General Atsutarou Atsuto), the 14th Division (led by Lieutenant General Naoaki Matsuki), and over 100 aircraft to China to initiate a larger-scale offensive in Shanghai. After several reinforcements, the Japanese forces in Shanghai, under Shirakawa's command, grew to over 90,000 troops, supported by 80 warships and 300 aircraft, significantly enhancing their combat effectiveness. In contrast, the total strength of the Chinese defenders was less than 50,000, with inadequate equipment. After a month of intense fighting, the Chinese forces had suffered heavy losses, leaving their river defenses in the Taicang Liuhe area vulnerable. Learning from the failures of the previous three commanders' frontal assaults, Shirakawa opted to land at Liuhe and flank the Songhu defenders. He directed the 9th Division and other units to launch a direct attack on Songhu and Shanghai while using the 3rd Fleet to escort the 11th Division into the Yangtze River estuary. They executed surprise landings at Liuhekou, Yanglinkou, and Qiyakou, quickly outflanking the defenders. On March 1, the Japanese forces initiated attacks in Naobei, Jiangwan, and Miaohang, employing heavy artillery, field guns, and aircraft for continuous bombardment. The infantry capitalized on this to engage in close-quarters combat, resulting in heavy casualties on both sides. Meanwhile, Shirakawa secretly instructed the 11th Division to exploit the weakness of the Chinese troops in Liuhe, forcibly landing at Qiyakou, Yanglinkou, and Liubinkou, ultimately capturing Liuhe. The fall of Liuhe posed a significant threat to the flank and rear of the Chinese army, compelling the entire force to retreat to the second line of defense (the Jiading-Huangdu line) by the evening of March 1.  After 34 days of intense fighting, they were forced to retreat to their second line of defense. At this point, the war had entered its final phase, resulting in a stalemate between the two sides. On the 2nd, the Japanese army seized Shanghai, and by March 3, they occupied Zhenru and Nanxiang, subsequently announcing a ceasefire. Now while we have been focused on the Japanese and Chinese perspectives in this, the international community was also heavily involved in the background. After the outbreak of hostilities, the British and American consuls in Shanghai offered to mediate. However despite a ceasefire being implemented the hostilities continued. So on February 2nd, Britain, America, France, Italy and Germany sent a notice to China and Japan "proposing to stop the conflict; (1) both sides immediately stop all violent acts according to the following conditions; (2) there will be no mobilization or preparation for any hostile acts between the two countries; (3) the Chinese and Japanese combatants in Shanghai will withdraw from the contact points; (4) a neutral zone will be established to separate the combatants of both sides to protect the public concession. The area will be garrisoned by neutral military and police, and various methods will be formulated by the consular corps; (5) once the two countries accept the treaty, they will not make any demands or reservations in advance, but will quickly negotiate with the assistance of neutral observers or participants in accordance with the spirit of the Kellogg-War Pact and the December 9th League of Nations resolution to resolve all outstanding issues..." Nanjing generally accepted the terms, but Japan instead proposed non-military zones be established 20 miles around the major ports of Shanghai, Hankou, Tianjin, Qingdao and Guangzhou as a sort of counter proposal. Meanwhile at the League of Nations, Yan Huiqing was drawing attention to the Shanghai incident, obviously linking it to the Manchuria incident and advocated for Article 10 of the League of Nations Charter, which was in regards to respecting territorial integrity and political independence of league nations. The League of Nations agreed and organized a committee to investigate the Shanghai incident. On February 4th Chiang Kai-Shek would write in his diary "As long as we do not lose our national sovereignty and territory, and the Japanese invaders do not put forward unacceptable conditions, we can take advantage of the opportunity of British and American intervention to negotiate with them; we cannot take a tough stance when other countries intervene, which will lead to adverse effects." By late February US Secretary of State Henry Stimson warned Japan for the second time, that the Nine Power Treaty and other treaties had to be maintained. Then on the 23rd he sent a letter reiterating the nine-power treaty and Kellogg War Pact to the League of Nations in regards to the Shanghai situation. On the 29th, a four-point plan for mediating the Shanghai incident was adopted at the League of Nations. The objective was to swiftly establish a local ceasefire agreement with the assistance of civil and military officials from various countries present in Shanghai. Following this, a round-table meeting was to be convened with representatives from nations with vested interests in Shanghai to discuss security measures for the International Settlement, the French Concession, and the local residents, as well as to address other issues. Subsequently, representatives from Britain, France, Italy, Germany, Spain, and other nations unanimously supported the plan, with Chinese representative Yan Huiqing and Japanese representative Sato Naotake also indicating their general agreement in principle. However, on March 2, the situation escalated when the Japanese army compelled the Chinese forces to retreat to their second line of defense. The Japanese side adopted a more aggressive stance, presenting four stringent conditions and insisting that the Chinese army withdraw first before halting their attacks. The Japanese forces were only willing to withdraw to the Shanghai and Wusong areas and refused to do so under the supervision of neutral countries, which the Chinese government firmly rejected. On March 3, the Japanese army launched another offensive. On that same day, U.S. Secretary of State Stimson summoned Japanese Ambassador to the United States Idebuchi, condemning Japan for accepting the League of Nations resolution on February 29 while simultaneously escalating military operations. On March 3rd a ceasefire came into effect as a formal meeting was held at the British consulate. The Chinese delegation was led by Guo Taiqi, the Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, along with military representatives Dai Ji, Huang Qiang, and seven others. The Japanese delegation included Shigemitsu Mamoru, Minister to China, and military representatives Ueda, Tashiro, and nine others. Officials from Britain, the United States, France, and other nations also participated in the meeting. During the negotiations, numerous contentious issues arose, particularly regarding the timing and location of the Japanese army's withdrawal. It would take until May 5th for a armistice agreement to be signed. The agreement designated Shanghai as a demilitarized zone, prohibiting China from stationing troops in the areas around Shanghai, Suzhou, and Kunshan, while permitting a limited number of Japanese units to remain in the city. China was permitted to maintain only a small police force within Shanghai. According to Chinese war reports, a total of 10,254 Japanese soldiers were killed or wounded in the Battle of Shanghai on January 28. According to Japanese data, a total of 3,091 Japanese soldiers were killed or wounded in the invasion of Shanghai: 620 Japanese soldiers were killed and 1,622 were wounded in the army; 149 Japanese soldiers were killed and 700 were wounded in the navy. Another Chinese report, stated the 19th Route Army and the Fifth Army suffered a total of 14,104 casualties 4,274 killed and 9,830 wounded. Among them, the 19th Route Army suffered 8,792 casualties, while the Fifth Army suffered 5,312 casualties. Shanghai residents faced bombardments from Japanese aircraft and artillery, resulting in over 6,080 fatalities, more than 2,000 injuries, 10,400 missing persons, and property losses totaling 1.6 billion yuan. At the onset of the war, the Japanese military intentionally targeted cultural institutions in Shanghai, such as the Commercial Press and the Oriental Library, leading to the total destruction of the Commercial Press, the oldest and largest publishing house in China. The Oriental Library, which housed millions of volumes, including over 100,000 rare ancient texts from the Song and Yuan dynasties and the Sikuquanshu compiled during the Qianlong era of the Qing Dynasty, was first devastated by artillery fire and then looted by Japanese forces. Reports from that time indicated that the Japanese army used trucks to transport the remaining books for seven consecutive days. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Thus what became known as the first battle of Shanghai had come to a not so swift end. Was its resolvement a victory for the League of Nations? Or was it just another indicator that the League of Nations was nothing but promises and pieces of paper? One man took notice of the Manchuria and Shanghai incidents, and he would soon bring Europe into a global war.  

We start with news about China’s economic woes (1:10), followed by our Pray for China segment, where I share stories (among other things) of fried frogs and prostitution (22:27). Finally, I share excerpts from the journals of the grieving missionary William Milne on the anniversary of his wife Rachel’s death (38:01). Welcome to China Compass on the Fight Laugh Feast Network! I'm your China travel guide, Missionary Ben. Follow me on X (@chinaadventures) where I post detailed daily reminders to pray for China (www.PrayforChina.us). BTW, X is also the best way to get in touch with me. Either tag me with a question or comment, or follow and send a DM. Finally, PrayGiveGo.us has easy access to everything that I am involved in, including books, Substack, and this podcast. Missouri Wins $24B Lawsuit Against China https://www.crosspoliticnews.com/news/missouri-wins-lawsuit-against-china-with-24b-ruling China Questions Walmart Over Trump Tariff Response https://asia.nikkei.com/Economy/Trade-war/China-questions-Walmart-over-response-to-Trump-tariff-costs (Paywall) China Job Worries Deepen https://asia.nikkei.com/Economy/China-job-worries-deepen-as-Trump-hikes-tariffs-and-automation-spreads (Paywall) Pray for China (PrayforChina.us) Mar 22 (Sat) - Pray for Cixi (“Tsuh-shee”) in Ningbo City of Zhejiang Province, near where Hudson Taylor served and met his wife, Maria: https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cixi,_Zhejiang Zhejiang (“Juh-jiang”) is paired with North Carolina for prayer: https://prayforchina.us/index.php/zhejiang/ https://www.asiaharvest.org/china-resources/zhejiang Learn more about how Hudson Taylor fell in love with Maria here on this podcast: https://pubtv.flfnetwork.com/tabs/audio/podcasts/30293/episodes/24 Mar 23 (Sun) - Pray for Heyuan City in northern Guangdong, which I visited for the first and only time in August of 2002, distributing tracts by night: https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heyuan Guangdong is paired with Florida for prayer: https://prayforchina.us/index.php/guangdong/ My Guangdong podcast: https://pubtv.flfnetwork.com/tabs/audio/podcasts/30293/episodes/15 More Guangdong info: https://www.asiaharvest.org/china-resources/guangdong On This Day 205 Years Ago… One Year Bereaved: William Milne Reflects on Losing His Wife Rachel https://chinacall.substack.com/p/one-year-bereaved The Memoirs of William Milne: https://a.co/d/bALLtAf If you enjoy this podcast, follow or subscribe and leave a review on whichever platform you use. And don’t forget to check out everything we are involved in at PrayGiveGo.us. Luke 10, Verse 2!

Ching Shih, born as Shi Yang, was quite possibly the most powerful pirate of all time. While famous UK pirates like Blackbeard, Black Bart, Calico Jack, Sir Francis Drake, or Captain Kidd get much more name recognition, none of them ever commanded a confederation of pirates up to 80,000 men strong, with around 2,000 ships. Learn some of the history you never learned in school, today, on Timesuck. For Merch and everything else Bad Magic related, head to: https://www.badmagicproductions.com