Podcasts about scottish conservatives

Scottish Conservative chief Russell Findlay joins us ahead of his party's conference in Edinburgh this weekend. He speaks candidly about his first year in the job and addresses Tory council defections to Reform. We also hear exclusively about his party's proposals for an emergency law to fast-track A9 dualling.

Dissatisfaction with the established political parties is driving a ‘tartan bounce' in Scotland for Nigel Farage's Reform UK. Far from being an English phenomenon, Reform is polling favourably with Scottish voters. There will be a by-election next week for the Scottish Parliament seat of Hamilton, in what will be Reform's first big test inside the politics of devolved government.For councillor Thomas Kerr, who defected from the Scottish Conservatives to Reform earlier this year, Reform's appeal in Scotland is no surprise. He joins Lucy Dunn to explain why he thinks the ‘sky is the limit' for Reform, why Farage is an asset to the party in Scotland and to explain Reform's current views around devolution powers.Produced by Patrick Gibbons. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Good Sunday morning to you,I am just on a train home from Glasgow, where I have been gigging these past two nights. I've had a great time, as I always seem to do when I go north of the wall.But Glasgow on a Saturday night is something else. My hotel was right next to the station and so I was right in the thick of it. If I ever get to make a cacatopian, end-of-days, post-apocalyptic thriller, I'll just stroll through Glasgow city centre on a Friday or Saturday night with a camera to get all the B roll. It was like walking through a Hieronymus Bosch painting only with a Scottish accent. Little seems to have changed since I wrote that infamous chapter about Glasgow in Life After the State all those years ago. The only difference is that now it's more multi-ethnic. So many people are so off their heads. I lost count of the number of randoms wandering about just howling at the stars. The long days - it was still light at 10 o'clock - make the insanity all the more visible. Part of me finds it funny, but another part of me finds it so very sad that so many people let themselves get into this condition. It prompted me to revisit said chapter, and I offer it today as your Sunday thought piece.Just a couple of little notes, before we begin. This caught my eye on Friday. Our favourite uranium tech company, Lightbridge Fuels (NASDAQ:LTBR), has taken off again with Donald Trump's statement that he is going to quadruple US nuclear capacity. The stock was up 45% in a day. We first looked at it in October at $3. It hit $15 on Friday. It's one to sell on the spikes and buy on the dips, as this incredible chart shows.(In other news I have now listened twice to the Comstock Lode AGM, and I'll report back on that shortly too). ICYMI here is my mid-week commentary, which attracted a lot of attentionRight - Glasgow.(NB I haven't included references here. Needless to say, they are all there in the book. And sorry I don't have access to the audio of me reading this from my laptop, but, if you like, you can get the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. The book itself available at Amazon, Apple Books et al).How the Most Entrepreneurial City in Europe Became Its SickestThe cause of waves of unemployment is not capitalism, but governments …Friedrich Hayek, economist and philosopherIn the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Glasgow in Scotland became enormously, stupendously rich. It happened quite organically, without planning. An entrepreneurial people reacted to their circumstances and, over time, turned Glasgow into an industrial and economic centre of such might that, by the turn of the 20th century, Glasgow was producing half the tonnage of Britain's ships and a quarter of all locomotives in the world. (Not unlike China's industrial dominance today). It was regarded as the best-governed city in Europe and popular histories compared it to the great imperial cities of Venice and Rome. It became known as the ‘Second City of the British Empire'.Barely 100 years later, it is the heroin capital of the UK, the murder capital of the UK and its East End, once home to Europe's largest steelworks, has been dubbed ‘the benefits capital of the UK'. Glasgow is Britain's fattest city: its men have Britain's lowest life expectancy – on a par with Palestine and Albania – and its unemployment rate is 50% higher than the rest of the UK.How did Glasgow manage all that?The growth in Glasgow's economic fortunes began in the latter part of the 17th century and the early 18th century. First, the city's location in the west of Scotland at the mouth of the river Clyde meant that it lay in the path of the trade winds and at least 100 nautical miles closer to America's east coast than other British ports – 200 miles closer than London. In the days before fossil fuels (which only found widespread use in shipping in the second half of the 19th century) the journey to Virginia was some two weeks shorter than the same journey from London or many of the other ports in Britain and Europe. Even modern sailors describe how easy the port of Glasgow is to navigate. Second, when England was at war with France – as it was repeatedly between 1688 and 1815 – ships travelling to Glasgow were less vulnerable than those travelling to ports further south. Glasgow's merchants took advantage and, by the early 18th century, the city had begun to assert itself as a trading hub. Manufactured goods were carried from Britain and Europe to North America and the Caribbean, where they were traded for increasingly popular commodities such as tobacco, cotton and sugar.Through the 18th century, the Glasgow merchants' business networks spread, and they took steps to further accelerate trade. New ships were introduced, bigger than those of rival ports, with fore and aft sails that enabled them to sail closer to the wind and reduce journey times. Trading posts were built to ensure that cargo was gathered and stored for collection, so that ships wouldn't swing idly at anchor. By the 1760s Glasgow had a 50% share of the tobacco trade – as much as the rest of Britain's ports combined. While the English merchants simply sold American tobacco in Europe at a profit, the Glaswegians actually extended credit to American farmers against future production (a bit like a crop future today, where a crop to be grown at a later date is sold now). The Virginia farmers could then use this credit to buy European goods, which the Glaswegians were only too happy to supply. This brought about the rise of financial institutions such as the Glasgow Ship Bank and the Glasgow Thistle Bank, which would later become part of the now-bailed-out, taxpayer-owned Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS).Their practices paid rewards. Glasgow's merchants earned a great deal of money. They built glamorous homes and large churches and, it seems, took on aristocratic airs – hence they became known as the ‘Tobacco Lords'. Numbering among them were Buchanan, Dunlop, Ingram, Wilson, Oswald, Cochrane and Glassford, all of whom had streets in the Merchant City district of Glasgow named after them (other streets, such as Virginia Street and Jamaica Street, refer to their trade destinations). In 1771, over 47 million pounds of tobacco were imported.However, the credit the Glaswegians extended to American tobacco farmers would backfire. The debts incurred by the tobacco farmers – which included future presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson (who almost lost his farm as a result) – grew, and were among the grievances when the American War of Independence came in 1775. That war destroyed the tobacco trade for the Glaswegians. Much of the money that was owed to them was never repaid. Many of their plantations were lost. But the Glaswegians were entrepreneurial and they adapted. They moved on to other businesses, particularly cotton.By the 19th century, all sorts of local industry had emerged around the goods traded in the city. It was producing and exporting textiles, chemicals, engineered goods and steel. River engineering projects to dredge and deepen the Clyde (with a view to forming a deep- water port) had begun in 1768 and they would enable shipbuilding to become a major industry on the upper reaches of the river, pioneered by industrialists such as Robert Napier and John Elder. The final stretch of the Monkland Canal, linking the Forth and Clyde Canal at Port Dundas, was opened in 1795, facilitating access to the iron-ore and coal mines of Lanarkshire.The move to fossil-fuelled shipping in the latter 19th century destroyed the advantages that the trade winds had given Glasgow. But it didn't matter. Again, the people adapted. By the turn of the 20th century the Second City of the British Empire had become a world centre of industry and heavy engineering. It has been estimated that, between 1870 and 1914, it produced as much as one-fifth of the world's ships, and half of Britain's tonnage. Among the 25,000 ships it produced were some of the greatest ever built: the Cutty Sark, the Queen Mary, HMS Hood, the Lusitania, the Glenlee tall ship and even the iconic Mississippi paddle steamer, the Delta Queen. It had also become a centre for locomotive manufacture and, shortly after the turn of the 20th century, could boast the largest concentration of locomotive building works in Europe.It was not just Glasgow's industry and wealth that was so gargantuan. The city's contribution to mankind – made possible by the innovation and progress that comes with booming economies – would also have an international impact. Many great inventors either hailed from Glasgow or moved there to study or work. There's James Watt, for example, whose improvements to the steam engine were fundamental to the Industrial Revolution. One of Watt's employees, William Murdoch, has been dubbed ‘the Scot who lit the world' – he invented gas lighting, a new kind of steam cannon and waterproof paint. Charles MacIntosh gave us the raincoat. James Young, the chemist dubbed as ‘the father of the oil industry', gave us paraffin. William Thomson, known as Lord Kelvin, developed the science of thermodynamics, formulating the Kelvin scale of absolute temperature; he also managed the laying of the first transatlantic telegraph cable.The turning point in the economic fortunes of Glasgow – indeed, of industrial Britain – was WWI. Both have been in decline ever since. By the end of the war, the British were drained, both emotionally and in terms of capital and manpower; the workers, the entrepreneurs, the ideas men, too many of them were dead or incapacitated. There was insufficient money and no appetite to invest. The post-war recession, and later the Great Depression, did little to help. The trend of the city was now one of inexorable economic decline.If Glasgow was the home of shipping and industry in 19th-century Britain, it became the home of socialism in the 20th century. Known by some as the ‘Red Clydeside' movement, the socialist tide in Scotland actually pre-dated the First World War. In 1906 came the city's first Labour Member of Parliament (MP), George Barnes – prior to that its seven MPs were all Conservatives or Liberal Unionists. In the spring of 1911, 11,000 workers at the Singer sewing-machine factory (run by an American corporation in Clydebank) went on strike to support 12 women who were protesting about new work practices. Singer sacked 400 workers, but the movement was growing – as was labour unrest. In the four years between 1910 and 1914 Clydebank workers spent four times as many days on strike than in the whole of the previous decade. The Scottish Trades Union Congress and its affiliations saw membership rise from 129,000 in 1909 to 230,000 in 1914.20The rise in discontent had much to do with Glasgow's housing. Conditions were bad, there was overcrowding, bad sanitation, housing was close to dirty, noxious and deafening industry. Unions grew quite organically to protect the interests of their members.Then came WWI, and inflation, as Britain all but abandoned gold. In 1915 many landlords responded by attempting to increase rent, but with their young men on the Western front, those left behind didn't have the means to pay these higher costs. If they couldn't, eviction soon followed. In Govan, an area of Glasgow where shipbuilding was the main occupation, women – now in the majority with so many men gone – organized opposition to the rent increases. There are photographs showing women blocking the entrance to tenements; officers who did get inside to evict tenants are said to have had their trousers pulled down.The landlords were attacked for being unpatriotic. Placards read: ‘While our men are fighting on the front line,the landlord is attacking us at home.' The strikes spread to other cities throughout the UK, and on 27 November 1915 the government introduced legislation to restrict rents to the pre-war level. The strikers were placated. They had won. The government was happy; it had dealt with the problem. The landlords lost out.In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917, more frequent strikes crippled the city. In 1919 the ‘Bloody Friday' uprising prompted the prime minister, David Lloyd George, to deploy 10,000 troops and tanks onto the city's streets. By the 1930s Glasgow had become the main base of the Independent Labour Party, so when Labour finally came to power alone after WWII, its influence was strong. Glasgow has always remained a socialist stronghold. Labour dominates the city council, and the city has not had a Conservative MP for 30 years.By the late 1950s, Glasgow was losing out to the more competitive industries of Japan, Germany and elsewhere. There was a lack of investment. Union demands for workers, enforced by government legislation, made costs uneconomic and entrepreneurial activity arduous. With lack of investment came lack of innovation.Rapid de-industrialization followed, and by the 1960s and 70s most employment lay not in manufacturing, but in the service industries.Which brings us to today. On the plus side, Glasgow is still ranked as one of Europe's top 20 financial centres and is home to some leading Scottish businesses. But there is considerable downside.Recent studies have suggested that nearly 30% of Glasgow's working age population is unemployed. That's 50% higher than that of the rest of Scotland or the UK. Eighteen per cent of 16- to 19-year-olds are neither in school nor employed. More than one in five working-age Glaswegians have no sort of education that might qualify them for a job.In the city centre, the Merchant City, 50% of children are growing up in homes where nobody works. In the poorer neighbourhoods, such as Ruchill, Possilpark, or Dalmarnock, about 65% of children live in homes where nobody works – more than three times the national average. Figures from the Department of Work and Pensions show that 85% of working age adults from the district of Bridgeton claim some kind of welfare payment.Across the city, almost a third of the population regularly receives sickness or incapacity benefit, the highest rate of all UK cities. A 2008 World Health Organization report noted that in Glasgow's Calton, Bridgeton and Queenslie neighbourhoods, the average life expectancy for males is only 54. In contrast, residents of Glasgow's more affluent West End live to be 80 and virtually none of them are on the dole.Glasgow has the highest crime rate in Scotland. A recent report by the Centre for Social Justice noted that there are 170 teenage gangs in Glasgow. That's the same number as in London, which has over six times the population of Glasgow.It also has the dubious record of being Britain's murder capital. In fact, Glasgow had the highest homicide rate in Western Europe until it was overtaken in 2012 by Amsterdam, with more violent crime per head of population than even New York. What's more, its suicide rate is the highest in the UK.Then there are the drug and alcohol problems. The residents of the poorer neighbourhoods are an astounding six times more likely to die of a drugs overdose than the national average. Drug-related mortality has increased by 95% since 1997. There are 20,000 registered drug users – that's just registered – and the situation is not going to get any better: children who grow up in households where family members use drugs are seven times more likely to end up using drugs themselves than children who live in drug-free families.Glasgow has the highest incidence of liver diseases from alcohol abuse in all of Scotland. In the East End district of Dennistoun, these illnesses kill more people than heart attacks and lung cancer combined. Men and women are more likely to die of alcohol-related deaths in Glasgow than anywhere else in the UK. Time and time again Glasgow is proud winner of the title ‘Fattest City in Britain'. Around 40% of the population are obese – 5% morbidly so – and it also boasts the most smokers per capita.I have taken these statistics from an array of different sources. It might be in some cases that they're overstated. I know that I've accentuated both the 18th- and 19th-century positives, as well as the 20th- and 21st-century negatives to make my point. Of course, there are lots of healthy, happy people in Glasgow – I've done many gigs there and I loved it. Despite the stories you hear about intimidating Glasgow audiences, the ones I encountered were as good as any I've ever performed in front of. But none of this changes the broad-brush strokes: Glasgow was a once mighty city that now has grave social problems. It is a city that is not fulfilling its potential in the way that it once did. All in all, it's quite a transformation. How has it happened?Every few years a report comes out that highlights Glasgow's various problems. Comments are then sought from across the political spectrum. Usually, those asked to comment agree that the city has grave, ‘long-standing and deep-rooted social problems' (the words of Stephen Purcell, former leader of Glasgow City Council); they agree that something needs to be done, though they don't always agree on what that something is.There's the view from the right: Bill Aitken of the Scottish Conservatives, quoted in The Sunday Times in 2008, said, ‘We simply don't have the jobs for people who are not academically inclined. Another factor is that some people are simply disinclined to work. We have got to find something for these people to do, to give them a reason to get up in the morning and give them some self-respect.' There's the supposedly apolitical view of anti-poverty groups: Peter Kelly, director of the Glasgow-based Poverty Alliance, responded, ‘We need real, intensive support for people if we are going to tackle poverty. It's not about a lack of aspiration, often people who are unemployed or on low incomes are stymied by a lack of money and support from local and central government.' And there's the view from the left. In the same article, Patricia Ferguson, the Labour Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for Maryhill, also declared a belief in government regeneration of the area. ‘It's about better housing, more jobs, better education and these things take years to make an impact. I believe that the huge regeneration in the area is fostering a lot more community involvement and cohesion. My real hope is that these figures will take a knock in the next five or ten years.' At the time of writing in 2013, five years later, the figures have worsened.All three points of view agree on one thing: the government must do something.In 2008 the £435 million Fairer Scotland Fund – established to tackle poverty – was unveiled, aiming to allocate cash to the country's most deprived communities. Its targets included increasing average income among lower wage-earners and narrowing the poverty gap between Scotland's best- and worst-performing regions by 2017. So far, it hasn't met those targets.In 2008 a report entitled ‘Power for The Public' examined the provision of health, education and justice in Scotland. It said the budgets for these three areas had grown by 55%, 87% and 44% respectively over the last decade, but added that this had produced ‘mixed results'. ‘Mixed results' means it didn't work. More money was spent and the figures got worse.After the Centre for Social Justice report on Glasgow in 2008, Iain Duncan Smith (who set up this think tank, and is now the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions) said, ‘Policy must deal with the pathways to breakdown – high levels of family breakdown, high levels of failed education, debt and unemployment.'So what are ‘pathways to breakdown'? If you were to look at a chart of Glasgow's prosperity relative to the rest of the world, its peak would have come somewhere around 1910. With the onset of WWI in 1914 its decline accelerated, and since then the falls have been relentless and inexorable. It's not just Glasgow that would have this chart pattern, but the whole of industrial Britain. What changed the trend? Yes, empires rise and fall, but was British decline all a consequence of WWI? Or was there something else?A seismic shift came with that war – a change which is very rarely spoken or written about. Actually, the change was gradual and it pre-dated 1914. It was a change that was sweeping through the West: that of government or state involvement in our lives. In the UK it began with the reforms of the Liberal government of 1906–14, championed by David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, known as the ‘terrible twins' by contemporaries. The Pensions Act of 1908, the People's Budget of 1909–10 (to ‘wage implacable warfare against poverty', declared Lloyd George) and the National Insurance Act of 1911 saw the Liberal government moving away from its tradition of laissez-faire systems – from classical liberalism and Gladstonian principles of self-help and self-reliance – towards larger, more active government by which taxes were collected from the wealthy and the proceeds redistributed. Afraid of losing votes to the emerging Labour party and the increasingly popular ideology of socialism, modern liberals betrayed their classical principles. In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George said ‘the partisan warfare that raged around these topics was so fierce that by 1913, this country was brought to the verge of civil war'. But these were small steps. The Pensions Act, for example, meant that men aged 70 and above could claim between two and five shillings per week from the government. But average male life- expectancy then was 47. Today it's 77. Using the same ratio, and, yes, I'm manipulating statistics here, that's akin to only awarding pensions to people above the age 117 today. Back then it was workable.To go back to my analogy of the prologue, this period was when the ‘train' was set in motion across the West. In 1914 it went up a gear. Here are the opening paragraphs of historian A. J. P. Taylor's most celebrated book, English History 1914–1945, published in 1965.I quote this long passage in full, because it is so telling.Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state, beyond the post office and the policeman. He could live where he liked and as he liked. He had no official number or identity card. He could travel abroad or leave his country forever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money for any other currency without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter, a foreigner could spend his life in this country without permit and without informing the police. Unlike the countries of the European continent, the state did not require its citizens to perform military service. An Englishman could enlist, if he chose, in the regular army, the navy, or the territorials. He could also ignore, if he chose, the demands of national defence. Substantial householders were occasionally called on for jury service. Otherwise, only those helped the state, who wished to do so. The Englishman paid taxes on a modest scale: nearly £200 million in 1913–14, or rather less than 8% of the national income.The state intervened to prevent the citizen from eating adulterated food or contracting certain infectious diseases. It imposed safety rules in factories, and prevented women, and adult males in some industries,from working excessive hours.The state saw to it that children received education up to the age of 13. Since 1 January 1909, it provided a meagre pension for the needy over the age of 70. Since 1911, it helped to insure certain classes of workers against sickness and unemployment. This tendency towards more state action was increasing. Expenditure on the social services had roughly doubled since the Liberals took office in 1905. Still, broadly speaking, the state acted only to help those who could not help themselves. It left the adult citizen alone.All this was changed by the impact of the Great War. The mass of the people became, for the first time, active citizens. Their lives were shaped by orders from above; they were required to serve the state instead of pursuing exclusively their own affairs. Five million men entered the armed forces, many of them (though a minority) under compulsion. The Englishman's food was limited, and its quality changed, by government order. His freedom of movement was restricted; his conditions of work prescribed. Some industries were reduced or closed, others artificially fostered. The publication of news was fettered. Street lights were dimmed. The sacred freedom of drinking was tampered with: licensed hours were cut down, and the beer watered by order. The very time on the clocks was changed. From 1916 onwards, every Englishman got up an hour earlier in summer than he would otherwise have done, thanks to an act of parliament. The state established a hold over its citizens which, though relaxed in peacetime, was never to be removed and which the Second World war was again to increase. The history of the English state and of the English people merged for the first time.Since the beginning of WWI , the role that the state has played in our lives has not stopped growing. This has been especially so in the case of Glasgow. The state has spent more and more, provided more and more services, more subsidy, more education, more health care, more infrastructure, more accommodation, more benefits, more regulations, more laws, more protection. The more it has provided, the worse Glasgow has fared. Is this correlation a coincidence? I don't think so.The story of the rise and fall of Glasgow is a distilled version of the story of the rise and fall of industrial Britain – indeed the entire industrial West. In the next chapter I'm going to show you a simple mistake that goes on being made; a dynamic by which the state, whose very aim was to help Glasgow, has actually been its ‘pathway to breakdown' . . .Life After the State is available at Amazon, Apple Books and all good bookshops, with the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe

Good Sunday morning to you,I am just on a train home from Glasgow, where I have been gigging these past two nights. I've had a great time, as I always seem to do when I go north of the wall.But Glasgow on a Saturday night is something else. My hotel was right next to the station and so I was right in the thick of it. If I ever get to make a cacatopian, end-of-days, post-apocalyptic thriller, I'll just stroll through Glasgow city centre on a Friday or Saturday night with a camera to get all the B roll. It was like walking through a Hieronymus Bosch painting only with a Scottish accent. Little seems to have changed since I wrote that infamous chapter about Glasgow in Life After the State all those years ago. The only difference is that now it's more multi-ethnic. So many people are so off their heads. I lost count of the number of randoms wandering about just howling at the stars. The long days - it was still light at 10 o'clock - make the insanity all the more visible. Part of me finds it funny, but another part of me finds it so very sad that so many people let themselves get into this condition. It prompted me to revisit said chapter, and I offer it today as your Sunday thought piece.Just a couple of little notes, before we begin. This caught my eye on Friday. Our favourite uranium tech company, Lightbridge Fuels (NASDAQ:LTBR), has taken off again with Donald Trump's statement that he is going to quadruple US nuclear capacity. The stock was up 45% in a day. We first looked at it in October at $3. It hit $15 on Friday. It's one to sell on the spikes and buy on the dips, as this incredible chart shows.(In other news I have now listened twice to the Comstock Lode AGM, and I'll report back on that shortly too). ICYMI here is my mid-week commentary, which attracted a lot of attentionRight - Glasgow.(NB I haven't included references here. Needless to say, they are all there in the book. And sorry I don't have access to the audio of me reading this from my laptop, but, if you like, you can get the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. The book itself available at Amazon, Apple Books et al).How the Most Entrepreneurial City in Europe Became Its SickestThe cause of waves of unemployment is not capitalism, but governments …Friedrich Hayek, economist and philosopherIn the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Glasgow in Scotland became enormously, stupendously rich. It happened quite organically, without planning. An entrepreneurial people reacted to their circumstances and, over time, turned Glasgow into an industrial and economic centre of such might that, by the turn of the 20th century, Glasgow was producing half the tonnage of Britain's ships and a quarter of all locomotives in the world. (Not unlike China's industrial dominance today). It was regarded as the best-governed city in Europe and popular histories compared it to the great imperial cities of Venice and Rome. It became known as the ‘Second City of the British Empire'.Barely 100 years later, it is the heroin capital of the UK, the murder capital of the UK and its East End, once home to Europe's largest steelworks, has been dubbed ‘the benefits capital of the UK'. Glasgow is Britain's fattest city: its men have Britain's lowest life expectancy – on a par with Palestine and Albania – and its unemployment rate is 50% higher than the rest of the UK.How did Glasgow manage all that?The growth in Glasgow's economic fortunes began in the latter part of the 17th century and the early 18th century. First, the city's location in the west of Scotland at the mouth of the river Clyde meant that it lay in the path of the trade winds and at least 100 nautical miles closer to America's east coast than other British ports – 200 miles closer than London. In the days before fossil fuels (which only found widespread use in shipping in the second half of the 19th century) the journey to Virginia was some two weeks shorter than the same journey from London or many of the other ports in Britain and Europe. Even modern sailors describe how easy the port of Glasgow is to navigate. Second, when England was at war with France – as it was repeatedly between 1688 and 1815 – ships travelling to Glasgow were less vulnerable than those travelling to ports further south. Glasgow's merchants took advantage and, by the early 18th century, the city had begun to assert itself as a trading hub. Manufactured goods were carried from Britain and Europe to North America and the Caribbean, where they were traded for increasingly popular commodities such as tobacco, cotton and sugar.Through the 18th century, the Glasgow merchants' business networks spread, and they took steps to further accelerate trade. New ships were introduced, bigger than those of rival ports, with fore and aft sails that enabled them to sail closer to the wind and reduce journey times. Trading posts were built to ensure that cargo was gathered and stored for collection, so that ships wouldn't swing idly at anchor. By the 1760s Glasgow had a 50% share of the tobacco trade – as much as the rest of Britain's ports combined. While the English merchants simply sold American tobacco in Europe at a profit, the Glaswegians actually extended credit to American farmers against future production (a bit like a crop future today, where a crop to be grown at a later date is sold now). The Virginia farmers could then use this credit to buy European goods, which the Glaswegians were only too happy to supply. This brought about the rise of financial institutions such as the Glasgow Ship Bank and the Glasgow Thistle Bank, which would later become part of the now-bailed-out, taxpayer-owned Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS).Their practices paid rewards. Glasgow's merchants earned a great deal of money. They built glamorous homes and large churches and, it seems, took on aristocratic airs – hence they became known as the ‘Tobacco Lords'. Numbering among them were Buchanan, Dunlop, Ingram, Wilson, Oswald, Cochrane and Glassford, all of whom had streets in the Merchant City district of Glasgow named after them (other streets, such as Virginia Street and Jamaica Street, refer to their trade destinations). In 1771, over 47 million pounds of tobacco were imported.However, the credit the Glaswegians extended to American tobacco farmers would backfire. The debts incurred by the tobacco farmers – which included future presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson (who almost lost his farm as a result) – grew, and were among the grievances when the American War of Independence came in 1775. That war destroyed the tobacco trade for the Glaswegians. Much of the money that was owed to them was never repaid. Many of their plantations were lost. But the Glaswegians were entrepreneurial and they adapted. They moved on to other businesses, particularly cotton.By the 19th century, all sorts of local industry had emerged around the goods traded in the city. It was producing and exporting textiles, chemicals, engineered goods and steel. River engineering projects to dredge and deepen the Clyde (with a view to forming a deep- water port) had begun in 1768 and they would enable shipbuilding to become a major industry on the upper reaches of the river, pioneered by industrialists such as Robert Napier and John Elder. The final stretch of the Monkland Canal, linking the Forth and Clyde Canal at Port Dundas, was opened in 1795, facilitating access to the iron-ore and coal mines of Lanarkshire.The move to fossil-fuelled shipping in the latter 19th century destroyed the advantages that the trade winds had given Glasgow. But it didn't matter. Again, the people adapted. By the turn of the 20th century the Second City of the British Empire had become a world centre of industry and heavy engineering. It has been estimated that, between 1870 and 1914, it produced as much as one-fifth of the world's ships, and half of Britain's tonnage. Among the 25,000 ships it produced were some of the greatest ever built: the Cutty Sark, the Queen Mary, HMS Hood, the Lusitania, the Glenlee tall ship and even the iconic Mississippi paddle steamer, the Delta Queen. It had also become a centre for locomotive manufacture and, shortly after the turn of the 20th century, could boast the largest concentration of locomotive building works in Europe.It was not just Glasgow's industry and wealth that was so gargantuan. The city's contribution to mankind – made possible by the innovation and progress that comes with booming economies – would also have an international impact. Many great inventors either hailed from Glasgow or moved there to study or work. There's James Watt, for example, whose improvements to the steam engine were fundamental to the Industrial Revolution. One of Watt's employees, William Murdoch, has been dubbed ‘the Scot who lit the world' – he invented gas lighting, a new kind of steam cannon and waterproof paint. Charles MacIntosh gave us the raincoat. James Young, the chemist dubbed as ‘the father of the oil industry', gave us paraffin. William Thomson, known as Lord Kelvin, developed the science of thermodynamics, formulating the Kelvin scale of absolute temperature; he also managed the laying of the first transatlantic telegraph cable.The turning point in the economic fortunes of Glasgow – indeed, of industrial Britain – was WWI. Both have been in decline ever since. By the end of the war, the British were drained, both emotionally and in terms of capital and manpower; the workers, the entrepreneurs, the ideas men, too many of them were dead or incapacitated. There was insufficient money and no appetite to invest. The post-war recession, and later the Great Depression, did little to help. The trend of the city was now one of inexorable economic decline.If Glasgow was the home of shipping and industry in 19th-century Britain, it became the home of socialism in the 20th century. Known by some as the ‘Red Clydeside' movement, the socialist tide in Scotland actually pre-dated the First World War. In 1906 came the city's first Labour Member of Parliament (MP), George Barnes – prior to that its seven MPs were all Conservatives or Liberal Unionists. In the spring of 1911, 11,000 workers at the Singer sewing-machine factory (run by an American corporation in Clydebank) went on strike to support 12 women who were protesting about new work practices. Singer sacked 400 workers, but the movement was growing – as was labour unrest. In the four years between 1910 and 1914 Clydebank workers spent four times as many days on strike than in the whole of the previous decade. The Scottish Trades Union Congress and its affiliations saw membership rise from 129,000 in 1909 to 230,000 in 1914.20The rise in discontent had much to do with Glasgow's housing. Conditions were bad, there was overcrowding, bad sanitation, housing was close to dirty, noxious and deafening industry. Unions grew quite organically to protect the interests of their members.Then came WWI, and inflation, as Britain all but abandoned gold. In 1915 many landlords responded by attempting to increase rent, but with their young men on the Western front, those left behind didn't have the means to pay these higher costs. If they couldn't, eviction soon followed. In Govan, an area of Glasgow where shipbuilding was the main occupation, women – now in the majority with so many men gone – organized opposition to the rent increases. There are photographs showing women blocking the entrance to tenements; officers who did get inside to evict tenants are said to have had their trousers pulled down.The landlords were attacked for being unpatriotic. Placards read: ‘While our men are fighting on the front line,the landlord is attacking us at home.' The strikes spread to other cities throughout the UK, and on 27 November 1915 the government introduced legislation to restrict rents to the pre-war level. The strikers were placated. They had won. The government was happy; it had dealt with the problem. The landlords lost out.In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917, more frequent strikes crippled the city. In 1919 the ‘Bloody Friday' uprising prompted the prime minister, David Lloyd George, to deploy 10,000 troops and tanks onto the city's streets. By the 1930s Glasgow had become the main base of the Independent Labour Party, so when Labour finally came to power alone after WWII, its influence was strong. Glasgow has always remained a socialist stronghold. Labour dominates the city council, and the city has not had a Conservative MP for 30 years.By the late 1950s, Glasgow was losing out to the more competitive industries of Japan, Germany and elsewhere. There was a lack of investment. Union demands for workers, enforced by government legislation, made costs uneconomic and entrepreneurial activity arduous. With lack of investment came lack of innovation.Rapid de-industrialization followed, and by the 1960s and 70s most employment lay not in manufacturing, but in the service industries.Which brings us to today. On the plus side, Glasgow is still ranked as one of Europe's top 20 financial centres and is home to some leading Scottish businesses. But there is considerable downside.Recent studies have suggested that nearly 30% of Glasgow's working age population is unemployed. That's 50% higher than that of the rest of Scotland or the UK. Eighteen per cent of 16- to 19-year-olds are neither in school nor employed. More than one in five working-age Glaswegians have no sort of education that might qualify them for a job.In the city centre, the Merchant City, 50% of children are growing up in homes where nobody works. In the poorer neighbourhoods, such as Ruchill, Possilpark, or Dalmarnock, about 65% of children live in homes where nobody works – more than three times the national average. Figures from the Department of Work and Pensions show that 85% of working age adults from the district of Bridgeton claim some kind of welfare payment.Across the city, almost a third of the population regularly receives sickness or incapacity benefit, the highest rate of all UK cities. A 2008 World Health Organization report noted that in Glasgow's Calton, Bridgeton and Queenslie neighbourhoods, the average life expectancy for males is only 54. In contrast, residents of Glasgow's more affluent West End live to be 80 and virtually none of them are on the dole.Glasgow has the highest crime rate in Scotland. A recent report by the Centre for Social Justice noted that there are 170 teenage gangs in Glasgow. That's the same number as in London, which has over six times the population of Glasgow.It also has the dubious record of being Britain's murder capital. In fact, Glasgow had the highest homicide rate in Western Europe until it was overtaken in 2012 by Amsterdam, with more violent crime per head of population than even New York. What's more, its suicide rate is the highest in the UK.Then there are the drug and alcohol problems. The residents of the poorer neighbourhoods are an astounding six times more likely to die of a drugs overdose than the national average. Drug-related mortality has increased by 95% since 1997. There are 20,000 registered drug users – that's just registered – and the situation is not going to get any better: children who grow up in households where family members use drugs are seven times more likely to end up using drugs themselves than children who live in drug-free families.Glasgow has the highest incidence of liver diseases from alcohol abuse in all of Scotland. In the East End district of Dennistoun, these illnesses kill more people than heart attacks and lung cancer combined. Men and women are more likely to die of alcohol-related deaths in Glasgow than anywhere else in the UK. Time and time again Glasgow is proud winner of the title ‘Fattest City in Britain'. Around 40% of the population are obese – 5% morbidly so – and it also boasts the most smokers per capita.I have taken these statistics from an array of different sources. It might be in some cases that they're overstated. I know that I've accentuated both the 18th- and 19th-century positives, as well as the 20th- and 21st-century negatives to make my point. Of course, there are lots of healthy, happy people in Glasgow – I've done many gigs there and I loved it. Despite the stories you hear about intimidating Glasgow audiences, the ones I encountered were as good as any I've ever performed in front of. But none of this changes the broad-brush strokes: Glasgow was a once mighty city that now has grave social problems. It is a city that is not fulfilling its potential in the way that it once did. All in all, it's quite a transformation. How has it happened?Every few years a report comes out that highlights Glasgow's various problems. Comments are then sought from across the political spectrum. Usually, those asked to comment agree that the city has grave, ‘long-standing and deep-rooted social problems' (the words of Stephen Purcell, former leader of Glasgow City Council); they agree that something needs to be done, though they don't always agree on what that something is.There's the view from the right: Bill Aitken of the Scottish Conservatives, quoted in The Sunday Times in 2008, said, ‘We simply don't have the jobs for people who are not academically inclined. Another factor is that some people are simply disinclined to work. We have got to find something for these people to do, to give them a reason to get up in the morning and give them some self-respect.' There's the supposedly apolitical view of anti-poverty groups: Peter Kelly, director of the Glasgow-based Poverty Alliance, responded, ‘We need real, intensive support for people if we are going to tackle poverty. It's not about a lack of aspiration, often people who are unemployed or on low incomes are stymied by a lack of money and support from local and central government.' And there's the view from the left. In the same article, Patricia Ferguson, the Labour Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for Maryhill, also declared a belief in government regeneration of the area. ‘It's about better housing, more jobs, better education and these things take years to make an impact. I believe that the huge regeneration in the area is fostering a lot more community involvement and cohesion. My real hope is that these figures will take a knock in the next five or ten years.' At the time of writing in 2013, five years later, the figures have worsened.All three points of view agree on one thing: the government must do something.In 2008 the £435 million Fairer Scotland Fund – established to tackle poverty – was unveiled, aiming to allocate cash to the country's most deprived communities. Its targets included increasing average income among lower wage-earners and narrowing the poverty gap between Scotland's best- and worst-performing regions by 2017. So far, it hasn't met those targets.In 2008 a report entitled ‘Power for The Public' examined the provision of health, education and justice in Scotland. It said the budgets for these three areas had grown by 55%, 87% and 44% respectively over the last decade, but added that this had produced ‘mixed results'. ‘Mixed results' means it didn't work. More money was spent and the figures got worse.After the Centre for Social Justice report on Glasgow in 2008, Iain Duncan Smith (who set up this think tank, and is now the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions) said, ‘Policy must deal with the pathways to breakdown – high levels of family breakdown, high levels of failed education, debt and unemployment.'So what are ‘pathways to breakdown'? If you were to look at a chart of Glasgow's prosperity relative to the rest of the world, its peak would have come somewhere around 1910. With the onset of WWI in 1914 its decline accelerated, and since then the falls have been relentless and inexorable. It's not just Glasgow that would have this chart pattern, but the whole of industrial Britain. What changed the trend? Yes, empires rise and fall, but was British decline all a consequence of WWI? Or was there something else?A seismic shift came with that war – a change which is very rarely spoken or written about. Actually, the change was gradual and it pre-dated 1914. It was a change that was sweeping through the West: that of government or state involvement in our lives. In the UK it began with the reforms of the Liberal government of 1906–14, championed by David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, known as the ‘terrible twins' by contemporaries. The Pensions Act of 1908, the People's Budget of 1909–10 (to ‘wage implacable warfare against poverty', declared Lloyd George) and the National Insurance Act of 1911 saw the Liberal government moving away from its tradition of laissez-faire systems – from classical liberalism and Gladstonian principles of self-help and self-reliance – towards larger, more active government by which taxes were collected from the wealthy and the proceeds redistributed. Afraid of losing votes to the emerging Labour party and the increasingly popular ideology of socialism, modern liberals betrayed their classical principles. In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George said ‘the partisan warfare that raged around these topics was so fierce that by 1913, this country was brought to the verge of civil war'. But these were small steps. The Pensions Act, for example, meant that men aged 70 and above could claim between two and five shillings per week from the government. But average male life- expectancy then was 47. Today it's 77. Using the same ratio, and, yes, I'm manipulating statistics here, that's akin to only awarding pensions to people above the age 117 today. Back then it was workable.To go back to my analogy of the prologue, this period was when the ‘train' was set in motion across the West. In 1914 it went up a gear. Here are the opening paragraphs of historian A. J. P. Taylor's most celebrated book, English History 1914–1945, published in 1965.I quote this long passage in full, because it is so telling.Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state, beyond the post office and the policeman. He could live where he liked and as he liked. He had no official number or identity card. He could travel abroad or leave his country forever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money for any other currency without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter, a foreigner could spend his life in this country without permit and without informing the police. Unlike the countries of the European continent, the state did not require its citizens to perform military service. An Englishman could enlist, if he chose, in the regular army, the navy, or the territorials. He could also ignore, if he chose, the demands of national defence. Substantial householders were occasionally called on for jury service. Otherwise, only those helped the state, who wished to do so. The Englishman paid taxes on a modest scale: nearly £200 million in 1913–14, or rather less than 8% of the national income.The state intervened to prevent the citizen from eating adulterated food or contracting certain infectious diseases. It imposed safety rules in factories, and prevented women, and adult males in some industries,from working excessive hours.The state saw to it that children received education up to the age of 13. Since 1 January 1909, it provided a meagre pension for the needy over the age of 70. Since 1911, it helped to insure certain classes of workers against sickness and unemployment. This tendency towards more state action was increasing. Expenditure on the social services had roughly doubled since the Liberals took office in 1905. Still, broadly speaking, the state acted only to help those who could not help themselves. It left the adult citizen alone.All this was changed by the impact of the Great War. The mass of the people became, for the first time, active citizens. Their lives were shaped by orders from above; they were required to serve the state instead of pursuing exclusively their own affairs. Five million men entered the armed forces, many of them (though a minority) under compulsion. The Englishman's food was limited, and its quality changed, by government order. His freedom of movement was restricted; his conditions of work prescribed. Some industries were reduced or closed, others artificially fostered. The publication of news was fettered. Street lights were dimmed. The sacred freedom of drinking was tampered with: licensed hours were cut down, and the beer watered by order. The very time on the clocks was changed. From 1916 onwards, every Englishman got up an hour earlier in summer than he would otherwise have done, thanks to an act of parliament. The state established a hold over its citizens which, though relaxed in peacetime, was never to be removed and which the Second World war was again to increase. The history of the English state and of the English people merged for the first time.Since the beginning of WWI , the role that the state has played in our lives has not stopped growing. This has been especially so in the case of Glasgow. The state has spent more and more, provided more and more services, more subsidy, more education, more health care, more infrastructure, more accommodation, more benefits, more regulations, more laws, more protection. The more it has provided, the worse Glasgow has fared. Is this correlation a coincidence? I don't think so.The story of the rise and fall of Glasgow is a distilled version of the story of the rise and fall of industrial Britain – indeed the entire industrial West. In the next chapter I'm going to show you a simple mistake that goes on being made; a dynamic by which the state, whose very aim was to help Glasgow, has actually been its ‘pathway to breakdown' . . .Life After the State is available at Amazon, Apple Books and all good bookshops, with the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe

In this episode of the Holyrood Sources podcast, Calum Macdonald, Geoff Aberdein and Andy Maciver discuss the significance of Tartan Week, the recent defection of Jamie Greene from the Scottish Conservatives to the Liberal Democrats, and the challenges faced by political parties in Scotland. The conversation highlights the tribal nature of the Scottish Parliament, the shifting political landscape, and the implications of these changes for the future of the Scottish Conservatives and the broader political environment. We also hear from newly elected Alba Party leader, Kenny MacAskill on his strategy for independence. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

 What could a pact between Nigel Farage's Reform party and Kemi Badenoch's Conservatives look like? Are we about to see the Tory party lurch closer to the right?     Beth, Ruth and Harriet answer this and more, as they go through your questions – which means we also get the backstory to the iconic Beth Rigby red lipstick.     And how difficult is being married to an MP? We hear from Ruth's partner Jen about their lives in the spotlight when Ruth was leader of the Scottish Conservatives.    Email us at electoraldysfunction@sky.uk, post on X to @BethRigby, or send a WhatsApp voice note on 07934 200 444.        And remember, you can also watch us on YouTube! 

Alistair Grant and David Bol sit down with Russell Findlay, the Scottish Conservative leader, to discuss his party's policy platform, the "self-righteous" Holyrood bubble - and the threat posed by Reform UK. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode, the conversation revolves around Thomas Kerr's recent defection from the Scottish Conservatives to Reform UK. Kerr discusses the circumstances surrounding his decision, the dynamics of political defection, and the implications for Scottish politics. The discussion also touches on the challenges faced by the Conservative Party, the rise of Reform UK, and the potential for coalition politics in Scotland. The speakers reflect on the need for a clear political vision and the importance of addressing the concerns of constituents. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The team discuss Labour's "reset" plans, and politicking ramping up in Holyrood. Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced Labour's "Plan for Change", but how has it gone down with the electorate, and Scottish Labour MSPs? As the 2026 Holyrood election continues to approach, the politicking ramps up in Holyrood, following the Scottish Budget, and polls suggesting Scottish Labour might not be on as sure footing as it may have hoped. And, with new leaders for both the UK and Scottish Conservatives, where do they fit into the upcoming electoral picture, as Nigel Farage's Reform UK threatens to make waves in the upcoming elections?

The team talk conference contentment, the national care service, and Taylor Swift. Why did the Conservatives seem so upbeat during the Birmingham conference? Why is the Labour donations row still dominating the news cycle several weeks in? Podlitical discusses the week's news, including Prime Minister Starmer returning £6k in gifts following a continuing row over donations, the new Scottish Conservative leader Russell Findlay settling into the role, and the unusually upbeat Conservative Conference for a party who just faced defeat in the General Election. Also, what's happening with the national care service in Scotland after local authorities voted to withdraw support?

Calum, Andy and Geoff discuss the next leg of the Islands tour, the implications of GB Energy's announcement in Aberdeen, and the challenges facing the Scottish Conservatives (and their Westminster allies) under new leader Russell Findlay. Plus the housing crisis in Scotland, the role of private investment, and the recent political strategies of the Labour Party.Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Sponsored by Scottish Whiskey Association and SSE. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Labour slumping disastrously in polls just 11 weeks after its General Election victory. The Tory leadership election becoming a who can move far enough to the Right to defeat Reform contest. Have all the SNP's Christmases come at once or should they beware a do nothing, fingers crossed, complacency?Lesley appeared on Debate Night from Dundee where Kenny Farquharson pushed the need for a settled agreement between the UK and Scottish governments on a mechanism to allow a second independence referendum.We examine the proposals contained in Glasgow University's "Scotland and the Constitution.Agreeing a Way Forward" report for just such a mechanism based on the Good Friday Agreement and a Northern Irish border poll.Scotland's minimum price of alcohol went up on September 30  by 15p, from 50p to 65p. Just how successful has  Minimum Unit Pricing  been in combating alcohol related deaths?We ask, "Who is Russell Findlay?" in the aftermath of his election as leader of the Scottish Conservatives.To find out more about and book tickets for Owning Our Futures-Autonomy Movements in Europe click below.https://independenceconvention.scot/europes-independence-movements-come-to-scotland#:~:text=Conference%20and%20Ceilidh%20Tickets%20Major%20InternationalTo listen to the marvelous "Hermless" by Michael Marra https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5F44WfZoIN4As a proud "Arab" Pat couldn't resist adding this one-Hamish the Goaliehttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AqoGqoFCi2AIf these have whetted your appetite the Michael Marra A Can Of Mind And A Tin Of Think So Book Boxed Set 2024 linkhttps://assai.co.uk/products/michael-marra-a-can-of-mind-and-a-tin-of-think-so-book-boxed-set-2024?_pos=1&_sid=5d7c312fb&_ss=r ★ Support this podcast ★

The team dissect the weekend's Labour conference, and Douglas Ross' final FMQs. After delegates met in Liverpool, have we learnt more about what Labour will deliver? Have they managed to reframe the gloomy economic outlook as a message of hope? Rajdeep shares her experience at conference, and talks about the mood on the ground with the Scottish MPs. Also, the Scottish Conservative leadership contest is reaching its conclusion, and Douglas Ross takes part in his final FMQs as opposition leader. What does new leadership hold for the party, as Holyrood eyes up the 2026 election?

Scottish Conservatives' leadership candidate Murdo Fraser sits down with Podlitical. The MSP for Mid Scotland and Fife sets out his vision for the Scottish Conservatives if he wins the leadership contest, including why the party needs to be "brave" to succeed in the 2026 Holyrood election, why he believes the messaging on independence has "lost its currency" with voters, as well as why he thinks former leader Ruth Davidson's comments on the contest were "not helpful", and how he felt excluded from decisions under the leadership of Douglas Ross.For a range of political interviews, subscribe to Podlitical on BBC Sounds.

Scottish Conservatives' leadership candidate Meghan Gallacher sits down with Podlitical. The MSP for Central Scotland sets out her vision for the Scottish Conservatives if she wins the leadership contest, including why she's calling for repair and unity after the contest because "broken parties don't win elections", the infighting reported on during the contest, her resignation as Deputy Leader of the Scottish Conservatives and how she felt she wasn't in the room when decisions were being taken by Douglas Ross. Gallacher also sets out her thoughts on a broader UK Conservative movement, which she hopes can come together "as a team" across devolved nations.For a full range of political interviews, subscribe to Podlitical on BBC Sounds.

The three candidates to be the next leader of the Scottish Conservative party join the podcast to discuss the issues of the campaign. Meghan Gallacher, Murdo Fraser and Russell Findlay talk about the difficulties of the campaign, how they'd form an effective opposition, whether they think they can ever be First Minister, how they feel about the rise of Reform UK in Scotland and what would define their leadership. Calum, Geoff and Andy discuss and debate with them. Sponsored by the Scotch Whisky Association's Made to be Measured campaign. Find out more about the campaign at www.scotch-whisky.org.uk/madetobemeasured. Sponsored by SSE. To verify what you've heard, click www.sse.com/change. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Scottish government has announced it will not hold any more meetings with Israeli ambassadors until progress is made in ceasefire talks. The SNP has faced criticism after External Affairs Secretary Angus Robertson met Israel's Deputy Ambassador to the UK. Angus joins Calum and Andy to explain his stance on the conflict, and also what more Scotland needs to do to improve its international standing. Plus, The Spectator's Lucy Dunn and Catriona Stewart unpick the state of the Scottish Conservatives leadership race and what's to come at SNP conference. This episode is sponsored by Port of Aberdeen. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Calum, Andy and Geoff discuss the fallout from rioting across England over the past week, and why there hasn't been any in Scotland. Plus, Murdo Fraser enters the Scottish Conservative leadership race, it's results day, and dressage isn't a real Olympic sport. This episode is sponsored by Port of Aberdeen. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Calum, Geoff and Andy debrief on last week's candid interview with Murdo Fraser and Liz Smith, as well as assess Rachel Reeves's less-than-optimistic speech on the state of the economy this week. Plus, what would a positive SNP conference look like? And would a particular new leader of the Scottish Conservatives get the party out of it's electoral rut - or does something more significant have to change?This episode is sponsored by Port of Aberdeen. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

MSPs for Mid Scotland and Fife Liz Smith and Murdo Fraser join Calum and Andy to unpick what the future holds for the Scottish Conservatives, as well as reflect on its past. Potentially the next leader of the party, Murdo Fraser admits it was a mistake to try and split from the UK party in 2011 (which derailed his previous leadership bid), and suggests that he would be open to working with a new party, headed by...Kate Forbes.Plus, does Holyrood need an upper chamber? And why is Scotland's devolution underperforming, compared to England? And how detrimental might that prove to be? All in today's episode. This episode is sponsored by Port of Aberdeen. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

What does the King's Speech tell us about the new Labour government's priorities? Beyond the ceremony and pomp of the day, the team discuss the policies and priorities of the new government, including the future of devolution, what might impact devolved areas (and what won't), and what's been left out. How did the speech sit with opposition parties like the SNP? Also, Prime Minister Starmer meets with European leaders as he looks to "reset" the UK's relationship with Europe, and names begin to emerge for potential Scottish Conservative leader candidates.

In this conversation, the hosts discuss the first week of Keir Starmer's leadership of the Labour Party, the challenges facing the SNP and the Scottish Conservatives, and the future of the Scottish Liberal Democrats. They also interview Angus MacDonald, the newly elected Liberal Democrat MP for Inverness, Sky and West Rosshire, who shares his experiences and goals as a member of parliament.Plus, Sam White, former Chief of Staff for Sir Keir Starmer, discusses his time working with Starmer and the Labour Party's political strategy. He reflects on the party's turnaround from a low point to a 170+ majority in just one term of office. White describes Starmer as an evidence-led politician and policymaker who weighs decisions carefully. He also addresses concerns about Starmer's ability to adapt to the pressures of government and the challenges of the media landscape. White emphasises the importance of conveying the truth about the need for long-term change and renewal. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The podcast discusses the results of the general election and the implications for various political parties in Scotland. The Labour Party achieved a landslide victory, adding more than 200 seats, while the SNP suffered a significant defeat, losing 38 seats. The Scottish Conservatives held onto five seats but faced criticism for their performance. The conversation explores the lessons learned from the election, the role of independence in Scottish politics, and the need for parties to focus on delivering results for the electorate. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer says “the culture of politics" needs to change in light of the investigations into allegations of gambling on the general election from both Conservative and Labour figures. Calum, Geoff, Andy and Cat Headley discuss what can be done to address the relationship between politics and gambling, and whether anything should be done at all. Plus, if IndyRef2 becomes a fading prospect, what is the point of the Scottish Conservatives? Who's had a good election campaign? And who's had a bad one? All in today's episode. This episode is sponsored by Port of Aberdeen. Find out more at https://www.portofaberdeen.co.uk/ Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Martin Geissler sits down with Scottish Conservatives leader Douglas Ross. It's fair to say it's been a rough campaign for the Tories, but is it all doom and gloom in the camp? In this audio version of the BBC Scotland Sunday Show interview, Martin asks Ross about his policies, his plans for the future, and the ups and downs of a few weeks on the campaign trail.Part of a series of interviews with party leaders over the course of the general election campaign. To hear them all, subscribe to Podlitical on BBC Sounds, or tune in to the Sunday Show every Sunday from 10am on BBC One Scotland and Radio Scotland.

We discuss the recent launch of the SNP manifesto for the upcoming general election. We explore the purpose of a manifesto in a general election and the tactics at play. Plus, we discuss the potential impact of the polls on the outcome of the election and the future of the Scottish Conservative Party. We take your questions on the achievements of the SNP at Westminster and the possibility of a leadership contest within the Scottish Conservatives. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The team discuss the Debate Night Scottish Leaders' debate. Following a fiery hour, how did the leaders set out their pitches to the Scottish electorate, how did Scottish leaders differ from Westminster counterparts, and how did the audience react to their pledges and promises? From cost of living to independence, the team analyse the performances and claims made by Anas Sarwar from Scottish Labour, Douglas Ross from the Scottish Conservatives, John Swinney from the SNP, Alex Cole-Hamilton from the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Lorna Slater from the Scottish Greens.

Ipsos' first Scotland poll since the General Election indicates the SNP and Labour in Scotland share 36% of the country's voting intention. Managing Director of Ipsos in Scotland, Emily Gray, joins the podcast to discuss what it means. Plus, after predicting it would happen, Calum, Andy and Geoff assess what next for the Scottish Conservatives after Douglas Ross announced he would stand down as leader. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Scottish Tory leader announces his resignation, the first manifestos launch, and more. Following the bombshell news that Scottish Conservatives leader Douglas Ross is intending to resign that role after the general election, the team discuss how this might effect campaigning, how parties may use the news in the upcoming Scottish leaders debate, and what it means for Holyrood on July 5th. What other plans have parties made ahead of the debate? As the first manifestos begin to appear, with more on the way, the team analyses another week on the campaign trail, including where the parties are in terms of pledges and optics, the latest campaign stunts, and Phil recalls the time he nearly jumped out of a plane with the Lib Dems.

In this election special Giles Whittell is joined by former Scottish Labour leader Kezia Dugdale, journalist John Boothman and columnist Andrew Tickell in front of an audience at Material Source in Glasgow.They discuss what's behind Douglas Ross's decision to resign as leader of the Scottish Conservatives, the lurch to the right in some European countries and the number of Scottish children living in temporary accommodation.Email: newsmeeting@tortoisemedia.comBook your free ticket to our next election special in Stroud on Wednesday 19th July: https://www.tortoisemedia.com/thinkin/the-news-meeting-live-stroud/ Guests:Kezia Dugdale, former leader of Scottish Labour and Associate Director of the Centre for Public Policy at the University of GlasgowJohn Boothman, political correspondent at The Times and Sunday TimesAndrew Tickell, writer, columnist and lecturer in law at Glasgow Caledonian UniversityHost: Giles Whittell, Tortoise's deputy editorProducers: Rebecca Moore and Casey MagloireExecutive producer: Lewis VickersTo find out more about Tortoise:- Download the Tortoise app - for a listening experience curated by our journalists- Subscribe to Tortoise+ on Apple Podcasts for early access and exclusive content- Become a member and get access to all of Tortoise's premium audio offerings and moreIf you want to get in touch with us directly about a story, or tell us more about the stories you want to hear about contact hello@tortoisemedia.com Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Former Labour adviser Ayesha Hazarika joins Sky's Beth Rigby and Conservative peer Ruth Davidson to talk about the latest developments in the general election campaign.     On this episode, they discuss whether Rishi Sunak can recover from his D-Day blunder, the fallout from Douglas Ross's resignation as leader of the Scottish Conservatives, and how the parties are funding their manifestos as they are revealed this week.    Plus, Beth tells us how she is preparing to interview the prime minister and Sir Keir Starmer at the upcoming Sky Leaders' Event. Email Beth, Ruth, and Ayesha at electoraldysfunction@sky.uk, post on X to @BethRigby, or send a WhatsApp voice note on 07934 200 444.        

Just when you thought this election campaign couldn't get any more tumultuous, Douglas Ross has announced he will resign as Scottish Conservative leader. He had lost the support of his colleagues – particularly those in Holyrood – following his decision to effectively take over a Westminster colleague's constituency when that MP was seriously ill in hospital. Why now?  Michael Simmons speaks to Isabel Hardman and Katy Balls. The Spectator will be hosting a special Live edition of Coffee House Shots in the aftermath of the election. Taking place on Thursday the 11th July - a week after the election - at 7pm here in Westminster, you can join Fraser Nelson, Katy Balls and Kate Andrews as they try to dissect the election results, a new government, and what comes next.  Tickets are £35, or £25 for subscribers. If you're interested, you can book online at spectator.co.uk/shotslive   

Douglas Ross, the Scottish Conservative leader, has announced he will stand in Aberdeenshire North and Moray East. At a hastily arranged press conference in Edinburgh, he faced questions about the existing Tory candidate being blocked for health reasons. Alistair Grant, David Bol, Rachel Amery and Alexander Brown discuss all the latest from the campaign trail - and what it means. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Douglas Ross has U-turned on a pledge to quit Westminster to focus on leading the Scottish Conservatives at Holyrood and will once again stand as a candidate at the general election. He will replace David Duguid, who was sacked last night as the candidate for Aberdeenshire North & Moray East because he suffered a serious spinal injury. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Politicians reflect on the highs and lows of Holyrood to mark its 25th anniversary. Podlitical's Lucy Whyte and Glenn Campbell sit down with Scottish Labour's deputy leader Jackie Baillie, the SNP's Christine Grahame, and former Scottish Conservative leader Baroness Annabel Goldie, all of whom were elected in the first Scottish Parliamentary election in 1999, to look back on a quarter of a century of Holyrood. Has the devolved parliament lived up to expectations? Is politics more tribal? Should MSPs be more rebellious? From the initial exciting days, to the debates over independence, the panel discuss their feelings around some of the big events of the last twenty five years, what they would like to see done differently, and what the future holds for the Scottish Parliament.For a range of political interviews, subscribe to Podlitical on BBC Sounds.

Lisa Cameron was born in Glasgow and grew up in East Kilbride, the constituency she now represents. After three elections under the SNP, she memorably defected to the Scottish Conservatives in 2023. At the time, Humza Yousaf described it as the least surprising news he'd had since becoming first minister.  On the podcast, Lisa tells Katy about the need for increased investment into mental health provision, her defection from the SNP to the Tories and why Scottish independence is a failed experiment.

Dr Lisa Cameron was born in Glasgow and grew up in East Kilbride, the constituency she now represents. After three elections under the SNP, she memorably defected to the Scottish Conservatives in 2023. At the time, Humza Yousaf described it as the least surprising news he'd had since becoming first minister.  On the podcast, Lisa tells Katy about the need for increased investment into mental health provision, her defection from the SNP to the Tories and why Scottish independence is a failed experiment.

Following the prime minister's trip to Europe this week, Beth Rigby, Jess Phillips and Ruth Davidson examine whether Rishi Sunak is convincing on the world stage and ask if his announcement on defence spending will help the Conservatives' chances in next week's local elections.     And after the Rwanda bill was passed this week - is this another win for the prime minister or a policy that he should have dumped months ago?     Plus, what's the future for Scottish First Minister Hamza Yusuf following the breakdown of the coalition between the SNP and the Greens. Ruth Davidson who was the leader of the Scottish Conservatives gives her verdict.     And how do MPs get deselected if they behave badly and can you become an MP if you have a past?  The team answer more of your questions. Email Beth, Jess, and Ruth at electoraldysfunction@sky.uk, post on X to @BethRigby, or send a WhatsApp voice note on 07934 200 444.    

After two and a half years in government together, Humza Yousaf has terminated the SNP's governing pact with the Scottish Greens. The decision was rubber stamped at a hastily arranged meeting of the Scottish cabinet on Thursday morning. It preempts a vote by rank-and-file Green members on whether to walk away from Yousaf's government after he ditched a key climate target. In response, The Scottish Conservatives have tabled a vote of no confidence vote. And the Yousaf might very well lose it, now the Greens are out of the government. What will this mean for the first minister? Katy Balls speaks to Lucy Dunn, Iain Macwhirter and Fraser Nelson.  Produced by Oscar Edmondson. 

At the end of the show a question from Roger Hyam Recommendations: Ruth The Glasgow Girl (Paperback) - Aasmah Mir  A Glasgow Girl is the coming of age story of Aasmah Mir's childhood growing up in 1970s Glasgow. From a vivacious child to a teenage loner, Aasmah candidly shares the highs and lows of growing up between two cultures - trying to fit in at school and retreating to the safe haven of a home inhabited by her precious but distant little brother and Helen, her family's Glaswegian guardian angel. Intricately woven into this moving memoir is the story of Aasmah's mother, as we follow her own life as a young girl in 1950s Pakistan to 1960s Scotland and beyond. Both mother and daughter fight, are defeated and triumph in different battles in this sharp and moving story. A Glasgow Girl is a remarkable memoir about family, identity and finding yourself where you are. This book was previously titled A Pebble in the Throat. https://www.waterstones.com/book/a-glasgow-girl/aasmah-mir/9781472288554  Blue Lights - series - BBC For three police recruits in Belfast, the pressure is immense. Facing criminal gangs and divided communities, they don't know who to trust. The odds are, they won't all make it. https://www.bbc.co.uk/iplayer/episodes/p0f2cxpr/blue-lights  Hollyrood Sources Podcast The Holyrood Sources podcast analyses Scottish politics through the experiences of those who have lived and breathed it as Special Advisers to the Scottish Government, SNP and opposition parties. Join hosts Calum Macdonald, Geoff Aberdein (Chief of Staff to the First Minister, 2007-2014) and Andy Maciver (Former Head of Communications for the Scottish Conservatives). Their insight is second to none - they've been there. What does Scottish Politics look like after Nicola Sturgeon? Holyrood Sources bring you the insider information you need to navigate the next chapter. https://holyroodsources.com/  Stuart When a struggling comedian shows one act of kindness to a vulnerable woman, it sparks a suffocating obsession which threatens to wreck both their lives https://www.netflix.com/gb/title/81219887  Eamonn Living - film - netflix Overwhelmed at work and lonely at home, a council bureaucrat's life takes a heartbreaking turn when a medical diagnosis tells him his time is short. Influenced by a local decadent and a vibrant woman, he continues to search for meaning until a simple revelation gives him a purpose to create a legacy for the next generation. https://www.imdb.com/title/tt9051908/ 

Blethered at the Ballot is a political podcast that pulls no punches, brings a laugh or two, and cuts straight through to the important matters without getting caught up in political jargon and meaningless soundbites. The General Election is fast approaching and before we collectively decide who to put in power, we deserve to know the thoughts of those who currently have it, those who want it, and those who are near it.Dr Sandesh Gulhane has been a Scottish Conservative and Unionist MSP for Glasgow since 2021, he's Shadow Cabinet Secretary for Health and Social Care, and he's a practising NHS GP. He holds the distinction of being the first Hindu and first man of Indian descent to be elected to the Scottish Parliament.Now campaigning to be elected to Westminster as an MP, Sandesh has been been chosen as the Conservative candidate for East Renfrewshire – a seat currently held by the SNP's Kirsten Oswald. This is our conversation about the friendliness of Glaswegians, how he ended up in Scottish politics, my questions and observations about the Conservatives record after fourteen years in government, Douglas Ross' leadership, and his hopes for the election.Contact: seanmcdonald.podcast@gmail.comTwitter: https://twitter.com/seanmcdonald01 Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Sky News political editor Beth Rigby, Labour's Birmingham Yardley MP Jess Phillips and former leader of the Scottish Conservatives, Ruth Davidson, look at some of the big politics stories of the week. They say it's Tory donor Frank Hester who's had an "electoral dysfunction" this week after he apologised for comments he made about MP Diane Abbott. Almost a day after the revelations, the prime minister said they were "racist and wrong" - but hasn't suggested returning the £10m to the businessman. Mr Hester insists he is not a racist. The Reform Party will be the ones feeling "on top" after Lee Anderson left the Tories to join them – but Jess, Beth and Ruth discuss how much momentum that will really give the party in an election.   Plus, Electoral Dysfunction listeners get advice on how to engage young people in politics, and where would you even get started if you fancied a political job?   Email Beth, Ruth, and Jess at electoraldysfunction@sky.uk, post on X to @BethRigby, or send a WhatsApp voice note on 07934 200 444.    Warning: some explicit language.    

The fall-out from the Budget, Donald Trump at Super Tuesday and whether Westminster is paying enough attention to your local council's financial woes; all are up for discussion in this week's episode of Electoral Dysfunction. Sky News political editor Beth Rigby, Labour's Birmingham Yardley MP Jess Phillips and former leader of the Scottish Conservatives, Ruth Davidson, look at the political figures who've got on top this week – and where there's a total dysfunction. Email Beth, Ruth, and Jess at electoraldysfunction@sky.uk, post on X to @BethRigby, or send a WhatsApp voice note on 07934 200 444. Warning: some explicit language.

Will the budget make you better or worse off, and what does it mean for Scotland? The team are joined by Mairi Spowage, Director of the Fraser of Allander Institute at the University of Strathclyde to deep dive into the Conservatives' 2024 spring budget, including the 2p cut to National Insurance and a proposed extension of the windfall tax on energy industry profits, which has caused concern inside the Scottish Conservatives. As the dust settles on the announcements, the team discusses if this is an election budget, if there's more to come, and if people will feel the difference in their bank accounts and bills.

BUY YOUR TICKETS FOR OUR 25 YEARS OF DEVOLUTION SPECIALAnnounced guests so far: Jack McConnell, Alex Salmond, Henry McLeishClick: https://holyroodsources.com/liveAfter weeks of speculation, briefings and headlines the Chancellor's budget is here. And with it the windfall tax on profits for oil and gas firms has been extended for another 12 months, despite opposition from Scottish Conservatives. The former Political Editor of The Herald and former Special Advisor to Alistair Darling, Catherine Macleod, joins us to assess the budget, what it means for Scotland and just how tenable the positions of Douglas Ross and Andrew Bowie are. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Scottish Conservatives leader on the oil industry, energy windfall tax, and more. Off the back of the Scottish Conservative Party conference, MP and MSP Douglas Ross joins the Podlitical team on the eve of UK Conservative chancellor Jeremy Hunt's budget, and explains why he's against a windfall tax on energy company profits being extended, and why he thinks backing the oil industry makes economic sense, as the Tories face what he calls a "challenging electoral map" at the next general election. Ross also talks through his early work as a farmer, how he became a referee, and why he's concerned about his family's security as a public figure.

eBUY YOUR TICKETS FOR OUR 25 YEARS OF DEVOLUTION SPECIALAnnounced guests so far: Jack McConnell, Alex Salmond, Henry McLeishClick: https://holyroodsources.com/liveWe're back at the pub in Aberdeen, this time for Scottish Conservative Party Conference - and we're bringing you a brilliant lineup:▶️ The Leader: Douglas Ross on distinguishing the Scottish Conservatives from the wider party;▶️ The Secretary of State: Claire Coutinho with her pitch for the energy sector;▶️ The Minister: Andrew Bowie on nuclear energy and how he's campaigning on the doorsteps.▶️ The Journos: Rachel Amery from the Scotsman and Adele merson from the P&J set the scene and gauge the mood of conference.Plus, Calum, Andy - and the return of Geoff from family duties. Become a member at https://plus.acast.com/s/holyroodsources. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The former leader of the Scottish Conservatives on Israel & Gaza, the pandemic, and more. The MSP for Eastwood, Jackson Carlaw sits down with Podlitical to discuss his career, from representing Scotland's largest Jewish community and his thoughts on the Israel / Gaza conflict, to why he felt he wasn't ruthless enough to be Scottish Conservative leader. Carlaw talks about his unwillingness to be seen as "screaming abuse" at then-First Minister Nicola Sturgeon in FMQs during the early days of the Covid-19 Pandemic, why then-Prime Minister Boris Johnson had the "wrong skillset" for the pandemic, and how the public are not "terribly impressed" by Tory infighting and PM changes.For a range of political interviews, subscribe to Podlitical on BBC Sounds.

The Matheson iPad saga continues and Chancellor Hunt delivers the Autumn Statement. The team discuss the latest developments of Scottish Health Minister Michael Matheson's £11k iPad roaming bill, with the Scottish Conservatives threatening a vote of no confidence, but not yet following through in Parliament. In Westminster, Chancellor Jeremy Hunt has delivered the Autumn Statement, announcing tax cuts and more, with the fast-forwarding of his announced 2p National Insurance cut to January fuelling speculation around the timings of the next General Election.

The Deputy Leader of the Scottish Conservatives on her career, motherhood, and GRR. Lucy Whyte and Georgia Roberts sit down with Meghan Gallacher MSP, and discuss her beginnings in North Lanarkshire, how she developed conservative beliefs, and her rise to become deputy leader of the Scottish Conservative party. The team discuss Gender Recognition Reform and the late night vote last year, as well as what she thinks of the UK Government using a Section 35 order to veto the cross-party legislation. What does she think of the Conservatives prospects in the next election, and does she see herself as a future Scottish Tory leader?