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The economic realities of a failing war in the east accelerated the timetable for genocide at the highest levels of the Third Reich, but in July 1942 Heinrich Himmler also intended Auschwitz Birkenau to be a site for extracting slave labour from prisoners. He intended this because of the impeding economic and production crises that would engulf the Third Reich as it faced an alliance of America, the USSR and the British Empire. This podcast episode explores the intentions of the SS leader and of Hitler and how they were translated into brutal reality in the summer of 1942. *****STOP PRESS*****I only ever talk about history on this podcast but I also have another life, yes, that of aspirant fantasy author and if that's your thing you can get a copy of my debut novel The Blood of Tharta, right here:Help the podcast to continue bringing you history each weekIf you enjoy the Explaining History podcast and its many years of content and would like to help the show continue, please consider supporting it in the following ways:If you want to go ad-free, you can take out a membership hereOrYou can support the podcast via Patreon hereOr you can just say some nice things about it here Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
June 17, 2025, marks the 250th anniversary of the Battle of Bunker Hill, the first full-scale battle of what would become the American War for Independence. Although technically a British victory, Bunker Hill proved that colonial soldiers could hold their own against the might of the British Empire. New England militiamen inflicted 1,054 casualties on the British, 50 percent of the British force. The New Englanders sustained 411 casualties that day, including the man who stood at the heart of this battle: Dr. Joseph Warren. Who was Dr. Joseph Warren, and why did he risk his life in the first major battle of the Revolutionary War? What drove this physician, political thinker, and revolutionary leader to become the face of the American Revolution in Boston? Christian Di Spigna, Executive Director of the Dr. Joseph Warren Foundation, joins us to explore these questions and commemorate this important anniversary with details from his book, Founding Martyr: The Life and Death of Dr. Joseph Warren, the American Revolution's Lost Hero. Christian's Foundation | Book Show Notes: https://www.benfranklinsworld.com/413 RECOMMENDED NEXT EPISODES
In which six bored, Cambridge-connected bohemians con their way onto the British Empire's naval flagship by dressing as African royalty, and Ken thinks John is either Batman or a Karen. Certificate #19722.
The Queens and Consorts of the Saxe-Coburg and Gotha and later the Windsor Dynasty reined over the United Kingdom and the British Empire. They sometimes spurred on and sometimes resisted the modernization of the world. They inspired their people and even fought during two world Wars. The modern Queens consort and male consorts were: Albert of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha Alexandra of Denmark Mary of Teck Elizabeth Bowes-Lyon Philip of Greece and Denmark Camilla Shand The lives of the many Kings and handful of Queens Regnant who have held dominion over the kingdom of England, and later the United Kingdom take center stage in history. But the lives of their spouses and mothers are often relegated to the wings. In this series we will learn the stories of the many Queens Consort and the handful of male consorts who have been at the monarchs' sides. Through love, hate, adultery and sometimes murder these women and men have played vital roles in the history of England. Join me every Tuesday when I'm Spilling the Tea on History! Check out my Youtube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/c/lindsayholiday Follow me on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=100091781568503 Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/historyteatimelindsayholiday/ Tik Tok: https://www.tiktok.com/@historyteatime Please consider supporting me at https://www.patreon.com/LindsayHoliday and help me make more fascinating episodes! Intro Music: Baroque Coffee House by Doug Maxwell Music: Brandenburg Concerto No4-1 BWV1049 - Classical Whimsical by Kevin MacLeod is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 license. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ Source: http://incompetech.com/music/royalty-free/index.html?isrc=USUAN1100303 Artist: http://incompetech.com/ #HistoryTeaTime #LindsayHoliday Please contact advertising@airwavemedia.com if you would like to advertise on this podcast. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Geoff and Rory are joined by renowned writer, film-maker and Mughal historian, Sam Dalrymple, for a fascinating and storied episode on the history of Elveden Hall in Suffolk.Once the English home of the last ruler of the Sikh Empire - Sir Duleep Singh, Maharajah of Punjab - and now the seat of the Guinness family, Earls of Iveagh, Elveden is a resplendent Mughal palace (complete with scalloped arches, lotus-bud capitals, drop-traceried arcading, and a four-storey Marble Hall reminiscent of the Court of Lahore)... all encased within a Victorian Italianate shell.
The years between 1865 and 1870 would bring a tangle of new challenges for the people of the south. Drought gripped the land with merciless fingers in 1865 and 1866, only to return with cruel insistence between 1868 and 1869. Livelihoods withered, landscapes turned brittle. And yet, amid the dust and desolation, there was a glint of promise on the horizon, a hint of glitter in the forecast. British Kaffraria — that volatile strip of land east of the Kei — had been the stage for repeated wars between the British Empire and the amaXhosa. By 1866, the inevitable had come to pass: the territory was formally annexed to the Cape. This was not a popular move in the Cape Parliament. Most members balked at the idea, not out of principle, but pocket — British Kaffraria was a drain on the Treasury, propped up entirely by funds from London. The Cape, in its self-conscious autonomy, wanted no part in the bill. But Attorney General William Porter reminded his fellow parliamentarians that their indignation was selective. The Cape itself, he said, could not “talk big and look big” when its own house was being kept warm with British money. Independence in name meant little, he warned, if the machinery of government still ticked by the grace of Empire coin. But before the ink was dry on the annexation, another, more immediate matter took precedence — the fate of the amaMfengu, along with the amaNgqika and amaGqunukhwebe. The structures of amaXhosa political authority had already been dismantled within British Kaffraria. Now, as the imperial tide rolled further inland, it was the amaMfengu who found themselves repositioned — this time as subjects to be moved, their loyalty rewarded not with land, but with a fresh dislocation. Soon, the area around Butterworth became an amaMfengu stronghold. Many local amaXhosa were absorbed into their ambit — politically subdued or socially assimilated. For the British, this migration had a twofold effect. It removed thousands of Black residents from British Kaffraria, freeing up land under Crown control. And it advanced a broader goal: clearing the way for the Cape Parliament to annex the territory, albeit reluctantly and under pressure from Westminster. Just to flick the future switch for a moment — Back to the Future, in 2003, a constellation of dignitaries descended on Phokeng for the coronation of Kgosi Leruo Molotlegi of the Bafokeng. That's near Rustenberg just for clarity. Among them were Nelson Mandela, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, First Lady Zanele Mbeki, and the Queen Mother of Lesotho. A drought pressed down on the land in 2003, dry and unforgiving, but the dusty heat did little to mute the occasion's quiet grandeur. For a small nation to command such presence — to draw the gaze of the region's most prominent figures — spoke to something more than mere ceremonial gravity. It hinted at a deeper, long-cultivated influence. This is the story of how the Bafokeng came to be recognised as one of South Africa's most quietly successful peoples — not by avoiding the tides of history, but by learning, early on, how to navigate them. From their dealings with the Boers and Paul Kruger, to their survival under apartheid's grip, the Bafokeng carved a path few expected — and fewer still understood. There's an almost whispered history here, a counterpoint to the dominant narrative of dispossession and defeat. The Bafokeng lived on land of consequence long before that significance was measured in ounces of platinum. It wasn't until the metal was prised from the earth beneath their feet that the rest of the country — and eventually, the world — began to pay attention. But the roots of their agency run deeper, older. They reach back to a time when Paul Kruger was still cobbling together unity among the Voortrekkers, long before his epic confrontations with the British had begun.
America: Secret Wars is back with a five part series about the skirmishes between the US and Canada that almost led to a third war with the British Empire in the 1830s. In Part 5, Trevor is joined Bailey and Nic from Totalus Jeffianus (@jeffianus.bsky.social) to discuss the Pig War and the boundary disputes that gave us Oregon, Washington, and British Columbia.Visit https://hopfulmedia.com.co to subscribe, donate, or buy podcast merch!Totalus Jeffianus – https://pod.link/1689272611Unfortunately, production on this series has been a nightmare and the full bibliography was lost in a technical error (not realizing my laptop had disconnected from wifi and stopped auto-saving). Here is an abbreviated version:Coleman - The Pig War: The Most Perfect War in HistoryShewmaker - Daniel Webster and the Oregon Question Available to PurchasePolk - Inaugural AddressPolk - First Annual Message to CongressVancouver - A chart shewing part of the coast of N.W. AmericaWilkes - Map of the Oregon TerritoryOregon Treaty, 1846Treaty of Washington, 1871
The years between 1865 and 1870 would bring a tangle of new challenges for the people of the south. Drought gripped the land with merciless fingers in 1865 and 1866, only to return with cruel insistence between 1868 and 1869. Livelihoods withered, landscapes turned brittle. And yet, amid the dust and desolation, there was a glint of promise on the horizon, a hint of glitter in the forecast. British Kaffraria — that volatile strip of land east of the Kei — had been the stage for repeated wars between the British Empire and the amaXhosa. By 1866, the inevitable had come to pass: the territory was formally annexed to the Cape. This was not a popular move in the Cape Parliament. Most members balked at the idea, not out of principle, but pocket — British Kaffraria was a drain on the Treasury, propped up entirely by funds from London. The Cape, in its self-conscious autonomy, wanted no part in the bill. But Attorney General William Porter reminded his fellow parliamentarians that their indignation was selective. The Cape itself, he said, could not “talk big and look big” when its own house was being kept warm with British money. Independence in name meant little, he warned, if the machinery of government still ticked by the grace of Empire coin. But before the ink was dry on the annexation, another, more immediate matter took precedence — the fate of the amaMfengu, along with the amaNgqika and amaGqunukhwebe. The structures of amaXhosa political authority had already been dismantled within British Kaffraria. Now, as the imperial tide rolled further inland, it was the amaMfengu who found themselves repositioned — this time as subjects to be moved, their loyalty rewarded not with land, but with a fresh dislocation. Soon, the area around Butterworth became an amaMfengu stronghold. Many local amaXhosa were absorbed into their ambit — politically subdued or socially assimilated. For the British, this migration had a twofold effect. It removed thousands of Black residents from British Kaffraria, freeing up land under Crown control. And it advanced a broader goal: clearing the way for the Cape Parliament to annex the territory, albeit reluctantly and under pressure from Westminster. Just to flick the future switch for a moment — Back to the Future, in 2003, a constellation of dignitaries descended on Phokeng for the coronation of Kgosi Leruo Molotlegi of the Bafokeng. That's near Rustenberg just for clarity. Among them were Nelson Mandela, Mangosuthu Buthelezi, First Lady Zanele Mbeki, and the Queen Mother of Lesotho. A drought pressed down on the land in 2003, dry and unforgiving, but the dusty heat did little to mute the occasion's quiet grandeur. For a small nation to command such presence — to draw the gaze of the region's most prominent figures — spoke to something more than mere ceremonial gravity. It hinted at a deeper, long-cultivated influence. This is the story of how the Bafokeng came to be recognised as one of South Africa's most quietly successful peoples — not by avoiding the tides of history, but by learning, early on, how to navigate them. From their dealings with the Boers and Paul Kruger, to their survival under apartheid's grip, the Bafokeng carved a path few expected — and fewer still understood. There's an almost whispered history here, a counterpoint to the dominant narrative of dispossession and defeat. The Bafokeng lived on land of consequence long before that significance was measured in ounces of platinum. It wasn't until the metal was prised from the earth beneath their feet that the rest of the country — and eventually, the world — began to pay attention. But the roots of their agency run deeper, older. They reach back to a time when Paul Kruger was still cobbling together unity among the Voortrekkers, long before his epic confrontations with the British had begun.
• Philip J. Stern, Empire, Incorporated. The Corporations That Built British Colonialism (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press in 2023), by. • Quinn Slobodian, Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy (Penguin, 2023). Adam Smith wrote that, “Political economy belongs to no nation; it is of no country: it is the science of the rules for the production, the accumulation, the distribution, and the consumption of wealth.” However Adam Smith regarded the science of political economy, in practical terms, one is quite hard pressed to find a case where governments—be it an empire, republic, or nation—were completely left out of the picture. At least, that is how it's been historically. Questions about how people and other types of entities organize and generate capital, AND the role that governments play in all of this, fill libraries. The ramifications of the dynamics and rules surrounding money have proved so consequential—and increasingly so, in our increasingly technologized world—that it is no surprise that historians have devoted much energy to the study of political economy. Political economy, in the broadest terms, is the subject of our conversation today. Today on History Ex we put two recent books that bring important perspectives to these questions in conversation with each other. Today's books both deal with entrepreneurial endeavors, usually “abroad”, or beyond the Metropole. While Philip Stern's examination of early modern British corporations explains the myriad ways private initiatives sought government legitimacy and became entangled in the business of governance during the age of empires, Quinn Slobodian trenchantly reveals how some entrepreneurs and ideologues seek to escape governments in the age of nation-states. Our authors find points of convergence as well as divergence in aims, methods, and outcomes of the people at the center of their books. Stern and Slobodian discuss methodologies and chronologies, the ideologies that animated their actors, how memory and history were mobilized in promoting various visions; they probe the historian's perennial challenges of disentangling ideologies from interest, explain how similar actions in different historical contexts can demand different interpretations; and more. Listen in! Philip Stern is an associate professor of History at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. His work focuses on various aspects of the legal, political, intellectual, and business histories that shaped the British Empire. He is also the author of The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (Oxford University Press, 2011) and many other scholarly works. Quinn Slobodian is a professor of the history at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. He is also the author of the award-winning Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Harvard University Press, 2018), which has been translated into six languages, and a frequent contributor to the Guardian, New Statesman, The New York, Times, Foreign Policy, Dissent and the Nation. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
THIS WEEK! We are joined by Matt Taylor! And we discussed how African American slaves escaped the chains of Slavery, and ended up as Colonial Marines for The British Empire. During The Napoleonic War, America decided they thought it would be easy to grab some new land in the Canadian Provinces, and decleared a war on Britain. However an unknown history in the Anglo American war was the used of escaped Slaves as soldiers against the Americans. In this weeks episode we discuss how some of these soldiers escaped, and how they would gain freedom from Slavery by fighting for The British Empire against The Americans. All this, in this inspiring tale from slavery to Freedom on "Well That Aged Well", with "Erlend Hedegart".Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/well-that-aged-well. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
• Philip J. Stern, Empire, Incorporated. The Corporations That Built British Colonialism (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press in 2023), by. • Quinn Slobodian, Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy (Penguin, 2023). Adam Smith wrote that, “Political economy belongs to no nation; it is of no country: it is the science of the rules for the production, the accumulation, the distribution, and the consumption of wealth.” However Adam Smith regarded the science of political economy, in practical terms, one is quite hard pressed to find a case where governments—be it an empire, republic, or nation—were completely left out of the picture. At least, that is how it's been historically. Questions about how people and other types of entities organize and generate capital, AND the role that governments play in all of this, fill libraries. The ramifications of the dynamics and rules surrounding money have proved so consequential—and increasingly so, in our increasingly technologized world—that it is no surprise that historians have devoted much energy to the study of political economy. Political economy, in the broadest terms, is the subject of our conversation today. Today on History Ex we put two recent books that bring important perspectives to these questions in conversation with each other. Today's books both deal with entrepreneurial endeavors, usually “abroad”, or beyond the Metropole. While Philip Stern's examination of early modern British corporations explains the myriad ways private initiatives sought government legitimacy and became entangled in the business of governance during the age of empires, Quinn Slobodian trenchantly reveals how some entrepreneurs and ideologues seek to escape governments in the age of nation-states. Our authors find points of convergence as well as divergence in aims, methods, and outcomes of the people at the center of their books. Stern and Slobodian discuss methodologies and chronologies, the ideologies that animated their actors, how memory and history were mobilized in promoting various visions; they probe the historian's perennial challenges of disentangling ideologies from interest, explain how similar actions in different historical contexts can demand different interpretations; and more. Listen in! Philip Stern is an associate professor of History at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. His work focuses on various aspects of the legal, political, intellectual, and business histories that shaped the British Empire. He is also the author of The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (Oxford University Press, 2011) and many other scholarly works. Quinn Slobodian is a professor of the history at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. He is also the author of the award-winning Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Harvard University Press, 2018), which has been translated into six languages, and a frequent contributor to the Guardian, New Statesman, The New York, Times, Foreign Policy, Dissent and the Nation. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/critical-theory
• Philip J. Stern, Empire, Incorporated. The Corporations That Built British Colonialism (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press in 2023), by. • Quinn Slobodian, Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy (Penguin, 2023). Adam Smith wrote that, “Political economy belongs to no nation; it is of no country: it is the science of the rules for the production, the accumulation, the distribution, and the consumption of wealth.” However Adam Smith regarded the science of political economy, in practical terms, one is quite hard pressed to find a case where governments—be it an empire, republic, or nation—were completely left out of the picture. At least, that is how it's been historically. Questions about how people and other types of entities organize and generate capital, AND the role that governments play in all of this, fill libraries. The ramifications of the dynamics and rules surrounding money have proved so consequential—and increasingly so, in our increasingly technologized world—that it is no surprise that historians have devoted much energy to the study of political economy. Political economy, in the broadest terms, is the subject of our conversation today. Today on History Ex we put two recent books that bring important perspectives to these questions in conversation with each other. Today's books both deal with entrepreneurial endeavors, usually “abroad”, or beyond the Metropole. While Philip Stern's examination of early modern British corporations explains the myriad ways private initiatives sought government legitimacy and became entangled in the business of governance during the age of empires, Quinn Slobodian trenchantly reveals how some entrepreneurs and ideologues seek to escape governments in the age of nation-states. Our authors find points of convergence as well as divergence in aims, methods, and outcomes of the people at the center of their books. Stern and Slobodian discuss methodologies and chronologies, the ideologies that animated their actors, how memory and history were mobilized in promoting various visions; they probe the historian's perennial challenges of disentangling ideologies from interest, explain how similar actions in different historical contexts can demand different interpretations; and more. Listen in! Philip Stern is an associate professor of History at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. His work focuses on various aspects of the legal, political, intellectual, and business histories that shaped the British Empire. He is also the author of The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (Oxford University Press, 2011) and many other scholarly works. Quinn Slobodian is a professor of the history at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. He is also the author of the award-winning Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Harvard University Press, 2018), which has been translated into six languages, and a frequent contributor to the Guardian, New Statesman, The New York, Times, Foreign Policy, Dissent and the Nation. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
• Philip J. Stern, Empire, Incorporated. The Corporations That Built British Colonialism (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press in 2023), by. • Quinn Slobodian, Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy (Penguin, 2023). Adam Smith wrote that, “Political economy belongs to no nation; it is of no country: it is the science of the rules for the production, the accumulation, the distribution, and the consumption of wealth.” However Adam Smith regarded the science of political economy, in practical terms, one is quite hard pressed to find a case where governments—be it an empire, republic, or nation—were completely left out of the picture. At least, that is how it's been historically. Questions about how people and other types of entities organize and generate capital, AND the role that governments play in all of this, fill libraries. The ramifications of the dynamics and rules surrounding money have proved so consequential—and increasingly so, in our increasingly technologized world—that it is no surprise that historians have devoted much energy to the study of political economy. Political economy, in the broadest terms, is the subject of our conversation today. Today on History Ex we put two recent books that bring important perspectives to these questions in conversation with each other. Today's books both deal with entrepreneurial endeavors, usually “abroad”, or beyond the Metropole. While Philip Stern's examination of early modern British corporations explains the myriad ways private initiatives sought government legitimacy and became entangled in the business of governance during the age of empires, Quinn Slobodian trenchantly reveals how some entrepreneurs and ideologues seek to escape governments in the age of nation-states. Our authors find points of convergence as well as divergence in aims, methods, and outcomes of the people at the center of their books. Stern and Slobodian discuss methodologies and chronologies, the ideologies that animated their actors, how memory and history were mobilized in promoting various visions; they probe the historian's perennial challenges of disentangling ideologies from interest, explain how similar actions in different historical contexts can demand different interpretations; and more. Listen in! Philip Stern is an associate professor of History at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. His work focuses on various aspects of the legal, political, intellectual, and business histories that shaped the British Empire. He is also the author of The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (Oxford University Press, 2011) and many other scholarly works. Quinn Slobodian is a professor of the history at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. He is also the author of the award-winning Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Harvard University Press, 2018), which has been translated into six languages, and a frequent contributor to the Guardian, New Statesman, The New York, Times, Foreign Policy, Dissent and the Nation. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/economics
• Philip J. Stern, Empire, Incorporated. The Corporations That Built British Colonialism (Belknap Press of Harvard University Press in 2023), by. • Quinn Slobodian, Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy (Penguin, 2023). Adam Smith wrote that, “Political economy belongs to no nation; it is of no country: it is the science of the rules for the production, the accumulation, the distribution, and the consumption of wealth.” However Adam Smith regarded the science of political economy, in practical terms, one is quite hard pressed to find a case where governments—be it an empire, republic, or nation—were completely left out of the picture. At least, that is how it's been historically. Questions about how people and other types of entities organize and generate capital, AND the role that governments play in all of this, fill libraries. The ramifications of the dynamics and rules surrounding money have proved so consequential—and increasingly so, in our increasingly technologized world—that it is no surprise that historians have devoted much energy to the study of political economy. Political economy, in the broadest terms, is the subject of our conversation today. Today on History Ex we put two recent books that bring important perspectives to these questions in conversation with each other. Today's books both deal with entrepreneurial endeavors, usually “abroad”, or beyond the Metropole. While Philip Stern's examination of early modern British corporations explains the myriad ways private initiatives sought government legitimacy and became entangled in the business of governance during the age of empires, Quinn Slobodian trenchantly reveals how some entrepreneurs and ideologues seek to escape governments in the age of nation-states. Our authors find points of convergence as well as divergence in aims, methods, and outcomes of the people at the center of their books. Stern and Slobodian discuss methodologies and chronologies, the ideologies that animated their actors, how memory and history were mobilized in promoting various visions; they probe the historian's perennial challenges of disentangling ideologies from interest, explain how similar actions in different historical contexts can demand different interpretations; and more. Listen in! Philip Stern is an associate professor of History at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina. His work focuses on various aspects of the legal, political, intellectual, and business histories that shaped the British Empire. He is also the author of The Company-State: Corporate Sovereignty and the Early Modern Foundations of the British Empire in India (Oxford University Press, 2011) and many other scholarly works. Quinn Slobodian is a professor of the history at Wellesley College in Massachusetts. He is also the author of the award-winning Globalists: The End of Empire and the Birth of Neoliberalism (Harvard University Press, 2018), which has been translated into six languages, and a frequent contributor to the Guardian, New Statesman, The New York, Times, Foreign Policy, Dissent and the Nation. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/british-studies
On June 7, 1776, Richard Henry Lee stood before the Continental Congress with a resolution declaring that the united colonies were free and independent states, and that all political connection between them and Great Britain was “totally dissolved.” It also called for foreign alliances and a plan that would become the Articles of Confederation. The Lee Resolution was the culmination of a series of revolutionary measures that had already begun secession from the British Empire. This is the story behind the Declaration of Independence that most people never learn about. The post The Forgotten Resolutions That Actually Started Independence first appeared on Tenth Amendment Center.
A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured--cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt's work, The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq (Stanford University Press, 2021) exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence--the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents--Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look. Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt is Associate Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History and American Foreign policy at California State University, Stanislaus. Saman Nasser holds an M.A. in World History from James Madison University, where he currently works as an administrative staff. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured--cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt's work, The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq (Stanford University Press, 2021) exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence--the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents--Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look. Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt is Associate Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History and American Foreign policy at California State University, Stanislaus. Saman Nasser holds an M.A. in World History from James Madison University, where he currently works as an administrative staff. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies
A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured--cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt's work, The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq (Stanford University Press, 2021) exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence--the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents--Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look. Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt is Associate Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History and American Foreign policy at California State University, Stanislaus. Saman Nasser holds an M.A. in World History from James Madison University, where he currently works as an administrative staff. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
A new history of Middle East oil and the deep roots of American violence in Iraq. Iraq has been the site of some of the United States' longest and most sustained military campaigns since the Vietnam War. Yet the origins of US involvement in the country remain deeply obscured--cloaked behind platitudes about advancing democracy or vague notions of American national interests. Historian Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt's work, The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy: Oil and Arab Nationalism in Iraq (Stanford University Press, 2021) exposes the origins and deep history of U.S. intervention in Iraq. The Paranoid Style in American Diplomacy weaves together histories of Arab nationalists, US diplomats, and Western oil execs to tell the parallel stories of the Iraq Petroleum Company and the resilience of Iraqi society. Drawing on new evidence--the private records of the IPC, interviews with key figures in Arab oil politics, and recently declassified US government documents--Wolfe-Hunnicutt covers the arc of the 20th century, from the pre-WWI origins of the IPC consortium and decline of British Empire, to the beginnings of covert US action in the region, and ultimately the nationalization of the Iraqi oil industry and perils of postcolonial politics. American policymakers of the Cold War-era inherited the imperial anxieties of their British forebears and inflated concerns about access to and potential scarcity of oil, giving rise to a "paranoid style" in US foreign policy. Wolfe-Hunnicutt deconstructs these policy practices to reveal how they fueled decades of American interventions in the region and shines a light on those places that America's covert empire-builders might prefer we not look. Brandon Wolfe-Hunnicutt is Associate Professor of Modern Middle Eastern History and American Foreign policy at California State University, Stanislaus. Saman Nasser holds an M.A. in World History from James Madison University, where he currently works as an administrative staff. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In 1845, European potato fields from Spain to Scandinavia were attacked by a novel pathogen. But it was only in Ireland, then part of the United Kingdom, that the blight's devastation reached apocalyptic levels, leaving more than a million people dead and forcing millions more to emigrate. In Rot, historian Padraic X. Scanlan offers the definitive account of the Great Famine, showing how Ireland's place in the United Kingdom and the British Empire made it uniquely vulnerable to starvation. Ireland's overreliance on the potato was a desperate adaptation to an unstable and unequal marketplace created by British colonialism. The empire's laissez-faire economic policies saw Ireland exporting livestock and grain even as its people starved. When famine struck, relief efforts were premised on the idea that only free markets and wage labor could save the Irish. Ireland's wretchedness, before and during the Great Famine, was often blamed on Irish backwardness, but in fact, it resulted from the British Empire's embrace of modern capitalism. Uncovering the disaster's roots in Britain's deep imperial faith in markets, commerce, and capitalism, Rot reshapes our understanding of the Great Famine and its tragic legacy. Our guest is: Dr. Padraic X. Scanlan, who is an associate professor at the Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources and the Centre for Diaspora & Transnational Studies at the University of Toronto. His writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Guardian, the Times Literary Supplement, and the New Inquiry. The author of two previous books, he lives in Toronto. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is a freelance editor. She the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. Playlist for listeners: The Social Construction of Race Climate Change We Refuse Where Does Research Really Begin? The First and Last King of Haiti Finishing Your Book When Life Is A Disaster Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
In this episode, Cole Smead and Conor O'Callaghan sit down with Author and Educator Padraic Scanlan to discuss his book, “Rot: An Imperial History of the Irish Famine.” The three explore the history of the Great Famine, explaining how Ireland's position in the British Empire and reliance on the potato made it uniquely susceptible to starvation, and more.
The detainment of a West African-born enslaved Virginian named James Somerset in London leads to a court case decided by England's most powerful judge that challenges the foundations of slavery in the British Empire. Featuring: Christopher Brown, Trevor Burnard, Julie Flavell, and Chernoh Sesay, Jr. Voice Actors: Amber Pelham, Anne Fertig, Gillian MacDonald, Norman Roger, Craig Gallagher, and Adam McNeil. Narrated by Dr. Jim Ambuske. Music by Artlist.io This episode was made possible with support from a 2024 grant from the National Endowment of the Humanities. Help other listeners find the show by leaving a 5-Star Rating and Review on Apple, Spotify, Podchaser, or our website. Follow the series on Facebook or Instagram. Worlds Turned Upside Down is a production of R2 Studios at the Roy Rosenzweig Center for History and New Media at George Mason University.
Send us a text message and tell us your thoughts.The forgotten liberation of thousands stands at the intersection of British military history and the African diaspora. When historian Matthew Taylor stumbled upon brief mentions of Black soldiers in British uniform during the War of 1812, he brought to light an extraordinary story of self-emancipation that would reshape communities across the Caribbean. The Colonial Marines—a unit of formerly enslaved Americans who joined British forces—represents the largest successful liberation movement between the Haitian Revolution and British abolition. This story reveals the remarkable agency of enslaved individuals who recognized opportunity amid conflict and negotiated their freedom through military service.Following the war, approximately 900 Colonial Marines and their families resettled in southern Trinidad, organized by military companies—which explains why communities today still bear names like "Third Company" and "Fourth Company." These settlements became known collectively as the "Merikins," maintaining distinct cultural practices including Virginia Baptist traditions and specific rice cultivation techniques from Georgia. This history offers a powerful lens for understanding Caribbean identity formation beyond simplified national narratives. The Colonial Marines story reveals how liberation movements connected Africa, the Americas, and the Caribbean through networks of resistance and community building that continue to shape identities today.Matthew Taylor is a historian & author of Black Redcoats: The Corps of Colonial Marines, a history of African-American escapees from slavery who became British Marines in the War of 1812 (1812-1815). This all-volunteer unit formed a unique & powerful force which had a significant impact on that war, and who secured free futures for themselves & their families in British territories even as the British Empire remained slave-holding. Matthew's work has been called exciting & ground-breaking, and is currently under consideration for a PhD by prior publication.Support the showConnect with Strictly Facts - Instagram | Facebook | Twitter | LinkedIn | YouTube | Website Looking to read more about the topics covered in this episode? Subscribe to the newsletter at www.strictlyfactspod.com to get the Strictly Facts Syllabus to your email!Want to Support Strictly Facts? Rate & Leave a Review on your favorite platform Share this episode with someone or online and tag us Send us a DM or voice note to have your thoughts featured on an upcoming episode Donate to help us continue empowering listeners with Caribbean history and education Produced by Breadfruit Media
Nigel Biggar, who faced cancel culture for his efforts to reexamine the narrative demonizing the British Empire, opens up about the ideological commitments behind cancel culture. He says the Left's “repressive” desire to silence “anyone who disagrees” is part of a “really, really bad religion,” in which people mistake themselves for God. Subscribe to […]
Nigel Biggar, who faced cancel culture for his efforts to reexamine the narrative demonizing the British empire, opens up about the ideological commitments behind cancel culture. He says the Left's "repressive" desire to silence "anyone who disagrees" is part of a "really, really bad religion," in which people mistake themselves for God. Subscribe to The Tony Kinnett Cast: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-tony-kinnett-cast/id1714879044 Keep Up With The Daily Signal Sign up for our email newsletters: https://www.dailysignal.com/email Subscribe to our other shows: Problematic Women: https://www.dailysignal.com/problematic-women Victor Davis Hanson: https://megaphone.link/THEDAILYSIGNAL9809784327 Follow The Daily Signal: X: https://x.com/intent/user?screen_name=DailySignal Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/thedailysignal/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TheDailySignalNews/ Truth Social: https://truthsocial.com/@DailySignal YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/dailysignal?sub_confirmation=1 Thanks for making The Daily Signal Podcast your trusted source for the day's top news. Subscribe on your favorite podcast platform and never miss an episode. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Good Sunday morning to you,I am just on a train home from Glasgow, where I have been gigging these past two nights. I've had a great time, as I always seem to do when I go north of the wall.But Glasgow on a Saturday night is something else. My hotel was right next to the station and so I was right in the thick of it. If I ever get to make a cacatopian, end-of-days, post-apocalyptic thriller, I'll just stroll through Glasgow city centre on a Friday or Saturday night with a camera to get all the B roll. It was like walking through a Hieronymus Bosch painting only with a Scottish accent. Little seems to have changed since I wrote that infamous chapter about Glasgow in Life After the State all those years ago. The only difference is that now it's more multi-ethnic. So many people are so off their heads. I lost count of the number of randoms wandering about just howling at the stars. The long days - it was still light at 10 o'clock - make the insanity all the more visible. Part of me finds it funny, but another part of me finds it so very sad that so many people let themselves get into this condition. It prompted me to revisit said chapter, and I offer it today as your Sunday thought piece.Just a couple of little notes, before we begin. This caught my eye on Friday. Our favourite uranium tech company, Lightbridge Fuels (NASDAQ:LTBR), has taken off again with Donald Trump's statement that he is going to quadruple US nuclear capacity. The stock was up 45% in a day. We first looked at it in October at $3. It hit $15 on Friday. It's one to sell on the spikes and buy on the dips, as this incredible chart shows.(In other news I have now listened twice to the Comstock Lode AGM, and I'll report back on that shortly too). ICYMI here is my mid-week commentary, which attracted a lot of attentionRight - Glasgow.(NB I haven't included references here. Needless to say, they are all there in the book. And sorry I don't have access to the audio of me reading this from my laptop, but, if you like, you can get the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. The book itself available at Amazon, Apple Books et al).How the Most Entrepreneurial City in Europe Became Its SickestThe cause of waves of unemployment is not capitalism, but governments …Friedrich Hayek, economist and philosopherIn the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Glasgow in Scotland became enormously, stupendously rich. It happened quite organically, without planning. An entrepreneurial people reacted to their circumstances and, over time, turned Glasgow into an industrial and economic centre of such might that, by the turn of the 20th century, Glasgow was producing half the tonnage of Britain's ships and a quarter of all locomotives in the world. (Not unlike China's industrial dominance today). It was regarded as the best-governed city in Europe and popular histories compared it to the great imperial cities of Venice and Rome. It became known as the ‘Second City of the British Empire'.Barely 100 years later, it is the heroin capital of the UK, the murder capital of the UK and its East End, once home to Europe's largest steelworks, has been dubbed ‘the benefits capital of the UK'. Glasgow is Britain's fattest city: its men have Britain's lowest life expectancy – on a par with Palestine and Albania – and its unemployment rate is 50% higher than the rest of the UK.How did Glasgow manage all that?The growth in Glasgow's economic fortunes began in the latter part of the 17th century and the early 18th century. First, the city's location in the west of Scotland at the mouth of the river Clyde meant that it lay in the path of the trade winds and at least 100 nautical miles closer to America's east coast than other British ports – 200 miles closer than London. In the days before fossil fuels (which only found widespread use in shipping in the second half of the 19th century) the journey to Virginia was some two weeks shorter than the same journey from London or many of the other ports in Britain and Europe. Even modern sailors describe how easy the port of Glasgow is to navigate. Second, when England was at war with France – as it was repeatedly between 1688 and 1815 – ships travelling to Glasgow were less vulnerable than those travelling to ports further south. Glasgow's merchants took advantage and, by the early 18th century, the city had begun to assert itself as a trading hub. Manufactured goods were carried from Britain and Europe to North America and the Caribbean, where they were traded for increasingly popular commodities such as tobacco, cotton and sugar.Through the 18th century, the Glasgow merchants' business networks spread, and they took steps to further accelerate trade. New ships were introduced, bigger than those of rival ports, with fore and aft sails that enabled them to sail closer to the wind and reduce journey times. Trading posts were built to ensure that cargo was gathered and stored for collection, so that ships wouldn't swing idly at anchor. By the 1760s Glasgow had a 50% share of the tobacco trade – as much as the rest of Britain's ports combined. While the English merchants simply sold American tobacco in Europe at a profit, the Glaswegians actually extended credit to American farmers against future production (a bit like a crop future today, where a crop to be grown at a later date is sold now). The Virginia farmers could then use this credit to buy European goods, which the Glaswegians were only too happy to supply. This brought about the rise of financial institutions such as the Glasgow Ship Bank and the Glasgow Thistle Bank, which would later become part of the now-bailed-out, taxpayer-owned Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS).Their practices paid rewards. Glasgow's merchants earned a great deal of money. They built glamorous homes and large churches and, it seems, took on aristocratic airs – hence they became known as the ‘Tobacco Lords'. Numbering among them were Buchanan, Dunlop, Ingram, Wilson, Oswald, Cochrane and Glassford, all of whom had streets in the Merchant City district of Glasgow named after them (other streets, such as Virginia Street and Jamaica Street, refer to their trade destinations). In 1771, over 47 million pounds of tobacco were imported.However, the credit the Glaswegians extended to American tobacco farmers would backfire. The debts incurred by the tobacco farmers – which included future presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson (who almost lost his farm as a result) – grew, and were among the grievances when the American War of Independence came in 1775. That war destroyed the tobacco trade for the Glaswegians. Much of the money that was owed to them was never repaid. Many of their plantations were lost. But the Glaswegians were entrepreneurial and they adapted. They moved on to other businesses, particularly cotton.By the 19th century, all sorts of local industry had emerged around the goods traded in the city. It was producing and exporting textiles, chemicals, engineered goods and steel. River engineering projects to dredge and deepen the Clyde (with a view to forming a deep- water port) had begun in 1768 and they would enable shipbuilding to become a major industry on the upper reaches of the river, pioneered by industrialists such as Robert Napier and John Elder. The final stretch of the Monkland Canal, linking the Forth and Clyde Canal at Port Dundas, was opened in 1795, facilitating access to the iron-ore and coal mines of Lanarkshire.The move to fossil-fuelled shipping in the latter 19th century destroyed the advantages that the trade winds had given Glasgow. But it didn't matter. Again, the people adapted. By the turn of the 20th century the Second City of the British Empire had become a world centre of industry and heavy engineering. It has been estimated that, between 1870 and 1914, it produced as much as one-fifth of the world's ships, and half of Britain's tonnage. Among the 25,000 ships it produced were some of the greatest ever built: the Cutty Sark, the Queen Mary, HMS Hood, the Lusitania, the Glenlee tall ship and even the iconic Mississippi paddle steamer, the Delta Queen. It had also become a centre for locomotive manufacture and, shortly after the turn of the 20th century, could boast the largest concentration of locomotive building works in Europe.It was not just Glasgow's industry and wealth that was so gargantuan. The city's contribution to mankind – made possible by the innovation and progress that comes with booming economies – would also have an international impact. Many great inventors either hailed from Glasgow or moved there to study or work. There's James Watt, for example, whose improvements to the steam engine were fundamental to the Industrial Revolution. One of Watt's employees, William Murdoch, has been dubbed ‘the Scot who lit the world' – he invented gas lighting, a new kind of steam cannon and waterproof paint. Charles MacIntosh gave us the raincoat. James Young, the chemist dubbed as ‘the father of the oil industry', gave us paraffin. William Thomson, known as Lord Kelvin, developed the science of thermodynamics, formulating the Kelvin scale of absolute temperature; he also managed the laying of the first transatlantic telegraph cable.The turning point in the economic fortunes of Glasgow – indeed, of industrial Britain – was WWI. Both have been in decline ever since. By the end of the war, the British were drained, both emotionally and in terms of capital and manpower; the workers, the entrepreneurs, the ideas men, too many of them were dead or incapacitated. There was insufficient money and no appetite to invest. The post-war recession, and later the Great Depression, did little to help. The trend of the city was now one of inexorable economic decline.If Glasgow was the home of shipping and industry in 19th-century Britain, it became the home of socialism in the 20th century. Known by some as the ‘Red Clydeside' movement, the socialist tide in Scotland actually pre-dated the First World War. In 1906 came the city's first Labour Member of Parliament (MP), George Barnes – prior to that its seven MPs were all Conservatives or Liberal Unionists. In the spring of 1911, 11,000 workers at the Singer sewing-machine factory (run by an American corporation in Clydebank) went on strike to support 12 women who were protesting about new work practices. Singer sacked 400 workers, but the movement was growing – as was labour unrest. In the four years between 1910 and 1914 Clydebank workers spent four times as many days on strike than in the whole of the previous decade. The Scottish Trades Union Congress and its affiliations saw membership rise from 129,000 in 1909 to 230,000 in 1914.20The rise in discontent had much to do with Glasgow's housing. Conditions were bad, there was overcrowding, bad sanitation, housing was close to dirty, noxious and deafening industry. Unions grew quite organically to protect the interests of their members.Then came WWI, and inflation, as Britain all but abandoned gold. In 1915 many landlords responded by attempting to increase rent, but with their young men on the Western front, those left behind didn't have the means to pay these higher costs. If they couldn't, eviction soon followed. In Govan, an area of Glasgow where shipbuilding was the main occupation, women – now in the majority with so many men gone – organized opposition to the rent increases. There are photographs showing women blocking the entrance to tenements; officers who did get inside to evict tenants are said to have had their trousers pulled down.The landlords were attacked for being unpatriotic. Placards read: ‘While our men are fighting on the front line,the landlord is attacking us at home.' The strikes spread to other cities throughout the UK, and on 27 November 1915 the government introduced legislation to restrict rents to the pre-war level. The strikers were placated. They had won. The government was happy; it had dealt with the problem. The landlords lost out.In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917, more frequent strikes crippled the city. In 1919 the ‘Bloody Friday' uprising prompted the prime minister, David Lloyd George, to deploy 10,000 troops and tanks onto the city's streets. By the 1930s Glasgow had become the main base of the Independent Labour Party, so when Labour finally came to power alone after WWII, its influence was strong. Glasgow has always remained a socialist stronghold. Labour dominates the city council, and the city has not had a Conservative MP for 30 years.By the late 1950s, Glasgow was losing out to the more competitive industries of Japan, Germany and elsewhere. There was a lack of investment. Union demands for workers, enforced by government legislation, made costs uneconomic and entrepreneurial activity arduous. With lack of investment came lack of innovation.Rapid de-industrialization followed, and by the 1960s and 70s most employment lay not in manufacturing, but in the service industries.Which brings us to today. On the plus side, Glasgow is still ranked as one of Europe's top 20 financial centres and is home to some leading Scottish businesses. But there is considerable downside.Recent studies have suggested that nearly 30% of Glasgow's working age population is unemployed. That's 50% higher than that of the rest of Scotland or the UK. Eighteen per cent of 16- to 19-year-olds are neither in school nor employed. More than one in five working-age Glaswegians have no sort of education that might qualify them for a job.In the city centre, the Merchant City, 50% of children are growing up in homes where nobody works. In the poorer neighbourhoods, such as Ruchill, Possilpark, or Dalmarnock, about 65% of children live in homes where nobody works – more than three times the national average. Figures from the Department of Work and Pensions show that 85% of working age adults from the district of Bridgeton claim some kind of welfare payment.Across the city, almost a third of the population regularly receives sickness or incapacity benefit, the highest rate of all UK cities. A 2008 World Health Organization report noted that in Glasgow's Calton, Bridgeton and Queenslie neighbourhoods, the average life expectancy for males is only 54. In contrast, residents of Glasgow's more affluent West End live to be 80 and virtually none of them are on the dole.Glasgow has the highest crime rate in Scotland. A recent report by the Centre for Social Justice noted that there are 170 teenage gangs in Glasgow. That's the same number as in London, which has over six times the population of Glasgow.It also has the dubious record of being Britain's murder capital. In fact, Glasgow had the highest homicide rate in Western Europe until it was overtaken in 2012 by Amsterdam, with more violent crime per head of population than even New York. What's more, its suicide rate is the highest in the UK.Then there are the drug and alcohol problems. The residents of the poorer neighbourhoods are an astounding six times more likely to die of a drugs overdose than the national average. Drug-related mortality has increased by 95% since 1997. There are 20,000 registered drug users – that's just registered – and the situation is not going to get any better: children who grow up in households where family members use drugs are seven times more likely to end up using drugs themselves than children who live in drug-free families.Glasgow has the highest incidence of liver diseases from alcohol abuse in all of Scotland. In the East End district of Dennistoun, these illnesses kill more people than heart attacks and lung cancer combined. Men and women are more likely to die of alcohol-related deaths in Glasgow than anywhere else in the UK. Time and time again Glasgow is proud winner of the title ‘Fattest City in Britain'. Around 40% of the population are obese – 5% morbidly so – and it also boasts the most smokers per capita.I have taken these statistics from an array of different sources. It might be in some cases that they're overstated. I know that I've accentuated both the 18th- and 19th-century positives, as well as the 20th- and 21st-century negatives to make my point. Of course, there are lots of healthy, happy people in Glasgow – I've done many gigs there and I loved it. Despite the stories you hear about intimidating Glasgow audiences, the ones I encountered were as good as any I've ever performed in front of. But none of this changes the broad-brush strokes: Glasgow was a once mighty city that now has grave social problems. It is a city that is not fulfilling its potential in the way that it once did. All in all, it's quite a transformation. How has it happened?Every few years a report comes out that highlights Glasgow's various problems. Comments are then sought from across the political spectrum. Usually, those asked to comment agree that the city has grave, ‘long-standing and deep-rooted social problems' (the words of Stephen Purcell, former leader of Glasgow City Council); they agree that something needs to be done, though they don't always agree on what that something is.There's the view from the right: Bill Aitken of the Scottish Conservatives, quoted in The Sunday Times in 2008, said, ‘We simply don't have the jobs for people who are not academically inclined. Another factor is that some people are simply disinclined to work. We have got to find something for these people to do, to give them a reason to get up in the morning and give them some self-respect.' There's the supposedly apolitical view of anti-poverty groups: Peter Kelly, director of the Glasgow-based Poverty Alliance, responded, ‘We need real, intensive support for people if we are going to tackle poverty. It's not about a lack of aspiration, often people who are unemployed or on low incomes are stymied by a lack of money and support from local and central government.' And there's the view from the left. In the same article, Patricia Ferguson, the Labour Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for Maryhill, also declared a belief in government regeneration of the area. ‘It's about better housing, more jobs, better education and these things take years to make an impact. I believe that the huge regeneration in the area is fostering a lot more community involvement and cohesion. My real hope is that these figures will take a knock in the next five or ten years.' At the time of writing in 2013, five years later, the figures have worsened.All three points of view agree on one thing: the government must do something.In 2008 the £435 million Fairer Scotland Fund – established to tackle poverty – was unveiled, aiming to allocate cash to the country's most deprived communities. Its targets included increasing average income among lower wage-earners and narrowing the poverty gap between Scotland's best- and worst-performing regions by 2017. So far, it hasn't met those targets.In 2008 a report entitled ‘Power for The Public' examined the provision of health, education and justice in Scotland. It said the budgets for these three areas had grown by 55%, 87% and 44% respectively over the last decade, but added that this had produced ‘mixed results'. ‘Mixed results' means it didn't work. More money was spent and the figures got worse.After the Centre for Social Justice report on Glasgow in 2008, Iain Duncan Smith (who set up this think tank, and is now the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions) said, ‘Policy must deal with the pathways to breakdown – high levels of family breakdown, high levels of failed education, debt and unemployment.'So what are ‘pathways to breakdown'? If you were to look at a chart of Glasgow's prosperity relative to the rest of the world, its peak would have come somewhere around 1910. With the onset of WWI in 1914 its decline accelerated, and since then the falls have been relentless and inexorable. It's not just Glasgow that would have this chart pattern, but the whole of industrial Britain. What changed the trend? Yes, empires rise and fall, but was British decline all a consequence of WWI? Or was there something else?A seismic shift came with that war – a change which is very rarely spoken or written about. Actually, the change was gradual and it pre-dated 1914. It was a change that was sweeping through the West: that of government or state involvement in our lives. In the UK it began with the reforms of the Liberal government of 1906–14, championed by David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, known as the ‘terrible twins' by contemporaries. The Pensions Act of 1908, the People's Budget of 1909–10 (to ‘wage implacable warfare against poverty', declared Lloyd George) and the National Insurance Act of 1911 saw the Liberal government moving away from its tradition of laissez-faire systems – from classical liberalism and Gladstonian principles of self-help and self-reliance – towards larger, more active government by which taxes were collected from the wealthy and the proceeds redistributed. Afraid of losing votes to the emerging Labour party and the increasingly popular ideology of socialism, modern liberals betrayed their classical principles. In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George said ‘the partisan warfare that raged around these topics was so fierce that by 1913, this country was brought to the verge of civil war'. But these were small steps. The Pensions Act, for example, meant that men aged 70 and above could claim between two and five shillings per week from the government. But average male life- expectancy then was 47. Today it's 77. Using the same ratio, and, yes, I'm manipulating statistics here, that's akin to only awarding pensions to people above the age 117 today. Back then it was workable.To go back to my analogy of the prologue, this period was when the ‘train' was set in motion across the West. In 1914 it went up a gear. Here are the opening paragraphs of historian A. J. P. Taylor's most celebrated book, English History 1914–1945, published in 1965.I quote this long passage in full, because it is so telling.Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state, beyond the post office and the policeman. He could live where he liked and as he liked. He had no official number or identity card. He could travel abroad or leave his country forever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money for any other currency without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter, a foreigner could spend his life in this country without permit and without informing the police. Unlike the countries of the European continent, the state did not require its citizens to perform military service. An Englishman could enlist, if he chose, in the regular army, the navy, or the territorials. He could also ignore, if he chose, the demands of national defence. Substantial householders were occasionally called on for jury service. Otherwise, only those helped the state, who wished to do so. The Englishman paid taxes on a modest scale: nearly £200 million in 1913–14, or rather less than 8% of the national income.The state intervened to prevent the citizen from eating adulterated food or contracting certain infectious diseases. It imposed safety rules in factories, and prevented women, and adult males in some industries,from working excessive hours.The state saw to it that children received education up to the age of 13. Since 1 January 1909, it provided a meagre pension for the needy over the age of 70. Since 1911, it helped to insure certain classes of workers against sickness and unemployment. This tendency towards more state action was increasing. Expenditure on the social services had roughly doubled since the Liberals took office in 1905. Still, broadly speaking, the state acted only to help those who could not help themselves. It left the adult citizen alone.All this was changed by the impact of the Great War. The mass of the people became, for the first time, active citizens. Their lives were shaped by orders from above; they were required to serve the state instead of pursuing exclusively their own affairs. Five million men entered the armed forces, many of them (though a minority) under compulsion. The Englishman's food was limited, and its quality changed, by government order. His freedom of movement was restricted; his conditions of work prescribed. Some industries were reduced or closed, others artificially fostered. The publication of news was fettered. Street lights were dimmed. The sacred freedom of drinking was tampered with: licensed hours were cut down, and the beer watered by order. The very time on the clocks was changed. From 1916 onwards, every Englishman got up an hour earlier in summer than he would otherwise have done, thanks to an act of parliament. The state established a hold over its citizens which, though relaxed in peacetime, was never to be removed and which the Second World war was again to increase. The history of the English state and of the English people merged for the first time.Since the beginning of WWI , the role that the state has played in our lives has not stopped growing. This has been especially so in the case of Glasgow. The state has spent more and more, provided more and more services, more subsidy, more education, more health care, more infrastructure, more accommodation, more benefits, more regulations, more laws, more protection. The more it has provided, the worse Glasgow has fared. Is this correlation a coincidence? I don't think so.The story of the rise and fall of Glasgow is a distilled version of the story of the rise and fall of industrial Britain – indeed the entire industrial West. In the next chapter I'm going to show you a simple mistake that goes on being made; a dynamic by which the state, whose very aim was to help Glasgow, has actually been its ‘pathway to breakdown' . . .Life After the State is available at Amazon, Apple Books and all good bookshops, with the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe
The end of the cruel Peace & the start of the desperate War.Based on ‘One In Ten' by FinalStand, adapted into 17 parts. Listen to the ► Podcast at Explicit Novels.A frightened Mother Mouse will devour her young; similarly, a frightened culture will devour its future.It wasn't like a magic force field bubble protected us until our 16th birthday. I couldn't recall all the times after I was 13 some woman asked me, or my Mother, when my 16th birthday would be. Back then, I didn't think much about it. In hindsight, those women were wondering when I would become legally sexually vulnerable. In way too many cases, women with access to teenage boys didn't wait.Even if they did,"It was my Aunt," Barabbas confessed. "She and her boss."You would think a sixteen, or seventeen, year old guy getting to sleep with a Milf would be a trip. It could be. For the boys with better developed empathy, you started to realize a woman you trusted was using your sexuality for their own advancement. Then you began feeling like a whore."She got me a job, but I quit after four months, you know,” he trailed off."Yeah," I sighed sympathetically."Yeah," Lowry snorted, "when the rest decided you should be putting out for free.""That was completely unnecessary," I glared at him."But true," he defied me."True," Barabbas agreed with a familiar degree of rejection."Mom flipped out when she figured out what Tamara; my sister; was doing," Pierre picked up his tale. "I was seventeen by that time. She helped pay for my college." We assumed the 'she' was his sister; the one who pimped him out."I hit one once," Lowry bragged. I found that somewhat difficult to believe."What happened?" Pierre asked."She kicked my ass," he chuckled. "Ex-military Reservist. Beat me like I had a cock." I read somewhere in the old days it was more common to say 'like a little bitch.' Now it was 'like I had a cock' because they didn't like teaching men to be 'too violent' aka how to defend ourselves.No one else felt like inquiring, so Barabbas did the deed."Go to the cops?""For what?" he shook his head. "I threw the first punch, and the second. Fucking Bitch. We both looked pretty rough, but I lost."Another pause."What was it like to hit one with your stick?" Lowry shot me a look."Good, damn good, and stupid. I mean, I could have ended up like you with a crowd of women on a subway kicking and stomping on me and I would have ended up in jail too," I related. "Still, it felt good, just to tell one to keep her hands to herself, ya know?" I got nods all around. We were all young, healthy and relatively handsome."Yeah, you could have gotten your ass kicked," Barabbas reminded me."In fact, one of the major reasons I didn't, gave me the pistol I'm carrying," I twitched it slightly. "The first time they came for me, I asked them ~ the Vanishers ~ to wait, and they did.""Why in the fuck would you do that?" Lowry blurted out, shocked and skeptical."At the time, I didn't trust them since I figured they were nothing more than another bunch of women telling me what to do. I wanted to use them to escape. I didn't want to spend the rest of my life serving them if it meant the same fucked-up existence I was currently living," I shared the enlightenment."What changed your mind?" Pierre's eyes lit up."I figured out their prime motivation, the nature of the conspiracy and that I had no rational chance to escape them," I answered. "Every angle I was figuring out, they had figured out years ago. On the plus side, their core philosophy requires them to engage men as equals for both biological and social reasons ~ which means they are the best game in town. In case you missed it, the Vanishers didn't 'vanish' me. I escaped on my own. They have agreed to join forces with my group; no lie.""Your group has a lot of girls," Lowry drolly noted."Lowry, exactly how was I going to recruit any male to my cause without dropping the entire Metropolitan G E D (Gender Enforcement Division) on me?""Flyers?" Barabbas joked softly."He's got a point," Pierre rallied to my cause. "As far as any of you have confessed, none of us had any guy, or girl, friends. It is why we were selected.""Okay, fine. Now what?" Lowry conceded to the consensus."We wake up tomorrow working toward equality," I huffed. "We are all going to have to learn to fight and shoot because the entire group is going to be in danger for some time to come. Society, as in Global Society, is going to come crashing down. And that means anarchy, lawlessness and barbarism before it violently spasms off into extinction.""We have lived our lives effectively as slaves, though no woman inside that house will admit it truly in their hearts. For the first time in our lives, we can change our futures. I'm sure if we surrender to whomever kills the others, they will enslave us once more and leave us with far fewer illusions about our status. Or, we can chose to fight and, if worst comes to worst, die free. I'm not going back to what I was. That means I will need to learn how to survive; and that means fighting. Not because I hate women, but because there are several I love and respect and I don't want to let them down ~ as their equal.""Tonight, think about what I've told you. Tomorrow morning, I hope you join up with us," I concluded my 'pep talk.'"And if we don't?" Lowry stared defiantly."That is something you are free to do too," I shrugged. "I'm not going to tell you what to do. Let's go back inside. It is late."We'd almost made it back when Lowry put a hand on my shoulder."Can I see the gun now?""This thing? Like this?" I half-turned, made eye contact then flick my eyes down to the pistol then back to him again."Yeah.""Have you ever handled a loaded firearm before?" I requested."Yeah, plenty of times, in my dreams," he mocked me."You are a moron," I felt my blood simmering. "This isn't a game, this (the pistol) isn't a toy, and you have not been paying attention." I put both hands on the pistol, removed the magazine then removed the chambered bullet. Lastly, ass-first, I handed him the empty pistol with my left hand while keeping the ammunition in my right."Moron, huh?" he chuckled. "Gonna give me the bullets?""No, no, I'm not going to give you the bullets because you don't know what you are doing. Unlike you, I actually have had a firearm lesson. More to the point, I won't give you a loaded firearm because I think I've stressed the lady, or ladies, watching over us right now enough for one night.""Huh?" Lowry and Barabbas echoed. Pierre looked around."Wes didn't keep us inside to play '20 Questions' for her own amusement. She kept us occupied so her other teammate, or teammates, could move to this side of the house, so they could watch over us while giving you three the delusion we were alone. They are professionals in camouflage gear with night-vision goggles, so unless they had to move rapidly through the underbrush, we weren't likely to detect them.""I played along because I felt it was necessary for you three to open up a little bit. Life is only going to get tougher over the next few months. None of us want to have a chat with heavily armed women staring over our shoulders, so I took us outside where it would appear we were alone," I explained."You lied to us," Lowry snipped."No. My words were true. What I did was allow you to deceive yourself as to our level of security and amount of company. I did what I did for the good of the group, regardless of gender, Gentlemen. It is how we all need to start thinking. Something else you might want to think about is: everyone I love is with me here today. A good number of people who decided getting in my way was a good thing aren't even alive anymore. I will gladly embrace any one of you as brothers. If you are an obstacle, I will fucking see you gone, one way or another; clear?""We are guys," Lowry insisted smugly. Old thinking: women protected men."I; don't; care," I glared back. "You may be a sperm-shooter, but inside me is the only surefire cure for the Gender Plague. I repeat: people I love, and there are several, are all alive today because I cared and took an active hand in their survival. My enemies are mostly dead. Being a man will save you from the women in there. It won't save you from me.""You'd kill us?" Pierre whispered."Pierre, my Mother died over a year ago. Where are your Mother and Sister? You don't give a damn about a single fucking human being and yet you expect me to trust you? Why?" I challenged him. "I've already proved to multiple people I can reach beyond my shell and give a fuck. Until you rejoin the Human Race, I value the rest of those battling alongside me far more than you, or anyone else regardless of whether they have a penis, or a vagina. I'm not going to snap your neck, stab, or shoot you. I'm simply not going to bother trying to save you. The World is doing a bang-up job of killing the rest of Humanity off, without my assistance.""I really ought to punch you," Lowry threatened."Give it your best shot," I took a step toward him. That wasn't what he, or I, was expecting. I put down my poor judgment and combative demeanor to exhaustion."Don't, guys," Barabbas interceded."You are an Asshole," Lowry snarled."And you are consistently ignoring reality," I snapped back. "For instance, we are not alone out here, plus we are also at the door." I knocked once. The door swung open to reveal a rather attentive and unhappy Wes Prince. I handed her the bullet and magazine."You were listening in?" Lowry turned his anger on her. Wes' eyes went from me, to him, out into the darkness then back to me, though her words were to Lowry."Yes. Of course I was listening in. I wouldn't call him an Asshole. I'd go for Smart-ass." To me, "Do you enjoy being annoyingly correct?""No. I'd be ecstatic to realize I was completely wrong about everything and had lapsed into a mad delusion," I related, my own anger seeping away. "Being right means I have to keep appreciating and respecting you and your compatriots and taking responsibility for my own clumsy contributions to our current situation, which I don't want to do. I want to go to bed.""Come on in and go to bed then," she softened. She made a slight hand gesture. "My pistol, please, Mr. Pritchard?" she requested of Lowry. Grudgingly he gave her the firearm. She stepped aside. Lowry went first, Barabbas second. Pierre gasped slightly because as he went up the steps he noticed the two Vanishers coming toward us from outside ~ the ones I had predicted to be watching us.I went in after Pierre. Wes followed along. Capri and Kuiko were waiting. The lights had already been dimmed throughout most of the rest of the dwelling."Who were those other two guys?" Wes stopped me."Sergeant Major Daly was a Marine N C O and improv poet renowned for his battlefield musings. His most famous philosophical insight into the fighting spirit of men came in World War One. In his words "Come on, you sons of bitches, do you want to live forever?" He also won two Medals of Honor, so he must have had some talent.""Company Sergeant-Major John Robert Osborn was a Canadian; that was the country which now makes up the northern third of our current Federation; who found himself misplaced on the island of Hong Kong in late 1941; him, a handful of lads from Winnipeg and a shitload more Japanese. He and the Japanese ended up in a game of grenade tag,”"Grenade tag?" one of my two 'silent' guardians interrupted."Yes ~ grenade tag. Apparently in the olden days, grenades didn't airburst, or explode on impact. You pulled a pin and threw it at the enemy, then waited for the fuse to burn out and the grenade to go 'Boom!.' Quick, brave, and or stupid people could grab that grenade and toss it back. In some cases, one grenade might make two, or three trips before detonating.""Anyway, the Japanese were so very rudely throwing grenades into the position he and his Winnipeg Grenadiers were defending, so he kept returning them. After eight and a half hours of such fun, he came across one he couldn't toss back in time. He covered it with his body to shield his comrades from the blast, dying instantly. The British Empire gave him something called the Victoria Cross for his actions. He was the first Canadian in World War Two to receive it.""Why do you know such stuff?" she grinned. "Oh, I'm Scar and this is Nat," she indicated the third member of the Wes-Scar-Nat Vanisher trio."I considered myself a coward, so I read a lot about brave men. I was kind of hoping to figure out how I could be brave myself, one day," I disclosed."Mission success," the third one smiled. "Go to bed."I gathered up Capri and Kuiko and did as instructed. As I rested my head on the pillow, lights out and my mind gratefully shutting down."Less impressive sex, Bitch," Capri teased."No," I groaned."They definitely think you've got the 'sexy'," Kuiko enlightened me."Can we please just go to sleep?" I begged.Capri rolled onto her side, back to me, gave me a bump in the hip with her ass, then moved away a tiny bit. Kuiko wiggled close, kissed me lightly on the cheek, and then did the same. Unconsciousness took me before any other worries could steal my much needed slumber.The Larger World:As I struggled for sleep a second time, events unfolding in three different places around the Globe (Asia, the City and the Capitol) would impact my fate.Asia:First; the brutal agony still going on as the Sun disappeared over the horizon wasn't over when I woke up the next morning. It was largely misunderstood for some time afterwards, but was referred to as; the Battle for Shanghai.Five Chinese regular force divisions fought the garrison division of Shanghai, its 'reserve' division, hastily gathered volunteer female formations and a hodge-podge of ancillary forces the United Nations could throw into the fray. The goal for both sides was to seize a mother and her unborn child. Within them were the only other active resistant viral factory killing the T2 Gender Plague. By the time I woke up, both sides were sure the other side had killed them both, pretty much insuring the extinction of all sentient life in Eurasia.I say 'Eurasia' because by dusk of the previous day, the Federation knew for sure I, the other source of a cure for the T2, was still alive and kicking, as were my sons. My sons held a nebulous promise for a future date. I was of immediate importance since my adult body could produce enough antivirals to protect tens of thousands of people on a relatively continuous basis, or so it was projected.With, or without the mother and child, China was done for. Japan and Korea were rapidly circling the drain. North of China, the Plague was racing across Siberian Russia. Central Asia had never really recovered from the first round of the Gender Plague all those years ago so, now off the beaten path, would be longer in dying. India had too many outbreaks to even dream of containment. Pakistan, Iran, Turkey and the Levant Republic all had reported cases as well.Europe:Beyond the Urals, the Europeans were grappling with the looming fear of a global economic collapse along with the Specter of Death though 48 hours into the crisis, there were no cases to report yet. Civil order was teetering. Several nations had either closed their borders, or were considering doing so. Women began hording food, and men.Africa:
In this episode we speak to Marc Milner all about the hidden story behind D-Day and the Normandy Campaign! In this episode we spoke about the media battle that was going off in the USA, the conflict between military leadership, and the hidden contribution of the British Empire.Grab a copy of Marc's book Second FrontIf you want to get in touch with History with Jackson email: jackson@historywithjackson.co.ukTo support History with Jackson to carry on creating content subscribe to History with Jackson+ on Apple Podcasts or support us on our Patreon!To catch up on everything to do with History with Jackson head to www.HistorywithJackson.co.ukFollow us on Facebook at @HistorywithJacksonFollow us on Instagram at @HistorywithJacksonFollow us on X/Twitter at @HistorywJacksonFollow us on TikTok at @HistorywithJackson Get bonus content on Patreon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.
William Dalrymple is a bestselling historian, award-winning broadcaster, and one of the world's most dynamic voices on colonial history. In this episode, Ami chats with the legendary India-based Scottish writer about his latest book, The Golden Road: How Ancient India Transformed the World, which argues that India's intellectual and spiritual contributions have been foundational to the global world we live in today—and yet remain widely unacknowledged in the West.With warmth, humor, and piercing insight, William shares what it was like growing up the youngest of four brothers in an eccentric aristocratic family, how his radical Scottish nanny shaped his worldview, and why he believes India's greatest export isn't Bollywood or curry—but the number zero. Ami and William discuss how Indian ideas influenced everything from mathematics to religion, why Western education omits these facts, and how colonization played a role in that erasure.From buffets in Delhi to dancing in Goa, DJing at farmhouse parties to dinner with Aamir Khan, this episode blends deep history with cultural stories and unforgettable banter. From Shrubs to Shrines: William recounts a surreal night in Dallas giving a lecture at a house decorated with statues of Reagan, Thatcher, and Churchill. (2:52)Growing Up the Youngest: Why being the “love-bombed” youngest of four shaped William's personality—and how he finally made peace with his brother who beat him up. (5:27)Nerd Forever: William describes his lifelong love of history, how he made a career from a teenage obsession, and the unusual accessories he wore to study ancient churches. (10:17)History Through Two Lenses: The surprising influence of William's radical nanny and how it fueled his nuanced take on colonialism and the British Empire. (14:00)Why The Golden Road Matters: A crash course on how Indian mathematics, philosophy, and spirituality transformed Eurasia—and why Westerners still don't know it. (18:15)India's PR Problem: On WhatsApp uncles, Hindu helicopters, and why ancient India's brilliance was downplayed for colonial reasons (and cringed at by younger generations). (24:34)Religion Without Conquest: William explains how Hinduism and Buddhism spread across Asia through persuasion, not power. (28:46)Tuckered Out and Booked Out: Why William is more exhausted than ever thanks to his podcast Empire, his book tour, and a lifelong habit of overworking in gardens. (37:42) Connect with William Dalrymple:WebsiteInstagramFacebookX Let's talk Connect:Instagram This podcast is produced by Ginni Media.
In 1845, European potato fields from Spain to Scandinavia were attacked by a novel pathogen. But it was only in Ireland, then part of the United Kingdom, that the blight's devastation reached apocalyptic levels, leaving more than a million people dead and forcing millions more to emigrate. In Rot, historian Padraic X. Scanlan offers the definitive account of the Great Famine, showing how Ireland's place in the United Kingdom and the British Empire made it uniquely vulnerable to starvation. Ireland's overreliance on the potato was a desperate adaptation to an unstable and unequal marketplace created by British colonialism. The empire's laissez-faire economic policies saw Ireland exporting livestock and grain even as its people starved. When famine struck, relief efforts were premised on the idea that only free markets and wage labor could save the Irish. Ireland's wretchedness, before and during the Great Famine, was often blamed on Irish backwardness, but in fact, it resulted from the British Empire's embrace of modern capitalism. Uncovering the disaster's roots in Britain's deep imperial faith in markets, commerce, and capitalism, Rot reshapes our understanding of the Great Famine and its tragic legacy. Our guest is: Dr. Padraic X. Scanlan, who is an associate professor at the Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources and the Centre for Diaspora & Transnational Studies at the University of Toronto. His writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Guardian, the Times Literary Supplement, and the New Inquiry. The author of two previous books, he lives in Toronto. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is a freelance editor. She the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. Playlist for listeners: The Social Construction of Race Climate Change We Refuse Where Does Research Really Begin? The First and Last King of Haiti Finishing Your Book When Life Is A Disaster Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
In 1845, European potato fields from Spain to Scandinavia were attacked by a novel pathogen. But it was only in Ireland, then part of the United Kingdom, that the blight's devastation reached apocalyptic levels, leaving more than a million people dead and forcing millions more to emigrate. In Rot, historian Padraic X. Scanlan offers the definitive account of the Great Famine, showing how Ireland's place in the United Kingdom and the British Empire made it uniquely vulnerable to starvation. Ireland's overreliance on the potato was a desperate adaptation to an unstable and unequal marketplace created by British colonialism. The empire's laissez-faire economic policies saw Ireland exporting livestock and grain even as its people starved. When famine struck, relief efforts were premised on the idea that only free markets and wage labor could save the Irish. Ireland's wretchedness, before and during the Great Famine, was often blamed on Irish backwardness, but in fact, it resulted from the British Empire's embrace of modern capitalism. Uncovering the disaster's roots in Britain's deep imperial faith in markets, commerce, and capitalism, Rot reshapes our understanding of the Great Famine and its tragic legacy. Our guest is: Dr. Padraic X. Scanlan, who is an associate professor at the Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources and the Centre for Diaspora & Transnational Studies at the University of Toronto. His writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Guardian, the Times Literary Supplement, and the New Inquiry. The author of two previous books, he lives in Toronto. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is a freelance editor. She the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. Playlist for listeners: The Social Construction of Race Climate Change We Refuse Where Does Research Really Begin? The First and Last King of Haiti Finishing Your Book When Life Is A Disaster Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
In 1845, European potato fields from Spain to Scandinavia were attacked by a novel pathogen. But it was only in Ireland, then part of the United Kingdom, that the blight's devastation reached apocalyptic levels, leaving more than a million people dead and forcing millions more to emigrate. In Rot, historian Padraic X. Scanlan offers the definitive account of the Great Famine, showing how Ireland's place in the United Kingdom and the British Empire made it uniquely vulnerable to starvation. Ireland's overreliance on the potato was a desperate adaptation to an unstable and unequal marketplace created by British colonialism. The empire's laissez-faire economic policies saw Ireland exporting livestock and grain even as its people starved. When famine struck, relief efforts were premised on the idea that only free markets and wage labor could save the Irish. Ireland's wretchedness, before and during the Great Famine, was often blamed on Irish backwardness, but in fact, it resulted from the British Empire's embrace of modern capitalism. Uncovering the disaster's roots in Britain's deep imperial faith in markets, commerce, and capitalism, Rot reshapes our understanding of the Great Famine and its tragic legacy. Our guest is: Dr. Padraic X. Scanlan, who is an associate professor at the Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources and the Centre for Diaspora & Transnational Studies at the University of Toronto. His writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Guardian, the Times Literary Supplement, and the New Inquiry. The author of two previous books, he lives in Toronto. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is a freelance editor. She the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. Playlist for listeners: The Social Construction of Race Climate Change We Refuse Where Does Research Really Begin? The First and Last King of Haiti Finishing Your Book When Life Is A Disaster Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/academic-life
In 1845, European potato fields from Spain to Scandinavia were attacked by a novel pathogen. But it was only in Ireland, then part of the United Kingdom, that the blight's devastation reached apocalyptic levels, leaving more than a million people dead and forcing millions more to emigrate. In Rot, historian Padraic X. Scanlan offers the definitive account of the Great Famine, showing how Ireland's place in the United Kingdom and the British Empire made it uniquely vulnerable to starvation. Ireland's overreliance on the potato was a desperate adaptation to an unstable and unequal marketplace created by British colonialism. The empire's laissez-faire economic policies saw Ireland exporting livestock and grain even as its people starved. When famine struck, relief efforts were premised on the idea that only free markets and wage labor could save the Irish. Ireland's wretchedness, before and during the Great Famine, was often blamed on Irish backwardness, but in fact, it resulted from the British Empire's embrace of modern capitalism. Uncovering the disaster's roots in Britain's deep imperial faith in markets, commerce, and capitalism, Rot reshapes our understanding of the Great Famine and its tragic legacy. Our guest is: Dr. Padraic X. Scanlan, who is an associate professor at the Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources and the Centre for Diaspora & Transnational Studies at the University of Toronto. His writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Guardian, the Times Literary Supplement, and the New Inquiry. The author of two previous books, he lives in Toronto. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is a freelance editor. She the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. Playlist for listeners: The Social Construction of Race Climate Change We Refuse Where Does Research Really Begin? The First and Last King of Haiti Finishing Your Book When Life Is A Disaster Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/european-studies
In 1845, European potato fields from Spain to Scandinavia were attacked by a novel pathogen. But it was only in Ireland, then part of the United Kingdom, that the blight's devastation reached apocalyptic levels, leaving more than a million people dead and forcing millions more to emigrate. In Rot, historian Padraic X. Scanlan offers the definitive account of the Great Famine, showing how Ireland's place in the United Kingdom and the British Empire made it uniquely vulnerable to starvation. Ireland's overreliance on the potato was a desperate adaptation to an unstable and unequal marketplace created by British colonialism. The empire's laissez-faire economic policies saw Ireland exporting livestock and grain even as its people starved. When famine struck, relief efforts were premised on the idea that only free markets and wage labor could save the Irish. Ireland's wretchedness, before and during the Great Famine, was often blamed on Irish backwardness, but in fact, it resulted from the British Empire's embrace of modern capitalism. Uncovering the disaster's roots in Britain's deep imperial faith in markets, commerce, and capitalism, Rot reshapes our understanding of the Great Famine and its tragic legacy. Our guest is: Dr. Padraic X. Scanlan, who is an associate professor at the Centre for Industrial Relations and Human Resources and the Centre for Diaspora & Transnational Studies at the University of Toronto. His writing has appeared in the Washington Post, the Guardian, the Times Literary Supplement, and the New Inquiry. The author of two previous books, he lives in Toronto. Our host is: Dr. Christina Gessler, who is a freelance editor. She the producer and show host of the Academic Life podcast. Playlist for listeners: The Social Construction of Race Climate Change We Refuse Where Does Research Really Begin? The First and Last King of Haiti Finishing Your Book When Life Is A Disaster Teaching About Race and Racism in the College Classroom Welcome to Academic Life, the podcast for your academic journey—and beyond! You can support the show by downloading and sharing episodes. Join us again to learn from more experts inside and outside the academy, and around the world. Missed any of the 250+ Academic Life episodes? Find them here. And thank you for listening! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
The writer had a complex relationship with his mother, whose professional reputation built a wall between them, but also saved his life more than once while working as a war correspondent.Peter Godwin was born in Zimbabwe when the country was still under colonial rule.His English mother was the only doctor for thousands of kilometres and early on, Peter realised that he came second to her patients.When Peter was little, civil war broke out at home and so he was sent away to boarding school, and then conscripted by the army when he was still a teenager.After his service, Peter became a journalist and while on the ground, his mother's professional reputation saved his life more than once, including the time he was kidnapped while reporting in Somalia.As he grew older, Peter came to see his mother in a new light, and he finally learned the real reason she and his father had emigrated to Africa in the first place.This episode of Conversations explores PTSD, war correspondence, journalism, colonialism, the British Empire, Africa, Civil War, the United Kingdom, mothers and sons, the death of a sibling, grief, occupational hazards, mental health, grief, memoirs, biography, origin story, epic, adventure, conscription, boy soldiers.Exit Wounds is published by Allen&Unwin.
Wisdom For The Weary #Nightlight #RTTBROS Wisdom For The Weary #Nightlight #RTTBROS Above All Else: The Focus That Changed Wilberforce If ye then be risen with Christ, seek those things which are above, where Christ sitteth on the right hand of God. 2 Set your affection on things above, not on things on the earth.3 For ye are dead, and your life is hid with Christ in God. 4 When Christ, who is our life, shall appear, then shall ye also appear with him in gloryWilliam Wilberforce stood at the window of his London home, staring across the Thames with weary eyes. For twenty years, he had fought to abolish the slave trade in the British Empire, and for twenty years, he had failed. Stacks of parliamentary papers cluttered his desk, and letters from both supporters and fierce opponents filled his drawers. His health was deteriorating, and doubts clouded his mind.Throughout his life, Wilberforce was deeply influenced by Scripture broadly. His 1797 book "A Practical View of Christianity" revealed his theological foundations, while his journal entries and letters demonstrated how biblical principles regarding human dignity and justice guided his political career. He was especially moved by passages about loving one's neighbor, caring for the oppressed, and the equality of all people before God.As a young, ambitious politician with wealth and social connections, he had experienced a profound spiritual conversion at age 25. His old friend, former slave-ship captain John Newton, now a minister and author of "Amazing Grace", had counseled him not to abandon politics but to use his position for God's purposes.Though he never specifically cited it, the powerful truth in Colossians 3 perfectly summarizes Wilberforce's transformed focus in life. While his peers pursued political power, wealth, and status, he set his mind on higher things, the dignity of every human being created in God's image. This heavenly focus made him willing to endure earthly scorn.Year after year, he introduced anti-slavery bills. Year after year, they were defeated. His political opponents mocked him as a religious fanatic. Business interests slandered him as an economic saboteur. Even some friends suggested he choose a more achievable cause."Perhaps I should focus elsewhere," Wilberforce confided to his journal one night. "Twenty years of failure wears on a man's soul."Many times when he opened his Bible. Those words renewed his resolve. His focus wasn't meant to be on immediate results but on faithfulness to his calling. He wasn't working primarily for earthly approval but for heavenly purposes.With refreshed determination, Wilberforce continued the fight. His heavenly focus gave him earthly perseverance. In 1807, the Slave Trade Act finally passed, abolishing the slave trade throughout the British Empire. Twenty-six years later, just three days before his death in 1833, he received news that slavery itself would be abolished across the British colonies.Wilberforce's life embodies the wisdom of Paul's words in Colossians. By setting his mind on things above, he changed things on earth. By living as though his true life was hidden with Christ, he found courage to face opposition. By focusing on heavenly glory rather than earthly acclaim, he left a legacy that transformed millions of lives.Like Wilberforce, we face choices daily about where to set our minds. When we focus on things above, we gain the perspective and perseverance to fulfill our calling below.Prayer: Lord, like Wilberforce, help me fix my focus on heavenly values rather than earthly validation. Remind me that my true identity is hidden with Christ, giving me courage to pursue Your purposes even when progress seems slow. May my heavenly focus produce earthly faithfulness. Amen.#WilberforceWisdom #PerseverantFocus #HeavenlyPerspectiveBe sure to Like, Share, Follow and subscribe it helps get the word out.https://linktr.ee/rttbros
Last time we looked at the continuing disintegration of the British Empire. In this episode we look at two other key aspects of Macmillan's foreign policy, Britain's relations with the US and with potential European partners.Towards the US, what the experience confirmed is Britain's declining influence and its increasing dependence on, and even subordination to, American policies. Towards Europe, Britain became directly hostile towards the European Economic Community (EEC), trying to build a rival to it in the European Free Trade Area (EFTA). As it became increasingly clear that this was never going to really fly, and as the British economy weakened, Macmillan found himself having to swallow his pride, reverse his position and apply for membership of the EEC after all. To the government's shock, the perception of Britain as increasingly dominated by the United States led to the French president, Charles de Gaulle – never an Anglophile and now increasingly mistrustful – applying the French veto to British accession. To top all that, Macmillan's increasingly battered and unpopular government was further hit by a series of three scandals: John Vassal was found to be an Admiralty employee spying for the Soviet Union; Kim Philby who Macmillan had backed against suspicions that he was a Soviet spy confirmed that he actually was by defecting to Moscow; and the scandal around Christine Keeler and the Secretary of State for War, John Profumo, did even further damage to the government's credibility.By October, Macmillan could stand it no longer and, genuinely not well, he decided to resign as Prime Minister on health grounds.This episode runs a little longer than most, because it also mentions the new German translation of the podcast. It's available at:https://open.spotify.com/show/08M357CvtiWJsnEGyxitco?si=64613c2919df4a27Illustration: Christine Keeler 1963, photograph by Lewis Morley. Keeler claimed that she wasn't actually naked. © Victoria and Albert Museum, London/Lewis MorleyMusic: Bach Partita #2c by J Bu licensed under an Attribution-NonCommercial-No Derivatives (aka Music Sharing) 3.0 International License
In this episode of the US Navy History Podcast, hosts Dale and Christophe discuss the profound and far-reaching consequences of World War I. They cover the dissolution of empires, the creation of new nations, and the geopolitical reshuffling in Europe and the Middle East. The podcast also examines the catastrophic human and economic toll of the war, technological advancements, military tactics, and the introduction of tank and aerial warfare. Additionally, they honor the memory of First Lieutenant Thomas Selfridge, the first military officer to die in an aircraft accident. The episode delves into the impact on various countries, including major changes in national borders and economies, particularly within the British Empire and its dominions. The discussion is a comprehensive look at how the Great War permanently altered global history.usnavyhistorypodcast@gmail.com@usnhistorypodDiscordThe Ships StoreHero Cardsthe Grateful Nation Project — Hero Cardsnavy-cycling.com
How good was the Japanese Chi Ha? Just ten of them destroyed the British Empire. In this episode we find out how!
Duncan, Eddie and Lee return with another episode of Shoot and Scoot, the Flames of War and Team Yankee wargaming podcast. This episode we talk about what we have been painting and playing and have a look at the Australians, Indians, and the rest of the British Empire section of the latest Flames of War book "The Pacific".
The first step to tyranny is always the same: silence your opposition. Once they take your voice, everything else comes easy. That's exactly what the British Empire did throughout the American Revolution. Using seditious libel as their legal foundation, they repeatedly attacked the rights to speak, print, and assemble. On this episode, we expose how what we now call cancel culture was nothing new. The Founders lived under it. And they fought back. The post Silenced! The Founders' WAR on Cancel Culture EXPOSED! first appeared on Tenth Amendment Center.
With the British Empire increasingly anxious about its global strategic position, Canada faces pressure to take on a greater share of imperial defence.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/the-nations-of-canada--4572969/support.
WATCH the video of this interview here: https://youtu.be/G9ao_vRwvL0?si=O2rvPqgFWFcOOxXG Abby Martin talks to investigative journalist Matt Kennard and author of The Racket, about the machinations of US Empire under Trump, and how the British Empire never died but simply tethered itself to the United States. FOLLOW Matt: https://x.com/kennardmatt EMPIRE FILES VIDEOS + MERCH + SOCIALS + ARTICLES +PATREON + EXCLUSIVE CONTENT :: https://linktr.ee/empirefiles
You can't be moral on your own. That's a radical idea in this time of moral outrage, but thriving in public life requires a sense of mutual accountability, belonging, and hospitality for each other.Mona Siddiqui is a professor of religion and society, an author, commentator, and public intellectual, and she suggests that the virtues of loyalty, gratitude, hospitality, and hope can lead us through the common struggle of being human together, living forward into a thriving life of public faith and renewed moral imagination.As Professor of Islamic and Interreligious Studies, Assistant Principal for Religion and Society, and Dean international for the Middle-East at the University of Edinburgh, she is an international beacon of hope that we might find restoration, hospitality, and flourishing in our world of struggle. Working through questions of loyalty, responsibility, belonging, gratitude, robust faith, and what we owe each other, we can find abundant resources for thriving and spiritual health.In this conversation with Mona Siddiqui, we discuss:What is a moral life?The connection between faith, spirituality, and living a moral life of responsibility and integrityThe difference between cultivating virtuous character and doing justiceHow to thrive in a pluralistic society marked by constant struggle and conflictThe promise of gratitude and hospitality in a life of thrivingAnd how to pursue a hopeful, forward-looking approach to restoration in the wake of harm, loss, pain, and suffering.Episode Highlights"Our moral life only becomes alive when we are in a relationship—you can't be moral on your own.""Life is all about searching. Life is all about introspection. Life is all about reflection.""The good life is hard; it's not about ease, but about living with accountability and responsibility.""Hospitality isn't just welcoming—it's negotiating belonging, loyalty, and a sense of shared life.""Gratitude can liberate, but it can also create hierarchies and transactional indebtedness.""Hope is not naive optimism—without hope, how do you live, build relationships, or carry forward at all?"Helpful Links and ResourcesFollow Mona on X (Twitter) at @monasiddiqui7*Christians, Muslims, and Jesus,* by Mona SiddiquiHuman Struggle, Christian and Muslim Perspectives, by Mona SiddiquiA Theology of Gratitude: Christian and Muslim Perspectives, by Mona SiddiquiMy Way: A Muslim Woman's Journey by Mona SiddiquiThe Moral Maze, BBC Radio 4Show NotesMona Siddiqui's personal background in Islamic jurisprudence and public theology“I got into Islamic jurisprudence because of personal connection and intellectual curiosity.”Navigating public discourse post-9/11 as a non-white, non-Christian scholarImportance of pluralism and living within diverse identities"I need to create a space that appeals to a wider audience—not just about what I think."Growing up with intellectual freedom in a traditional Islamic householdHow faith upbringing seeds lifelong moral introspection"You are always answering to yourself—you know when you have not lived rightly."Developing comparative theology through seminars with Christian scholarsOverlapping themes between Islamic and Christian thought on the good lifeThe significance of accountability over blanket forgiveness"Belonging is crucial to being a good citizen—you can't flourish alone."Exploration of loyalty: loyalty to people vs loyalty to principlesCivic loyalty and critical engagement with the state“Because I feel loyal to my country, I should also be its critic.”The role of prayer in cultivating internal moral awarenessReflection on virtues: gratitude, loyalty, hopeThe dark sides of gratitude and loyalty in institutionsParenting with a focus on integrity, accountability, and faithfulness“Live so that whatever you say in public, you can say at home—and vice versa.”Emphasis on public engagement: speaking clearly, making complex ideas accessible"Radio became a gift—people want complex ideas made simple and meaningful."Remaining hopeful despite the culture of outrage and cynicismYoung people's resilience and persistent hopefulnessHospitality as a fundamental ethic for creating trust and belongingStruggle as a normative, transformative experience that shapes flourishing"Thriving is not just freedom—it's centering, writing, speaking, and deep human connection."The importance of relationships in thriving and flourishing“Most of us realize—relationships are the hardest, but the most rewarding.”Redefining gratitude: avoiding transactional gratitude, cultivating authentic gratefulnessStruggle cultivates introspection, resilience, creativity, and a deeper moral lifePam King's Key TakeawaysI can't be moral on my own. But my decisions are my own. In the end, living with integrity means living with virtue.Personal and public flourishing are deeply connected to our lives of faith and spirituality; and all of us need to bring the depths of our personal spiritual commitments into public life.We can offer hope and freedom from fear to each other when we expand our hospitality to all persons.The practice of gratitude in the face of our vulnerability is easier said than done—but is a strengthening response to uncertainty and suffering.And finally, human struggle is something we hold in common, and it can be redeemed for creativity, beauty, healing restoration, and a reminder of our dignity as human creatures.About Mona SiddiquiMona Siddiqui is Professor of Islamic and Interreligious Studies, Assistant Principal for Religion and Society, and Dean international for the Middle-East at the University of Edinburgh.Her research areas are primarily in the field of Islamic jurisprudence and ethics and Christian-Muslim relations. She's the author of many books, including Human Struggle: Christian and Muslim Perspectives,Hospitality in Islam: Welcoming in God's Name, and My Way: A Muslim Woman's Journey. A scholar of theology, philosophy, and ethics, she's conducted international research on Islam and Christianity, gratitude, loyalty and fidelity, hope, reconciliation and inter-faith theological dialogue, and human struggle.Mona is well known internationally as a public intellectual and a speaker on issues around religion, ethics and public life and regularly appears as a media commentator on BBC Radio 4 and BBC Radio Scotland's Thought for the Day and The Moral Maze.A recipient of numerous awards and recognition, she is a fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, she gave the prestigious Gifford Lectures in Natural Theology. She was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences as an International Honorary Member. And Dr. Siddiqui was appointed Officer of the Order of the British Empire, which is just steps below the highest Knighting—specifically for her public interfaith efforts.To learn more, I'd highly recommend her books, but you can also follow her on X @monasiddiqui7. About the Thrive CenterLearn more at thethrivecenter.org.Follow us on Instagram @thrivecenterFollow us on X @thrivecenterFollow us on LinkedIn @thethrivecenter About Dr. Pam KingDr. Pam King is Executive Director the Thrive Center and is Peter L. Benson Professor of Applied Developmental Science at Fuller School of Psychology & Marriage and Family Therapy. Follow her @drpamking. About With & ForHost: Pam KingSenior Director and Producer: Jill WestbrookOperations Manager: Lauren KimSocial Media Graphic Designer: Wren JuergensenConsulting Producer: Evan RosaSpecial thanks to the team at Fuller Studio and the Fuller School of Psychology & Marriage and Family Therapy.
In this episode of Welcome to Cloudlandia, we start with Dan's recent experience with stem cell injections, a journey filled with both challenges and relief. This discussion transitions into the inspiring story of a Vietnamese massage therapist who built her career in Canada, highlighting the diverse paths in the healing professions. Our conversation then shifts to the political landscape of Canada. We analyze the unique dynamics of minority governments and consider the influence of international figures like Trump on Canadian politics. We also discuss the role of central banking figures in political negotiations and reflect on the contrasts between Canadian and American electoral perspectives. Next, we explore the parallels between political and economic systems, examining the shift from traditional hierarchies to modern digital frameworks. The conversation covers the challenges faced by third-party candidates in the U.S., with a focus on Robert F. Kennedy's independent run, and delves into the economic tensions between China and the U.S., considering their impact on global trade relations. Finally, we reflect on the importance of creative consistency and the power of legacy. Whether it's maintaining a long-term streak of publishing or creating innovative tools, we emphasize the value of continuously producing impactful content. SHOW HIGHLIGHTS We explore the intricacies of stem cell treatments and discuss my personal experience with multiple injections, sharing insights on the healing journey alongside Mr. Jackson. The conversation transitions to Canadian politics, where we delve into the complexities of a minority government and the influence of international figures like Trump on Canadian political dynamics. We examine the parallels between political and economic systems, focusing on the evolution from hierarchical structures to digital frameworks, and discuss the challenges faced by third-party candidates in the U.S. electoral system. The geopolitical dynamics between China and the United States are analyzed, highlighting the differing geographical and demographic challenges and the economic tensions resulting from tariffs and trade negotiations. We reflect on the value of maintaining a long-term creative streak, discussing the importance of consistent output and deadlines in driving productivity and ensuring a legacy of impactful content. The discussion touches on the strategic importance of filling the future with new and exciting projects to ensure personal growth and innovation, contrasting past achievements with future aspirations. We explore the significance of creativity in producing meaningful content across various platforms, from books and workshops to podcasts, emphasizing the role of personal reputation and motivation in maintaining a steady output. Links: WelcomeToCloudlandia.com StrategicCoach.com DeanJackson.com ListingAgentLifestyle.com TRANSCRIPT (AI transcript provided as supporting material and may contain errors) Dean: Mr Sullivan, Dan:Mr Jackson, Dean: there he is. How are things in your outpost of the? Dan: mainland. Well good, I had a convalescence week. They really packed me full of new stem cells. And the procedure is things aren't good if I'm not feeling bad. Dean: That's what I'm saying. It's along the lines of we're not happy until you're not happy. Dan: How's that for a closing argument? Dean: That's good, that's good. Dan: Yeah. Dean: Things aren't good if you're not feeling bad. Dan: I got the procedure on the Thursday of last week, not the week we're just finishing, but the week. So Thursday, friday, saturday and it was almost one week later, exactly on Thursday, almost the same time of day, and all of a sudden the pain went away. Dean: Okay, how long was it Acute onset? Did you have to travel in pain? Dan: Yeah, well, I did, but they drugged me out. Yeah, they had sedatives Right when they were doing the procedure and then you had takeaways. Dean: Yeah, A goody bag. Dan: Nothing like a good drug. Yeah, exactly, especially a pa pain killing drug and and they're real big on this but went full force this time I had eight different injections, both ankles, both knees, even the knee. That's good they do it to reinforce what's already there. Reinforce what's already there. And then tendons the tendons in the calf, tendons in the hamstring, tendons in the quadriceps and then on both hips, both hips, so the left leg is the. You know in the spotlight here and when you're it's like you're experiencing inflammation in the ankle, in the calf, in the knee, in the upper leg and then the hip at the same time the leg doesn't want to, the leg doesn't want to work, right exactly yeah yeah, so that's the big problem, but actually I'm feeling pretty chipper today that's great, so that. Dean: So it took a week to get that. Is that usual or was this an unusual? Because I don't think I've ever heard you mention the pain. Dan: Usually it was a couple of days, but they got me while they had me. Dean: Well, that's good, and today you feel noticeably better. Dan: Now, yeah, I was noticing that we have a long-term massage therapist who comes to our house. Dean: Oh, my goodness. Dan: She's been coming for 33 years. Vietnamese Wow A boat person, actually, someone who escaped on a boat when she was a teenager, actually someone who escaped on boat when she was a teenager. And you know, really, she grew up, her grandmother was. They didn't have things like registered massage therapists, everybody just did massage, you know grandmothers especially, and so she learned from her grandmother. You know, even before she was 10 years old and so she's you, she's 60 now, 60 now. So she's been at this for about 50 years and she's availed herself of almost every kind of therapy training that there is. I mean, it was she was working till she was 45, from teenagers to 45 you know, paid for it before she ever got registered, she ever got. oh, oh my goodness, yeah, and I asked her about that. And the licensing is only really needed if the patient is claiming insurance money yeah. So they won't give me a patient any? Well, I never asked for it, I mean. I find I'm trying to get through my entire lifetime by having as little direct contact with government as possible. Dean: That's the best. I love that. Yes, that's great. Dan: I know they exist and as far as garbage being picked up, streets being repaired, police stopping crime. I have no complaints about paying for that, but I know I have to have some involvement but I don't try to expand it. Dean: That's so funny. What's the tone in Canada? Now here we are, you know, a week after the big debacle. Dan: Well, I don't know the debacle. They basically first of all didn't really decide anything because they had a minority government before for Americans. Americans only have winners and losers, but in Canada you can have someone who's half and half. Dean: They're half winners and half loser. Dan: Yeah, they're like. You know. It's that less than half the country voted for the winner. That's right. But the winner got more votes than the second place because there's more than one party. You know, americans don't believe in anything. That's not a winner or a loss. You know. That's one thing. I've learned since I've been in Canada. Americans, there's only two possibilities You're a winner or you're a loser. There's no halfway. There's no participation prize for showing up and being engaged, I think, the prime minister. He's an economist and we have a thing that it would be like the head of the Federal Reserve. In the United States you have a central bank which is called the Federal Reserve, and in Canada it's called the Bank of Canada, and then in the UK they have the Bank of England, and this man was both governor of the Bank of Canada and the governor of the Bank of England. He's a lifetime bureaucrat. He's never been anything except a bureaucrat and his first job is to negotiate with Trump. Right exactly, and nothing in his background has prepared him for this experience. Dean: Yeah, that's so. It is true, isn't it? I mean the whole, I think it feels like from this view. Dan: They kicked a can both the US and Canada. Dean: And the you know. The very interesting thing is that this vote definitely feels like a not Trump type of sentiment. You know more than it did yes. Dan: There's no question in my I mean there's no question in anyone's mind that Trump was the issue. Dean: Yeah, yeah, Pierre Polyev's probably going. I was so close. If that election had happened any time between November and January, it would have been a whole different story, you know. Dan: Yeah, yeah, yeah, that was. I think. Yeah, I don't know. Yeah, I think it was that the you know. Yeah, yeah, yeah, that was. I think. Yeah, I don't know. Yeah, I think it was that the you know Trump actually putting his gaze on Canada, really, didn't happen until after, you know, after he was inaugurated after he became president, I think you're totally correct. It was from November 5th to January 20th, yeah that would have been Kaliev's window. Yeah, but yeah well, you know there's a little history to this. A lot of people don't know it, but Canada was a major country you know in world affairs pretty well for most of the 20th century, pretty well for most of the 20th century, and part of the reason is that they were the big backup to the British Empire, like in the First World War and the Second World War. The major supplier of manpower and armaments and everything else came from Canada that backed up the British. I mean, the British were really in the eye of the storm for both of the wars, but their number one ally right from the start of the two wars was Canada. Canada was the big player. As a matter of fact, in 1945, the end of the Second World War, Canada had the third largest navy in the world and they had the fourth largest air force in the world. Think of little canada little canada yeah, and they played a huge part in the cold war. You know the rcmp, the, you know the mounties most people think of them as people in red coats riding on horses, but actually they were the. They were actually the dual they were were the combination of the CIA and the FBI. They were all packed in one. And they were a major player, because the United States, canada, was the country that was in between the United States and the Soviet Union. So I'm going to sneeze. Oh, there I go, yeah, that's completed, anyway, anyway, and their intelligence services were first class and everything. And then when the cold war suddenly ended in 1991, the end of 1991, all of a sudden their importance in the world just disappeared. So we've been and they've had to fake it yeah, it's interesting. I mean canada, I guess, and that's basically that and the you know you had some good prime minister you had. You know the liberal crechin wasn't too bad because he was a long time tough guy in the liberal party and harper I thought was, and my experience of being in Canada, which is 54 years, I think, Harper was. Dean: Well, he's always widely regarded as that right. Dan: He's by far the best prime minister and he wasn't confused about what Canada should be for, what it should support and everything like that. And then you came. You know, obviously they got the next character from central casting. You know, they just said send us, send us and he's by hands down. I mean, if you really talk to the liberals quietly and in private, they said you know, he's kind of a disaster, he's been a disaster for 10 years and you know. I mean they just don't have much gas in the gas tank anymore at that party and there's a general pushback against left-wing parties going on in the world right now. You can see it in Britain. They had the elections for local councils. You know local councils, which is it's an odd, you know it's an odd sort of election, but they have it sort of like midterm elections in the United. Dean: States, you know and Nigel Farage. Dan: Who's the you? Know, he was the Brexit, he was the brains behind Brexit. I mean, very clearly, if that had been the general election, he'd be the prime minister right now and he wants to just detach Great Britain completely from Europe and have the attachment with the United States, and I think that's going to happen. What's disappearing is this sort of wishy-washy, left-wing mushy-ness in the world right now. The world's going very binary in my sense. That and a $9 latte you got yourself a deal. Dean: Oh, my goodness. Dan: Is that what it's come to? Dean: Is that what it's come to? Is that what it's come to? The $9 latte? You know, it's so funny. I'm going to be back up in June, of course, and I'll be setting up residency in Yorkville there for several weeks, and last time I was there I was surprised by the. You know I usually get Americanos which are now have been replaced by Canadianos, but it's a whole new whole new, whole new logo. Dan: Yeah, I mean, how can I be against patriotism? Dean: I think so, and it's so amazing, though, to see like just the lengths that they're going. You know, I mean pulling all the. That was the big news when I was there. Dan: And I'm wondering if it's. What I noticed is that Canadians are demonstrating every aspect of courageousness that doesn't cost you anything. Dean: Well, I think that it's going to cost. I mean, you know, there I saw, is it Doug Ford or Mark Ford? Doug Ford was up, you know, in the liquor store in the LCBOs saying how they've pulled all American brands out of the LCBO and that you know they're like taking a stand about. But that total buy of the LCBO is $3.2 billion is what they're saying. The liquor market is $340 billion. So less than 1% of the whole. It's not even too little to measure, even you know. Yeah. Dan: Well, they can do it because the LCBO is Liquor Control Board of Ontario. Dean: The largest. Dan: The largest on the planet, Not just the largest in North America. Dean: the largest on the planet. Dan: There's one bureaucratic office that you know that's, that's a lot of liquor. Yeah well, you know it's, it's a bit. You know you're dealing in symbols here, it's sort of symbol. I mean, it's not yeah, it's not actually. It's not actually real courage. You know it's not real courage. It's symbolic courage you know, it's a symbolic. Symbolic, and you know, but that's part of life too, you know. And you know, I'm really noticing. Do you ever, in any of your video viewing, do you ever watch the Bill Maher show? Yes, I do, yeah, and I watched him in the old days and I watch him. You know, I don't actually watch television, but I get YouTubes. I get YouTubes of it, you know. And Trump invited him to come to the White House or the White House or Mar-a-Lago. I don't know if there is Mar-a-Lago, and you know Barr, who has been. I think actually. Dean: Focally anti-Trump yeah, yeah. Dan: well, trump had printed up a document which said 60 insults that Bill Maher had insulted Trump or Bill Maher had done it. And he wanted to give it as a present to the president and he said you know, these are my 60 insults of you. And Trump said oh, can I sign that Trump autograph? That's the best, and Maher came away and he says you know, can I sign that? And Trump autographed it. That's the best, I autographed it. And Maher came away and he says you know, I want to tell you it's not a crazy man in the White House. He said I was treated, you know, it surprised me how gracious he was and you know how just open to having a chat and everything like that. Well, he's just been slammed by the left wing that he would even show up and that's all this fake symbolism, you know, but attack the only guy on the Democratic side in the United States who is actually positioning himself differently is this guy Fetterman from Pennsylvania. He's the senator and he's someone who really hasn't done anything in his life, but through just the way politics were working, I think he had a state job and then he ran and he's got mental issues. I mean, he's had mental issues, but he's been a voice, a lone voice. You know a singular lone voice of somebody. He said you know politics, you try to find common ground and wherever you can find common ground with the opposition, you sit down with him, you talk about it and the public benefits if you can get an agreement there. Well, he's just been. He's just been cast out, but he doesn't really care. He doesn't really care, so you know yeah anyway, but it's an interesting time and you know what? I've got a thesis that politics takes on gradually. It takes on the form of economics. Okay, so that, however, the economics of society, the structure, you know, how do things get created, produced and where's profit being made Ultimately politics takes on the same kind of structure. So if you think of the industrial revolution, when everything was defined by big pyramids organizations, you know you had people at the top and then you had either big factories or you had big administrative companies that did the work out in the world. For the factories, you know the research, the marketing and distribution out into the world of manufactured products. After a while, government took on the same form, the big pyramids. Government always is the last institution to figure out what's going on. Dean: That's interesting, it's true, right, because everything has to trickle up. Dan: Yeah. So starting in the 70s, you started to get a change in the structure and you went from the big pyramidal structures to basically the microchip networks. Everything started more and more to be on the framework of computers, individual computers communicating with other individual computers, you know communicating with other individual computers, first hundreds and thousands and then millions, you know, and gradually. But the central principle of the microchip is binary, that in the digital code things are either a one or they're a zero. Okay, and so what I noticed over the last, probably starting in the early nineties, you start getting you're either on one side or the other side. But my sense is that politics is just imitating how the economic system it's a digital economic system. That's what we're talking about on. Welcome to Cloudlandia. What allows this amazing communication that we can make digitally depends on ones and zeros. And what I noticed is that the entire political structure, you know all the players in the political structure. You're either on one side or you're on the other side. If you're in the middle, you don't count. Dean: Yeah, and that's you know. It's interesting. You were talking about the third party system. I think that the interesting thing is, the United States is really a three party system. There's three parties, but really, you know, in a two party system, I think that's really what it is, but there's a large majority of people who are more moderate. Right now, it's binary in terms of you're Democrat or Republican. That's really it, and there's never been, there's never been, you know, a real outsider opportunity. I mean, you look at, you know, ross Perot. Maybe he was the got the farthest. Well, they're a spoiler. They're a spoiler. Dan: They're not, they could never be the lead party. Dean: You know, they're just a spoiler party. Dan: Yeah, and the reason is because of the Electoral College. You know that. I remember being at Genius Network in the year before the election, so the election was last November, so it was the previous November and Robert Kennedy was running. Robert F Kennedy was running. And then the Democrats made it impossible for him to be a contender, a Democratic contender. So he went independent and I remember him. He came twice, he came twice to Genius Network. Dean: And. Dan: I remember the first time he came, everybody was excited. You know he's going to be the next president and I said, yeah, yeah, I said well, you know if you want to know how the game's played, you got to take the game box and flip it on the back and read the rules. And I could tell you he could take 30% of the total vote. You know that would be. You know that'd be something like 45, 50 million. Unheard of yeah 45, 50 million and he wouldn't get one electoral vote. Dean: Right. Dan: And I said, and they said well, that's just absurd, that's just absurd. And I said nope, that's how the rules, that's what the rules are. I said, learn what the rules are. And that's why I think it was so easy for them to jump. I mean, if he had run right through to the end of the election and you know, like he was showing up on election night, you know and he got 3% of the three. He could have gotten tens of millions of votes and gotten, maybe, but wouldn't have won a single electoral vote. Dean: Right. Dan: Yeah. Dean: Yeah yeah, I like your approach and mine just being in it but not of it. It's like I appreciate the things Well it's entertainment yeah, it's, you know. Dan: It's entertainment that costs you a lot more than cable, that's exactly right. Dean: And you know what the good news is, dan? There's no tariff. There's no tariffs on good ideas, no tariffs in Cloudlandia Tariff free. I think that's the big thing. Dan: If it doesn't weigh anything, there's no tariff. Dean: That's right. That's right. If it doesn't come in a box, there's no tariff. That's exactly right. That's right. If it doesn't, comeia is so. Fascinating to me is just seeing how unstable the mainland things are becoming. Dan: You start to see the Cloudlandia future. We're in a period where we're going to see the greatest amount of chaos and turmoil in the tangible I'll talk about the tangible economy, yeah, but I think it'll be about probably a decade and then things will be remarkably stable. Dean: How do you see this playing out? Because I've been curious about that too. You see this playing out like so, because I've been curious about that too like what is the end game of all of these? You know the I guess you kind of take this intersection of what you know, the populations and the, you know the movement to cloudlandia, and then these, the political to Cloudlandia, and then the geopolitical climate. You see all these things like what is the unintended? We wonder now I've heard different things about China, all these countries or whatever, that Trump is imposing the tariffs on, the reaction, the rebound reaction of that. Is that something that Peter Zion has talked about? Or is that what's your take? I know you've read a lot and observed a lot. Dan: It's very interesting. I think he's very conflicted. I think Peter Zion is very conflicted right now, and the reason is that he made predictions 10 years ago. I'd say it was 10 years ago, about how he saw the world changing. It produces all sorts of interesting insights. And the first one is that, basically, as a country, the future of your country past, present and future of your country is really determined basically your geography, where you are on the planet and what kind of geography you have, so your placement on the planet. I'll use an example of let's use China as one and use the United States as the other. The China is basically a land country rather than a maritime country. If you look at the map of China, where it shows the cities, most of the cities are inland in China. Even Beijing is not close to the ocean. You have two big ports. One of them is Shanghai, which is actually up the river, but it's got a very wide mouth to the river, and then Shanghai and the other one was Hong Kong, and so they're basically Hong Kong, hong Kong and so they're basically a land-based country, but they border on 13 other countries who have a passionate hatred for China. These are enemies, they're surrounded by enemies. There's nobody who likes them, and one major country that's offshore is Japan, and there's nothing but pure hatred between Japan, and everybody else has an adversarial attitude towards China. So that's China. Then you take the United States. The United States sits with 3,000 miles of water on its eastern shore, 5,000 miles of water on its western shore shore, 5,000 miles of water on its western shore, and then it's got just. The only connector is the Mexican, and it's 200 miles of desert and mountains. And then on the north you have 3,000 miles of pot-smoking Canadians. Dean: Terrorists hiding pot-smoking Canadians. Dan: Yeah, terrorists who had a plan for tomorrow but forgot what it was. So the US really doesn't have to. China has to totally defend itself. You know they have to spend an enormous amount of their budget defending their borders where the US really doesn't. I mean there's they talk about, you know, the Canadian-American border they talk about. You know that, you about that actually there's just nothing there. It's just fields and there's farms, farms certainly in the West, in Manitoba, saskatchewan and Alberta where. I'm sure the farms are partially in the United States, partially in. Dean: Canada, you could just walk right across. Dan: Yeah, oh, yeah, it's you know, and everything like that. So one thing is the US really doesn't have to. By the standards of the world, the US doesn't have to spend much money defending itself territorially. The other thing is demographics, and it's what your population looks like. Do you have mostly, is it mostly young people? Is it mostly middle-aged people? Is it mostly old people? And the US is China probably by 10 years from now will have more people over 60 than people under 20, which means that they become more and more of a top-heavy population. And these people are past working age, they're past investment age, but they're not past being in an expense age. So more and more, the cost of your society is older people, and you have fewer and fewer workers who are producing, fewer and fewer workers who are paying taxes, fewer and fewer workers who are, you know, who are investing, and you have older, older population. That's just consuming and it's just consuming. Yeah, so these are the two big things that you have to think about. It's China and the US and tariff. A tariff that the United States places on China is five times a heavier penalty than one that China places on the US. Dean: And the. Dan: US, like Trump, everybody else in the world. He put it 10 percent, 25 percent, some of 50 percent. On China, he put 145 percent and apparently there's riots going on in China right now because the factories are closing down really fast. You'll see within the next three months, you'll see next month. So it'll be formal new negotiations between the United. States and China. Now that's the central issue as we go forward what's the relationship between these two countries? It's like after the Second World War? What's the relationship between the United States and the Soviet? Union the basic attitude is that we'll just keep applying more and more pressure and wait them out and they'll collapse. So that's what I see the big game for the China. Dean: And do you think that the net of this is that will bring back? Like what is everything? Is that setting up you know what kind of the playbook that Peter Zayn was talking about, the absent superpower of the US, sort of moving away from dependence or interaction with outside? Dan: No, no, I just think it's a one-on-one that the United States is going to have with every other country in the world. So there's 200 countries according to the United Nations. There's 200 countries and every one of them is under some sort of broad trading agreement with the United States. And the US did that basically for security reasons, because they said we'll make it easy for you to trade, but your military strategies and your security strategies have to have to be in alignment with us. And when the Soviet Union collapsed there was no need for that, but it just went on by inertia. Basically, it was just something that carried on. It was a good deal for everybody else, but not such a great deal for the US. And Trump comes in, you know, and Trump is nothing if not a dealmaker, you know. So what he says is every country now you make sure you send somebody to Washington because we're going to do a dealmaker. So what he says is every country, now you make sure you send somebody to Washington because we're going to do a different deal. So I think probably within a year you'll have probably the US will have deals with, if not China, they'll have deals they already do with China, south Korea, india, vietnam in that part of the world, the Philippines, australia, and so everybody will be in the new American deal except China. And probably within a year you'll have more than 100, maybe 130 countries who now have new deals, including Canada. We'll see what Canada does, because Maybe a year from now we'll be back to drinking Americanos at Starbucks. Dean: I wonder. That's what I wonder. Dan: It's just amazing to me, why stop with Canadiennes? Why don't we go to Ontariannes? Uh-huh, exactly, toronto. I mean, if you're going that route, why not go all the way? Dean: Toronto, yeah, York. Dan: Villano. Dean: Uh-huh right, that's the thing I stay on the island there. That's right. That's so funny, yeah, so that's I mean, you know? Dan: I mean I'm just an amateur observer here and I'm just picking up what I see happening. But the big thing is to have every deal that the United States has as separate with each individual country, no broad multilateral agreements. And so the big thing is that the word tariff is a bit of a distractor. It's not actually a tariff. That's the penalty if you don't do the new deal. So that's how they do it. He says let's do a deal because right now you guys can sell stuff into the United States with hardly any expense, hardly any. But you make it very difficult for us to sell our stuff into your country. And so let's do a new deal. Let's do a new deal and so let's do a new deal. Dean: Let's do a new deal. How's this affecting the dollar, by the way? Dan: It's down. As far as I can tell, it's down about five cents. It's from 144 to 139. I think it's 138. I think it's 138.5, something like that, but a year ago it was at 132 or 133. So it's still five, six cents above, yeah, yeah. It's a good deal. Dean: Yeah, Still a good deal. Still a good deal. Yeah, it's so funny. Well, Dan, I've been looking. I've been continuing on the dip into history, continuing on the dip into history phase, looking. It's been a fun thing. Every week I've just kind of been randomly selecting a core sample of my journals from the last 30 years now and it's very interesting to look through and see those things. I've been thinking about streaks too. Like you know, this last your 70s of 40 books in 10 years is a pretty good streak. I was thinking back that Dan Kenney has been publishing his newsletter monthly since 1992. And I think about that. You know 33, 34 years, this year of a you know, around 400 newsletters 16 page, just single space, nothing, no special, no design, nothing like that around it, but just that. You know, essentially just along the lines of what your global thinker. Global thinker was just like a series of essays kind of thing. I guess is what you would call it right, but that's kind of what Dan's done for 34 years. Yeah, pretty amazing. And I was thinking, you know I've done, I've had 30 years now of very consistent output to an audience of one, and I sure realize what a you know what an amazing body of work this is. Dan: I hope that audience of one is appreciative. Dean: Yes, exactly, very appreciative, you know, and it's so funny, right? Dan: You're playing a high stakes game here. Yes, exactly. Dean: I've had one satisfied subscriber for 30 years, you could lose your target market in a bad week, you know. Uh-huh. Dan: Exactly. Dean: Yeah, I mean, it's kind of funny, right, but I could see, you know, all these things they start. This is where they start and they in Manly specifically, and I was talking, this was the very beginnings of the who, not how. So this was August of 2015. And I think it was November of 2015 at the annual event that I sort of talked about that idea of the thing. But it's funny, this was scientific profit making came out of this, that journal, so that looked at the breakthrough DNA process as so very yeah, it's just the, you know, I think, the decision that you've, you know that consistent output gallery, I guess we'll call it or distribution model. It's a very it's really. Do you still journal internally? Or how do you what gathers, the notes and the thoughts that make the quarterly? Dan: books. Well, I have the. You know I have that series, the one new book every quarter. I have the new tools. Dean: Now my goal. Dan: I'm not up to speed yet on the complete capability of doing it yet. But, my goal is to create one new thinking tool every week okay, yes and and that I don't have, you know, a public need for that in other words that the tools are for new workshops. It's to keep the system supplied. You know, and I have. You know, I and I have free zone workshops every quarter, just three of them, but I have four Zoom two-hour workshops every month. So if you line them up and then I have podcast series I have podcast series. So there's really hundreds of activities that are in the schedule really on January 1st, you know on January 1st, you'd look out and say by December 31st how many scheduled public if you call them public impact activities do I have? Dean: You know it'd be over 200,? Dan: certainly yeah. You know one thing or another, and they all require the creation of something new. You know right you know, and one of the things that I've. You're on a really interesting subject here, because each of these has public impact, you know a book does. There are people who read the book, there's workshops, people who attend the workshops, people who listen to the podcast. And then the new tools themselves, which have the necessary. They're necessary to keep the program new. You know the workshops, and I have teams that take what I'm doing and they apply it to the workshops that I don't coach. We have the other coaches. And then the other thing is that, you know, within the last two or three years we realized that the tools can be patents, and so we're up to 61. Now we have 61. And so these are all one thing that they really keep me busy. Okay, and I'm very deadline responsive. I really like deadlines. I really like it, you know, because I mean, for you and me, we've got one problem what's important enough in our life that we would actually focus and concentrate on it, that we would actually focus and concentrate on it. And I find deadlines where other people, my reputation as at stake, really is very important for me because I get real serious. You know, I'm pretty lenient with me failing myself. I'm not lenient with failing other people. Dean: Right, yeah, me too, that's right. Dan: Yeah, my reputation is very important to me, so you know I don't want the word going around. Dean: Dan's starting to lose it you know no way, yeah, no way. Dan: Yeah, he's fading, he's fading, you know, and anyway. So that's really it. But I came up with a concept, just to put a name on something, that what makes people older not physically but physically, ultimately, but what makes you older intellectually, emotionally, psychologically is that your past has more living another day, that your past is going to fill up with stuff. So you have to work at filling your future up so that the stuff in your future is much, it's much more valuable than what you had in your past. So what I try to do is always favor the future in terms of stuff. I'm going to create stuff. I'm going to do that. It keeps getting to be a bigger game in the future than I ever played in the past. So that's sort of the you know that's. You know the essence of the game that I'm playing with my own life, with my own life, right. Dean: Yeah, this is really, I mean, and that's kind of, do you ever see? I mean, there's no real. Dan: I imagine you'll keep this cadence up continuously that there's still to do the to do 40 more 40 more quarterly books in your 80s 57, I'm on 43, I'm on 43 right now, so it's 57. Dean: 57 more. Dan: Yeah, which is oh, no, no no, is that no? Dean: how many are you For the 10 years? Dan: you're still going to go quarterly? Yeah well, I'm on quarter 43 right now so I see, right, right, right, yeah so. And the quarter. Actually, we're starting it this week. We just put one to bed and the next one starts this week. So that's 57 more and that takes me till about 95. I'm about 95 years old. 57 divided by 4 is 16 and a quarter 16 years and one quarter. And then I have my podcast and the workshops and everything else? Dean: yeah, how many of your podcasts are weekly podcasts like this? Dan: no, I don't have any weeklies we have. We have a certain number for each of them and sometimes, you know, I don't think there's any podcast exception. You and jeff would be the most podcast, jeff madoff, that I yeah, and that wouldn't be 52 weeks. That would be, you know, maybe 30, 35, because we have times when we're not able to do it right, exactly off weeks, not many, but we do yeah. Dean: Yeah's very so that's, you know, looking forward. For me, that's kind of a good thing here. You know this. I'm going to join you in this quarterly cadence here, you know, as I look forward for the next 30, the next 30 years, I mean I already write enough volume to do it. It's just a matter of having the stuff in place. If only I owned a company that makes books. You know they don't have to. Dan: They could be you know, books you can write in an hour, 90 minutes say. Well, the big thing with Dan Kennedy, I mean, if you look at his monthly newsletter if he would take three of them and put them into a different format. He could have oh, yeah, oh for sure, Absolutely. Dean: That's my thought, right. My outlet is really these emails that I write. I think they're really episodic thought kind of thing. I think they're really episodic thought kind of thing. So I'm just really going to get into that cadence of having that output. I think that's going to be a nice valuable thing, Because I look back over the, I look at this 30-year inflection point here, you know, and look at what's changed and what's not going to change you know, and it's very interesting when I start getting to the bedrock things, like if I look at lifestyle design, you know, purpose, freedom of purpose, freedom of relationship, freedom of money, all of those things that I'm very like, consistent in my desires and I think everybody is like, for me it's really, I look at it, that you know what's not gonna change in 30 years. I'm, I want to get eight hours of great sleep, everything. I want to wake up, I want to eat great food, I want to have, you know, two or three hours a day of creative work and have fun. And that's really the, that's really the big game, you know, row your boat gently down the stream, that's the, that's the plan, you know. But I think that having these, I think having these outlets, you know, I think that's really been the great thing. When you have all these workshops and the tools, you've got a gallery for everything. Dan: Yeah, Well, and you know, I mean they get better. I mean, I mean the teams that are involved in this. I mean, there, there isn't anything that I do that doesn't involve a team. You know the workshop team, the book team, the podcast team, you know the my artists, my writers, you know? The sound engineers and everything like that. And and it gives structure to their lives too. You know like they basically and they get better things I notice every quarter things happen faster, easier there's. You know we're getting them done. The overall quality keeps improving from quarter to quarter. I can take a book. You know, like if I took book 30 and compare it to book 42, which we just finished on Friday. I mean the quality of it is just much, much higher than it was. Dean: And. Dan: I don't really angst about this you know, I just know when people. They're really good at what they do and the teamwork keeps improving and they keep getting better quarter by quarter. It's going to improve the product and I'm a great belief that quality is a combination of successful consistency and duration times. Duration that you have a consistency where you can get better at something. You do it once. Second time you do it better. Tenth time you're ten times better at it. Compound interest yeah, that's really Like compound interest, yeah. Dean: Yeah, and that consistency over that time, that trajectory is only going up and better. Dan: Yeah and then it pays for it. You know it pays for itself. You can't be in a net deficit money-wise with these things. They have to pay for themselves. Like right now. I would say that the quarterly books in the podcast the podcasts are, you know one person's, you know one or two people, right, exactly the tools totally pay for themselves because that's the basis for getting paid for the workshops. Dean: Right. Dan: And of course they have IP value now. Dean: Do you have your? Are the books available on Amazon? Yeah, quarterly Amazon, yeah, quarterly books yeah, yeah, yeah. And do they sell organically? Do you sell those? 0:48:43 - Dan: Oh, yeah, oh yeah, yeah, I mean, yeah, I mean it's not a big, you know, it's not a big budget item, you know and everything like that my whole thing is just that the entire production costs get paid for in a year yeah, I get it yeah, yeah that's awesome, yeah yeah, and, and you know, and you know it's part of our marketing, you know it's part of our market but they yeah, and every once in a while one of the little books becomes a big book, and then they write for them. Dean: So then, they really pay for themselves. Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, I love it. Well, it's exciting, it's got a whole lot. It's like a farm. Dan: I have sort of an agricultural approach. These are different crops that I have. You keep the soil healthy and pray for good weather. Dean: Yeah Well, it's quite an impressive like. When I look at my Dan Sullivan bookshelf, you know it's like quite a collection of them and consistently I mean the same look and feel of every book Every quarter. Yeah, amazing. Dan: Thank you. Thank you Appreciate it. Dean: Yeah. Dan: You're being impressed with. This was my intention that's exciting. Dean: Right from book number one, propose a contest. Dan: Let's do it. Dean: I think I could do that too. I'll race you back. We went from roaming the streets of Soho in London to being in Strategic Coach in Toronto with a book in hand. Dan: Speaking of which, I'll have Becca get in touch, but our next call will be in London, so we're in London, we leave next Sunday We'll be in London. So it won't be on the Sunday, though, because I'll be jet lagged and Becca will arrange in London. So it won't be on the Sunday, though, because I'll be jet lagged and Bab Becca will arrange for you With Lillian. Dean: Yeah, that's fine, yeah, so that's awesome. Dan: And then I'll be up. We'll be seeing you in June. We'll be seeing you. Dean: That's exactly right. Dan: Yeah. Dean:* Yeah, awesome. Okay, have a great day. Take care. Thanks, dan, bye.
Is the City of London secretly controlling global finances? In this insightful episode of the Jeremy Ryan Slate Show, we take a deep dive into the history, influence, and power of this tiny square mile at the heart of global finance. Known as the "financial Vatican," the City of London has shaped the economic landscape for centuries, raising questions about its true role in the modern world. From its medieval roots to its pivotal role in the British Empire and the controversial "Big Bang" deregulation of 1986, we critically examine how this financial hub continues to influence everything from global markets to policy decisions.Join me, Jeremy Ryan Slate, CEO and co-founder of Command Your Brand, as we uncover the fascinating story of the City of London's rise to power and its enduring impact on your everyday life. This must-watch episode explores the city's connections to central banking, global trade, and even shadowy conspiracy theories. How does this financial powerhouse influence interest rates, global debt, and even government policies? And is it simply a player in the global economy, or the puppet master pulling the strings?Packed with historical insights, thought-provoking analysis, and a unique perspective, this episode challenges you to think critically about who really holds the reins of power. Whether you're fascinated by finance, history, or the mysteries of global influence, this is your chance to join the conversation. What's your take on the City of London's role in shaping our world? Share your thoughts in the comments, hit the like button, and smash that subscribe button to stay connected. Don't forget to follow me on X @JeremyRyanSlate for more engaging content about liberty, freedom, and building a better future. Let's keep asking the big questions and uncovering the truth together.#kanaknews #stockmarket #worldnews #financialpowerdynamics #worldeconomicforum___________________________________________________________________________⇩ SUPPORT OUR SPONSORS ⇩THE WELLNESS COMPANY: Health without the propaganda, emergency medical kits before you need it. Get 15% off now by using our link: https://twc.health/jrsCOMMAND YOUR BRAND: Legacy Media is dying, we fight for the free speech of our clients by placing them on top-rated podcasts as guests. We also have the go-to podcast production team. We are your premier podcast agency. Book a call with our team https://www.commandyourbrand.com/book-a-call MY PILLOW: By FAR one of my favorite products I own for the best night's sleep in the world, unless my four year old jumps on my, the My Pillow. Get up to 66% off select products, including the My Pillow Classic or the new My Pillow 2.0, go to https://www.mypillow.com/cyol or use PROMO CODE: CYOL________________________________________________________________⇩ GET MY BEST SELLING BOOK ⇩Unremarkable to Extraordinary: Ignite Your Passion to Go From Passive Observer to Creator of Your Own Lifehttps://getextraordinarybook.com/________________________________________________________________DOWNLOAD AUDIO PODCAST & GIVE A 5 STAR RATING!:APPLE: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/the-create-your-own-life-show/id1059619918SPOTIFY: https://open.spotify.com/show/5UFFtmJqBUJHTU6iFch3QU(also available Google Podcasts & wherever else podcasts are streamed_________________________________________________________________⇩ SOCIAL MEDIA ⇩➤ X: https://twitter.com/jeremyryanslate➤ INSTAGRAM https://www.instagram.com/jeremyryanslate➤ FACEBOOK: https://www.facebook.com/jeremyryanslate_________________________________________________________________➤ CONTACT: JEREMY@COMMANDYOURBRAND.COM
Today Justin talks with Dr. Frank Close. Frank is Professor Emeritus of Theoretical Physics and Fellow Emeritus at Exeter College at the University of Oxford. He was formerly the head of the Theoretical Physics Division at the Rutherford Appleton Laboratory, Vice President of the British Science Association, and Head of Communications and Public Understanding at CERN. He is a fellow of the Royal Society and won their Michael Faraday Medal for Excellence in Science Communication in 2013. He received the order of the British Empire for Services to Research and the public understanding of science in 2000. He's also the author of 22 books about science. This week here's here discuss the story of Dr. Bruno Pontecorvo, a pioneer in the field of nuclear physics who worked on atomic research before, during and after World War II, and who was also a devoted communist ideologue. Bruno and his family disappeared behind the Iron Curtain in 1950, setting up a decades long mystery as to whether or not he'd been a Soviet spy all along. Connect with Frank:Twitter/X: @CloseFrankCheck out the book, Half Life, here.https://a.co/d/3u0VPsPConnect with Spycraft 101:Get Justin's latest book, Murder, Intrigue, and Conspiracy: Stories from the Cold War and Beyond, here.spycraft101.comIG: @spycraft101Shop: shop.spycraft101.comPatreon: Spycraft 101Find Justin's first book, Spyshots: Volume One, here.Check out Justin's second book, Covert Arms, here.Download the free eBook, The Clandestine Operative's Sidearm of Choice, here.Support the show
Who led the first British envoy to China? What did Europeans think of China in the 1700s? Why did the diplomats bring a huge planetarium as a gift for the Chinese emperor? William and Anita continue the story of the build up to the Opium Wars with the story of the doomed British envoy to China. _____________ Empire Club: Become a member of the Empire Club to receive early access to miniseries, ad-free listening, early access to live show tickets, bonus episodes, book discounts, our exclusive newsletter, and access to our members' chatroom on Discord! Head to empirepoduk.com to sign up. For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com. Empire UK Live Tour: The podcast is going on a UK tour! William and Anita will be live on stage in Glasgow, Birmingham, York and Bristol, discussing how the British Empire continues to shape our everyday lives. Tickets are on sale NOW, to buy yours head to empirepoduk.com. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk Blue Sky: @empirepoduk X: @empirepoduk Assistant Producer: Becki Hills Producer: Anouska Lewis Senior Producer: Callum Hill Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
How did Britain create a violent monopoly on opium production in India in the 1700s? What was the Opium Agency? Why did Chinese elites use opium during sex? Anita and William discuss how the East India Company competed with other traders to sell Indian opium to China despite it being outlawed… _____________ Empire Club: Become a member of the Empire Club to receive early access to miniseries, ad-free listening, early access to live show tickets, bonus episodes, book discounts, our exclusive newsletter, and access to our members' chatroom on Discord! Head to empirepoduk.com to sign up. For more Goalhanger Podcasts, head to www.goalhanger.com. Empire UK Live Tour: The podcast is going on a UK tour! William and Anita will be live on stage in Glasgow, Birmingham, York and Bristol, discussing how the British Empire continues to shape our everyday lives. Tickets are on sale NOW, to buy yours head to empirepoduk.com. Email: empire@goalhanger.com Instagram: @empirepoduk Blue Sky: @empirepoduk X: @empirepoduk Assistant Producer: Becki Hills Producer: Anouska Lewis Senior Producer: Callum Hill Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Ronald Hutton is a professor of history at Bristol University. He is a leading authority on ancient and medieval paganism and magic, the British Isles in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and on global context of witchcraft beliefs. He is the author of seventeen books, including The Triumph of the Moon: A History of Modern Pagan Witchcraft, The Witch: A History of Fear, from Ancient Times to the Present, and his recent book, Queens of the Wild: Pagan Goddesses in Christian Europe: An Investigation.Ronald frequently appears as an expert on Paganism and witchcraft on British television and radio programs too numerous to name (though one of Pam's personal favorites is when he pops up in the hilarious docu-parody series, Cunk on Britain). His work has been trailblazing in the realms of academia and religion, as well as in shaping a more humane geo-political response to the very real witch hunting that still happens across the globe. Ronald was recently awarded the title Commander of the British Empire, an honor bestowed to those who have made a highly distinguished contribution in their field – as he certainly has.On this episode, Ronald discusses his pioneering work that helped establish the field of Pagan Studies, the boons and banes of his academic view of magical history, and the ever-evolving figure of the witch.Pam also talks about spiritual lineages, and answers a listener question about what the cards are saying regarding these tumultuous times.Check out the video of this episode over on YouTube (and please like and subscribe to the channel while you're at it!)Our sponsors for this episode are The Stormcloud Oracle, BetterHelp, Black Phoenix Alchemy Lab, and TU·ET·AL soapWe also have print-on-demand merch like Witch Wave shirts, sweatshirts, totes, stickers, and mugs available now here, and all sorts of other bewitching goodies available in the Witch Wave shop.And if you want more Witch Wave, please consider supporting us on Patreon to get access to detailed show notes, bonus Witch Wave Plus episodes, Pam's monthly online rituals, and more! That's patreon.com/witchwave