Podcasts about Iain Duncan Smith

While this week Rachel Reeves set out her plans on how and where Labour is set to spend money for much of the rest of this Parliament, the question now is do they have a plan for how they're going to deliver on their priorities, and succeed in completing Keir Starmer's missions for government?Joining host Alain Tolhurst to discuss the vexed issue of actually delivering in office what you came in to do is Michelle Clement, lecturer in government studies at the Strand Group at King's College London, who has just published a new book ‘The Art of Delivery: The Inside Story of How the Blair Government Transformed Britain's Public Services' which goes inside the work of Michael Barber, who was put in charge of Tony Blair's delivery unit in 2001.Alongside them are Charlotte Pickles, director of the Re:State think tank and a former special adviser to Iain Duncan Smith, Alexander Iosad, director of Government Innovation at Tony Blair Institute, and John McTernan, former Political Secretary to Tony Blair and a government special adviser.To sign up for our newsletters click herePresented by Alain Tolhurst, produced by Nick Hilton and edited by Ewan Cameron for Podot

Good Sunday morning to you,I am just on a train home from Glasgow, where I have been gigging these past two nights. I've had a great time, as I always seem to do when I go north of the wall.But Glasgow on a Saturday night is something else. My hotel was right next to the station and so I was right in the thick of it. If I ever get to make a cacatopian, end-of-days, post-apocalyptic thriller, I'll just stroll through Glasgow city centre on a Friday or Saturday night with a camera to get all the B roll. It was like walking through a Hieronymus Bosch painting only with a Scottish accent. Little seems to have changed since I wrote that infamous chapter about Glasgow in Life After the State all those years ago. The only difference is that now it's more multi-ethnic. So many people are so off their heads. I lost count of the number of randoms wandering about just howling at the stars. The long days - it was still light at 10 o'clock - make the insanity all the more visible. Part of me finds it funny, but another part of me finds it so very sad that so many people let themselves get into this condition. It prompted me to revisit said chapter, and I offer it today as your Sunday thought piece.Just a couple of little notes, before we begin. This caught my eye on Friday. Our favourite uranium tech company, Lightbridge Fuels (NASDAQ:LTBR), has taken off again with Donald Trump's statement that he is going to quadruple US nuclear capacity. The stock was up 45% in a day. We first looked at it in October at $3. It hit $15 on Friday. It's one to sell on the spikes and buy on the dips, as this incredible chart shows.(In other news I have now listened twice to the Comstock Lode AGM, and I'll report back on that shortly too). ICYMI here is my mid-week commentary, which attracted a lot of attentionRight - Glasgow.(NB I haven't included references here. Needless to say, they are all there in the book. And sorry I don't have access to the audio of me reading this from my laptop, but, if you like, you can get the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. The book itself available at Amazon, Apple Books et al).How the Most Entrepreneurial City in Europe Became Its SickestThe cause of waves of unemployment is not capitalism, but governments …Friedrich Hayek, economist and philosopherIn the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Glasgow in Scotland became enormously, stupendously rich. It happened quite organically, without planning. An entrepreneurial people reacted to their circumstances and, over time, turned Glasgow into an industrial and economic centre of such might that, by the turn of the 20th century, Glasgow was producing half the tonnage of Britain's ships and a quarter of all locomotives in the world. (Not unlike China's industrial dominance today). It was regarded as the best-governed city in Europe and popular histories compared it to the great imperial cities of Venice and Rome. It became known as the ‘Second City of the British Empire'.Barely 100 years later, it is the heroin capital of the UK, the murder capital of the UK and its East End, once home to Europe's largest steelworks, has been dubbed ‘the benefits capital of the UK'. Glasgow is Britain's fattest city: its men have Britain's lowest life expectancy – on a par with Palestine and Albania – and its unemployment rate is 50% higher than the rest of the UK.How did Glasgow manage all that?The growth in Glasgow's economic fortunes began in the latter part of the 17th century and the early 18th century. First, the city's location in the west of Scotland at the mouth of the river Clyde meant that it lay in the path of the trade winds and at least 100 nautical miles closer to America's east coast than other British ports – 200 miles closer than London. In the days before fossil fuels (which only found widespread use in shipping in the second half of the 19th century) the journey to Virginia was some two weeks shorter than the same journey from London or many of the other ports in Britain and Europe. Even modern sailors describe how easy the port of Glasgow is to navigate. Second, when England was at war with France – as it was repeatedly between 1688 and 1815 – ships travelling to Glasgow were less vulnerable than those travelling to ports further south. Glasgow's merchants took advantage and, by the early 18th century, the city had begun to assert itself as a trading hub. Manufactured goods were carried from Britain and Europe to North America and the Caribbean, where they were traded for increasingly popular commodities such as tobacco, cotton and sugar.Through the 18th century, the Glasgow merchants' business networks spread, and they took steps to further accelerate trade. New ships were introduced, bigger than those of rival ports, with fore and aft sails that enabled them to sail closer to the wind and reduce journey times. Trading posts were built to ensure that cargo was gathered and stored for collection, so that ships wouldn't swing idly at anchor. By the 1760s Glasgow had a 50% share of the tobacco trade – as much as the rest of Britain's ports combined. While the English merchants simply sold American tobacco in Europe at a profit, the Glaswegians actually extended credit to American farmers against future production (a bit like a crop future today, where a crop to be grown at a later date is sold now). The Virginia farmers could then use this credit to buy European goods, which the Glaswegians were only too happy to supply. This brought about the rise of financial institutions such as the Glasgow Ship Bank and the Glasgow Thistle Bank, which would later become part of the now-bailed-out, taxpayer-owned Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS).Their practices paid rewards. Glasgow's merchants earned a great deal of money. They built glamorous homes and large churches and, it seems, took on aristocratic airs – hence they became known as the ‘Tobacco Lords'. Numbering among them were Buchanan, Dunlop, Ingram, Wilson, Oswald, Cochrane and Glassford, all of whom had streets in the Merchant City district of Glasgow named after them (other streets, such as Virginia Street and Jamaica Street, refer to their trade destinations). In 1771, over 47 million pounds of tobacco were imported.However, the credit the Glaswegians extended to American tobacco farmers would backfire. The debts incurred by the tobacco farmers – which included future presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson (who almost lost his farm as a result) – grew, and were among the grievances when the American War of Independence came in 1775. That war destroyed the tobacco trade for the Glaswegians. Much of the money that was owed to them was never repaid. Many of their plantations were lost. But the Glaswegians were entrepreneurial and they adapted. They moved on to other businesses, particularly cotton.By the 19th century, all sorts of local industry had emerged around the goods traded in the city. It was producing and exporting textiles, chemicals, engineered goods and steel. River engineering projects to dredge and deepen the Clyde (with a view to forming a deep- water port) had begun in 1768 and they would enable shipbuilding to become a major industry on the upper reaches of the river, pioneered by industrialists such as Robert Napier and John Elder. The final stretch of the Monkland Canal, linking the Forth and Clyde Canal at Port Dundas, was opened in 1795, facilitating access to the iron-ore and coal mines of Lanarkshire.The move to fossil-fuelled shipping in the latter 19th century destroyed the advantages that the trade winds had given Glasgow. But it didn't matter. Again, the people adapted. By the turn of the 20th century the Second City of the British Empire had become a world centre of industry and heavy engineering. It has been estimated that, between 1870 and 1914, it produced as much as one-fifth of the world's ships, and half of Britain's tonnage. Among the 25,000 ships it produced were some of the greatest ever built: the Cutty Sark, the Queen Mary, HMS Hood, the Lusitania, the Glenlee tall ship and even the iconic Mississippi paddle steamer, the Delta Queen. It had also become a centre for locomotive manufacture and, shortly after the turn of the 20th century, could boast the largest concentration of locomotive building works in Europe.It was not just Glasgow's industry and wealth that was so gargantuan. The city's contribution to mankind – made possible by the innovation and progress that comes with booming economies – would also have an international impact. Many great inventors either hailed from Glasgow or moved there to study or work. There's James Watt, for example, whose improvements to the steam engine were fundamental to the Industrial Revolution. One of Watt's employees, William Murdoch, has been dubbed ‘the Scot who lit the world' – he invented gas lighting, a new kind of steam cannon and waterproof paint. Charles MacIntosh gave us the raincoat. James Young, the chemist dubbed as ‘the father of the oil industry', gave us paraffin. William Thomson, known as Lord Kelvin, developed the science of thermodynamics, formulating the Kelvin scale of absolute temperature; he also managed the laying of the first transatlantic telegraph cable.The turning point in the economic fortunes of Glasgow – indeed, of industrial Britain – was WWI. Both have been in decline ever since. By the end of the war, the British were drained, both emotionally and in terms of capital and manpower; the workers, the entrepreneurs, the ideas men, too many of them were dead or incapacitated. There was insufficient money and no appetite to invest. The post-war recession, and later the Great Depression, did little to help. The trend of the city was now one of inexorable economic decline.If Glasgow was the home of shipping and industry in 19th-century Britain, it became the home of socialism in the 20th century. Known by some as the ‘Red Clydeside' movement, the socialist tide in Scotland actually pre-dated the First World War. In 1906 came the city's first Labour Member of Parliament (MP), George Barnes – prior to that its seven MPs were all Conservatives or Liberal Unionists. In the spring of 1911, 11,000 workers at the Singer sewing-machine factory (run by an American corporation in Clydebank) went on strike to support 12 women who were protesting about new work practices. Singer sacked 400 workers, but the movement was growing – as was labour unrest. In the four years between 1910 and 1914 Clydebank workers spent four times as many days on strike than in the whole of the previous decade. The Scottish Trades Union Congress and its affiliations saw membership rise from 129,000 in 1909 to 230,000 in 1914.20The rise in discontent had much to do with Glasgow's housing. Conditions were bad, there was overcrowding, bad sanitation, housing was close to dirty, noxious and deafening industry. Unions grew quite organically to protect the interests of their members.Then came WWI, and inflation, as Britain all but abandoned gold. In 1915 many landlords responded by attempting to increase rent, but with their young men on the Western front, those left behind didn't have the means to pay these higher costs. If they couldn't, eviction soon followed. In Govan, an area of Glasgow where shipbuilding was the main occupation, women – now in the majority with so many men gone – organized opposition to the rent increases. There are photographs showing women blocking the entrance to tenements; officers who did get inside to evict tenants are said to have had their trousers pulled down.The landlords were attacked for being unpatriotic. Placards read: ‘While our men are fighting on the front line,the landlord is attacking us at home.' The strikes spread to other cities throughout the UK, and on 27 November 1915 the government introduced legislation to restrict rents to the pre-war level. The strikers were placated. They had won. The government was happy; it had dealt with the problem. The landlords lost out.In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917, more frequent strikes crippled the city. In 1919 the ‘Bloody Friday' uprising prompted the prime minister, David Lloyd George, to deploy 10,000 troops and tanks onto the city's streets. By the 1930s Glasgow had become the main base of the Independent Labour Party, so when Labour finally came to power alone after WWII, its influence was strong. Glasgow has always remained a socialist stronghold. Labour dominates the city council, and the city has not had a Conservative MP for 30 years.By the late 1950s, Glasgow was losing out to the more competitive industries of Japan, Germany and elsewhere. There was a lack of investment. Union demands for workers, enforced by government legislation, made costs uneconomic and entrepreneurial activity arduous. With lack of investment came lack of innovation.Rapid de-industrialization followed, and by the 1960s and 70s most employment lay not in manufacturing, but in the service industries.Which brings us to today. On the plus side, Glasgow is still ranked as one of Europe's top 20 financial centres and is home to some leading Scottish businesses. But there is considerable downside.Recent studies have suggested that nearly 30% of Glasgow's working age population is unemployed. That's 50% higher than that of the rest of Scotland or the UK. Eighteen per cent of 16- to 19-year-olds are neither in school nor employed. More than one in five working-age Glaswegians have no sort of education that might qualify them for a job.In the city centre, the Merchant City, 50% of children are growing up in homes where nobody works. In the poorer neighbourhoods, such as Ruchill, Possilpark, or Dalmarnock, about 65% of children live in homes where nobody works – more than three times the national average. Figures from the Department of Work and Pensions show that 85% of working age adults from the district of Bridgeton claim some kind of welfare payment.Across the city, almost a third of the population regularly receives sickness or incapacity benefit, the highest rate of all UK cities. A 2008 World Health Organization report noted that in Glasgow's Calton, Bridgeton and Queenslie neighbourhoods, the average life expectancy for males is only 54. In contrast, residents of Glasgow's more affluent West End live to be 80 and virtually none of them are on the dole.Glasgow has the highest crime rate in Scotland. A recent report by the Centre for Social Justice noted that there are 170 teenage gangs in Glasgow. That's the same number as in London, which has over six times the population of Glasgow.It also has the dubious record of being Britain's murder capital. In fact, Glasgow had the highest homicide rate in Western Europe until it was overtaken in 2012 by Amsterdam, with more violent crime per head of population than even New York. What's more, its suicide rate is the highest in the UK.Then there are the drug and alcohol problems. The residents of the poorer neighbourhoods are an astounding six times more likely to die of a drugs overdose than the national average. Drug-related mortality has increased by 95% since 1997. There are 20,000 registered drug users – that's just registered – and the situation is not going to get any better: children who grow up in households where family members use drugs are seven times more likely to end up using drugs themselves than children who live in drug-free families.Glasgow has the highest incidence of liver diseases from alcohol abuse in all of Scotland. In the East End district of Dennistoun, these illnesses kill more people than heart attacks and lung cancer combined. Men and women are more likely to die of alcohol-related deaths in Glasgow than anywhere else in the UK. Time and time again Glasgow is proud winner of the title ‘Fattest City in Britain'. Around 40% of the population are obese – 5% morbidly so – and it also boasts the most smokers per capita.I have taken these statistics from an array of different sources. It might be in some cases that they're overstated. I know that I've accentuated both the 18th- and 19th-century positives, as well as the 20th- and 21st-century negatives to make my point. Of course, there are lots of healthy, happy people in Glasgow – I've done many gigs there and I loved it. Despite the stories you hear about intimidating Glasgow audiences, the ones I encountered were as good as any I've ever performed in front of. But none of this changes the broad-brush strokes: Glasgow was a once mighty city that now has grave social problems. It is a city that is not fulfilling its potential in the way that it once did. All in all, it's quite a transformation. How has it happened?Every few years a report comes out that highlights Glasgow's various problems. Comments are then sought from across the political spectrum. Usually, those asked to comment agree that the city has grave, ‘long-standing and deep-rooted social problems' (the words of Stephen Purcell, former leader of Glasgow City Council); they agree that something needs to be done, though they don't always agree on what that something is.There's the view from the right: Bill Aitken of the Scottish Conservatives, quoted in The Sunday Times in 2008, said, ‘We simply don't have the jobs for people who are not academically inclined. Another factor is that some people are simply disinclined to work. We have got to find something for these people to do, to give them a reason to get up in the morning and give them some self-respect.' There's the supposedly apolitical view of anti-poverty groups: Peter Kelly, director of the Glasgow-based Poverty Alliance, responded, ‘We need real, intensive support for people if we are going to tackle poverty. It's not about a lack of aspiration, often people who are unemployed or on low incomes are stymied by a lack of money and support from local and central government.' And there's the view from the left. In the same article, Patricia Ferguson, the Labour Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for Maryhill, also declared a belief in government regeneration of the area. ‘It's about better housing, more jobs, better education and these things take years to make an impact. I believe that the huge regeneration in the area is fostering a lot more community involvement and cohesion. My real hope is that these figures will take a knock in the next five or ten years.' At the time of writing in 2013, five years later, the figures have worsened.All three points of view agree on one thing: the government must do something.In 2008 the £435 million Fairer Scotland Fund – established to tackle poverty – was unveiled, aiming to allocate cash to the country's most deprived communities. Its targets included increasing average income among lower wage-earners and narrowing the poverty gap between Scotland's best- and worst-performing regions by 2017. So far, it hasn't met those targets.In 2008 a report entitled ‘Power for The Public' examined the provision of health, education and justice in Scotland. It said the budgets for these three areas had grown by 55%, 87% and 44% respectively over the last decade, but added that this had produced ‘mixed results'. ‘Mixed results' means it didn't work. More money was spent and the figures got worse.After the Centre for Social Justice report on Glasgow in 2008, Iain Duncan Smith (who set up this think tank, and is now the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions) said, ‘Policy must deal with the pathways to breakdown – high levels of family breakdown, high levels of failed education, debt and unemployment.'So what are ‘pathways to breakdown'? If you were to look at a chart of Glasgow's prosperity relative to the rest of the world, its peak would have come somewhere around 1910. With the onset of WWI in 1914 its decline accelerated, and since then the falls have been relentless and inexorable. It's not just Glasgow that would have this chart pattern, but the whole of industrial Britain. What changed the trend? Yes, empires rise and fall, but was British decline all a consequence of WWI? Or was there something else?A seismic shift came with that war – a change which is very rarely spoken or written about. Actually, the change was gradual and it pre-dated 1914. It was a change that was sweeping through the West: that of government or state involvement in our lives. In the UK it began with the reforms of the Liberal government of 1906–14, championed by David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, known as the ‘terrible twins' by contemporaries. The Pensions Act of 1908, the People's Budget of 1909–10 (to ‘wage implacable warfare against poverty', declared Lloyd George) and the National Insurance Act of 1911 saw the Liberal government moving away from its tradition of laissez-faire systems – from classical liberalism and Gladstonian principles of self-help and self-reliance – towards larger, more active government by which taxes were collected from the wealthy and the proceeds redistributed. Afraid of losing votes to the emerging Labour party and the increasingly popular ideology of socialism, modern liberals betrayed their classical principles. In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George said ‘the partisan warfare that raged around these topics was so fierce that by 1913, this country was brought to the verge of civil war'. But these were small steps. The Pensions Act, for example, meant that men aged 70 and above could claim between two and five shillings per week from the government. But average male life- expectancy then was 47. Today it's 77. Using the same ratio, and, yes, I'm manipulating statistics here, that's akin to only awarding pensions to people above the age 117 today. Back then it was workable.To go back to my analogy of the prologue, this period was when the ‘train' was set in motion across the West. In 1914 it went up a gear. Here are the opening paragraphs of historian A. J. P. Taylor's most celebrated book, English History 1914–1945, published in 1965.I quote this long passage in full, because it is so telling.Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state, beyond the post office and the policeman. He could live where he liked and as he liked. He had no official number or identity card. He could travel abroad or leave his country forever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money for any other currency without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter, a foreigner could spend his life in this country without permit and without informing the police. Unlike the countries of the European continent, the state did not require its citizens to perform military service. An Englishman could enlist, if he chose, in the regular army, the navy, or the territorials. He could also ignore, if he chose, the demands of national defence. Substantial householders were occasionally called on for jury service. Otherwise, only those helped the state, who wished to do so. The Englishman paid taxes on a modest scale: nearly £200 million in 1913–14, or rather less than 8% of the national income.The state intervened to prevent the citizen from eating adulterated food or contracting certain infectious diseases. It imposed safety rules in factories, and prevented women, and adult males in some industries,from working excessive hours.The state saw to it that children received education up to the age of 13. Since 1 January 1909, it provided a meagre pension for the needy over the age of 70. Since 1911, it helped to insure certain classes of workers against sickness and unemployment. This tendency towards more state action was increasing. Expenditure on the social services had roughly doubled since the Liberals took office in 1905. Still, broadly speaking, the state acted only to help those who could not help themselves. It left the adult citizen alone.All this was changed by the impact of the Great War. The mass of the people became, for the first time, active citizens. Their lives were shaped by orders from above; they were required to serve the state instead of pursuing exclusively their own affairs. Five million men entered the armed forces, many of them (though a minority) under compulsion. The Englishman's food was limited, and its quality changed, by government order. His freedom of movement was restricted; his conditions of work prescribed. Some industries were reduced or closed, others artificially fostered. The publication of news was fettered. Street lights were dimmed. The sacred freedom of drinking was tampered with: licensed hours were cut down, and the beer watered by order. The very time on the clocks was changed. From 1916 onwards, every Englishman got up an hour earlier in summer than he would otherwise have done, thanks to an act of parliament. The state established a hold over its citizens which, though relaxed in peacetime, was never to be removed and which the Second World war was again to increase. The history of the English state and of the English people merged for the first time.Since the beginning of WWI , the role that the state has played in our lives has not stopped growing. This has been especially so in the case of Glasgow. The state has spent more and more, provided more and more services, more subsidy, more education, more health care, more infrastructure, more accommodation, more benefits, more regulations, more laws, more protection. The more it has provided, the worse Glasgow has fared. Is this correlation a coincidence? I don't think so.The story of the rise and fall of Glasgow is a distilled version of the story of the rise and fall of industrial Britain – indeed the entire industrial West. In the next chapter I'm going to show you a simple mistake that goes on being made; a dynamic by which the state, whose very aim was to help Glasgow, has actually been its ‘pathway to breakdown' . . .Life After the State is available at Amazon, Apple Books and all good bookshops, with the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe

Good Sunday morning to you,I am just on a train home from Glasgow, where I have been gigging these past two nights. I've had a great time, as I always seem to do when I go north of the wall.But Glasgow on a Saturday night is something else. My hotel was right next to the station and so I was right in the thick of it. If I ever get to make a cacatopian, end-of-days, post-apocalyptic thriller, I'll just stroll through Glasgow city centre on a Friday or Saturday night with a camera to get all the B roll. It was like walking through a Hieronymus Bosch painting only with a Scottish accent. Little seems to have changed since I wrote that infamous chapter about Glasgow in Life After the State all those years ago. The only difference is that now it's more multi-ethnic. So many people are so off their heads. I lost count of the number of randoms wandering about just howling at the stars. The long days - it was still light at 10 o'clock - make the insanity all the more visible. Part of me finds it funny, but another part of me finds it so very sad that so many people let themselves get into this condition. It prompted me to revisit said chapter, and I offer it today as your Sunday thought piece.Just a couple of little notes, before we begin. This caught my eye on Friday. Our favourite uranium tech company, Lightbridge Fuels (NASDAQ:LTBR), has taken off again with Donald Trump's statement that he is going to quadruple US nuclear capacity. The stock was up 45% in a day. We first looked at it in October at $3. It hit $15 on Friday. It's one to sell on the spikes and buy on the dips, as this incredible chart shows.(In other news I have now listened twice to the Comstock Lode AGM, and I'll report back on that shortly too). ICYMI here is my mid-week commentary, which attracted a lot of attentionRight - Glasgow.(NB I haven't included references here. Needless to say, they are all there in the book. And sorry I don't have access to the audio of me reading this from my laptop, but, if you like, you can get the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. The book itself available at Amazon, Apple Books et al).How the Most Entrepreneurial City in Europe Became Its SickestThe cause of waves of unemployment is not capitalism, but governments …Friedrich Hayek, economist and philosopherIn the 18th and 19th centuries, the city of Glasgow in Scotland became enormously, stupendously rich. It happened quite organically, without planning. An entrepreneurial people reacted to their circumstances and, over time, turned Glasgow into an industrial and economic centre of such might that, by the turn of the 20th century, Glasgow was producing half the tonnage of Britain's ships and a quarter of all locomotives in the world. (Not unlike China's industrial dominance today). It was regarded as the best-governed city in Europe and popular histories compared it to the great imperial cities of Venice and Rome. It became known as the ‘Second City of the British Empire'.Barely 100 years later, it is the heroin capital of the UK, the murder capital of the UK and its East End, once home to Europe's largest steelworks, has been dubbed ‘the benefits capital of the UK'. Glasgow is Britain's fattest city: its men have Britain's lowest life expectancy – on a par with Palestine and Albania – and its unemployment rate is 50% higher than the rest of the UK.How did Glasgow manage all that?The growth in Glasgow's economic fortunes began in the latter part of the 17th century and the early 18th century. First, the city's location in the west of Scotland at the mouth of the river Clyde meant that it lay in the path of the trade winds and at least 100 nautical miles closer to America's east coast than other British ports – 200 miles closer than London. In the days before fossil fuels (which only found widespread use in shipping in the second half of the 19th century) the journey to Virginia was some two weeks shorter than the same journey from London or many of the other ports in Britain and Europe. Even modern sailors describe how easy the port of Glasgow is to navigate. Second, when England was at war with France – as it was repeatedly between 1688 and 1815 – ships travelling to Glasgow were less vulnerable than those travelling to ports further south. Glasgow's merchants took advantage and, by the early 18th century, the city had begun to assert itself as a trading hub. Manufactured goods were carried from Britain and Europe to North America and the Caribbean, where they were traded for increasingly popular commodities such as tobacco, cotton and sugar.Through the 18th century, the Glasgow merchants' business networks spread, and they took steps to further accelerate trade. New ships were introduced, bigger than those of rival ports, with fore and aft sails that enabled them to sail closer to the wind and reduce journey times. Trading posts were built to ensure that cargo was gathered and stored for collection, so that ships wouldn't swing idly at anchor. By the 1760s Glasgow had a 50% share of the tobacco trade – as much as the rest of Britain's ports combined. While the English merchants simply sold American tobacco in Europe at a profit, the Glaswegians actually extended credit to American farmers against future production (a bit like a crop future today, where a crop to be grown at a later date is sold now). The Virginia farmers could then use this credit to buy European goods, which the Glaswegians were only too happy to supply. This brought about the rise of financial institutions such as the Glasgow Ship Bank and the Glasgow Thistle Bank, which would later become part of the now-bailed-out, taxpayer-owned Royal Bank of Scotland (RBS).Their practices paid rewards. Glasgow's merchants earned a great deal of money. They built glamorous homes and large churches and, it seems, took on aristocratic airs – hence they became known as the ‘Tobacco Lords'. Numbering among them were Buchanan, Dunlop, Ingram, Wilson, Oswald, Cochrane and Glassford, all of whom had streets in the Merchant City district of Glasgow named after them (other streets, such as Virginia Street and Jamaica Street, refer to their trade destinations). In 1771, over 47 million pounds of tobacco were imported.However, the credit the Glaswegians extended to American tobacco farmers would backfire. The debts incurred by the tobacco farmers – which included future presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson (who almost lost his farm as a result) – grew, and were among the grievances when the American War of Independence came in 1775. That war destroyed the tobacco trade for the Glaswegians. Much of the money that was owed to them was never repaid. Many of their plantations were lost. But the Glaswegians were entrepreneurial and they adapted. They moved on to other businesses, particularly cotton.By the 19th century, all sorts of local industry had emerged around the goods traded in the city. It was producing and exporting textiles, chemicals, engineered goods and steel. River engineering projects to dredge and deepen the Clyde (with a view to forming a deep- water port) had begun in 1768 and they would enable shipbuilding to become a major industry on the upper reaches of the river, pioneered by industrialists such as Robert Napier and John Elder. The final stretch of the Monkland Canal, linking the Forth and Clyde Canal at Port Dundas, was opened in 1795, facilitating access to the iron-ore and coal mines of Lanarkshire.The move to fossil-fuelled shipping in the latter 19th century destroyed the advantages that the trade winds had given Glasgow. But it didn't matter. Again, the people adapted. By the turn of the 20th century the Second City of the British Empire had become a world centre of industry and heavy engineering. It has been estimated that, between 1870 and 1914, it produced as much as one-fifth of the world's ships, and half of Britain's tonnage. Among the 25,000 ships it produced were some of the greatest ever built: the Cutty Sark, the Queen Mary, HMS Hood, the Lusitania, the Glenlee tall ship and even the iconic Mississippi paddle steamer, the Delta Queen. It had also become a centre for locomotive manufacture and, shortly after the turn of the 20th century, could boast the largest concentration of locomotive building works in Europe.It was not just Glasgow's industry and wealth that was so gargantuan. The city's contribution to mankind – made possible by the innovation and progress that comes with booming economies – would also have an international impact. Many great inventors either hailed from Glasgow or moved there to study or work. There's James Watt, for example, whose improvements to the steam engine were fundamental to the Industrial Revolution. One of Watt's employees, William Murdoch, has been dubbed ‘the Scot who lit the world' – he invented gas lighting, a new kind of steam cannon and waterproof paint. Charles MacIntosh gave us the raincoat. James Young, the chemist dubbed as ‘the father of the oil industry', gave us paraffin. William Thomson, known as Lord Kelvin, developed the science of thermodynamics, formulating the Kelvin scale of absolute temperature; he also managed the laying of the first transatlantic telegraph cable.The turning point in the economic fortunes of Glasgow – indeed, of industrial Britain – was WWI. Both have been in decline ever since. By the end of the war, the British were drained, both emotionally and in terms of capital and manpower; the workers, the entrepreneurs, the ideas men, too many of them were dead or incapacitated. There was insufficient money and no appetite to invest. The post-war recession, and later the Great Depression, did little to help. The trend of the city was now one of inexorable economic decline.If Glasgow was the home of shipping and industry in 19th-century Britain, it became the home of socialism in the 20th century. Known by some as the ‘Red Clydeside' movement, the socialist tide in Scotland actually pre-dated the First World War. In 1906 came the city's first Labour Member of Parliament (MP), George Barnes – prior to that its seven MPs were all Conservatives or Liberal Unionists. In the spring of 1911, 11,000 workers at the Singer sewing-machine factory (run by an American corporation in Clydebank) went on strike to support 12 women who were protesting about new work practices. Singer sacked 400 workers, but the movement was growing – as was labour unrest. In the four years between 1910 and 1914 Clydebank workers spent four times as many days on strike than in the whole of the previous decade. The Scottish Trades Union Congress and its affiliations saw membership rise from 129,000 in 1909 to 230,000 in 1914.20The rise in discontent had much to do with Glasgow's housing. Conditions were bad, there was overcrowding, bad sanitation, housing was close to dirty, noxious and deafening industry. Unions grew quite organically to protect the interests of their members.Then came WWI, and inflation, as Britain all but abandoned gold. In 1915 many landlords responded by attempting to increase rent, but with their young men on the Western front, those left behind didn't have the means to pay these higher costs. If they couldn't, eviction soon followed. In Govan, an area of Glasgow where shipbuilding was the main occupation, women – now in the majority with so many men gone – organized opposition to the rent increases. There are photographs showing women blocking the entrance to tenements; officers who did get inside to evict tenants are said to have had their trousers pulled down.The landlords were attacked for being unpatriotic. Placards read: ‘While our men are fighting on the front line,the landlord is attacking us at home.' The strikes spread to other cities throughout the UK, and on 27 November 1915 the government introduced legislation to restrict rents to the pre-war level. The strikers were placated. They had won. The government was happy; it had dealt with the problem. The landlords lost out.In the aftermath of the Russian Revolution of 1917, more frequent strikes crippled the city. In 1919 the ‘Bloody Friday' uprising prompted the prime minister, David Lloyd George, to deploy 10,000 troops and tanks onto the city's streets. By the 1930s Glasgow had become the main base of the Independent Labour Party, so when Labour finally came to power alone after WWII, its influence was strong. Glasgow has always remained a socialist stronghold. Labour dominates the city council, and the city has not had a Conservative MP for 30 years.By the late 1950s, Glasgow was losing out to the more competitive industries of Japan, Germany and elsewhere. There was a lack of investment. Union demands for workers, enforced by government legislation, made costs uneconomic and entrepreneurial activity arduous. With lack of investment came lack of innovation.Rapid de-industrialization followed, and by the 1960s and 70s most employment lay not in manufacturing, but in the service industries.Which brings us to today. On the plus side, Glasgow is still ranked as one of Europe's top 20 financial centres and is home to some leading Scottish businesses. But there is considerable downside.Recent studies have suggested that nearly 30% of Glasgow's working age population is unemployed. That's 50% higher than that of the rest of Scotland or the UK. Eighteen per cent of 16- to 19-year-olds are neither in school nor employed. More than one in five working-age Glaswegians have no sort of education that might qualify them for a job.In the city centre, the Merchant City, 50% of children are growing up in homes where nobody works. In the poorer neighbourhoods, such as Ruchill, Possilpark, or Dalmarnock, about 65% of children live in homes where nobody works – more than three times the national average. Figures from the Department of Work and Pensions show that 85% of working age adults from the district of Bridgeton claim some kind of welfare payment.Across the city, almost a third of the population regularly receives sickness or incapacity benefit, the highest rate of all UK cities. A 2008 World Health Organization report noted that in Glasgow's Calton, Bridgeton and Queenslie neighbourhoods, the average life expectancy for males is only 54. In contrast, residents of Glasgow's more affluent West End live to be 80 and virtually none of them are on the dole.Glasgow has the highest crime rate in Scotland. A recent report by the Centre for Social Justice noted that there are 170 teenage gangs in Glasgow. That's the same number as in London, which has over six times the population of Glasgow.It also has the dubious record of being Britain's murder capital. In fact, Glasgow had the highest homicide rate in Western Europe until it was overtaken in 2012 by Amsterdam, with more violent crime per head of population than even New York. What's more, its suicide rate is the highest in the UK.Then there are the drug and alcohol problems. The residents of the poorer neighbourhoods are an astounding six times more likely to die of a drugs overdose than the national average. Drug-related mortality has increased by 95% since 1997. There are 20,000 registered drug users – that's just registered – and the situation is not going to get any better: children who grow up in households where family members use drugs are seven times more likely to end up using drugs themselves than children who live in drug-free families.Glasgow has the highest incidence of liver diseases from alcohol abuse in all of Scotland. In the East End district of Dennistoun, these illnesses kill more people than heart attacks and lung cancer combined. Men and women are more likely to die of alcohol-related deaths in Glasgow than anywhere else in the UK. Time and time again Glasgow is proud winner of the title ‘Fattest City in Britain'. Around 40% of the population are obese – 5% morbidly so – and it also boasts the most smokers per capita.I have taken these statistics from an array of different sources. It might be in some cases that they're overstated. I know that I've accentuated both the 18th- and 19th-century positives, as well as the 20th- and 21st-century negatives to make my point. Of course, there are lots of healthy, happy people in Glasgow – I've done many gigs there and I loved it. Despite the stories you hear about intimidating Glasgow audiences, the ones I encountered were as good as any I've ever performed in front of. But none of this changes the broad-brush strokes: Glasgow was a once mighty city that now has grave social problems. It is a city that is not fulfilling its potential in the way that it once did. All in all, it's quite a transformation. How has it happened?Every few years a report comes out that highlights Glasgow's various problems. Comments are then sought from across the political spectrum. Usually, those asked to comment agree that the city has grave, ‘long-standing and deep-rooted social problems' (the words of Stephen Purcell, former leader of Glasgow City Council); they agree that something needs to be done, though they don't always agree on what that something is.There's the view from the right: Bill Aitken of the Scottish Conservatives, quoted in The Sunday Times in 2008, said, ‘We simply don't have the jobs for people who are not academically inclined. Another factor is that some people are simply disinclined to work. We have got to find something for these people to do, to give them a reason to get up in the morning and give them some self-respect.' There's the supposedly apolitical view of anti-poverty groups: Peter Kelly, director of the Glasgow-based Poverty Alliance, responded, ‘We need real, intensive support for people if we are going to tackle poverty. It's not about a lack of aspiration, often people who are unemployed or on low incomes are stymied by a lack of money and support from local and central government.' And there's the view from the left. In the same article, Patricia Ferguson, the Labour Member of the Scottish Parliament (MSP) for Maryhill, also declared a belief in government regeneration of the area. ‘It's about better housing, more jobs, better education and these things take years to make an impact. I believe that the huge regeneration in the area is fostering a lot more community involvement and cohesion. My real hope is that these figures will take a knock in the next five or ten years.' At the time of writing in 2013, five years later, the figures have worsened.All three points of view agree on one thing: the government must do something.In 2008 the £435 million Fairer Scotland Fund – established to tackle poverty – was unveiled, aiming to allocate cash to the country's most deprived communities. Its targets included increasing average income among lower wage-earners and narrowing the poverty gap between Scotland's best- and worst-performing regions by 2017. So far, it hasn't met those targets.In 2008 a report entitled ‘Power for The Public' examined the provision of health, education and justice in Scotland. It said the budgets for these three areas had grown by 55%, 87% and 44% respectively over the last decade, but added that this had produced ‘mixed results'. ‘Mixed results' means it didn't work. More money was spent and the figures got worse.After the Centre for Social Justice report on Glasgow in 2008, Iain Duncan Smith (who set up this think tank, and is now the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions) said, ‘Policy must deal with the pathways to breakdown – high levels of family breakdown, high levels of failed education, debt and unemployment.'So what are ‘pathways to breakdown'? If you were to look at a chart of Glasgow's prosperity relative to the rest of the world, its peak would have come somewhere around 1910. With the onset of WWI in 1914 its decline accelerated, and since then the falls have been relentless and inexorable. It's not just Glasgow that would have this chart pattern, but the whole of industrial Britain. What changed the trend? Yes, empires rise and fall, but was British decline all a consequence of WWI? Or was there something else?A seismic shift came with that war – a change which is very rarely spoken or written about. Actually, the change was gradual and it pre-dated 1914. It was a change that was sweeping through the West: that of government or state involvement in our lives. In the UK it began with the reforms of the Liberal government of 1906–14, championed by David Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, known as the ‘terrible twins' by contemporaries. The Pensions Act of 1908, the People's Budget of 1909–10 (to ‘wage implacable warfare against poverty', declared Lloyd George) and the National Insurance Act of 1911 saw the Liberal government moving away from its tradition of laissez-faire systems – from classical liberalism and Gladstonian principles of self-help and self-reliance – towards larger, more active government by which taxes were collected from the wealthy and the proceeds redistributed. Afraid of losing votes to the emerging Labour party and the increasingly popular ideology of socialism, modern liberals betrayed their classical principles. In his War Memoirs, Lloyd George said ‘the partisan warfare that raged around these topics was so fierce that by 1913, this country was brought to the verge of civil war'. But these were small steps. The Pensions Act, for example, meant that men aged 70 and above could claim between two and five shillings per week from the government. But average male life- expectancy then was 47. Today it's 77. Using the same ratio, and, yes, I'm manipulating statistics here, that's akin to only awarding pensions to people above the age 117 today. Back then it was workable.To go back to my analogy of the prologue, this period was when the ‘train' was set in motion across the West. In 1914 it went up a gear. Here are the opening paragraphs of historian A. J. P. Taylor's most celebrated book, English History 1914–1945, published in 1965.I quote this long passage in full, because it is so telling.Until August 1914 a sensible, law-abiding Englishman could pass through life and hardly notice the existence of the state, beyond the post office and the policeman. He could live where he liked and as he liked. He had no official number or identity card. He could travel abroad or leave his country forever without a passport or any sort of official permission. He could exchange his money for any other currency without restriction or limit. He could buy goods from any country in the world on the same terms as he bought goods at home. For that matter, a foreigner could spend his life in this country without permit and without informing the police. Unlike the countries of the European continent, the state did not require its citizens to perform military service. An Englishman could enlist, if he chose, in the regular army, the navy, or the territorials. He could also ignore, if he chose, the demands of national defence. Substantial householders were occasionally called on for jury service. Otherwise, only those helped the state, who wished to do so. The Englishman paid taxes on a modest scale: nearly £200 million in 1913–14, or rather less than 8% of the national income.The state intervened to prevent the citizen from eating adulterated food or contracting certain infectious diseases. It imposed safety rules in factories, and prevented women, and adult males in some industries,from working excessive hours.The state saw to it that children received education up to the age of 13. Since 1 January 1909, it provided a meagre pension for the needy over the age of 70. Since 1911, it helped to insure certain classes of workers against sickness and unemployment. This tendency towards more state action was increasing. Expenditure on the social services had roughly doubled since the Liberals took office in 1905. Still, broadly speaking, the state acted only to help those who could not help themselves. It left the adult citizen alone.All this was changed by the impact of the Great War. The mass of the people became, for the first time, active citizens. Their lives were shaped by orders from above; they were required to serve the state instead of pursuing exclusively their own affairs. Five million men entered the armed forces, many of them (though a minority) under compulsion. The Englishman's food was limited, and its quality changed, by government order. His freedom of movement was restricted; his conditions of work prescribed. Some industries were reduced or closed, others artificially fostered. The publication of news was fettered. Street lights were dimmed. The sacred freedom of drinking was tampered with: licensed hours were cut down, and the beer watered by order. The very time on the clocks was changed. From 1916 onwards, every Englishman got up an hour earlier in summer than he would otherwise have done, thanks to an act of parliament. The state established a hold over its citizens which, though relaxed in peacetime, was never to be removed and which the Second World war was again to increase. The history of the English state and of the English people merged for the first time.Since the beginning of WWI , the role that the state has played in our lives has not stopped growing. This has been especially so in the case of Glasgow. The state has spent more and more, provided more and more services, more subsidy, more education, more health care, more infrastructure, more accommodation, more benefits, more regulations, more laws, more protection. The more it has provided, the worse Glasgow has fared. Is this correlation a coincidence? I don't think so.The story of the rise and fall of Glasgow is a distilled version of the story of the rise and fall of industrial Britain – indeed the entire industrial West. In the next chapter I'm going to show you a simple mistake that goes on being made; a dynamic by which the state, whose very aim was to help Glasgow, has actually been its ‘pathway to breakdown' . . .Life After the State is available at Amazon, Apple Books and all good bookshops, with the audiobook at Audible, Apple Books and all good audiobookshops. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.theflyingfrisby.com/subscribe

Britons have to "fight back" against "woke" efforts by UK public bodies trying to "erase" Easter, a Tory frontbencher has said.Andrew Rosindell, MP for Romford, also said he wanted to see the union flag flown from every school and public building, with assemblies required to sing the National Anthem to promote British culture.He said: "There is a sort of like attitude now that every other culture, every other religion can be celebrated. But we've got to be a bit embarrassed about our own. And I just think that we have to reverse this. There has to be a fight back."Iain Duncan-Smith also joined Christopher Hope to discuss the growing threat of China and the larger ramifications of the Government taking control of British steel. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The trade war is escalating. The world's two biggest economies - the USA and China - are now going head to head on tariffs, with Donald Trump threatening Xi Jinping with an extra 50% tariff if China doesn't withdraw its own 34% counter-tariff, which itself was a reciprocal response to Trump's original tariff set out last week.Amid fears of a global recession, Camilla and Kamal are joined in the studio by former Tory leader and eminent China-hawk Iain Duncan Smith, who says the President is right to take on Beijing with the world having turned a blind eye for too long. He also explains how Chinese soldiers have been caught fighting for Russia in Ukraine. Plus, Prince Harry is back in the UK, this time to take on the Home Office, as he arrives at the High Court to argue the case for taxpayer-funded security whenever he is in the country. We get the latest from our deputy royal editor Victoria Ward, who's inside the court. And Camilla reviews Meghan Markle's new podcast “Confessions of a Female Founder” - warning, it's not pretty. Producers: Georgia CoanSenior Producer: John CadiganPlanning Editor: Venetia RaineySocial Media Producer: Rachel DuffyVideo Editor: Andy MackenzieStudio Director: Meghan SearleEditor: Camilla TomineyOriginal music by Goss Studio Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Mike chats about the upcoming budget Labour said they'd never need and also talks to Iain Duncan Smith on the evil of China with Ed Miliband buying slave made solar panels from themWake up with Morning Glory in full on YouTube, DAB+ radio, Freeview 280, Fire TV, Samsung TV Plus or the Talk App on your TV from 6am every morning. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Nigel Farage Victoria Bowen sentenced for hurling milkshake Alleged Chinese spy tip of iceberg, says Iain Duncan Smith Calls for Archbishop of York to resign over abuse case failings Georgia Twelve die from carbon monoxide poisoning at Gudauri ski resort How two rival crime families turned Glasgow into a war zone Councils to be merged in major overhaul of local powers Harlesden shooting Woman killed named as Michelle Sadio Royal Mail takeover by Czech billionaire approved Tourists in Fiji ill after suspected pina colada poisoning Newspaper headlines Prince Andrew urged to avoid royal Christmas

Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Calls for Archbishop of York to resign over abuse case failings Royal Mail takeover by Czech billionaire approved Nigel Farage Victoria Bowen sentenced for hurling milkshake How two rival crime families turned Glasgow into a war zone Harlesden shooting Woman killed named as Michelle Sadio Councils to be merged in major overhaul of local powers Newspaper headlines Prince Andrew urged to avoid royal Christmas Tourists in Fiji ill after suspected pina colada poisoning Georgia Twelve die from carbon monoxide poisoning at Gudauri ski resort Alleged Chinese spy tip of iceberg, says Iain Duncan Smith

Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Calls for Archbishop of York to resign over abuse case failings How two rival crime families turned Glasgow into a war zone Georgia Twelve die from carbon monoxide poisoning at Gudauri ski resort Alleged Chinese spy tip of iceberg, says Iain Duncan Smith Newspaper headlines Prince Andrew urged to avoid royal Christmas Nigel Farage Victoria Bowen sentenced for hurling milkshake Royal Mail takeover by Czech billionaire approved Tourists in Fiji ill after suspected pina colada poisoning Councils to be merged in major overhaul of local powers Harlesden shooting Woman killed named as Michelle Sadio

Morse code transcription: vvv vvv Councils to be merged in major overhaul of local powers Newspaper headlines Prince Andrew urged to avoid royal Christmas Alleged Chinese spy tip of iceberg, says Iain Duncan Smith Tourists in Fiji ill after suspected pina colada poisoning Georgia Twelve die from carbon monoxide poisoning at Gudauri ski resort Harlesden shooting Woman killed named as Michelle Sadio Nigel Farage Victoria Bowen sentenced for hurling milkshake How two rival crime families turned Glasgow into a war zone Royal Mail takeover by Czech billionaire approved Calls for Archbishop of York to resign over abuse case failings

Why the death of the former deputy prime minister matters more to Labour now than they realiseOne of the key figures of the New Labour government John Prescott, died this morning aged 86. Kamal and Tim Stanley reflect on their encounters with the former Deputy Prime Minister, and why Keir Starmer's government could do with a 'Prescott' figure that can connect with parts of the Labour party and the wider electorate others can't.Plus, former Conservative Party leader Iain Duncan Smith is in the studio after he grilled Keir Starmer on his meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping. He criticises the government for its 'appeasement' of Beijing and warns that a defeated Ukraine would 'embolden' China.Producers: Georgia Coan and Lilian FawcettSenior Producer: John CadiganExecutive Producer: Louisa WellsVideo Editor: Luke GoodsallStudio Operator: Meghan SearleSocial Media Producer: Niamh WalshOriginal music by Goss Studio Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Send us a textWhen it comes to culture war discourse around cycling, things had become a bit quiet lately. Too quiet. After a brief period of respite following a general election campaign which saw cycling and active travel largely sacrificed on the so-called ‘War on the Motorist' altar, the political and ideological conflict surrounding riding a bike kicked into gear again this month, with the Telegraph, Iain Duncan Smith, and even Thames Valley Police fanning the culture war flames with questionable public pronouncements. So, are the cycling culture wars back? And did they ever go away? Transport and sustainability journalist Carlton Reid and the London Cycling Campaign's Simon Munk join us to ask why and how cycling become embroiled in the culture wars, assess the role of conspiracy theories and motonormativity in hindering cycling projects and policy, and offer up our own (somewhat ambitious) plans to put a stop to the cycling culture war once and for all.Oh, and maybe review a very cycling-focused chapter of Boris Johnson's new book…And in the Week in Cycling, Ryan and Emily ponder what the future holds for Tom Pidcock, after the British star became embroiled in a transfer saga following his very public falling out with the Ineos Grenadiers.

This year's Conservative Party conference will be a beauty pageant for would-be leaders, with each one setting out their stall as to why they're the right person to head up the party. So this week Westminster Insider host Sascha O'Sullivan dives into what it's really like to be a contender in a Tory leadership campaign — and how candidates can appeal to both MPs and party members alike.  Andrea Leadsom, who made it through to the final two leadership candidates in 2016 before dramatically dropping out at the 11th hour, recalls the intense pressure on her at the time — and tells Sascha why she really decided to pull out of the race and concede to Theresa May.   Sascha also speaks to the Tories' former deputy leader, Peter Lilley, about his own failed run for the leadership back in 1997, and to former party leader Michael Howard about why Tory members were given more of a say at that time over who should be in charge. Tory peer Daniel Finkelstein, a former adviser to William Hague, explains how this new role for the membership led to the election of unpopular leaders like Iain Duncan Smith and Liz Truss.  And former campaign chiefs Tim Loughton, who ran Leadsom's campaign, and James Starkie, who ran Priti Patel's recent leadership bid, give a behind-the-scenes view of how candidates battle to win Tory MPs over to their side.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Shama TatlerShama was the Labour candidate in Chingford and Woodford Green and almost unseated Iain Duncan Smith just a few weeks ago. Had it not been for an independent candidate standing in the seat, Shama would almost certainly have won. Shama describes her experience in full, including the abuse she faced and the misinformation spread about her. In an election when many candidates had to suffer a similar fate, Shama's story is a vital testimony of how abusive modern politics has become.SEE Matt at the Edinburgh Festival in August and on tour until March 2025: Matt Forde The End of an Era Tour202431 July - 25 August: Edinburgh, The Pleasance2 October: Norwich Playhouse3 October: Maidenhead, Norden Farm9 October: Middlesbrough, The Crypt10 October: London, Leicester Square Theatre24 October: Hull, Truck Theatre6 November: Exeter, Phoenix8 November: Tunbridge Wells, Trinity Theatre14 November: Basingstoke, The Haymarket15 November: Colchester Arts Centre20 November: York, The Crescent21 November: Chorley, Little Theatre22 November: Salford, The Lowry27 November: Chipping Norton Theatre28 November: Leicester, Y Theatre29 November: Eastleigh, The Berry31 November: Faversham, The Alexander Centre20254 February: Leeds, City Varieties5 February: Sheffield, The Leadmill6 February: Chelmsford Theatre7 February: Bedford, The Quarry Theatre12 February: Bath, Komedia13 February: Southend, Palace Theatre16 February: Cambridge, The Junction20 February: Nottingham, Lakeside Arts23 February: Brighton, Komedoa25 February: Cardiff, Glee Club26 February: Bury St Edmunds, Theatre Royal2 March: Bristol, Tobacco Factory11 March: Aberdeen, Lemon Tree12 March: Glasgow, Glee Club Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

It's official: we have a new prime minister. When Sir Keir Starmer spoke on the steps of No 10 Downing Street he became just the seventh ever Labour politician to lead the country - but the challenges he is facing are vast. Kamal and Camilla take a look at the issues at the top of his in-tray, from a sluggish economy to immigration concerns. Plus with a low vote share and a historic number of seats won by the Lib Dems, Reform, the Greens and independent pro-Palestine candidates, they ask whether Labour can really be the “government of service” Starmer wants them to be?Plus, Iain Duncan Smith joins Kamal and Camilla in the studio to discuss how he held on to his London seat and what next for the Tories as they reel from one of their worst electoral losses ever. Producer: Georgia CoanSenior Producer: John CadiganPlanning Editor: Venetia RaineyVideo Producer: Luke GoodsallStudio Operator: Meghan SearleSocial Media Producer: Ji-Min LeeExecutive Producer: Louisa Wells and Giles Gear Editor: Camilla TomineyOriginal music by Goss Studio Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Politics Weekly UK is in the London suburb of Chingford and Woodford Green, where a spat between Labour and its former candidate is threatening to split the progressive vote. The Guardian's John Harris talks to the now independent candidate, Faiza Shaheen; Labour's new candidate, Shama Tatler; and Iain Duncan Smith, who has represented the area for the Conservatives for more than 30 years. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/politicspod

In a move that I think we can safely say no-one saw coming , the Conservative campaign director has announced his own leave of absence two weeks out from polling day. His wife is a candidate. They are both being investigated for allegedly placing a bet on the date of the election before it was publicly announced. Another close protection officer has been arrested for misconduct. What is happening at the heart of his campaign and what is this doing to the state of the race. Later we see in a key Lab/Tory marginal talking to former Tory leader Iain Duncan Smith who's been the MP here for 32 years … - and to his newly selected Labour opponent Shama Tatler.Editor: Tom HughesSenior Producer: Gabriel RadusProducer: Zeynel Can YuceSocial Media Editor: Georgia Foxwell Video Production: Rory Symon, Shane Fennelly & Arvind Badewal You can listen to this episode on Alexa - just say "Alexa, ask Global Player to play The News Agents"!The News Agents is brought to you by HSBC UK - https://www.hsbc.co.uk/https://store.global.com/collections/the-news-agents

Camilla and Kamal are joined in the studio by former Conservative Party leader Iain Duncan Smith for a frank and honest interview about the general election campaign so far, why many of his colleagues are 'running away' and, of course, the return of Nigel Farage to frontline politics.Plus, the Telegraph's Data Editor Ben Butcher crunches the numbers on Farage's party to answer the question - is a vote for Reform a vote for Labour?And, with the 80th anniversary of D-Day fast approaching, we hear the remarkable stories of the last-remaining veterans in their owns words.ReadThe Last D-Day VeteransReform poses a threat to Tories in 28 seatsEmail: thedailyt@telegraph.co.ukThe Daily T Newsletter: telegraph.co.uk/dailytnewsletterSubscribe to The Telegraph: telegraph.co.uk/dailytsubProducers: Lilian Fawcett and Georgia CoanSenior Producer: John CadiganPlanning Editor: Venetia RaineyVideo Producer: Luke GoodsallStudio Operator: Meghan SearleSocial Media Producer: Ji-Min LeeExecutive Producer: Louisa WellsEditor: Camilla TomineyOriginal music by Goss Studio Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Join Andy and Gandhi as they debate this controversial topic and update you on other changes in General PracticeSick note reformhttps://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/arti... Part of a speech by PM about welfare reform…https://www.gov.uk/government/speeche... PM announcing this, not Health or DWP ministersAt centre for social justice - The Centre for Social Justice (CSJ) is an independent[1] centre-right[2] think tank based in the United Kingdom, co-founded in 2004 by Iain Duncan Smith, Tim Montgomerie, Mark Florman and Philippa Stroud.[3] Wikipediahttps://www.centreforsocialjustice.or...Part of Outpatient Recovery and Transformation Programme https://www.england.nhs.uk/outpatient...GP practices could face ‘£500,000 clawback' following PCN's collapsehttps://www.pulsetoday.co.uk/news/pra...Learn how to use TPP SystmOne as a clinician in this comprehensive online course with a full money back guaratneeSign up by bit.ly/TPPS1Course Join Dr Mike as he shares how to get started and fly using EMIS to make your life easier with this clinical systembit.ly/EMIScourse

Earlier this week the UK government accused China of stealing 40 million UK registered voters' names and addresses. The breach occurred in 2021 and 2022, in which time GCHQ has ascertained that China state-affiliated actors also targeted several parliamentarians' emails - including former Conservative leader Iain Duncan Smith. So what could the Chinese government do with this data? How real is the threat of China to Western democracy? And what is our government doing to mitigate this risk?Anoosh Chakelian, Britain editor of the New Statesman, and Freddie Hayward, political correspondent, discuss the UK's China strategy in the run up to the election.Read: China's global coal machine won't be stopped so easily Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

It's the first birthday of ‘That's Debatable!'. We hope listeners will indulge us as we take a moment at the beginning of today's episode to look back over one or two of the segments from the last twelve months that have particularly resonated. First up on today's main menu, however, is the ‘Hate Crime and Public Order (Scotland) Act', which will now be activated on April Fool's Day, nearly three years after it first received Royal Assent. The law creates new stirring up of hatred offences for protected characteristics including age, disability, religion, sexual orientation, and transgender identity. As Dr Stuart Waiton of Abertay University has reported in the Scottish Mail on Sunday, “From Section 4 of the Act itself, we find that saying something a ‘reasonable person' would consider ‘insulting' could be enough to see the long arm of the law reach into your living room”. He goes on to say, “What we are witnessing is a new type of authoritarianism – one that is clothed in the language of care and protection”. We continue with a discussion of Labour's proposed Hate Crime Action Plan announced by Yvette Cooper. Worryingly, the proposal risks bringing back far more frequent recording of Non-Crime Hate Incidents (‘NCHI'), this after all the effort we have expended in getting these expunged from the records of people who have simply expressed a controversial view in the public square. We finish with a brief discussion of the latest report from Hope Not Hate, which focuses on what it calls the new ‘Radical Right'. This phenomenon allegedly “differs from the traditional far right in that it advocates an illiberal democracy rather than overthrow of the system itself”. Rather ludicrously, this leads to a document that lists senior Tories such as Jacob Rees-Mogg, John Redwood and Iain Duncan Smith in Section 3, its ‘Radical Right Feature'. That's Debatable!' is edited by Jason Clift.

Rishi Sunak faces a Brexiteer backlash over his DUP deal because of fears it will hamper Britain's ability to break free from EU rules.Former Tory leader Iain Duncan Smith says this deal raises concerns for Northern Ireland's ability to change regulations. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Sir Iain Duncan Smith has been a Conservative MP for more than 30 years, and led his party from 2001 to 2003.In parliament he's a vocal contributor on defence, security, and international issues. His criticism of China's government is so vocal the country has placed sanctions against him and his family.He tells Sitrep why he believes China is a threat to the UK, not just a ‘challenge' as it is officially deemed, how his military service shaped his political ambitions, and whether he'd join the “too small” armed forces of today.

Robert Jenrick has resigned as immigration minister in a blow to Rishi Sunak's grip on the Conservative Party.As Rishi Sunak holds an emergency press conference while facing a crisis over his Rwanda plans, Julia says: “Even if this policy worked and it was legally watertight - it's not going to stop anyone from coming.” Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Ex Tory Party leader, Iain Duncan Smith calls Jeremy Hunt's Autumn Statement a "wasted opportunity" if he doesn't promote economic growth.“The Bank reacted too late, the worry is now deflation... this economy desperately needs growth like a starving man needs food!” Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Complete our listener survey for a chance to win an OGWN t-shirt or mug: https://www.patreon.com/posts/92531764 The Supreme Court throws out the Government's Rwanda plan quicker than a Cruella tantrum. Is the infamous scheme dead or will the Government have the brass neck to appeal to the ECHR? Plus the Thug Life madness of the Braverman Letter, why David Cameron is the Harold Bishop of Conservatism, Greg Hands finds there is no job left, and Esther McVey, Minister for GB News.  This week's special guest is Twitter's now-outed Secret Tory Henry Morris. His new book is The Diary of a Secret Royal – buy it here and help the podcast through our affiliate links! Hear This Is Not A Drill, the podcast formerly known as Doomsday Watch, on all platforms at ThisIsNotADrill.co.uk  • “What a week… I'm just waiting for Iain Duncan Smith to turn up on Strictly.” – Matt Green • “This was a crushing verdict from the court… Justice Reid's message was ‘If you think leaving the ECHR will fix this, it won't.” – Alex Andreou • “We had the Government saying the judges have ‘misjudged the public mood', as if that's their job instead of interpreting the law.” – Henry Morris https://www.patreon.com/ohgodwhatnow Written and presented by Ros Taylor with Matt Green and Alex Andreou. Audio producer: Alex Rees. Theme music by Cornershop. Managing Editor: Jacob Jarvis. Group Editor: Andrew Harrison. OH GOD, WHAT NOW? is a Podmasters production. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This is the best of Julia Hartley-Brewer's show.In today's round-up of the week, Julia chats to ex-Tory leader and former Scots Guards soldier, Sir Iain Duncan Smith MP who says pro-Palestine protests “should be banned all over the country” on Armistice Day.“All those soldiers stood up for the rights they are exercising. But, they should step back and let us have that period so we can do so in peace.”Julia also gives her take on who her hero and villain of the week are and of course we will hear from the people of Britain about their thoughts on the biggest topic of the week. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

China's President Xi Jinping is absent from this year's United Nations General Assembly, but he's certainly being talked about. Prime Minister Rishi Sunak, who also skipped the meeting, is moving the United Kingdom away from its previously hostile stance toward China, arguing that boycotting Beijing is not an option amidst the many global challenges requiring cooperation. He has angered many in his right-wing governing party, particularly longstanding China hawks like former leader Iain Duncan Smith. One Decision's Julia Macfarlane sits down with the UK's UN Ambassador Barbara Woodward, who served as their first female Ambassador to Beijing to discuss UK relations with China and Sir Richard Dearlove joins Julia to discuss his takeaways and Russia's role in the UN Security Council. 

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak chastised China's premier on Sunday for “unacceptable” interference in British democracy, after a newspaper reported that a researcher in Parliament was arrested earlier this year on suspicion of spying for Beijing.  Sunak said he raised the issue with Premier Li Qiang when the two met at a Group of 20 summit in India. He told British broadcasters in New Delhi that he'd expressed “my very strong concerns about any interference in our parliamentary democracy, which is obviously unacceptable.”  The two men met after the Metropolitan Police force confirmed that a man in his 20s and a man in his 30s were arrested in March under the Official Secrets Act. Neither has been charged and both were bailed until October pending further inquiries.  The Sunday Times reported that the younger man was a parliamentary researcher who worked with senior lawmakers from the governing Conservatives, including Alicia Kearns, who now heads the powerful Foreign Affairs Committee, and her predecessor in that role, Tom Tugendhat, who is now security minister. The newspaper said the suspect held a pass that allows full access to the Parliament buildings, issued to lawmakers, staff and journalists after security vetting.  Tensions between Britain and China have risen in recent years over accusations of economic subterfuge, human rights abuses and Beijing's crackdown on civil liberties in the former British colony of Hong Kong.  Britain's Conservatives are divided on how tough a line to take with Beijing and on how much access Chinese firms should have to the U.K. economy. More hawkish Tories want Beijing declared a threat, but Sunak has referred to China's growing power as a “challenge.”  Former U.K. Conservative leader Iain Duncan Smith said news of the March arrests “gives the lie to the government's attempt not to see China as a systemic threat.”  U.K. spy services have sounded ever-louder warnings about Beijing's covert activities. In November, the head of the MI5 domestic intelligence agency, Ken McCallum, said “the activities of the Chinese Communist Party pose the most game-changing strategic challenge to the U.K.” Foreign intelligence chief Richard Moore of MI6 said in July that China was his agency's “single most important strategic focus.”  In January 2022, MI5 issued a rare public alert, saying a London-based lawyer was trying to “covertly interfere in U.K. politics” on behalf of the Chinese Communist Party. It alleged attorney Christine Lee was acting in coordination with the Chinese ruling party's United Front Work Department, an organization known to exert Chinese influence abroad.  An opposition Labour Party lawmaker, Barry Gardiner, received more than 500,000 pounds ($685,000) from Lee between 2015 and 2020, mostly for office costs, and her son worked in Gardiner's office. Lee and the Chinese government both deny wrongdoing.  China has repeatedly criticized what it calls British interference in its internal affairs and denied meddling in the politics of foreign nations.  Sunak and Li met days after Foreign Secretary James Cleverly visited Beijing, the highest-level trip by a British politician to China for several years. Chinese President Xi Jinping did not attend the G20 meeting in India. Sunak defended his approach of cautious engagement, saying “there's no point carping from the sidelines – I'd rather be in there directly expressing my concerns, and that's what I did today.”  - by Jill Lawless, APSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

If Grant Shapps was the answer… what on earth was the question? Also - why Iain Duncan-Smith has won Hypocrite of the Decade award… and the 2 Matts tackle the big sports story of the week: Luis Rubiales and the Spanish FA.Get Rory Stewarts' new book, Politics On the Edge, FREE when you take out a new subscription to The New European: theneweuropean.co.uk/2matts Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Sir Gary Streeter started out in the SDP, defected to the Tories, was an aide to John Major after his general election defeat and was sacked by Iain Duncan Smith after telling him he was 'unelectable'.He joins Matt for the latest episode of the Exit Interviews - our series talking to MPs leaving Parliament at the next election.Plus columnists Rachel Sylvester and Iain Martin enter the 'no Boris zone' to discuss Labour's green energy promises, the SNP slumping in the polls, and has a mathematician invented a new swear word? Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last year, to mark 300 years since Robert Walpole became Prime Minister, Matt Chorley learnt about every PM through history each week. This year, Nigel Fletcher from the Centre for Opposition Studies has gone through every Leader of the Opposition and as a festive treat you'll be able to listen to each episode on the podcast this weekIn this episode, Margaret Beckett, William Hague, Iain Duncan-Smith and Michael Howard Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Stories this week include: Man with Twix addiction decides to persist with habit. Study finds music of Cliff Richard hazardous to health. Royal Navy engineer restores hearing by removing decomposing cotton bud. Iain Duncan Smith forcibly given lovely new hat. Rob takes a citizenship test live on the podcast... Subscribe to Patreon for exclusive bonus episodes: https://www.patreon.com/LAPodcastExtra Website: http://www.lapodcast.net/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/LAPodcast/ Twitter: @LAPodcast

Isabel Hardman presents the highlights from Sunday's political programmes. Featured today are Nadhim Zahawi, Bridget Phillipson and Iain Duncan Smith. 

The new leader of the Conservative Party, Liz Truss, faces an enormous task. Britain is contending with soaring energy bills, double-digit inflation and the unresolved backwash of Brexit. Host Anne McElvoy asks Lord Razzall and former Tory leader Iain Duncan Smith about her path to power. And, The Economist's Soumaya Keynes and Matthew Holehouse analyse her chances of success. Our GDPR privacy policy was updated on August 8, 2022. Visit acast.com/privacy for more information.

The new leader of the Conservative Party, Liz Truss, faces an enormous task. Britain is contending with soaring energy bills, double-digit inflation and the unresolved backwash of Brexit. Host Anne McElvoy asks Lord Razzall and former Tory leader Iain Duncan Smith about her path to power. And, The Economist's Soumaya Keynes and Matthew Holehouse analyse her chances of success. Our GDPR privacy policy was updated on August 8, 2022. Visit acast.com/privacy for more information.

After a long summer of hustings, Liz Truss has finally been confirmed today as the next leader of the Conservative party. As she gets the keys to Downing Street, she'll finally be able to carry out her vision of Sino-British relations. But what is that vision? On the latest Chinese Whispers, Cindy Yu speaks to Sam Hogg, editor of the must-read Beijing to Britain newsletter, about what we know about Truss's views on China so far. Will she declare a genocide in Xinjiang? What is an acceptable level of trade with Beijing? The difficulty for Truss is that she has never had to balance her opinions on China with the wider remit of government (for example, when it comes to the trading relationship that she lambasted her rival Rishi Sunak for pursuing, while at the Treasury). As Sam points out, taking the example of declaring a genocide in Xinjiang (something she has privately expressed support for):  ‘When you officially recognise that a genocide is taking place, that puts an onus on the country that has done so to try and actively stop that, using a variety of means (that could be sanctions for example). With that in mind, one can see why it's a useful campaign pledge, but a difficult policy to carry out once in power'Then she might be held hostage by China hawks on the backbenches – those MPs like Iain Duncan Smith who have lent her his support, but may want to see her be as vocally sceptical of China in Downing Street as she has been so far. In that case, there could be a vibe similar to how the hardline Brexiteers held previous Conservative prime ministers to ransom on seeing through their visions. ‘She's made a series of political contracts with various backbenchers about how hawkish she is going to be towards China. And each of these backbenchers will have a limited amount of patience', Sam points out. We won't have long to find out as she gets her feet under the desk at No. 10 and, in a couple of months, meets with President Xi Jinping at the G20 summit in Indonesia.

After a long summer of hustings, Liz Truss has finally been confirmed today as the next leader of the Conservative party. As she gets the keys to Downing Street, she'll finally be able to carry out her vision of Sino-British relations. But what is that vision? On the latest Chinese Whispers, I speak to Sam Hogg, editor of the must-read Beijing to Britain newsletter, about what we know about Truss's views on China so far. Will she declare a genocide in Xinjiang? What is an acceptable level of trade with Beijing? The difficulty for Truss is that she has never had to balance her opinions on China with the wider remit of government (for example, when it comes to the trading relationship that she lambasted her rival Rishi Sunak for pursuing, while at the Treasury). As Sam points out, taking the example of declaring a genocide in Xinjiang (something she has privately expressed support for):  ‘When you officially recognise that a genocide is taking place, that puts an onus on the country that has done so to try and actively stop that, using a variety of means (that could be sanctions for example). With that in mind, one can see why it's a useful campaign pledge, but a difficult policy to carry out once in power'Then she might be held hostage by China hawks on the backbenches – those MPs like Iain Duncan Smith who have lent her his support, but may want to see her be as vocally sceptical of China in Downing Street as she has been so far. In that case, there could be a vibe similar to how the hardline Brexiteers held previous Conservative prime ministers to ransom on seeing through their visions.  ‘She's made a series of political contracts with various backbenchers about how hawkish she is going to be towards China. And each of these backbenchers will have a limited amount of patience', Sam points out. We won't have long to find out as she gets her feet under the desk at No. 10 and, in a couple of months, meets with President Xi Jinping at the G20 summit in Indonesia.

Isabel Hardman hosts the highlights from Sunday's political shows. Featured today are Penny Mordaunt, Suella Braverman, Iain Duncan Smith, Dominic Raab and Bridget Phillipson.  

Tory leadership debates got underway this week, as the race to become the next prime minister sees five candidates battle it out – Rishi Sunak, Liz Truss, Penny Mordaunt, Kemi Badenoch and Tom Tugendhat. Sophy Ridge is joined by Sky's political correspondent Rob Powell and editor Toby Sculthorp as they discuss interviews with those backing three of the hopefuls looking for the keys to Number 10. Also, a reminder that on Sky News this Tuesday at 8pm, Kay Burley will host a leadership debate, with the final Tory candidates taking part.Host: Sophy Ridge Senior podcast producer: Annie Joyce Editor: Paul Stanworth

In this week's episode, host Steve Anglesey begins by talking about Nigel Farage's GB news show (but don't let that put you off), before hearing listeners' thoughts on which politicians would headline at the worst music festival ever and what their band would be called. Then journalist and broadcaster Jonty Bloom joins the podcast to discuss why economic predictions are far worse for Britain than other countries, why the economy hasn't had the boom everyone, including Rishi Sunsak, was hoping for and how Britain's recession was of its own doing. Plus, Ann Widdecombe, David Frost and Iain Duncan Smith all feature in the Hall of Shame this week. Enjoyed this episode? Let us know by tweeting @TheNewEuropean.

When it comes to the inner workings of British politics, there are few who know more than Tim Montgomerie.His accomplishments include being co-founder of the influential Centre for Social Justice think tank and creator of the ConservativeHome website.In 2003, Tim was Chief of Staff to then Conservative leader Iain Duncan Smith. He was also briefly an adviser to Boris Johnson on social justice issues in 2019.On this episode of the podcast, Tim and Colin discuss Roe v Wade, the problems with our political system, and what Boris Johnson has gotten wrong. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Veterans In Politics- Season 4, Episode 2 with  Sir Iain Duncan Smith MPFew politicians are known simply by their initials.  IDS is one of the few 'big beasts' of politics remaining in Parliament.  Something our host Jonny quizzes him on.  It was a huge honour sitting down with Iain, a former Leader of the Opposition and of the Conservative Party.  He's also known for his work on welfare reform, something he is clearly passionate about.  We finish up the episode on this very topic, and he explains how he has worked cross-Party to deliver the work of the Centre for Social Justice.Of course, Iain is a veteran in politics, having served as a Captain in the Scots Guards.  The military runs deep in his family, with his late father a fighter ace of World War Two, decorated on more than one occasion for bravery.  Iain generously offers insight into the conversations he had with him about bravery, conversations he had before deploying on operations himself.  It really is a privilege to be able to listen to this.About Iain:Sir Iain Duncan Smith was educated at Dunchurch College of Management, the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst, the Universita per Stranieri in Perugia and HMS Conway in Anglesey. As part of the Scots Guards, Iain saw active service in Northern Ireland and Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and served in Canada and Germany. Iain later worked for GEC-Marconi, a defence company, and Bellwinch, a property company. He has also been on the board of Jane's Information Group, a publishing company. Iain married Betsy in 1982 and they have four children – Harry, Edward, Rosie and Alicia.Iain was elected Member of Parliament for Chingford in 1992, and he was re-elected in 1997 as Member of Parliament for the re-drawn constituency of Chingford and Woodford Green. Iain was promoted to William Hague's Shadow Cabinet in 1997. As Shadow Secretary of State for Social Security, Iain exposed Labour's hypocrisy and failure on welfare reform. When he was promoted to Shadow Defence Secretary, he exposed the Government's failure to give British forces sufficient funding and equipment.In 2001, Iain was elected Leader of the Conservative Party. After stepping down in 2003, he set up the Centre for Social Justice (CSJ), an independent think tank committed to tackling poverty and social breakdown. Iain worked tirelessly as Chairman of the CSJ until the 2010 General Election, when he was appointed Secretary of State for Work and Pensions. He served in this position until March 2016. Iain remains the Member of Parliament for Chingford and Woodford Green and is always happy to deal with constituents and their concerns.NOTE- Please rate us on Apple Podcasts, donate or become our mate on our website HERE:  Donate - CampaignForce

Britain promised to hit Russia with “powerful” sanctions over its military confrontation with Ukraine. But the slim sheaf of measures announced by Prime Minister Boris Johnson has disappointed allies and critics alike.The U.K. has slapped asset freezes and travel bans on three wealthy Russians and sanctioned five Russian banks in response to President Vladimir Putin's decision to recognize two breakaway regions of eastern Ukraine and to authorize sending in what he called “peacekeeping” troops.Johnson says there will be more to come if there is a “full-scale” Russian invasion. But many say the current measures are too little, and further sanctions will come too late.“If not now, then when?” opposition Labour Party leader Keir Starmer asked the prime minister on Wednesday.Conservative lawmaker Iain Duncan Smith, a former party leader, said that “if we are going to hit them with sanctions, we need to hit them hard and hit them now.”The U.K. says it's coordinating its sanctions with the European Union and the United States, but both of those have gone further than Johnson's government.The 27-nation EU has sanctioned the 351 Russian legislators who voted in favor of recognizing the separatist regions in Ukraine, as well as 27 other Russian officials and institutions from the defense and banking world.Johnson's spokesman said Britain was “finalizing the evidence” to sanction the 351 Russian lawmakers in the near future.U.S. President Joe Biden imposed sanctions on members of Putin's inner circle and their families, sanctioned Russian banks and said the U.S. would effectively “cut off Russia's government from Western finance.”U.K.-based financier and anti-corruption campaigner Bill Browder said that of all the international sanctions announced so far, only the American ones would have “stung Putin.”“To put the Russian central bank, the Russian Ministry of Finance and the Russian Sovereign Wealth Fund on the sanctions list, and to put three oligarchs whose fathers are government officials on the sanctions list is good,” he said. “Thank God for the U.S, because nobody else is doing anything of any value.“Putin is banking on the fact that we won't be able to agree with each other, we're not going to be bold, we're all going to do the same things we've done in previous times,” Browder added.In another blow to Putin, Germany on Tuesday halted certification of the Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline from Russia.The British government has been one of the loudest in calling for Europe to reduce its dependence on Russian oil and gas, which accounts for only a tiny fraction of the U.K. supply. It hasn't been so quick to wean Britain off Russian money which has flowed into Britain for years, soaking up properties, businesses and sports teams.In a 2020 report, Parliament's Intelligence and Security Committee said that since the 1990s Britain has “welcomed Russian money, and few questions — if any — were asked about the provenance of this considerable wealth.”“There are a lot of Russians with very close links to Putin who are well integrated into the U.K. business and social scene, and accepted because of their wealth,” the report said.Transparency campaigners say the governing Conservatives have received 2 million pounds ($2.7 million) in donations from people linked to Russia since Johnson became prime minister in 2019. The party says all its donors are registered U.K. electors, as the law demands.The U.K. has recently given itself legal tools to root out the dirty money that has led to London being dubbed a “laundromat” for ill-gotten gains. But experts say it has scarcely used them. Further powers are planned in an Economic Crime Bill, but that won't come before autumn at the earliest.Thomas Mayne, a visiting fellow at the international affairs think-tank Chatham House, said Britain's anti-corruption powers meant that “anybody involved in bribery, misappropriation of assets or human rights abuses can be sanctioned.”“But I t...

Tim Farron speaks to former MP and Lib Dem minister Sir Steve Webb about the Coalition government and working with Christians of different political persuasions. Steve worked with Iain Duncan Smith in the Department for Work and Pensions - a department jokingly called the 'department for worship and prayer' as there were so many Christians. What was it like working alongside Conservative Christians he disagreed with politically? And how does he feel about the coalition now - will the Lib Dems reap their reward in heaven but not at the ballot box? To get your question answered by Tim in the next episode, write it in an email to farron@premier.org.uk or add this number to your phone and send a message on WhatsApp: 07711 701133

Katy Balls rounds up the highlights from Sunday's political interviews. Featured today are David Lammy, David Lidington, Gerard Batten, Jennifer Robinson and Iain Duncan Smith. This podcast was produced by Matthew Taylor. 

Isabel Hardman presents the highlights of Sunday's political interviews. Featured on the podcast today are Philip Hammond, Stephen Barclay, Sir Keir Starmer, Jon Trickett, Iain Duncan Smith and Caroline Lucas. Produced by Matthew Taylor.

Isabel Hardman brings you the Sunday interview highlights. Today's best bits come from Iain Duncan Smith, Shami Chakrabarti, Matt Hancock, Emily Thornberry and Sarah Vine. This podcast was produced by Matthew Taylor. 

As we head into Conservative Party Conference, Theresa May has never looked more alone. We talk to Iain Duncan Smith and James Forsyth about a Prime Minister abandoned (1:25). And while chaos reigns in the Conservative Party, Labour is gearing up, led by a pragmatic but radical Shadow Chancellor. Just who is John McDonnell (18:50)? And last, why is Tesco's new discount retailer so Brexity (38:10)? With Iain Duncan Smith, James Forsyth, Fraser Nelson, Paul Mason, Lewis Goodall, and Olivia Potts. Produced by Cindy Yu and Alastair Thomas.

Isabel Hardman is here to take you through the best of Sunday's political interviews. Highlights this week include contributions from Sir Keir Starmer, Iain Duncan Smith, Liam Fox, Nigel Dodds and Michael Wolff. Produced by Matthew Taylor.