Podcasts about Mbeki

Die Universiteit van Pretoria se Fakulteit Menslike Wetenskappe het 'n eredoktorsgraad toegeken aan oudpresident Thabo Mbeki se vrou, Zanele, vir haar lewenslange bevordering van 'n inklusiewe samelewing en die regte van vroue. Dit fokus spesifiek op die bemagtiging van landelike vroue en die versterking van hulle stemme. Mbeki het die organisasie Women in Dialogue gestig om 'n stem aan Afrika se vroue te gee. Sy het gegradueerdes aangemoedig om hulle vaardighede te gebruik om hulle uit armoede op te hef:

Where is South Africa headed - and what should you be keeping your eye on? Journalist and political commentator Justice Malala reunites with Phumi Mashigo on Level Up to dissect some of the local and international political happenings. Fom Julius Malema looking “lonely and sad”, why Justice missed Mbeki and what a G20 Summit looks like with or without President Donald Trump… it's time to level up. The Burning Platform

In today's BizNews Briefing, Bronwyn Nielsen unpacks Donald Trump's dramatic tariff moves - pausing some, hiking others, and sending markets soaring. The NASDAQ and S&P 500 post their biggest daily gains in decades. Then, we dive into SA-US relations with sharp insights from voices across the spectrum: Fikile Mbalula, Helen Zille, Moeletsi Mbeki, and more. Is it time for South Africa to reset its approach to Washington?

This episode of the BizNews Briefing focuses on the big news of the moment for South Africans - fragility of the GNU and the imminent enforcement of Trump Tariffs. There's context and advice from Moeletsi Mbeki, Helen Zille, The Economist and the FT.

Political analyst Moeletsi Mbeki strips off SA's hypocrisy band aide to explain how the nation needs to understand its one-way relationship with the USA (in SA's favour) would always need to rebalance - so instead of moaning about Trump, the onus is on Pretoria to design something that works for both countries. Mbeki also shares insights on what was actually a respectful approach by Big Business to keeping the GNU together; and explains how BEE attacks SA's most important need - fostering entrepreneurship among the demographic majority.

At the seventh BizNews Conference (BNC#7) in Hermanus, political scientist Moeletsi Mbeki delivered a searing critique of South Africa's century-long nationalist rule, blaming Afrikaner and African nationalism for the country's economic and social woes. He argued that policies like Black Economic Empowerment, rooted in entitlement and corruption, have deepened the nation's "hole." Mbeki urged the Democratic Alliance (DA), the second-largest party, to seize the moment, reject nationalism, and outline a bold plan to secure 51% of the vote and rescue South Africa from decline. In his post-keynote Q&A with BizNews founder Alec Hogg, Mbeki tackled questions on South Africa's rejection of nationalism, the ANC's decline, and the DA's potential to lead. He dismissed fears of ANC coalitions with EFF and MK as unrealistic, emphasized the need for a constituency-based electoral system, and criticized the bloated public service draining the economy. Mbeki urged the DA to leverage its influence and called for stronger ties with the US, separating South Africa's interests from ANC failures.

The BizNews Conference 7 in Hermanus is in full swing, featuring top speakers like Deputy President Paul Mashatile, Discovery CEO Adrian Gore, and UK entrepreneur Arron Banks. Highlights include sharp insights from political analyst Moeletsi Mbeki on BEE and Eskom CEO Dan Marokane on tackling load shedding. Stay tuned for full interviews and exclusive content on BizNewsTV.

Voormalige Suid-Afrikaanse president Thabo Mbeki het die stigterspresident Sam Nujoma geloof as 'n moedige en beginselvaste leier wat onvermoeid geveg het teen apartheid en kolonialisme vir Afrika se bevryding. Mbeki het tydens 'n gesamentlike gedenkdiens wat deur die Namibiese Hoë Kommissariaat en UNISA in Pretoria aangebied is gepraat.

Amy MacIver and legal journalist Karyn Maughan explore the persistent delays in prosecuting apartheid-era crimes referred by the TRC, and the alleged political interference during the Mbeki administration. Maughan highlighted the emotional toll on victims' families, who are now suing the government for damages and pushing for an inquiry into the suppression of justice.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this special year ender, as we round off season 3 of Africa Here and NOW, we look back at some of the moments that made us smile.The former Nigerian Super Eagle, footballer EFAN EKOKU, made us laugh with his cheeky bet on the winning team in the Africa Cup of Nations.Then Ghanaian football pundit, GARY AL SMITH, encouraged DONU into revealing what really lays behind the infamous rivalry between Nigeria and South Africa!Former Nigerian President OLUSEGUN OBASANJO explained how close Niger and Nigeria are in an intriguing way. That was at a time when the West Africa bloc ECOWAS, led by Nigeria, was threatening military action against the military junta who'd carried out a coup. Political analyst, MOELETSI MBEKI, younger brother to the former South African president, THABO MBEKI, gave us a rare glimpse into Mbeki family life.Zeinab Badawi talked about her new book, An African History of Africa and also told us a little bit more about herself.Renowned Zimbabwean journalist and activist, HOPEWELL CHIN'ONO turned to rap to get young Zimbabweans to register to vote. We asked about AI and how it was going down with the people of Malawi, especially as they'd been so hesitant to embrace the double decker bus! We found out about a new craze sweeping Somalia: naming children Istanbul, after the Turkish city. It's apparently in recognition of Turkey's support for Somalia through thick and thin.The Zambian Anglican Bishop TREVOR MWAMBA, bemoaned the state of our humanity and compassion in 2024 and suggested that if Jesus were a refugee at the time of the former UK Conservative government, he'd have been put on a plane to Rwanda.KEMI BADENOCH, who became the first black woman to lead a British political party - the Tories - created a lot of buzz particularly among her fellow Nigerians who were dismayed at her negative portrayal of Nigeria. DONU offered her some advice, from one Nigerian woman to another.Botswana's election yielded a seismic result with the ruling party voted out in a landslide. It presented us with a golden opportunity to talk to former President IAN KHAMA about his country's political shift, his plans for the future and his dance moves.PATRICK and DONU rounded off this bonus episode in characteristic form! We hope you enjoy it. Please subscribe and share with your friends. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Oudpresident Thabo Mbeki sê die vernuwingsproses in die ANC is noodsaaklik vir sy oorlewing. Hy het die ANC se Dullah Omar-streek in die Wes-Kaap toegespreek tydens ʼn bespreking met die titel “Uitdagings wat die ANC en die Nasionale Demokratiese Rewolusie in die gesig staar”. Mbeki sê die party moet ernstig introspeksie doen om vas te stel of hy nog genoeg vermoë het om die land te lei:

Lysenko, Mbeki, and RFK Jr.: Leaders who shun science will face predictably bad results - Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists

Oudpresident Thabo Mbeki sê die ANC se hernuwingsproses kan nie volgens faksies gedoen word nie. Hy het 'n vernuwingswerksessie van die ANC Gauteng in Boksburg aan Johannesburg se Oos-Rand toegespreek. In die verkiesing in Mei het die party se steun vir die eerste keer sedert die koms van demokrasie onder 50-persent gedaal. Mbeki sê die hernuwing van die ANC om die steun van die mense terug te wen, sal afhang van die verbetering van die gehalte van sy ledetal:

Former President Thabo Mbeki has called on the ANC to utilize state power to regain its majority in Gauteng. Speaking at the ANC Gauteng Renewal Workshop in Johannesburg over the weekend, Mbeki emphasized the need for the party to focus on internal strengthening and improved service delivery. The ANC received 40% of the national vote in the May 2024 elections. Mbeki believes the party can improve upon by leveraging state resources and enhancing its governance. For more on this Elvis Presslin spoke to ANC Gauteng spokesperson, Lesego Makhubela

Jahrelang hinterfragte Südafrikas Präsident Thabo Mbeki den Zusammenhang von HIV und AIDS und zweifelte den Nutzen antiretroviraler Medikamente an. Das hatte furchtbare Konsequenzen und kostete Hunderttausende Menschen das Leben. Die HIV-Aktivistin Sibongile Tshabalala erzählt an ihrem eigenen Beispiel, was das für die Bevölkerung bedeutete. Forscher Salim Abdool Karim und die Autoren Pieter Fourie und Mark Gevisser erklären wie es zu der Katastrophe kam, warum Mbeki auf AIDS-Leugner hörte und was die Welt daraus lernen kann.

Jahrelang hinterfragte Südafrikas Präsident Thabo Mbeki den Zusammenhang von HIV und AIDS und zweifelte den Nutzen antiretroviraler Medikamente an. Das hatte furchtbare Konsequenzen und kostete Hunderttausende Menschen das Leben. Die HIV-Aktivistin Sibongile Tshabalala erzählt an ihrem eigenen Beispiel, was das für die Bevölkerung bedeutete. Forscher Salim Abdool Karim und die Autoren Pieter Fourie und Mark Gevisser erklären wie es zu der Katastrophe kam, warum Mbeki auf AIDS-Leugner hörte und was die Welt daraus lernen kann.

Jahrelang hinterfragte Südafrikas Präsident Thabo Mbeki den Zusammenhang von HIV und AIDS und zweifelte den Nutzen antiretroviraler Medikamente an. Das hatte furchtbare Konsequenzen und kostete Hunderttausende Menschen das Leben. Die HIV-Aktivistin Sibongile Tshabalala erzählt an ihrem eigenen Beispiel, was das für die Bevölkerung bedeutete. Forscher Salim Abdool Karim und die Autoren Pieter Fourie und Mark Gevisser erklären wie es zu der Katastrophe kam, warum Mbeki auf AIDS-Leugner hörte und was die Welt daraus lernen kann.

Jahrelang hinterfragte Südafrikas Präsident Thabo Mbeki den Zusammenhang von HIV und AIDS und zweifelte den Nutzen antiretroviraler Medikamente an. Das hatte furchtbare Konsequenzen und kostete Hunderttausende Menschen das Leben. Die HIV-Aktivistin Sibongile Tshabalala erzählt an ihrem eigenen Beispiel, was das für die Bevölkerung bedeutete. Forscher Salim Abdool Karim und die Autoren Pieter Fourie und Mark Gevisser erklären wie es zu der Katastrophe kam, warum Mbeki auf AIDS-Leugner hörte und was die Welt daraus lernen kann.

Lester Kiewit speaks to former ConCourt Judge Albie Sachs about what the government of national unity can learn from the GNU of Mandela, De Klerk and Mbeki.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Former President Thabo Mbeki has paid tribute to one of the founders of the largest and best-known African business organizations, the National African Federated Chamber of Commerce, Dr Sam Motsuenyane. Mbeki says through his leadership at NAFCOC, Motsuenyane became a friend of the African National Congress, providing support to the party and its leaders during their time in exile.  Mbeki described to Motsuenyane as as a pioneer of black business. 

The ANC's relationship with its former President Jacob Zuma has been ruptured, according to Zuma's predecessor.  Former president Thabo Mbeki says Zuma has betrayed the liberation movement and must no longer be considered a comrade. Mbeki was in Soshanguve,Tshwane to persuade voters to give the ANC another chance. Zara Groenewald file this report.

Lester Kiewit speaks to Sanusha Naidu, senior researcher at the Institute for Global Dialogue, about President Cyril Ramaphosa's promise to create a national dialogue after the May 29 elections to plot a new way forward for South Africa.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Former president Thabo Mbeki wants the country to convene for a national dialogue after the election to tackle what he called counterrevolution which has been making the democratic government fail since 1994. Mbeki diagnosed what has paralysed the democratic state led by the ANC since 1994 and called for an inclusive dialogue with civil society organisations, politicians, businesses, labour and others to discuss a way forward for the country. Mbeki attributed failure of the democratic government to sabotage in state-owned enterprises such as Eskom. Will there be change in the way the governing party is governing? Mbeki says they will try to change. He also touched on the country's ability to deal with unrest. The former head of state is touched by the quality leaders the liberation movement is attracting. It's something that has been on Mbeki's mind of a while. Last year he alleged deliberate attempts to make the government fail. Recently he's been consistent, saying there are people within the governing party who don't have party values but are there to steal. Last year Mbeki said there is a process to ensure the government does not succeed, referring to crime and state owned enterprises.

In this essay, Terence Creamer reflects on the factors that have shaped South Africa's real-economy sectors of manufacturing, mining and agriculture over the past 30 years and considers ways to end the economy's persistent underperformance. In a speech that disrupted the 'Rainbow Nation' narrative, which played an important unifying role at the highly uncertain start of South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy, but which also failed to reflect the realities of entrenched race-based poverty and inequality, then Deputy President Thabo Mbeki defined South Africa as a country of "two nations". Opening a 1998 Parliamentary debate on 'National Unity and Reconciliation', Mbeki questioned whether South Africa was making progress in achieving the objective of nation building. Mbeki's vision was for a "common nationhood which would result from the abolition of disparities in the quality of life among South Africans based on the racial, gender and geographic inequalities we all inherited from the past". While acknowledging that the polite and reassuring response would be "yes", Mbeki insisted that the honest, albeit discomfiting, answer was "no", and then unforgettably declared that "South Africa is a country of two nations": one white and relatively prosperous; and a second and larger nation being black and poor, living under conditions of grossly underdeveloped economic, physical, educational, communication and other infrastructure. The abolition of the apartheid legacy, he concluded, would require sustained effort over a considerable period of time, dismissing as self-serving arguments suggesting that "four or five years are long enough to remove from our national life the inheritance of a country of two nations which is as old as the arrival of European colonists in our country, almost 350 years ago". Now, 30 years into South Africa's democracy, the socioeconomic realities and disparities sketched by Mbeki sadly largely persist, somewhat masked by the partial yet highly uneven achievements of policies such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment; policies that have not always been fairly applied, leading to deep mistrust and anger in some sectors of society, as well as a flight of skills from certain key institutions. In the economy overall, a gulf also remains between the formal and informal economies. The former being sophisticated yet too small and concentrated to make a proper dent in South Africa's extreme official unemployment rate of over 32%. It is also subjected to a raft of legislation and regulation that has increased since 1994, some of which has slowed investment and has had a negative impact on growth and development. The informal sector, meanwhile, operates largely outside of these constraints and continues to play an important role in supporting livelihoods. But it is smaller and less vibrant than is the case in several peer countries and is prone to turf wars that, at times, turn violent and xenophobic. In the formal sector it's also a tale of two realities. The financial and services sectors have grown substantially since 1994, while many sectors in the real economy have been on the decline, especially the manufacturing sector, whose relative contribution to gross domestic product has shrunk massively, from over 20% in the 1990s to about 12% currently. While the construction sector, which plays a key supportive role across a range of productive sectors, has been all but decimated. Only one large integrated construction company, WBHO, is still listed on the JSE, with the others having either exited the general construction market, or having closed or entered business rescue. Real Economy Pressure Measuring progress in the real economic sectors through the prism of Mbeki's aspirational vision for a society and economy that reduces disparities reveals serious underperformance over the past three decades. This, despite general societal and policy consensus over the period that their growth a...

Former ANC president Thabo Mbeki has commended the party's decision not to expel former President Jacob Zuma for endorsing the MK party. Speaking during a campaign trail in Soweto, Mbeki says the decision to summon Zuma before the party's disciplinary committee is not cowardice but prescribed in the ANC's constitution in terms of procedure. For more on this Elvis Presslin spoke to the ANC National Spokesperson Mahlengi Bhengu-Motsiri

In this essay, Terence Creamer reflects on the factors that have shaped South Africa's real-economy sectors of manufacturing, mining and agriculture over the past 30 years and considers ways to end the economy's persistent underperformance. In a speech that disrupted the 'Rainbow Nation' narrative, which played an important unifying role at the highly uncertain start of South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy, but which also failed to reflect the realities of entrenched race-based poverty and inequality, then Deputy President Thabo Mbeki defined South Africa as a country of "two nations". Opening a 1998 Parliamentary debate on 'National Unity and Reconciliation', Mbeki questioned whether South Africa was making progress in achieving the objective of nation building. Mbeki's vision was for a "common nationhood which would result from the abolition of disparities in the quality of life among South Africans based on the racial, gender and geographic inequalities we all inherited from the past". While acknowledging that the polite and reassuring response would be "yes", Mbeki insisted that the honest, albeit discomfiting, answer was "no", and then unforgettably declared that "South Africa is a country of two nations": one white and relatively prosperous; and a second and larger nation being black and poor, living under conditions of grossly underdeveloped economic, physical, educational, communication and other infrastructure. The abolition of the apartheid legacy, he concluded, would require sustained effort over a considerable period of time, dismissing as self-serving arguments suggesting that "four or five years are long enough to remove from our national life the inheritance of a country of two nations which is as old as the arrival of European colonists in our country, almost 350 years ago". Now, 30 years into South Africa's democracy, the socioeconomic realities and disparities sketched by Mbeki sadly largely persist, somewhat masked by the partial yet highly uneven achievements of policies such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment; policies that have not always been fairly applied, leading to deep mistrust and anger in some sectors of society, as well as a flight of skills from certain key institutions. In the economy overall, a gulf also remains between the formal and informal economies. The former being sophisticated yet too small and concentrated to make a proper dent in South Africa's extreme official unemployment rate of over 32%. It is also subjected to a raft of legislation and regulation that has increased since 1994, some of which has slowed investment and has had a negative impact on growth and development. The informal sector, meanwhile, operates largely outside of these constraints and continues to play an important role in supporting livelihoods. But it is smaller and less vibrant than is the case in several peer countries and is prone to turf wars that, at times, turn violent and xenophobic. In the formal sector it's also a tale of two realities. The financial and services sectors have grown substantially since 1994, while many sectors in the real economy have been on the decline, especially the manufacturing sector, whose relative contribution to gross domestic product has shrunk massively, from over 20% in the 1990s to about 12% currently. While the construction sector, which plays a key supportive role across a range of productive sectors, has been all but decimated. Only one large integrated construction company, WBHO, is still listed on the JSE, with the others having either exited the general construction market, or having closed or entered business rescue. Real Economy Pressure Measuring progress in the real economic sectors through the prism of Mbeki's aspirational vision for a society and economy that reduces disparities reveals serious underperformance over the past three decades. This, despite general societal and policy consensus over the period that their growth a...

This audio is brought to you by Endress and Hauser, a leading supplier of products, solutions and services for industrial process measurement and automation. In this essay, Terence Creamer reflects on the factors that have shaped South Africa's real-economy sectors of manufacturing, mining and agriculture over the past 30 years and considers ways to end the economy's persistent underperformance. In a speech that disrupted the 'Rainbow Nation' narrative, which played an important unifying role at the highly uncertain start of South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy, but which also failed to reflect the realities of entrenched race-based poverty and inequality, then Deputy President Thabo Mbeki defined South Africa as a country of "two nations". Opening a 1998 Parliamentary debate on 'National Unity and Reconciliation', Mbeki questioned whether South Africa was making progress in achieving the objective of nation building. Mbeki's vision was for a "common nationhood which would result from the abolition of disparities in the quality of life among South Africans based on the racial, gender and geographic inequalities we all inherited from the past". While acknowledging that the polite and reassuring response would be "yes", Mbeki insisted that the honest, albeit discomfiting, answer was "no", and then unforgettably declared that "South Africa is a country of two nations": one white and relatively prosperous; and a second and larger nation being black and poor, living under conditions of grossly underdeveloped economic, physical, educational, communication and other infrastructure. The abolition of the apartheid legacy, he concluded, would require sustained effort over a considerable period of time, dismissing as self-serving arguments suggesting that "four or five years are long enough to remove from our national life the inheritance of a country of two nations which is as old as the arrival of European colonists in our country, almost 350 years ago". Now, 30 years into South Africa's democracy, the socioeconomic realities and disparities sketched by Mbeki sadly largely persist, somewhat masked by the partial yet highly uneven achievements of policies such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment; policies that have not always been fairly applied, leading to deep mistrust and anger in some sectors of society, as well as a flight of skills from certain key institutions. In the economy overall, a gulf also remains between the formal and informal economies. The former being sophisticated yet too small and concentrated to make a proper dent in South Africa's extreme official unemployment rate of over 32%. It is also subjected to a raft of legislation and regulation that has increased since 1994, some of which has slowed investment and has had a negative impact on growth and development. The informal sector, meanwhile, operates largely outside of these constraints and continues to play an important role in supporting livelihoods. But it is smaller and less vibrant than is the case in several peer countries and is prone to turf wars that, at times, turn violent and xenophobic. In the formal sector it's also a tale of two realities. The financial and services sectors have grown substantially since 1994, while many sectors in the real economy have been on the decline, especially the manufacturing sector, whose relative contribution to gross domestic product has shrunk massively, from over 20% in the 1990s to about 12% currently. While the construction sector, which plays a key supportive role across a range of productive sectors, has been all but decimated. Only one large integrated construction company, WBHO, is still listed on the JSE, with the others having either exited the general construction market, or having closed or entered business rescue. Real Economy Pressure Measuring progress in the real economic sectors through the prism of Mbeki's aspirational vision for a society and economy that reduces dis...

Former ANC president Thabo Mbeki says he has not put aside his grievances with the ANC and the party will have to get the criminals out. Campaigning for the party in Soweto on Thursday, Mbeki acknowledged problems within the ANC and said the party would attend to them. Mbeki told the media that the ANC must be transformed and has the potential to fix unemployment, poverty and crime. He asked with residents in Soweto to vote for the party next month, saying he knows people have complaints about the party but promising those would be dealt with and the ANC would do the right thing. Mbeki has been a critic of the party's failure to renew itself, saying last year  that he could not campaign for “an ANC led by criminals” as he spoke at Unisa where he is chancellor. At the time, Mbeki said he couldn't convince people to vote for the party because of its failure to renew itself. He has been outspoken about the party's failures. This was his first active participation in an election campaign since he was president. He said he will been seen more on the election campaign trail.

This audio is brought to you by Endress and Hauser, a leading supplier of products, solutions and services for industrial process measurement and automation. In this essay, Terence Creamer reflects on the factors that have shaped South Africa's real-economy sectors of manufacturing, mining and agriculture over the past 30 years and considers ways to end the economy's persistent underperformance. In a speech that disrupted the 'Rainbow Nation' narrative, which played an important unifying role at the highly uncertain start of South Africa's transition from apartheid to democracy, but which also failed to reflect the realities of entrenched race-based poverty and inequality, then Deputy President Thabo Mbeki defined South Africa as a country of "two nations". Opening a 1998 Parliamentary debate on 'National Unity and Reconciliation', Mbeki questioned whether South Africa was making progress in achieving the objective of nation building. Mbeki's vision was for a "common nationhood which would result from the abolition of disparities in the quality of life among South Africans based on the racial, gender and geographic inequalities we all inherited from the past". While acknowledging that the polite and reassuring response would be "yes", Mbeki insisted that the honest, albeit discomfiting, answer was "no", and then unforgettably declared that "South Africa is a country of two nations": one white and relatively prosperous; and a second and larger nation being black and poor, living under conditions of grossly underdeveloped economic, physical, educational, communication and other infrastructure. The abolition of the apartheid legacy, he concluded, would require sustained effort over a considerable period of time, dismissing as self-serving arguments suggesting that "four or five years are long enough to remove from our national life the inheritance of a country of two nations which is as old as the arrival of European colonists in our country, almost 350 years ago". Now, 30 years into South Africa's democracy, the socioeconomic realities and disparities sketched by Mbeki sadly largely persist, somewhat masked by the partial yet highly uneven achievements of policies such as affirmative action and black economic empowerment; policies that have not always been fairly applied, leading to deep mistrust and anger in some sectors of society, as well as a flight of skills from certain key institutions. In the economy overall, a gulf also remains between the formal and informal economies. The former being sophisticated yet too small and concentrated to make a proper dent in South Africa's extreme official unemployment rate of over 32%. It is also subjected to a raft of legislation and regulation that has increased since 1994, some of which has slowed investment and has had a negative impact on growth and development. The informal sector, meanwhile, operates largely outside of these constraints and continues to play an important role in supporting livelihoods. But it is smaller and less vibrant than is the case in several peer countries and is prone to turf wars that, at times, turn violent and xenophobic. In the formal sector it's also a tale of two realities. The financial and services sectors have grown substantially since 1994, while many sectors in the real economy have been on the decline, especially the manufacturing sector, whose relative contribution to gross domestic product has shrunk massively, from over 20% in the 1990s to about 12% currently. While the construction sector, which plays a key supportive role across a range of productive sectors, has been all but decimated. Only one large integrated construction company, WBHO, is still listed on the JSE, with the others having either exited the general construction market, or having closed or entered business rescue. Real Economy Pressure Measuring progress in the real economic sectors through the prism of Mbeki's aspirational vision for a society and economy that reduces dis...

L'Afrique du Sud célèbre, en cette fin du mois d'avril, les 30 ans des premières élections multiraciales, et l'avènement de la démocratie. Le 27 avril 1994, après un scrutin historique, Nelson Mandela était élu président, et le pays tournait la page des années apartheid. Depuis, l'ANC s'est toujours maintenu au pouvoir. L'économie a continué à se développer, et le pays est désormais l'un des plus industrialisés du continent, mais le bilan est plutôt contrasté. De notre correspondante à Johannesburg,Pour l'économiste Azar Jammine, le pays a en fait connu, depuis 1994, deux périodes : avant et après la présidence de Jacob Zuma, marquée par la corruption. « Les quinze premières années ont été plutôt un succès. Le pays a connu une croissance moyenne de 3% par an, entre 1994 et 2001. Et ensuite, presque 5% par an entre 2001 et 2007. Il faut dire que cela coïncidait avec un boom des prix des matières premières, donc tout allait bien. Mais à partir de 2012, l'économie sud-africaine a fait très peu de progrès, avec une baisse significative de la croissance », détaille-t-il.Le FMI prévoit désormais une croissance de 0,9% en 2024 pour le pays. Et même si le nombre d'emplois a augmenté depuis 1994, le rythme n'a pas été assez soutenu, puisque près de 32% des Sud-Africains sont au chômage – et en particulier les populations noires. De plus, les politiques de discrimination positive n'ont pas suffisamment permis de transformer le monde du travail, selon Xhanti Payi, économiste pour PwC.« Faciliter l'inclusion au sein de l'économie a été un défi, si l'on regarde qui est à la tête des entreprises, ou qui possède la richesse en Afrique du Sud. L'ancien président Mbeki parlait même de deux économies », rappelle l'expert. « Or, l'inclusion est importante, car lorsqu'on distribue la richesse, on en crée aussi un peu plus, puisque davantage de gens vont avoir de quoi consommer, et de quoi contribuer. »Le salaire minimum, « une des réussites de l'ANC »L'Afrique du Sud reste ainsi l'un des pays les plus inégalitaires au monde, selon l'indice de Gini. « Un des gros problèmes en termes de réduction sur le long terme de la pauvreté et des inégalités, c'est le manque d'actifs détenus par la majorité de la population sud-africaine », met en avant Isobel Frye, la directrice du think tank Social Policy Initiative (SPI).« Sous l'apartheid, les communautés noires ne pouvaient presque pas posséder de terres. Pareil pour les petites entreprises, les gens étaient prolétarisés et dépendants de leurs salaires. Et les salaires, pour ceux qui sont employés, et surtout pour les emplois semi ou peu qualifiés, sont très bas. Donc, l'introduction d'un salaire minimum est l'une des réussites de l'ANC », ajoute-t-elle.Le système d'allocations sociales, parmi les plus développés du continent, est une bouée pour les plus pauvres : près de 30% de la population en bénéficie, sans compter l'aide post-Covid toujours distribuée.

The Govan Mbeki Local Municipality in Mpumalanga has been penalized with a hefty fine of R200 million for breaching environmental laws . The Bethal Magistrates Court found the municipality guilty of six counts for unlawfully disposing and distributing affluent raw and untreated sewer into various locations. For more on this, Elvis Presslin  spoke to Nhlakanipho Zuma, Executive Mayor of the Govan Mbeki municipality

It appears two former presidents of South Africa are going in opposite directions when it comes to who they will be supporting in the May 29, 2024 general election. The South African Mail & Guardian reports former President Thabo Mbeki says he will campaign for the African National Congress (ANC). On the other hand, former President Jacob Zuma has accepted to be the candidate of the uMkhonto we Sizwe (MK) party. This, as recent polls show the ANC is likely to lose its parliamentary majority for the first time since the party was led by Nelson Mandela 30 years ago. Professor Sipho Seepe, a political analyst and former Deputy Vice Chancellor for Institutional Support at the University of Zululand, tells VOA's James Butty, former President Mbeki might be trying to be relevant while Zuma, who is popular with his supporters, has a criminal conviction hanging over his head.

Former President Thabo Mbeki has lashed out at his successor Jacob Zuma for campaigning against the ANC. Mbeki was speaking to SABC foreign editor Sophie Mokoena on the sidelines during his engagement with students at the University of South Africa, UNISA in Tshwane. Mbeki says Zuma has defined himself outside the ANC by joining the uMkhontoweSizwe Party. Elvis Presslin spoke to Thobani Zikalala, a political analyst

If the polls are correct, the ANC faces the possibility of losing its majority in South Africa's national elections on the 29th of May this year. So, what went wrong for Nelson Mandela's once proud political movement? Businessman and independent political analyst, Moeletsi Mbeki has identified five deadly sins that have contributed to the ANC's downfall and the country's current issues. In an interview with Biznews, Mbeki highlights the policies of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) and the ANC's decision to cultivate a middle class through public service employment and affirmative action, rather than fostering entrepreneurship. He notes that these employees are among the highest-paid civil servants in the world. Mbeki also criticises the ANC's decision to retain state-owned enterprises instead of privatising them, citing the success of privatised company SASOL. The fourth and fifth sins, according to Mbeki, are the government's policy failures in Zimbabwe and Mozambique and the removal of military control over South Africa's land borders, leaving the country vulnerable. He poses the question: Who can prevent Islamist rebels from entering South Africa and planting landmines? President Ramaphosa, Mbeki said, has repeatedly made it clear that he is sticking to these policies and the ANC is not planning to change course. As a result, public support for the ANC is waning due to these “five deadly sins.” Mbeki forecasts that whatever government is produced by the coming election, the ANC will remain central to it. This means he said, “We will continue with this stagnation we are sitting with. Whoever is in coalition with the ANC will have to live with that.”

Another big name from the business sector has thrown his name in the hat as a presidential candidate for the opposition in South Africa. He is Roger Jardine, the former PRIMEDIA CEO and FirstRand chair. Jardine was also reported to have had discussions with the Democratic Alliance's John Steenhuisen and Helen Zille as the Multi-Party Charter is seeking an alternative presidential candidate. Political analyst, Moeletsi Mbeki said the problem he had with candidates like Roger Jardin and Songezo Zibi from Rise Mzansi is that they were the employers of big businesses, they were not the owners of capital. To really make an impact, what is needed is that one of the captains of industry, the owners of the banks, retail companies and mining industry stand for elections and challenge the ANC. Moreover, South Africa, he said, did not have an electoral system that allowed a central figure to rise like businessman Sam Matekane from Lesotho who won an election seven months after forming a political party. He said he believed that individuals can't solve South Africa's problems and that there will be no miracles that will come out of South Africa's 2024 elections. Mbeki also commented on President Nelson Mandela's legacy 10 years after his death and said the deal that the ANC got from the National Party was much better than expected if the ANC's real strength on the ground is taken into account. He said the negotiated constitution is a good constitution and people who criticise it know nothing about the reality of South Africa at the time. He again blasted the ANC's black empowerment policies saying it is the result of an elite riddled with an inferiority complex who think they should get wealth from white people and that they cannot create wealth through their own risk-taking and hard work.

TAC National Chairperson Sibongile Tshabalala joins Pippa in memory of Professor Jerry Coovadia, a fearless voice speaking out against the Mbeki administration's AIDS denialism.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Asia's economic success stories have been extensively documented in numerous books, attracting a steady stream of visitors to countries like China, Singapore, Vietnam, and South Korea who seek to witness their remarkable growth. Naturally, this prompts the question: What lessons can Africa learn from these experiences, and who should serve as an inspiration? In an interview with Biznews, political analyst, Moeletsi, presents a fresh perspective, suggesting that South Africa should redirect its focus away from the East and instead look to the New World, particularly the United States that we should emulate. In an interview with Biznews, Mbeki draws parallels between the American experience and South Africa's emphasising the need for South Africa to break free from its neo-colonial economic structure imposed by the British, which heavily relies on the export of raw materials. He says that the big mining companies show little interest in beneficiation, instead focusing on excavation and calls for a revolutionary shift to proper industrialisation which includes a fundamental overhaul of South Africa's education system. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Political analyst and Chairperson of the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA), Moeletsi Mbeki says it's evident from high employment, collapsing infrastructure, a deteriorating healthcare system and ailing security apparatus that the ANC government is not coping with its responsibilities and that the global status of South Africa has declined enormously, In an interview with Biznews, he also criticised the negative impact of black economic empowerment on the economy and on social cohesion. Change would be possible through the 2024 elections, he said, by a coalition of opposition parties. Mbeki called for the private sector to play an active role in politics, urging individual business leaders to intervene rather than simply advising the government. However, he dismissed the notion of a messiah-like figure driving this process. – Linda van Tilburg Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Today's Daily Friend Show with Nicholas Lorimer, Michael Morris, and Chris Hattingh. They discuss comments by former President Thabo Mbeki that perhaps only a "rebellion" can fix South Africa's problems. They also discuss the awarding of powers to the new electricity minister and the allegations that MPs were trying to solicit bribes from the suspended Public Protector. Bitvice: https://rebrand.ly/bitvice Website · Facebook · Instagram · Twitter

Over the previous few months, three former presidents have voiced their opinions. And there have been questions about the public disputes between Thabo Mbeki, Kgalema Motlanthe, and Jacob Zuma that concentrated on the ANC in KwaZulu-Natal. Zuma charged treason and corruption against Cyril Ramaphosa, his successor. Former president Kgalema Motlanthe has expressed concern that President Ramaphosa's failure to provide a comprehensive public justification for the Phala Phala scandal is endangering the office, and former President Thabo Mbeki has questioned what it will mean for Ramaphosa to move toward the ANC elective conference while he is still subject to impeachment. Later ANC KZN provincial secretary Bheki Mtolo issued a statement saluting the three leaders, presidents of the ANC, Mbeki, Zuma and Motlanthe, and pointed out that each of them would have their footprints and legacy remaining with them for many years to come. Bheki Mtolo, the provincial secretary for the ANC in KZN, later released a statement in which he saluted the three ANC presidents—Mbeki, Zuma, and Motlanthe—and noted that each would leave behind a legacy. The political experts Xolani Dube and Prof. Siphamandla Zondo spoke with Radio Islam on the three leaders' legacies. Dube claims that the ANC and the leaders have failed the people of South Africa. He advised them to hold off on criticism, particularly given that they have many questions to answer and should leave the residents to judge and criticise.

Mbeki highlights the looming reality that Ramaphosa may face impeachment over Phala Phala by Radio Islam

Today's Daily Friend Show with Nicholas Lorimer, Marius Roodt and Michael Morris. They discuss comments by former president Mbeki claiming that the ANC is supporting to the electoral amendment act to benefit itself. They also discuss drama at the Chinese Communist Party's conference and the EFF's attack on the IFP. Subscribe on Google Podcasts · Subscribe on Apple Podcasts · Subscribe on Spotify · Website · Facebook · Instagram · Twitter

Today's Daily Friend Show with Nicholas Lorimer, Marius Roodt and Michael Morris. They discuss comments by former president Mbeki claiming that the ANC is supporting to the electoral amendment act to benefit itself. They also discuss drama at the Chinese Communist Party's conference and the EFF's attack on the IFP. Subscribe on Google Podcasts · Subscribe on Apple Podcasts · Subscribe on Spotify

Die Suid-Afrikaanse oudpresident Thabo Mbeki het die land se gebrek aan gehalte-leierskap betreur. Die voormalige Suid-Afrikaanse president het op 'n dialoog, wat aangebied is deur die Universiteit van Suid-Afrika, gesê die land staar ernstige uitdagings in die gesig ten opsigte van leierskap, veiligheid en sekerheid, en die ekonomie. Mbeki het aan die diplomate en studente van verskillende lande gesê die kritieke bestanddeel wat nodig is om hierdie probleme op te los, is goeie leierskap in beide die regering en die samelewing.

Today's Daily Friend Show with Sholan Booysen, Sara Gon and Nicholas Lorimer. The team chats about the strange allegations made by Malema with regards to Arthur Fraser and Thabo Mbeki. They also discuss a Northern Cape hospital sending linen 800 km to be washed, the DA's new chief whip and Turkey and Israel resuming normal relations. Subscribe on Google Podcasts · Subscribe on Apple Podcasts · Subscribe on Spotify

Suid-Afrika se oudpresident, Thabo Mbeki, sê kapitaal uit die privaat sektor is nodig om Suid-Afrika se energiekrisis op te los. Mbeki sê 'n vennootskap met private besighede en beleggings in die land sal help om die ekonomie te stimuleer. Mbeki het tydens die ANC se beleidskonferensie in Johannesburg gesê die geld wat vir ontwikkeling in die land benodig word, is in private hande:

Today's Daily Friend Show with Nicholas Lorimer, Mlondi Mdluli and Hermann Pretorius. They chat about Thabo Mbeki's comments on how South Africa is facing a potential Arab Spring. They also talk about Chinese rocket debris and Tunisia's constitutional referendum. Check out our sponsor: BitVice: https://bit.ly/3zUOLlb Subscribe on Apple Podcasts · Subscribe on Google Podcasts · Subscribe on Spotify

I know many of you will be shocked that I agree with SOMETHING said by former president Thabo Mbeki. But an ad hominem response to his speech at the memorial service held in honour of the late ANC leader Jessie Duarte would not be useful. In this episode of In The Ring, I tell you what Mbeki said about Ramaphosa, explain why I agree and tell you the irresistible conclusion that follows from all this.Have a listen!

The following twitter post accompanies this episode of The Cradock Four.https://mobile.twitter.com/valavoosh/status/1276826105740169218The historian, Zikhona Valela, joins us to talk about the Cradock Four and, more specifically, misinformation around the supposed famous photo of the Cradock Four. Zikhona tells the story of the four men who were murdered on June 27th, 1985. How did it happen that two of the four men, and the trauma of their families, were actually erased from the historical record? Why do we continue sharing convenient narratives that are, on closer inspection, inaccurate and untrue? Zikhona helps us to piece together some of the missing parts of the Cradock Four. We also consider some of the failures of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC).Some of the questions asked:Who were Matthew Goniwe, Fort Calata, Sparrow Mkhonto and Sicelo Mhlauli?What motivated Zikhona to fight misconceptions about the past?Is the South African public apathetic about their past?How should we go about dispelling misinformation about the past?What is missing from the conventional narrative of the Cradock Four?How do we do the story of the Cradock Four justice?Is the 1980s a turning point in South African history?How did the United Democratic Front (UDF) come into existence?Is the murders of Sparrow Mkhonto and Sicelo Mhlauli a case of mistaken identity?How does the supposed photo of the Cradock Four perpetuate a false narrative?How did it happen that Mbulelo Goniwe and Madoda Jacob were erased from history?Who took the photograph of the Cradock Four? When was it taken?The importance of crediting photographersWhat did the families of the Cradock Four know before truths were revealed at the TRC?Would the truth about the Cradock Four have come to light without the perpetrators testifying before the TRC?Why did the Mbeki government not proceed with TRC recommendations?Why was the late 1980s and early 1990s more violent than earlier decades?Why would some people think of Nelson Mandela as a sell-out?What were some of the failures of the TRC?What should the lesson be that we take from the story of the Cradock Four?Follow Zikhona Valela on twitter @valavoosh. Send questions and suggestions to William H Palk at @WilliamHPalk and Colin du Plessis at @C_duPlessis.Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/cgi-bin/webscr?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=Q8KGSAT37YCPA&source=url)

Becoming a paradigm-shifting leader requires personal mastery: being incorruptibly authentic and committing to doing your inner work. This interview with one of my favorite people on the planet - Yvonne Johnston - is filled with insightful stories and precious tips for overcoming people pleasing, releasing fear, and paving your own path towards success, all derived from Yvonne's colorful life experience and highly successful career in marketing, branding and coaching. GUEST BIOYvonne Johnston is a Master coach, business strategist, inspirational speaker and thought leader in the domains of marketing, nation branding and personal mastery. With an impressive track record in advertising and marketing industries (including 5 years at Ogilvy and Mather as the Group Media Director), Yvonne is known for her business savvy as much as for her sassiness and style.  Yvonne was the founding CEO of Brand South Africa (a body established by President Mbeki to create and market the nation brand) and led the organization to receive many accolades for its world-class communication and advertising promoting South Africa under the slogan - “Alive With Possibility”.  Since 2015, Yvonne channels her business prowess and innate ability to ignite brilliance in everyone she meets into her extremely successful private coaching practice. As a certified Master Consciousness Coach© on the ICF PCC level, Yvonne helps companies and individuals get out of their own way and start moving forward, fast. LINKS MENTIONEDYvonne's Instagram Yvonne's Facebook PageThe Firepower Group - a leadership development company co-founded by Yvonne and Violetta - website and InstagramFearless&Free 4-week group program >> (next round starts on September 2, 2021)Fast Forward Your Business 6-week group program >> (next round starts on August 18, 2021)Enjoyed this episode? Subscribe, leave a rating and a review, and share the episode on social media tagging me @templeofstarfire_