Podcasts about finance ministers

The finance minister's making more commitments ahead of next week's budget. In her pre-budget announcement, the finance minister said $577 million will be injected into film and television projects over the next four years. Willis said the approach is necessary to compete with our neighbours across the ditch and further abroad. LISTEN ABOVE. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Stephen Grootes in conversation with Vincent Magwenya, spokesperson to the President and Khay Sithole, an Independent Political Analyst chat about the US government banning US Agencies from writing reports on the G20 summit, this as US president Trump continues to throw allegations of a white genocide in South Africa. They also touch on President Ramaphosa’s trip to the US to meet with Donald Trump, the US president. In other Interviews: Stephen Grootes in conversation with Goolam Ballim, Chief Economist at Standard Bank & Johann Els chat about the announcement by the Deputy Minister of Finance David Masondo that National Treasury and the Reserve Bank will be putting in significant effort to develop a well-structured inflation framework that aligns with economic goals and stability. They also look into the impact that this framework will have on the South African economy. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

François-Philippe Champagne, Finance Minister; John Brassard, Conservative MP-elect – Ontario; The Front Bench with: Sharan Kaur, Jamie Ellerton, Graham Richardson & Nik Nanos

Stephen Grootes in conversation with Goolam Ballim, Chief Economist at Standard Bank, about the announcement by Deputy Minister of Finance David Masondo that National Treasury and the Reserve Bank will be putting in significant effort to develop a well-structured inflation framework that aligns with economic goals and stability. They also look into the impact that this framework will have on the South African economy. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

One former Finance Minister has voiced support for introducing a comprehensive vaccination program aimed towards older New Zealanders. A new report has revealed that a publicly funded vaccination program for the flu, shingles and RSV directed at over-65s would create an economic benefit of over $1 billion over four years. Steven Joyce says health systems all over the world are under pressure - and a new solution is needed. "What attracted me to this is - we know about the benefit of vaccinations to children, there's a huge increase in life expectancy that occurred as a result of that. When you look at it this way, it's just as much of a no-brainer." LISTEN ABOVE See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

We're a week away from Budget 2025 being released - and more organisations have found out whether or not they're invited to the lock-up. The Budget lock-up refers to the four-hour window where journalists, analysts and other associated experts can read through the Budget and hear the Finance Minister present it before the information gets released to the public. Infrastructure NZ has been left off the list - and chief executive Nick Leggett has voiced confusion as to why they've been barred. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nearly a quarter of the money spent on National's FamilyBoost policy has been poured into administration costs, and not into the back pockets of families. Finance Minister Nicola Willis spoke to Ingrid Hipkiss.

The Finance Minister has revealed the Government will will make its first withdrawal from the Super in 2028 - five years earlier than initially planned. In the first year, $32 million will be withdrawn - but from 2031, withdrawals are expected annually. Infometrics Principal Economist Brad Olsen explains why this is happening. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

New Zealand will pass an economic milestone in 2028, with the Government making it's first ever Super Fund withdrawal. The Finance Minister revealed yesterday they'll begin offset superannuation costs by withdrawing $32 million from the New Zealand Super Fund. From 2031, withdrawals are expected annually. Superannuation expert Jonathan Eriksen told Ryan Bridge it's exactly what the Superfund was set up to do. He says it's up to $80 billion currently and is generating returns of 10% per annum, with 1% of that being $80 million. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Last time we spoke about Operation Chahar. In the turbulent year of 1935, tensions surged in North China as the Kwantung Army defied Tokyo's orders, encroaching deeper into Chahar province. This period was marked by widespread anti-Japanese sentiments, fueled by local revolts and the assassination of pro-Japanese figures, which infuriated Japanese authorities. On May 20, the Kwantung Army launched an offensive against a bandit group led by Sun Yungqin, seeking to exert control over the demilitarized regions established by earlier agreements. Their swift victory forced the resignation of local officials opposing Japanese interests. As chaos escalated, the Chinese government, under pressure to appease Japan, dismantled anti-Japanese factions and dismissed key leaders. The climax in this saga came with the signing of the He-Umezu Agreement, stripping China of authority in Hubei and Chahar, signaling Japan's increasing dominance and setting the stage for further exploitation of the region.   #150 The February 26 Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While this podcast is supposed to be given through the Chinese perspective, I apologize but yet again I need to jump over to the Japanese side. You see, a very pivotal moment during the Showa era would occur in the year of 1936. I think it's crucial to understand it, and the underlying issues of it, to better understand what we will be stuck in for the unforeseeable future, the Second Sino-Japanese War. I've briefly mentioned the two factions within the Japanese military at this time, but now I'd really like to jump into them, and a major incident that made them collide. In the aftermath of WW1, 2 prominent factions emerged during this tumultuous period: the Kodoha, or Imperial Way Faction, and the Toseiha, or Control Faction. Each faction represented distinct visions for Japan's future, deeply influencing the nation's course leading up to World War II. The Kodoha rose to prominence in the 1920s, driven by a fervent belief in Japan's divine destiny and its right to expand its imperial reach across Asia. This faction was characterized by its adherence to traditional Japanese values, rooted in the samurai ethos. They viewed the Emperor as the embodiment of Japan's spirit and sought to return to the moral foundations they believed had been eroded by “Western influence”. The Kodoha was often critical of the West, perceiving the encroachment of Western thought and culture as a threat to Japan's unique identity. Their ideology emphasized a robust military force, advocating for aggressive campaigns in regions like Manchuria and China to assert Japan's dominance. Contrasting sharply with the Kodoha, the Toseiha began to emerge as a more dominant political force in the late 1930s. The Toseiha embraced a pragmatic approach, advocating for a disciplined military that could engage effectively with the complexities of modern warfare. They recognized the importance of retaining some traditional values while also integrating Western military techniques. Rather than rejecting Western influence entirely, the Toseiha believed in adapting to global shifts to ensure Japan's strength and security. The Toseiha's moderation extended to their governance strategies, as they prioritized political stability and control over radical ideology. They saw this approach as crucial for creating a robust state capable of managing Japan's expansionist ambitions without provoking the backlash that Kodoha tactics elicited. Their more calculated approach to military expansion included securing partnerships and pursuing diplomatic solutions alongside military action, thereby presenting a less confrontational image to the world. Now after Manchuria was seized and Manchukuo was ushered in, many in the Japanese military saw a crisis emerge, that required a “showa restoration' to solve. Both factions aimed to create military dictatorships under the emperor. The Kodoha saw the USSR as the number one threat to Japan and advocated an invasion of them, aka the Hokushin-ron doctrine, but the Toseiha faction prioritized a national defense state built on the idea they must build Japans industrial capabilities to face multiple enemies in the future. What really separated the two, was the Kodoha sought to use a violent coup d'etat to make ends meet, whereas the Toseiha were unwilling to go so far. The Kodoha faction was made up mostly of junior and youthful officers, typically country boys as we would call them. These were young men whose families were not the blue bloods, farmer types. They viewed the dramatic changes of Japan in light of their own family experiences, many were impoverished by the dramatic changes. A very specific thing these Kodoha boys hated were the Zaibatsu. The Zaibatsu were large Japanese business conglomerates, primarily active from the Meiji period until WW2. They combined various industries, including banking, manufacturing, and trading. Prominent examples included Mitsubishi and Sumitomo. The reason they hated the Zaibatsu was because they believed they were influenced by western thought and that they super succeeded the authority of the emperor. More or less you can think of it as “we hate the fat cats who are really running things”.   Now the Toseiha faction were willing to work with the Zaibatsu to make Japan stronger. Basically they believed them to just be a necessary evil, you had to play ball to get things rolling. Random note, Hirohito's brother Prince Chichibu sympathized with the Kodoha faction and repeatedly counseled his brother that he should implement direct imperial rule even if it meant suspending the constitution, aka a show restoration. Hirohito believed his brother who was active in the IJA at the time was being radicalized. Now I cant go through the entire history of it, but this time period is known as the “government by assassination” period for Japan. Military leaders in the IJA, IJN and from within the Kodoha and Toseiha factions kept assassinating politicians and senior officers to push envelopes forward. Stating all of that, I now want to talk about the February 26th incident and I will add I am using a specific source, simply because it's my favorite. That is Herbert P Bix's Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. In late 1934, several officers from the Imperial Way faction at the Army Cadet School were arrested for plotting a coup. Although there were no immediate repercussions, the following year, two of the same Kodoha officers, named Isobe Asaichi and Muranaka Takaji were arrested again for distributing a document accusing Toseiha faction officers, like Major General Nagata Tetsuzan, of previously drafting coup plans against the government. This time, the army's upper echelons responded firmly, condemning Isobe and Muranaka's accusations as acts of disloyalty, resulting in both officers losing their commissions. Meanwhile, other Imperial Way officers sought retaliation against Nagata, who was rumored to be planning a major purge to eliminate factionalism within the army. Tatsukichi Minobe was a Japanese statesman and scholar of constitutional law and in the 1930s he began a movement bringing up the very real issue with the Meiji constitution in relation to the role of the emperor. In August 1935, amid a populist movement denouncing Minobe's interpretation of the constitution, Lt colonel Aizawa Saburo from Kodoha faction entered Nagata's office and fatally attacked him with his katana. This marked a significant escalation in the military struggle over state reform and the push for increased military funding, which was intertwined with the movement against Minobe. Meanwhile anti- Prime Minister Okada factions within the army, continuing to use slogans like “kokutai clarification” and “denounce the organ theory,” intensified their attacks on the emperor's advisers and hereditary peers. Senior generals from the Kodoha faction arranged a public court-martial for Aizawa, held by the 1st Division, a group heavily populated by Kodoha officers based in Tokyo. When Aizawa's trial commenced on January 12, 1936, his defense team transformed it into an emotional condemnation of the Okada cabinet, the court entourage, and Minobe's constitutional theories. This strategy garnered support across the nation, even reaching unexpected places like the imperial palace, where Dowager Empress Teimei Kogo, a staunch rightist, expressed sympathy for Aizawa. However, before the trial could progress, a military mutiny disrupted proceedings in the capital. Shockwaves rippled through the army after Army Minister Hayashi dismissed Kodoha member General Mazaki from his position overseeing military education and ordered the transfer of the 1st Division to Manchuria, which ignited the largest army uprising in modern Japanese history. The uprising was orchestrated through a series of meetings held from February 18 to 22 by key individuals including Nishida, Yasuhide Kurihara, Teruzō Andō, Hisashi Kōno, Takaji Muranaka, and Asaichi Isobe. Their plan was relatively straightforward: the officers would assassinate the most prominent adversaries of the kokutai, seize control of the administrative center of the capital and the Imperial Palace, and present their demands, which included the dismissal of certain officials and the establishment of a new cabinet led by Mazaki. They did not establish long-term goals, believing that those should be determined by the Emperor. However, it is suspected that they were prepared to replace Hirohito with Prince Chichibu if necessary. The young Kodoha officers felt they had at least implicit support from several influential Imperial Japanese Army officers after making informal inquiries. This group included figures such as Araki, Minister of War Yoshiyuki Kawashima, Jinzaburō Mazaki, Tomoyuki Yamashita, Kanji Ishiwara, Shigeru Honjō, as well as their immediate superiors, Kōhei Kashii and Takeo Hori. Later, Kawashima's successor as Minister of War remarked that if all the officers who had endorsed the rebellion were forced to resign, there would not have been enough high-ranking officers left to replace them. To articulate their intentions and grievances, the young officers prepared a document titled "Manifesto of the Uprising" “Kekki Shuisho”, which they intended to present to the Emperor. Although the document was authored by Muranaka, it was written under the name of Shirō Nonaka, the highest-ranking officer involved in the plot. The document aligned with Kokutai Genri-ha ideals, criticizing the genrō, political leaders, military factions, zaibatsu, bureaucrats, and political parties for jeopardizing the kokutai with their selfishness and disregard for the Emperor, and emphasized the need for direct action: “Now, as we face immense foreign and domestic challenges, if we do not eliminate the disloyal and unjust who threaten the kokutai, if we do not remove the villains obstructing the Emperor's authority and hindering the Restoration, the Imperial vision for our nation will come to naught [...] Our duty is to purge the malevolent ministers and military factions surrounding the Emperor and eradicate their influence; we shall fulfill this mission.” Seven targets were selected for assassination for "threatening the kokutai". Keisuke Okada served as Prime Minister, where he notably advocated for the London Naval Treaty and supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai. His actions reflect a commitment to international agreements and specific ideological principles at the time. Saionji Kinmochi, a Genrō and former Prime Minister, also supported the London Naval Treaty. However, his influence extended further, as he played a role in prompting the Emperor to establish inappropriate cabinets, impacting political stability. Makino Nobuaki, the former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and Foreign Minister, was another key figure who supported the London Naval Treaty. He notably prevented Prince Fushimi from voicing protests to the Emperor during this period, and he established a court faction in collaboration with Saitō, further entrenching political alliances. In his capacity as Grand Chamberlain, Kantarō Suzuki supported the London Naval Treaty but faced criticism for "obstructing the Imperial virtue," suggesting tensions between political decisions and traditional values. Saitō Makoto, who served as Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and former Prime Minister, was involved in advocating for the London Naval Treaty and played a significant role in Mazaki's dismissal. He, too, formed a court faction with Makino, indicating the intricacies of court politics. Takahashi Korekiyo, as Finance Minister and former Prime Minister, engaged in party politics with the aim of diminishing military influence. His approach was focused on maintaining the existing economic structure amid the shifting political landscape. Finally, Jōtarō Watanabe, who replaced Mazaki as Inspector General of Military Education, supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai yet faced criticism for refusing to resign, despite being considered unsuitable for his position. On the night of February 25, Tokyo experienced a heavy snowfall, which uplifted the rebel officers as it evoked memories of the 1860 Sakuradamon Incident. During this event, political activists known as shishi assassinated Ii Naosuke, the chief advisor to the Shōgun, in the name of the Emperor. The rebel forces, organized into six groups, began mobilizing their troops and departing from their barracks between 3:30 and 4:00 AM. At 5:00 AM, they launched simultaneous attacks on key targets, including Okada, Takahashi, Suzuki, Saito, the Ministry of War, and the headquarters of the Tokyo Metropolitan Police. At around five o'clock on the morning of February 26, 1936, a rebellion erupted, fueled by the long-standing tensions surrounding the kokutai issues that had plagued 1935. Twenty-two junior officers led over 1,400 armed soldiers and non-commissioned officers from three regiments of the 1st Division and an infantry unit of the Imperial Guards in a mutiny in snow-covered Tokyo. The attack on Okada involved a contingent of 280 men from the 1st Infantry Regiment, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Yasuhide Kurihara. The troops encircled the Prime Minister's Residence and compelled its guards to open the gates. Upon entering the compound, they attempted to locate Prime Minister Okada but were met with gunfire from four policemen stationed there. All four policemen were killed, wounding six rebel soldiers in the process. However, the shots served as a warning for Okada, prompting his brother-in-law, Colonel Denzō Matsuo, to help him find refuge. Matsuo, who closely resembled Okada, was eventually discovered by the soldiers and killed. After comparing Matsuo's wounded face to a photograph of the prime minister, the attackers mistakenly believed they had accomplished their mission. Okada managed to escape the following day, but this information was kept confidential, and he did not play any further role in the events. After Matsuo's death, Kurihara's men took up guard positions around the compound, reinforced by sixty soldiers from the 3rd Imperial Guard. In another key operation, Captain Kiyosada Kōda led a group of 160 men to seize control of the Minister of War's residence, the Ministry of War, and the General Staff Office. Upon entering the Minister's residence at 6:30 AM, they demanded to see Minister Kawashima. Once admitted, they read their manifesto aloud and presented a document detailing several demands, including: A prompt resolution to the situation that would further "advance the cause of the Restoration." A call to prevent the use of force against the Righteous Army. The arrest of Kazushige Ugaki (Governor-General of Korea), Jirō Minami (commander of the Kwantung Army), Kuniaki Koiso (commander of the Korean Army), and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa for their roles in undermining military command. The immediate dismissal of Lieutenant Colonel Akira Mutō, Colonel Hiroshi Nemoto, and Major Tadashi Katakura from the Imperial Japanese Army for promoting "factionalism." The appointment of Araki as the new commander of the Kwantung Army. Ugaki, who served as Minister of War during two separate terms, had overseen significant reductions and modernization efforts within the army. He had also failed to support the March Incident plotters, who had hoped to install him as Prime Minister. Minami, Mutō, Nemoto, and Katakura were all influential members of the Tōsei-ha faction; Katakura had been partly responsible for reporting on the Military Academy Incident. Later that morning, Isobe encountered Katakura outside the Ministry of War and shot him non-fatally in the head. During this tumultuous period, several officers sympathetic to the rebels, including General Mazaki, General Tomoyuki Yamashita, and General Ryū Saitō, joined the uprising. Saitō praised the young officers' spirit and encouraged Kawashima to accept their demands. Shortly before 9:00 am, Kawashima indicated he needed to speak with the Emperor and left for the Imperial Palace. Meanwhile, Captain Hisashi Kōno led a team of seven, comprised mostly of civilians, to attack Makino Nobuaki, who was staying at Kōfūsō, part of the ryokan Itōya in Yugawara, Kanagawa Prefecture, with his family. Arriving at 5:45 am, they stationed two men outside while entering the inn with weapons drawn. Inside, policemen opened fire, leading to a lengthy exchange of gunfire. A policeman managed to alert Makino and his party of the danger, guiding them to a rear exit. Although the assassins fired at the escaping group, Makino successfully evaded capture. Kōno sustained a gunshot wound to the chest, and one policeman, Yoshitaka Minagawa, was killed. As Kōno was evacuated from the scene, the assailants set fire to the building. Hearing a gunshot, Kōno assumed that Makino had shot himself inside. After his recovery at a nearby military hospital, Kōno and his team were arrested by military police. Around 10:00 am, Kurihara and Nakahashi loaded a fleet of three trucks with sixty men and drove from the Prime Minister's Residence to the offices of the Asahi Shimbun, a significant liberal newspaper. They stormed the building, ordering the evacuation of employees and declaring their actions as "divine retribution for being an un-Japanese newspaper." The rebels then overturned and scattered the newspaper's type trays, containing 4,000 different characters, temporarily halting its publication. Following this attack, the men distributed copies of the uprising's manifesto to nearby newspapers before returning to the Prime Minister's Residence. On another front, 1st Lieutenant Motoaki Nakahashi of the 3rd Imperial Guard gathered 135 men and, under the pretext of paying respects at Yasukuni Shrine, marched to Takahashi Korekiyo's residence. There, he divided his forces, sending one group to attack while the other remained to guard the entrance. After breaking into the compound, Nakahashi and Lieutenant Kanji Nakajima found Takahashi in bed, where Nakahashi shot him while Nakajima delivered a fatal sword strike. Takahashi died without waking. Once his target was eliminated, Nakahashi regrouped with the soldiers and proceeded to the Imperial Palace, aiming to secure it. Entering through the western Hanzō Gate at 6:00 am, Nakahashi informed Major Kentarō Honma, the palace guard commander, that he had been dispatched to reinforce the gates due to earlier attacks. Honma, already aware of the uprisings, accepted Nakahashi's arrival. He was assigned to help secure the Sakashita Gate, the primary entrance to the Emperor's residence. Nakahashi planned to signal nearby rebel troops at police headquarters once he controlled access to the Emperor. However, he struggled to contact his allies, and by 8:00 am, Honma learned of his involvement in the uprising and ordered him, at gunpoint, to vacate the palace grounds. Nakahashi complied and returned to join Kurihara at the Prime Minister's Residence, while his soldiers remained at the gate until relieved later that day, preventing their inclusion in the government's official count of rebel forces. Elsewhere, 1st Lieutenant Naoshi Sakai led a detachment of 120 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to Saitō Makoto's home in Yotsuya. After surrounding the policemen on guard, five soldiers entered the residence and found Saitō and his wife, Haruko, in their bedroom. They shot Saitō dead, prompting Haruko to plead for her life, saying, "Please kill me instead!" While they pulled her away, she was unwittingly wounded by stray gunfire. Following Saitō's assassination, two officers directed another group to target General Watanabe, while the remaining men moved to strategically position themselves northeast of the Ministry of War. In Kōjimachi, Captain Teruzō Andō commanded 200 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to assault Suzuki's residence across from the Imperial Palace. After disarming the police on duty, they located Suzuki in his bedroom and shot him twice. When Andō moved to deliver the coup de grâce with his sword, Suzuki's wife implored to be allowed to do it herself, believing her husband to be fatally wounded. Andō obliged and, apologizing for the act, explained it was for the nation's sake. After saluting Suzuki, the soldiers left to guard the Miyakezaka junction north of the Ministry of War. Following the assault on Saitō, a party of twenty men, led by 2nd Lieutenants Tarō Takahashi and Yutaka Yasuda, headed to Watanabe's residence in Ogikubo after 7:00 AM. Despite the two-hour delay since previous attacks, no measures had been taken to alert Watanabe. As they attempted to storm the front entrance, military police inside opened fire, wounding Yasuda and another soldier. The troops then gained entry through the rear, confronting Watanabe's wife outside their bedroom. After shoving her aside, they found Watanabe using a futon as cover. He opened fire, prompting one soldier to retaliate with a light machine gun. Takahashi then rushed in and fatally stabbed Watanabe, witnessed by his nine-year-old daughter, Kazuko, who hid nearby. The soldiers departed, taking their wounded to a hospital before positioning themselves in northern Nagatachō. In a significant move, Captain Shirō Nonaka led nearly a third of the rebel forces, comprising 500 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment, to assault the Tokyo Metropolitan Police headquarters. Their objective was to secure communication equipment and prevent dispatch of the police's Emergency Service Unit. Meeting no resistance, they quickly occupied the building, possibly due to a strategic decision to leave the situation in the military's hands. After securing the police headquarters, 2nd Lieutenant Kinjirō Suzuki led a small group to attack Fumio Gotō's residence, the Home Minister's, but found that Gotō was not home, thus allowing him to escape. This attack appeared to result from Suzuki's independent decision, rather than a coordinated effort among the officers. Despite all of these actions, the Kodoha boys had failed to secure the Sakashita Gate to the palace, which allowed the palace to maintain communication with the outside world, and they neglected to address potential naval interventions. At the Yokosuka naval base, Rear Adm. Yonai Mitsumasa and his chief of staff, Inoue Shigeyoshi, positioned marines to defend the Navy Ministry and prepared warships in Tokyo Bay to suppress the rebellion. By the morning of February 28, after unsuccessful negotiations through sympathetic officers at army headquarters, the commander under martial law transmitted an imperial order to disperse. Most troops returned to their barracks, one officer committed suicide, and the remaining leaders surrendered, resulting in the uprising ending with minimal further violence. Nevertheless, martial law in Tokyo continued for nearly five months. The rebel officers had initially planned for General Kawashima, a staunch ally of the Kodoha, to relay their intentions to the emperor, who they assumed would issue a decree for a “Showa restoration.” Despite their radical objectives of overthrowing the political order, the mutineers, like other military and civilian extremists of the 1930s, sought to operate within the imperial framework and maintain the kokutai. They believed the emperor was under the control of his advisers and lacked a genuine will of his own. Once the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and the Grand Chamberlain were removed, they expected the emperor to appoint General Mazaki as prime minister, a leader they believed would reinforce the military and effectively address the China issue. At the onset of the insurrection, they had a real chance of success. The Tokyo military police commander, General Kashii Kohei, sympathized with their cause, and the emperor's chief aide, General Honjo, was related to rebel officer Capain Yamaguchi Ichitaro. Support for the mutineers was present at military bases nationwide. Historian Hata Ikuhiko notes that the rebels contacted General Honjo by both phone and written message before attacking the Okada cabinet. As the first in the imperial entourage to learn of the mutiny, Honjo could have warned the intended targets but chose not to do so. By the time he arrived at court at 6:00 am. on the 26th, key advisors like Chief Secretary Kido, Imperial Household Minister Yuasa Kurahei, and Vice Grand Chamberlain Hirohata Tadakata were already aware of the potential danger. Suzuki was murdered, and the emperor was deeply affected, awakening to the news at 5:40 am from the chamberlain on night duty, Kanroji Osanaga. He learned that his old ministers had been attacked and a coup was underway. Upon receiving this information, Hirohito resolved to suppress the uprising. He was outraged by the killing of his ministers and feared that the rebels might use his brother, Prince Chichibu, to force him to abdicate. He donned his army uniform and summoned Honjo, ordering him to “end it immediately and turn this misfortune into a blessing.” Hirohito adopted a strategy proposed by Kido, who had acted swiftly earlier that morning, instructing Honjo to assess the Imperial Guard Division's potential actions if the mutineers advanced on the Palace. Kido aimed to prevent the establishment of a new provisional cabinet until the mutiny was fully quelled. At 9:30 am Army Minister Kawashima, who had previously met with one of the rebel officers, arrived at court. He urged the emperor to form a cabinet that would “clarify the kokutai, stabilize national life, and fulfill national defense.” Surprised by Kawashima's tone, Hirohito reprimanded him for not prioritizing the suppression of the mutiny. He also expressed his frustration to Chief of the Navy General Staff Prince Fushimi, dismissing him when he inquired about forming a new cabinet. Later that day, Kawashima met with the Supreme Military Council, consisting mainly of army officers sympathetic to the rebels. The council decided to attempt persuasion before relaying the emperor's orders a move contrary to Hirohito's directive. According to historian Otabe Yuji, an “instruction” was issued to the rebel officers at 10:50 am, acknowledging their motives and suggesting the emperor might show them leniency. This message was communicated to the ringleaders by martial law commander General Kashii. That evening, when members of the Okada cabinet came to submit their resignations, Hirohito insisted they remain in power until the mutiny was resolved. On February 27, the second day of the uprising, Hirohito announced “administrative martial law” based on Article 8 of the Imperial Constitution. This invoked his sovereign powers to address the crisis while freeing him from needing cabinet approval for his actions. Hirohito displayed remarkable energy throughout the subsequent days, sending chamberlains to summon Honjo for updates and threatening to lead the Imperial Guard Division himself when dissatisfied with the reports. Honjo, however, resisted the emperor's demands and exhibited sympathy for the rebels. During the uprising, Hirohito met with Prince Chichibu, who had recently returned from Hirosaki. Their discussions reportedly led Chichibu to distance himself from the rebels. However, rumors of his sympathy for them persisted, leading to concerns about potential conflicts within the imperial family. On the second day, Rear Admiral Yonai and his chief of staff demonstrated their loyalty to Hirohito. By February 29, the fourth day of the uprising, Hirohito had reasserted his authority, troops were returning to their barracks, and most rebel leaders were captured. Seventeen of these leaders were court-martialed and executed in July without legal representation. Shortly after, during the obon festival, Hirohito allegedly instructed a military aide to secure seventeen obon lanterns for the palace. This action, though secret, may have provided him some personal comfort amidst the turmoil. An investigation following the mutiny revealed that the rebels' sense of crisis was amplified by the recent general elections, which had shown an anti-military sentiment among voters. Despite their populist rhetoric, most ringleaders were not motivated by the agricultural depression; their goal was to support the kokutai by advocating for increased military rearmament. During this period, military spending steadily rose from 3.47% of GNP in 1931 to 5.63% in 1936. Intriguingly, the ringleaders and their senior commanders shared a desire for state control over production to mobilize resources fully for total war. While united in this goal, their ideas about how to achieve a “Showa restoration” varied greatly, with some leaders, like Isobe, calling for complete economic consolidation and a return to strong state power. The February mutiny reinforced Hirohito's belief in the constitutional framework that underpinned his military authority. He became increasingly cautious about decisions that could compromise his command and developed closer ties to the army's Control faction, justifying military spending increases. Yet, the memory of the mutiny left him feeling uncertain about the throne's stability. Now you know me, whenever I can bring up Hirohito's involvement in the war related times I gotta do. After WW2, in an apparent effort to downplay his role as supreme commander, Hirohito provided a deliberately distorted account of the February events. “I issued an order at that time for the rebel force to be suppressed. This brings to mind Machida Chuji, the finance minister. He was very worried about the rebellion's adverse effect on the money market and warned me that a panic could occur unless I took firm measures. Therefore I issued a strong command to have [the uprising] put down. As a rule, because a suppression order also involves martial law, military circles, who cannot issue such an order on their own, need the mutual consent of the government. However, at the time, Okada's whereabouts were unknown. As the attitude of the Army Ministry seemed too lenient, I issued a strict order. Following my bitter experiences with the Tanaka cabinet, I had decided always to wait for the opinions of my advisers before making any decision, and not to go against their counsel. Only twice, on this occasion and at the time of the ending of the war, did I positively implement my own ideas. Ishiwara Kanji of the Army General Staff Office also asked me, through military aide Chojiri [Kazumoto], to issue a suppression order. I don't know what sort of a person Ishiwara is, but on this occasion he was correct, even though he had been the instigator of the Manchurian Incident. Further, my chief military aide, Honjo, brought me the plan drafted by Yamashita Hobun, in which Yamashita asked me to please send an examiner because the three leaders of the rebel army were likely to commit suicide. However, I thought that sending an examiner would imply that they had acted according to their moral convictions and were deserving of respect. . . . So I rejected Honjo's proposal, and [instead] issued the order to suppress them. I received no report that generals in charge of military affairs had gone and urged the rebels to surrender.”  On February 26, when Hirohito ordered the immediate suppression of the rebels, his anger was directed not only at the insurgents who had assassinated his closest advisors but also at senior army officers who were indecisive in executing the crackdown. The following day, in addition to his role as Minister of Commerce and Industry, Machida took on the responsibilities of finance minister. Concerns over economic panic and confusion contributed to the emperor's sense of urgency, despite not being the primary motivation for his actions. Hirohito believed that every hour of delay tarnished Japan's international reputation. Since the Manchurian Incident, the emperor had frequently clashed with the military regarding encroachments on his authority, though never about fundamental policy issues. At times, he had managed to assert his political views during policy discussions, similar to his earlier influence under the Hamaguchi cabinet. The February 26 mutiny highlighted to Hirohito and Yuasa his privy seal from March 1936 to June 1940, and the first lord keeper of the privy seal to attend court regularly the necessity of fully exercising the emperor's supreme command whenever the situation demanded it. Even when faced with opposition from Honjo, Hirohito managed to gain support and assert his authority through a decisive approach. His resolution marked the end of a period during which alienated “young officers” attempted to leverage his influence as a reformist figure to challenge a power structure they could not manipulate effectively. However, Hirohito learned how to adeptly manage that establishment in most situations. The decision-making process within the government was characterized by secrecy, indirect communication, vague policy drafting, and information manipulation, creating a landscape of confusion, misunderstanding, and constant intrigue aimed at achieving consensus among elites. This was the modus operandi in Tokyo and a reflection of how the emperor operated. Once again, Hirohito reminded the tightly-knit elite that he was essential to the functioning of the system. On May 4, 1936, during his address at the opening ceremony of the Sixty-ninth Imperial Diet, while Tokyo remained under martial law, Hirohito closed the chapter on the February mutiny. Initially, he contemplated sending a strong message of censure to the military, but after considerable deliberation over three months, he ultimately chose to issue a brief, innocuous statement: “We regret the recent incident that occurred in Tokyo.” The response from his audience of Diet members and military officials was one of startled awe, with some privately expressing disappointment. Once again, at a critical juncture, Hirohito avoided an opportunity to publicly rein in the military through his constitutional role. Nonetheless, due to his behind-the-scenes actions, the drift in domestic policy that had characterized Japan since the Manchurian Incident came to an end. In the following fourteen months, the emperor and his advisors largely aligned with the army and navy's demands for increased military expansion and state-driven industrial development. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. So some very unruly young Japanese officers got the bright idea of forcing a showa restoration by killing all the culprits they believed held their emperor hostage. Little did they know, this event spelt the end of the Kodoha faction and rise of the Toseiha faction. Henceforth the military was even more in charge and would get even more insane.   

The Finance Minister's keeping a cool head, despite being the subject of some colourful language in yesterday's papers. The Post's Andrea Vance wrote a column on Sunday levelling the c-word at Nicola Willis - as well as Judith Collins, Louise Upston, Nicola Grigg, Brooke van Velden and Erica Stanford in response to the Government's pay equity changes. Nicola Willis says she's used to criticism and insults as part of politics, but she's voiced concerns about the implications for other women. "I always think about other young women who want to go into politics, and I don't want them to think that it's okay to have their gender weaponised against them - and I don't want any young women to think there's a difference between girl maths and boy maths. It's called maths." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Economist and former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis discusses the merits and pitfalls of Trump's tariff plan, growing populist movements in Europe, the EU's "dangerous" and misguided push toward military Keynesianism, and Israel's destruction of Gaza. ----------------------------------------------------- Watch full episodes on Rumble, streamed LIVE 7pm ET. Become part of our Locals community Follow System Update:  Twitter Instagram TikTok Facebook LinkedIn  

With two weeks left to go until Budget day, Chris Luxon addressed a crowd at a BusinessNZ event in Auckland today. Luxon reiterated that the Government won't be splashing the cash this year - and claimed the Finance Minister was right to promise it won't be a Budget lolly scramble. Newstalk ZB political editor Jason Walls says this wasn't the kind of pre-Budget announcement that would make the nation sit up and take notice - and that was by design. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Jilan Wahba Abdalmajid, Palestinian Ambassador to Ireland, reacts to Israel Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich saying that a victory for Israel in Gaza means the Palestinian territory will be 'destroyed'

Melanie Swan, journalist based in Tel Aviv, reports on the reaction to the Israeli finance minister saying 'Gaza will be entirely destroyed'.

In this quick bite: Leighton Roberts sits down with NZ Finance Minister Nicola Willis. Where are the inspiring local success stories and why don't we hear much about innovative Kiwi businesses? Plus - the government's fiscal strategy, current debt levels and the path to budget balance and why New Zealand's size might be its advantage. This clip is taken from our previous episode '' For more or to watch on YouTube—check out http://linktr.ee/sharedlunch If there are any companies, sectors, or topics you'd like to see on Shared Lunch, flick us an email at sharedlunch@sharesies.co.nz to let us know.Investing involves risk. This episode is brought to you by Sharesies Limited (NZ) in New Zealand.Information provided is general advice only and current at the time and does not take into account your objectives, financial situation and needs. We do not provide recommendations and you should always read the product disclosure documents available from the product issuer before making a financial decision. Our disclosure documents, including a Target Market Determination for Sharesies, can be found on our website at https://sharesies.com.au/disclosures. If you require financial advice, you should seek advice from a qualified financial advisor. The views expressed by individuals are their own and Sharesies does not endorse any of the guests or the views they hold.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Finance Minister says she steers clear of emails - following a recent ministerial scandal. This follows 1News reports that Erica Stanford sent pre-Budget announcements to her personal email before they were announced last year - one of tens of examples since she's been a Minister. Her use of personal email could be a breach of the Cabinet manual - which all ministers are obliged to follow. Nicola Willis says she's never really sending emails. "I'm meeting with people face to face or I'm talking to my team and saying - look, could you just make sure that that minister's aware of this. Sometimes we do formal correspondence, letters and the like, but very rarely am I sitting at my keyboard." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's re-election is cementing a belief US policy is influencing voters abroad. The Labor Party has secured a historic, and comfortable win over Peter Dutton's Liberal National Coalition - with Dutton himself ousted from his own Queensland seat. Over in Canada, Mark Carney secured the role of Prime Minister - with experts claiming anti-Trump sentiment helped propel his win. Former Finance Minister Steven Joyce says the political right has learned the same lesson as the left about online 'echo chambers'. "The broad middle of politics is much more pragmatic about what they want to see happen in the world, they're not so much interested in the culture wars - be they on the left or on the right." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Motheo Khoaripe speaks to Khaya Sithole, an independent analyst, about the R2 billion guarantee approved by Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana to secure Ithala Bank's retail depositors, amid controversy and opposition from KwaZulu-Natal finance MEC Francois Rodgers. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape. Thank you for listening to The Money Show podcast. Listen live - The Money Show with Stephen Grootes is broadcast weekdays between 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) on 702 and CapeTalk. There’s more from the show at www.themoneyshow.co.za Subscribe to the Money Show daily and weekly newsletters The Money Show is brought to you by Absa. Follow us on: 702 on Facebook: www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: www.instagram.com/talkradio702 702 on X: www.x.com/Radio702 702 on YouTube: www.youtube.com/@radio702 CapeTalk on Facebook: www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: www.instagram.com/capetalkza CapeTalk on X: www.x.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on YouTube: www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In this BizNews Briefing, Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana responds to resignation calls, Helen Zille shares DA strategy ahead of May 21, and Dr. Frans Cronje weighs in on shifting GNU dynamics. Plus, market insights on Microsoft and Meta, and a fresh look at rugby's crowded calendar.

To unpack what we can expect from the Treasury’s briefing and what this means for the country's finances and future planning, Africa is joined by EWN Parliamentary Correspondent Babalo Ndenze. Follow us on:CapeTalk on Facebook: www.facebook.com/CapeTalkCapeTalk on TikTok: www.tiktok.com/@capetalkCapeTalk on Instagram: www.instagram.com/capetalkzaCapeTalk on YouTube: www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567CapeTalk on X: www.x.com/CapeTalkSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nicola Willis is looking to further rein in Government spending in next month's Budget - but one expert has warned it won't go far enough. The Finance Minister is slashing the operating allowance from $2.4 billion to $1.3 billion. She's targeting a return to surplus in 2029. NZ Initiative economist Eric Crampton says Government spending has been running too high for years - and cuts need to be made to save the situation. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In a speech on Tuesday, the Finance Minister revealed the operating allowance - that is the new money the government's got to spend is basically being halved, from $2.4 billion to $1.3 billion dollars. Nicola Willis spoke to Lisa Owen. 

The Finance Minister has shaved a billion dollars off the government's spending limit with more cuts to public services. Nicola Willis said she's worked hard to avoid the mistakes of austerity budgets of the past, balancing growth with investment. She's confident about getting back to surplus by 2029, saying New Zealand must curb its borrowing. Political reporter Russell Palmer was at the minister's pre-Budget announcement on Tuesday and filed this report.

The Finance Minister has virtually halved the amount of new money the govenrment will spend in next month's budget from 2.4 billion dollars to 1.3 billion. Nicola Willis made the announcement during a speech on Tuesday, while also giving more clues about what to expect in the not so big reveal. Checkpoint hit the streets to ask people in West Auckland's Avondale what government spending is important to them. Gareth Kiernan, Infometric's Chief Forecaster spoke to Lisa Owen.

A former Finance Minister says cutbacks to public spending need to be seen in context. Finance Minister Nicola Willis has confirmed a drastic cut to the operating allowance in next month's Budget, from $2.4 billion to $1.3 billion. There will be no new funding for most Government departments, with the focus being on priority areas and paying off debt. Steven Joyce told Mike Hosking there's still scope to reduce spending. He says Government spending has doubled in the past eight years while inflation has only gone up about 30% in the same time. Joyce is also saying there's growing public appetite for more public sector restraint. The Government's ruling out giving most departments any additional funding in the next Budget, but Joyce says reaching that target will depend a lot on the international economy. However, he told Hosking there are still lots of changes that can be made to bring down government spending. Joyce says making those changes requires a bit of work and requires ministers having a good political radar and knowing what can't be cut. LISTEN ABOVE See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Government is set to half its operating allowance, through a $1b cut in the upcoming budget. It means a small number of government departments will receiveadditional funding this year. Finance Minister Nicola Willis talks to Heather du Plessis-Allan about the cut. LISTEN ABOVE.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Government's halfling their operating allowance in the budget out at the end of May. They say they have freed up “billions” in additional public service cuts to allocate more money into the country's “most pressing priorities.” Economist Cameron Bagrie talks to Heather du Plessis-Allan about the announcement. LISTEN ABOVE.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Finance Minister has announced the government will slash its new spending in the upcoming budget. Political editor Jo Moir spoke to Corin Dann.

The Finance Minister has announced the government will cut new spending in the upcoming budget. Labour Party leader Chris Hipkins spoke to Corin Dann.

In today's episode, the Finance Minister has announced the government will slash new spending in the upcoming budget, Wellington will elect a new mayor later this year after Tory Whanau confirmed she won't run for a second term, the Canadian election cycle has been dominated by high cost of living and the country's relationship with the US, a huge unexplained power cut took out electricity in Spain, Portugal and parts of France, what lots of households pay for their power bills has increased this month, and the election campaign is heating up in Australia.

The Finance Minister is calling on Auckland Council to be transparent about its Waitākere Ranges management plan. The proposed plan would see Iwi, the Department of Conservation, the Council and local boards on a committee. Finance Minister Nicola Willis says she's heard a range of views about whether or not it equates to co-governance. She says they should come clean about it to reduce confusion. "And I think they should be very clear with their ratepayers about what they're doing - and why they're doing it." Auckland Councillor Richard Hills says the board doesn't have final say and is only for consultation and suggestions. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A trade deal that would see the European Union and the US zero out tariffs on industrial products would be the best way to resolve the current tensions, according to German Finance Minister Joerg Kukies. He expands on this with Bloomberg's Lisa AbramowiczSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Clement Manyathela and the listeners discuss the political manoeuvring that led to the announcement. The Clement Manyathela Show is broadcast on 702, a Johannesburg based talk radio station, weekdays from 09:00 to 12:00 (SA Time). Clement Manyathela starts his show each weekday on 702 at 9 am taking your calls and voice notes on his Open Line. In the second hour of his show, he unpacks, explains, and makes sense of the news of the day. Clement has several features in his third hour from 11 am that provide you with information to help and guide you through your daily life. As your morning friend, he tackles the serious as well as the light-hearted, on your behalf. Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Clement Manyathela Show. Listen live – The Clement Manyathela Show is broadcast weekdays between 09:00 and 12:00 (SA Time) on 702 https://www.primediaplus.com/station/702 Find all the catch-up podcasts here https://www.primediaplus.com/702/the-clement-manyathela-show/audio-podcasts/the-clement-manyathela-show/ Subscribe to the 702 daily and weekly newsletters https://www.primediaplus.com/competitions/newsletter-subscription/  Follow us on social media: 702 on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702   702 on TikTok: www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702  702 on Instagram: www.instagram.com/talkradio702  702 on X: www.x.com/Radio702  702 on YouTube: www.youtube.com/@radio702  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Clement Manyathela speaks to Sinawo Thambo, an EFF Member of Parliament, calling for the immediate resignation of the finance minister and the Director-General following the minister’s announcement of a vat hike reversal. The Clement Manyathela Show is broadcast on 702, a Johannesburg based talk radio station, weekdays from 09:00 to 12:00 (SA Time). Clement Manyathela starts his show each weekday on 702 at 9 am taking your calls and voice notes on his Open Line. In the second hour of his show, he unpacks, explains, and makes sense of the news of the day. Clement has several features in his third hour from 11 am that provide you with information to help and guide you through your daily life. As your morning friend, he tackles the serious as well as the light-hearted, on your behalf. Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Clement Manyathela Show. Listen live – The Clement Manyathela Show is broadcast weekdays between 09:00 and 12:00 (SA Time) on 702 https://www.primediaplus.com/station/702 Find all the catch-up podcasts here https://www.primediaplus.com/702/the-clement-manyathela-show/audio-podcasts/the-clement-manyathela-show/ Subscribe to the 702 daily and weekly newsletters https://www.primediaplus.com/competitions/newsletter-subscription/  Follow us on social media: 702 on Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702   702 on TikTok: www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702  702 on Instagram: www.instagram.com/talkradio702  702 on X: www.x.com/Radio702  702 on YouTube: www.youtube.com/@radio702  See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Finance Minister is preparing to tweak the Family Boost payment plan, admitting IRD had the wrong numbers on eligible families. Data to April 9 reveals 249 families received the maximum payment of $975 dollars a quarter - since the scheme came into effect last year. Nicola Willis had said 21,000 families were eligible when launching the policy, but now concedes the modelling was wrong. She says she wants to make sure families in need get the money. "We put aside hundreds of millions of dollars for this policy because the uptake has been lower than the IRD basically estimated - we're not on track to actually get all that money out the door." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In today's BizNews Briefing, a major political shift as the Finance Minister moves to settle the DA's legal challenge against the VAT hike - a win for the opposition and the people of South Africa. Economist Dawie Roodt weighs in on the political impact, while George Glynos highlights that cutting wasteful spending remains key. Also, Colonel Chris Wyatt interviews FF+ leader Dr. Corné Mulder on the ANC's slipping support. And to close the show, coverage on the IMF's latest global outlook and Elon Musk's pivot as Tesla faces fresh challenges.

The International Monetary Fund and World Bank Group spring meetings are under way in Washington, with warnings of a tariff-fuelled hit to the global economy. Asian finance ministers hope to ease some of the tensions. Plus: an interview with Roberto Cingolani of Italian defence giant Leonardo, Tim Marshall’s new book, and a programme for teaching soft skills to Gen Z.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Finance Minister has adamantly denied any suggestions of the Government trying to interfere in the Reserve Bank. Critics have raised concerns that the Reserve Bank's temporary Governor and Chair are acting to appeal to Nicola Willis' interests. NZ Herald Wellington business editor Jenee Tibshraeny explains further. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

There's less than a month to go until the 2025 Budget is unveiled - and the Finance Minister has been clear about the goals she aims to tackle. Nicola Willis says New Zealand has been in a significant deficit since 2019, and she's determined to get back into surplus by 2027/2028. She explained getting the country back into surplus will help to pay down debt. "We're borrowing every day right now to keep our hospitals, schools and police going - but we can't do that forever as a country, we need to get the books back in balance." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Some questions for you around the Reserve Bank and their funding. Firstly, the Finance Minister is to be congratulated on her handling of the fiscal matters in reducing the expenditure by 25% – this is a DOGE like achievement. In fact, if you have been following DOGE, what they said they would do and what they have done is like a lot of the Trump output so far, mainly hot air. So in fact, Willis leaves them somewhat in her dust. Then came the revelation from the cabinet papers that a lot of the extra money the Reserve Bank had got hadn't been spent... this is possibly referred to as waste and was a good insight into how Adrian and Grant ran the place. But despite the fact it hadn't been spent, all of a sudden just before Nicola came along, it did get spent. Budgets in areas like people and tech info and data were spending like drunks. So clearly Willis has seen their scam, called their bluff, and got her way. Good on her. But the bigger question is this, with all that money, tens of millions a year, were they any good, and did that money buy good results? Were good people doing good work? Well history shows us obviously the answer is no. Our Covid response is now widely seen as inept. Our three recessions, the outworking of a complete and utter cock up when it came to handling a financial crisis. We have smaller issues still at play like the reserves for commercial banks, an out working of the OCR paranoia. For all that money we seem to have employed a Central Bank that did worse than most, to this day Treasury —and this might be on Treasury not the Reserve Bank— cannot work out the value of all that money flooding into the economy. What did it do? What was its value? If they can't work it out, did the Reserve Bank know going in or were they panicked and flying blind? Why did they give that free money to the banks with no restrictions on what happened to it next? There remain the unanswered questions years later, the out workings of which we economically are still paying for. So the 25% cut is one story, the other is what we got for our investment. How would you describe a return that bad? And given it went to the inept, is 25% enough? See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Swami - The Life Breath of Our Family Mrs Shailaja Patil comes from a family that has deeply loved Swami for four generations. Her grandfather Sri Ramdas Raje Shirke came to Bhagawan in the 1950s, and since then, Swami has been their family's God, Guru, Guiding Light, and life-breath. She is the wife of Mr Jayant Patil, who earlier served as the Finance Minister of Maharashtra for ten consecutive years. Through the decades of association with Swami, Mrs Shailaja was blessed to have had many interactions and interviews with Bhagawan. Recalling all those precious moments, in this Satsang, she shares how Bhagawan had saved the life of her husband in a fatal accident in 2001, how Bhagawan gifted her with the Hiranyagarbha lingam in 2002, how Swami miraculously protected her second son when he was in her womb and many more such incredible instances of overwhelming grace. She is also the author of two books, ‘Sai Divyatwam Gayatri' and ‘Sai Mana Shivaya'. Her third endeavour, the online audiobook ‘Sathya Sai Wisdom Whispers' was offered to Bhagawan in Sai Kulwant Hall on April 7, 2025.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis spoke to Corin Dann on what Trump's pause on tariffs means for New Zealand.

Clement Manyathela speaks to Herman Mashaba, ActionSA President to discuss his party’s understanding of whether his party was duped into believing that there wont be a VAT increase.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Stock markets are the world are hugely volatile after the imposition of US tariffs EU Trade Ministers have met in Luxembourg to discuss Trumps tariffs. Sam Fenwick speaks to Spain's Finance Minister, Carlos Cuerpo. Asian markets led the way with big selloffs. We speak to Yeo Han-koo, South Korea's former finance minister.

Are you still trying to get your head around what this budget means for you? Well Victoria went straight to Parliament House to sit down with Finance Minister & Minister for Women Katy Gallagher and ask the questions we actually care about... no fluff, no jargon, just real answers about what this budget means for you. They cover everything from HECS indexation changes and rent relief to energy bill support, women’s health funding, and that massive $27 billion deficit. And yes she straight-up asked if it’s all just pre-election hype.They unpack:

From the BBC World Service: Russia and Ukraine have agreed to “eliminate the use of force” in the Black Sea after parallel talks with U.S. negotiators in Saudi Arabia. We’ll hear the latest. Then, the U.K. Finance Minister is expected to outline cuts to welfare and government spending. And a BBC investigation has found that instead of being recycled, the U.K. is shipping millions of used tires to India.

The latest price moves and insights with Jennifer Sanasie and Bilal Bin Saqib, Chief Adviser to Pakistan's Finance Minister and CEO of the Pakistan Crypto Council.To get the show every day, follow the podcast here.Bilal Bin Saqib, Chief Adviser to Pakistan's Finance Minister and CEO of the Pakistan Crypto Council, joins CoinDesk to discuss the country's evolving stance on digital asset innovation. Plus, Pakistan's advantage in the age of crypto with its young, digitally savvy population and surplus energy, which are being leveraged to attract bitcoin miners and AI data centers.This content should not be construed or relied upon as investment advice. It is for entertainment and general information purposes.-Friends, DeFi is having a moment — Uniswap Labs' web app and wallet connect you to the excitement. Swapping and bridging are simple, low cost, and lightning fast across 13 chains, including Base, Arbitrum and Unichain, the new Layer 2 network designed for DeFi.Thanks to deep liquidity on Uniswap Protocols, you get minimal price impact on every trade, now with even greater efficiency through Uniswap v4.Swap, send, on-ramp, off-ramp, and bridge into a bright future — get started at uniswap.org.-This episode was hosted by Jennifer Sanasie. “Markets Daily” is produced by Jennifer Sanasie and edited by Victor Chen.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

From the BBC World Service: Russia and Ukraine have agreed to “eliminate the use of force” in the Black Sea after parallel talks with U.S. negotiators in Saudi Arabia. We’ll hear the latest. Then, the U.K. Finance Minister is expected to outline cuts to welfare and government spending. And a BBC investigation has found that instead of being recycled, the U.K. is shipping millions of used tires to India.

Watch the conversation on YouTube: https://youtu.be/OrSnIuzd-FcTo contact us, sign up for updates, and access transcripts, visit: https://arkmedia.org/Dan on X: https://x.com/dansenorDan on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/dansenorArk Media on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/arkmediaorg In the immediate aftermath of October 7, 2023, many Israelis expected a political reckoning. Yet, no clear alternative to Netanyahu has emerged. While there is no shortage of politicians who oppose him, the power of those on the center and the left seems stymied at best. We invited the leader of the official opposition in Israel's Knesset to the podcast to discuss what he and his party stand for, whether the center of gravity of Israel's politics has shifted, and why Israel's political opposition does not appear to be a major force today. Yair Lapid is a former journalist and the founder and leader of Israel's centrist Yesh Atid party. Since entering politics in 2013, Lapid has served as Israel's Finance Minister, Foreign Minister, and for a brief time, Prime Minister. He is now Leader of the Opposition.   CREDITS:ILAN BENATAR - Producer & EditorMARTIN HUERGO - Sound EditorYARDENA SCHWARTZ - Executive Editor, Ark MediaGABE SILVERSTEIN - ResearchYUVAL SEMO - Music Composer