Podcasts about finance ministers

The Finance Minister's revealed top-level legal advice was sought over the Reserve Bank's battle with Treasury for funding. The bank received less money than it anticipated in the latest funding round - which prompted Adrian Orr to quit as Governor. NZ Herald Wellington business editor Jenee Tibshraeny unpacks the issue further. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Tonight on The Panel, Wallace Chapman is joined by panellists Paula Penfold and Conor English Paula goes behind the scenes on her breakthorugh story this week about former Prime Minister staffer Michael Forbes; the nation's disaster monitoring centre is hit by funding cuts and The Finance Minister is being accused of opening a can of worms for considering giving farmers early access to their Kiwisavers.

Most of Canada's provincial finance ministers have received low grades from Canada's taxpayer watchdog. Alberta has lifted their ban on American-made liquor, but a hefty surtax on the products remains. Despite Prime Minister Mark Carney's indication of interest, a sizable majority of Canadians reject joining President Donald Trump's Golden Dome program. Tune into The Daily Brief with Cosmin Dzsurdzsa and Noah Jarvis! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Finance Minister says a move to require wool carpets in state housing makes financial sense. Nicola Willis has announced a change to Kainga Ora's supplier agreement that will see it re-open its previously nylon-only carpet tender process. From the start of next month, all public entities will also be required to use woollen fibres where practical and appropriate. Willis told Mike Hosking officials have told her it makes sense for Kainga Ora to make this change. She says it's cost-neutral, and it performs well across a number of other dimensions. Nicola Willis says the Reserve Bank should never be exempt from cost-cutting across the public sector. Newly released documents show Adrian Orr's abrupt resignation as Governor came after he was denied the Budget allocation he was seeking. The Finance Minister says the central bank still has the funding it requires to do its statutory duties. She told Hosking the Reserve Bank can't operate as a "gilded palace" – it needs to be fiscally responsible, like all other government departments. Willis says any idea that the Reserve Bank doesn't need to abide by the same funding constraints as other Government agencies is wrong. LISTEN ABOVE See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

It's seven years since Sir Bill English left politics but the former Prime Minister and long serving Finance Minister is still a keen follower of the political landscape and how the economic outlook for the country can be improved.In conversation with Peter Williams for the latest Taxpayer Talk podcast, Sir Bill maintains that the political battle over National Superannuation has been won and governments will have to pay a universal pension  to every senior citizen for the foreseeable future. But as he did when in government, Sir Bill believes that the age of eligibility must be raised from 65. He also has some harsh words on the performance of public servants and notes that many government organisations should be much better managed.A politician for nearly 30 years, Sir Bill now has the luxury of watching government from the sidelines and much of what he sees really frustrates him.Support the show

The first "honourable" guest on the pod, Barbara Edmonds wears many hats, former Cabinet Minister, specialist tax lawyer, and mother of eight. In this episode, she shares her path into politics, from living in poverty to what she's learned along the way, and the often unseen realities of life in Parliament. We unpack what it was like working alongside Jacinda Ardern, how she balances family and public service, and the pressures that come with both. Barbara also offers her take on what many young people misunderstand about politics and the economy, and why bridging that gap matters. A thoughtful, grounded conversation with New Zealand's future Finance Minister, Really enjoyed this ep! Hope you do too, regardless of where you sit politically. Please remember to hit subscribe, click follow or rate 5 stars, it helps the pod grow!  Moana Road (Use Discount Code BTS20 for 20% off!) – https://moanaroad.co.nz/ Kaboose Media – https://www.kaboosemedia.co.nz/ Beyond the Surface Insta – https://www.instagram.com/beyond_the_surfacenz/ Noa Woolloff Insta – https://www.instagram.com/noawoolloff/ Barbara Edmonds Insta – https://www.instagram.com/barbara_edmonds_mp_/?hl=en Beyond the Surface YouTube – https://www.youtube.com/@beyondthesurfacenz Spotify – https://open.spotify.com/show/4ZArq1WSsV1pMID1dkHbBL?si=ae3f007dd7794cde Noa Woolloff Insta – https://www.instagram.com/noawoolloff/    

Tshidi Madia in for Clement Manyathela speaks to Wayne Duvenage, the OUTA Chief Executive Officer about the EFF’s urgent court application against an increase in the fuel levy. The Clement Manyathela Show is broadcast on 702, a Johannesburg based talk radio station, weekdays from 09:00 to 12:00 (SA Time). Clement Manyathela starts his show each weekday on 702 at 9 am taking your calls and voice notes on his Open Line. In the second hour of his show, he unpacks, explains, and makes sense of the news of the day. Clement has several features in his third hour from 11 am that provide you with information to help and guide you through your daily life. As your morning friend, he tackles the serious as well as the light-hearted, on your behalf. Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Clement Manyathela Show. Listen live on Primedia+ weekdays from 09:00 and 12:00 (SA Time) to The Clement Manyathela Show broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj For more from the show go to https://buff.ly/XijPLtJ or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/p0gWuPE Subscribe to the 702 Daily and Weekly Newsletters https://buff.ly/v5mfetc Follow us on social media: 702 on Facebook https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/Radio702 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Listen to this week's top stories from Nepal. - नेपाल सरकारले आगामी आर्थिक वर्ष २०८२/८३ का लागि १९ खर्ब ६४ अर्ब ११ करोडको बजेट ल्याएको छ। अध्यागमन प्रशासनलाई चुस्त र प्रभावकारी बनाउन ‘अनलाइन पेमेन्ट' र भिसा व्यवस्था लागु गर्ने अर्थमन्त्री विष्णुप्रसाद पौडेलले बताएका छन्। यो लगायत पछिल्लो सात दिनका नेपालका समाचार सुन्नुहोस्।

The Finance Minister says the latest poll will be a tough read for the Labour Party and Chris Hipkins. Labour saw a three percent drop in support to sit on 29, Chris Hipkins' preferred Prime Minister rating also fell by 1 percent. National also saw a drop in support, down 2 percent to sit on 34. Nicola Willis says even after complaining about their budget - Labour didn't see a jump in support. "Well, it gives me confidence that New Zealanders get where we are as a country - which is that we're a Government doing a big clean-up job. The books have been left in a mess." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Canadian billionaire Jim Grenon and former Finance Minister, Steven Joyce, have won positions on integrated media company NZME's board. Board positions were voted on today in a shareholder meeting - where current chair Barbara Chapman stepped down. Joyce is set to chair, and he says he's got an eye on the company's future. "It's about not necessarily slavishly following social media - it's striking your own path." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

This week, John and Elliot discuss the recent Wolfsberg 25th Anniversary Forum, the outcomes of the G7 meeting of Finance Ministers and central bank governors, the Manhattan D.A.'s office return of looted antiquities to Peru, a proposed bill in the US Senate concerning Russia sanctions, and other items impacting the financial crime prevention community.

The 2025 Budget has come and gone, but the Finance Minister has confirmed raising the superannuation age was still on National's radar after they campaigned on it in the last election. She's explained it was not on their mandates or the coalition agreement - but changes need to be phased in. Infometrics principal economist Brad Olsen weighed in on the ongoing debate. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Nicola Willis says National still hasn't decided on its superannuation policy ahead of next year's election. The Finance Minister says keeping eligibility at 65 is increasingly expensive - and Prime Minister Luxon has expressed interest in making changes. Willis says discussions will need to take place about the matter as a caucus. "What that will look like will be different from the last election - because, obviously, 3 years have gone past since then. New Zealand, as we have pointed out in the past, is quite an outlier." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Last week, Finance Minister, Nicola Willis, announced her ‘growth' Budget for 2025. In the Budget, multiple initiatives received a boost in funding.  Operational funding and capital funding for Māori education received a $54 million boost and $50 million boost respectively for Māori learner success, with a $14 million injection for Māori wardens, Pacific wardens, and the Māori women's welfare league. However, a variety of Māori initiatives have faced substantial cuts. The Māori Development Fund has had $20 million cut over four years, $32.5 million has been cut from Māori housing initiatives, and $375.5 million cut to the Kāhui Ako programme. Labour's Māori Development spokesperson, Willie Jackson, claims that overall, in Budget 2025, Māori initiatives are seeing cuts of roughly $750 million. For our weekly catchup, News and Editorial Director and Monday Wire Host, Joel, spoke to Te Pāti Māori's Takutai Kemp about Budget 2025 and it's impacts on Māori initiatives. They also spoke about the debate on the potential suspension of Te Pāti Māori co-leaders, Rawiri Waititi, and Debbie Ngarewa-Packer, and MP Hana Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke, being pushed back prior to the Budget debate.  As well as this, notably, during the Budget debate itself, both Waititi and Ngarewa-Packer were absent. However, they first discussed the 2025 Budget and Māori initiatives

With the announcement of how the government is planning to spend money over the next year comes the question of how this will impact the National Party's chances of being re-elected into power in next year's General Election. When presenting her work to Parliament, Finance Minister, Nicola Willis, said that “every Kiwi knows this government has their back”. However, elements of the Budget have been criticised by opposition parties and various activist groups, with opposition leader, Chris Hipkins, calling funding decisions in the Budget “strange and unnecessary”. The Budget can play a major role in whether a government will be re-elected or not.  Labour's 1958 Budget, for example, which has since become known as the ‘Black Budget,' resulted in Finance Minister at the time, Arnold Nordmeyer, imposing additional taxes on cars, alcohol, and tobacco, in an attempt to limit the need for international goods during the payments crisis in late 1957. This caused political tensions, and as a result, Labour lost the 1960 general election after one term. News and Editorial Director and Monday Wire Host, Joel, spoke to Brian Roper — an Associate Professor in Politics at the University of Otago, about how Budget 2025 will impact National's chances to be re-elected, and his opinion on what party, or parties, will make up the next government.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis has defended the government's budget decisions including changes to Kiwisaver, saying most workers will end up with larger retirement savings. Willis spoke to Corin Dann.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis talks to Mike Hosking about the week's big issues after the budget announcement last week. Health New Zealand's aiming to perform more than 30-thousand elective surgeries by June 2026 by outsourcing more straightforward cases to private hospitals. Willis says getting doctors and specialists on longer term contracts will get more people the care they need sooner. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon last week announced his intention to raise the retirement age. Willis says no discussions have taken place yet, but says the Government would need to be upfront with their plans. "At some point, a future government is either going to have to slap a lot more tax on people or it's going to have to front up to whether the settings can be tweaked a little bit," she says. LISTEN ABOVE. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Government unveiled their latest Budget last week - and it's prompted divided responses across both sides of the political aisle. The Finance Minister described her second Budget as 'No BS', while Prime Minister Christopher Luxon labelled it the 'Growth Budget'. Meanwhile, the opposition has been quick to take aim against it, with Labour and the Greens lambasting the KiwiSaver changes and the sanctions against teenagers on JobSeeker. NZ Herald political reporter Adam Pearse unpacked the 'mixed' responses to the Budget. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Finance Minister has taken the government's new Investment Boost scheme on the road, telling businesses the government will give them a tax incentive to invest in assets. There appears to be cross-party support for the scheme - a rare example in a Budget that's had the opposition crying foul on almost everything else. Labour's promising to reverse the pay equity changes - but can't commit to a cost, while the Greens say it can already be paid for through their own Budget. Political reporter Giles Dexter has more.

Yesterday's budget confirmed there will be no changes to superannuation. Means testing for KiwiSaver input's in, but nothing for super. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon reaffirmed his party's support for raising the retirement age to 67. But his deputy and coalition partner Winston Peters doesn't agree. Associate Finance Minister and ACT Party leader David Seymour talks to Heather du Plessis-Allan about the idea. LISTEN ABOVE. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis on the choices and trade-offs in yesterday's budget.

The government's halving its contribution to kiwisaver. Businesses will have to up theirs from 3 to 4 percent over time. They get a tax break in return. Theres an average $14 a fortnight increase to working for families, for low and middle income households. Changes to the pay equity law are saving the government 2.7 billion dollars a year. Finance Minister Nicola Willis spoke to Lisa Owen. 

The Taxpayers' Union has slammed Budget 2025 as a waste of time and hype and says the Finance Minister has failed in her promise to deliver a growth budget. Taxpayers Union executive director Jordan Williams spoke to Corin Dann.

The Finance Minister, Nicola Willis, has described the Budget as responsible, and what governments do to avoid austerity. Willis spoke to Ingrid Hipkiss.

In today's episode, the Finance Minister, Nicola Willis, has described the Budget as responsible, and what governments do to avoid austerity, Labour's Finance spokesperson says the government's changes to KiwiSaver will take money away from New Zealand's poorest workers, as part of the 2025 budget, the government will halve its yearly contributions, while minimum contributions for employers will lift to four percent in 2028, BusinessNZ is welcoming the new budget, saying it's credible and growth-oriented, and we cross the Tasman to get the latest from Kerry-Anne Walsh.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis told Morning Report that while the Budget is responsible, it has something for every New Zealander. RNZ's political editor Jo Moir and RNZ's business editor Gyles Beckford spoke to Corin Dann.

The Finance Minister is defending her budget and growth agenda, despite a surplus being some years away. The Government's books aren't set to return to surplus until 2029. Nicola Willis says that surplus is coming despite disruption on the world stage. She told Mike Hosking alongside spending cuts they're also investing to encourage businesses to grow. Willis says the biggest risk to getting back into surplus would be a slow down in the economy. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Finance Minister says refusing unemployment benefits to teenagers is about helping parents. This Budget makes 18 and 19-year-olds ineligible for JobSeeker, if their parents can support them. Nicola Willis says the Government has the same expectations as most parents. "I have met parents who say - look, I've got a 19-year-old who spends all day on the couch playing PlayStation and it's pretty difficult because you, the Government, send them a check each fortnight." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Threads and YouTube.

Stephen Grootes speaks to the Minister of Finance, Enoch Godongwana, about the budget speech, and they analyze some of the big announcements that came out of it. In other news, there is a special broadcast of the bilateral relations meeting between President Cyril Ramaphosa and President Donald Trump in Washington D.C. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Prime Minister and his front bench hold talks ahead of Monday's return to Parliament. Front and centre are affordability issues, U.S. tariffs, the war in Gaza and the new American proposal for a ‘Golden Dome'.Also: A look at Canada's relationship with Iran from Tehran. Is there an opportunity for a thaw in the frozen relations?And: We break down the new data that looks at mental health disorders in girls and young women in Canada and asks why many of them are not accessing the help they need.Plus: Another astonishing press meeting in the Oval Office, Quebec targets streaming giants, G7 finance ministers meet in Banff to discuss economic threats, and more.

The Budget's been picked up from the printers and the Finance Minister's promising no rainbows, no unicorns, and no BS. There's just one sleep to go until New Zealand finds out who's getting what - and where that money is going to come from. With a low operating allowance, the money is going to have to come from somewhere, with opposition parties poised and ready to scrutinise every line. Political reporter Giles Dexter has more.

It's Budget day and the Finance Minister Nicola Willis says there will be no lolly scramble and no BS. Political reporter Lillian Hanly has more.

There's a belief New Zealand's entering the early stages of an export-led recovery. Stats NZ data reveals it's at $1.4 billion in April, compared with a $12 million deficit last year. The dairy sector's been the big winner, up $601 million to $2.2 billion. Former Finance Minister Steven Joyce told Mike Hosking it's promising on the back of a tough three years in the sector. He says domestically people aren't spending a lot, so imports aren't coming in, but fortunately the world is buying more from us which is a great point in the cycle. LISTEN ABOVE See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

What I hope for today is a sign and a sense that what we are facing economically as a country is real, and it's real bad, and the Government see it, accept it, and chart a path forward that gives us some sort of hope. The damage done by Jacinda Ardern, Grant Robertson, Chris Hipkins, and Adrian Orr is now years long. You can't invent money in that volume without spending the ensuing years trying to dig yourself out of it. The start has been made. The cutbacks have begun and the screaming, wailing, and upset has ensued. But there is a lot more where that came from. The seeds of recovery are real, manufacturing is expanding, and has been for several months, but services aren't. Sentiment isn't. The farmers have struck gold, but the weather has been exceptionally kind, as have Americans with their passion for burgers. Our debt is shocking. We are not running a surplus on an annual basis and still won't be for years. The Finance Minister today has virtually nothing to play with; no excess, no lolly, and no largesse. She has, I hope, found a fortune in savings and she will redirect that to better places. I pray she isn't borrowing on top of what we have already incurred. If she has, she may well be making a generational mistake, given Treasury says 50% debt by way of GDP is it, and we are close enough to that to worry the conservatives. In a sense today should wrap some numbers and forecasts around the rhetoric, being we are open for businesses, we are pro-growth, we are big on infrastructure and most importantly, fiscally as well as economically, we are not going to die wondering. Today is not a day for a dollar here and a dollar there. It is not an itch-scratching exercise. It should be a document that lays an ongoing foundation for the major project that is the economic resuscitation of the New Zealand economy. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Stephen Grootes speaks to the Minister of Finance, Enoch Godongwana, about the budget speech that was delivered today, and they analyze some of the big announcements that came out of the speech. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Stephen Grootes previews the Finance Minister’s third attempt at tabling the budget for the 2025/26 fiscal year with Mpho Molopyane, Chief Economist at Alexforbes Investments, and Charles de Wet, Executive at ENS in the Tax practice. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The debate around the Privileges Committee and their decision for the Māori Party MPs starts today. It's set to be a long-winded and largely pointless exercise. If you can be bothered, get a read on where each of the parties stand. Why? Because you will find that some parties don't agree with the committee and think the so-called punishment is a bit hard. The Prime Minister was asked about this yesterday at his post-Cabinet press conference. In fact, they were the first questions asked, which was sad and yet again a reminder of how the Press Gallery is not really interested in the news of the day, and perhaps even the good news of the day. The good news of the day came from the Finance Minister, who was standing next to the Prime Minister at said conference and had been busy up to the question bit outlining some new tax treatment for investment and payments for start-ups and businesses looking for a bit of relief around rules and paperwork. That got scant coverage, despite the fact these are the very sort of issues, ideas, and polices that will drag this beleaguered economy out of the quagmire it is currently stuck in. As regards to the Privileges Committee, for the record, the Prime Minister stood firm on the ensuing debate, and whether or not by bargaining away the decision it could expedite what could be days of time wasting. Why this matters is because standards matter, and standards in this country have become embarrassing. What the Māori Party did was farcical, as well as embarrassing. Their punishment was not because they were Māori, or because what they did was Māori, it was because they broke the rules, and rules count or should count. Because when they don't, people like the Māori Party and to a lesser degree the Labour Party and the Greens, bring us all into disrepute. Believe it or not, there are large swathes of this country that find what has been happening at our highest level of leadership to be completely and utterly shocking, as well as embarrassing and needless, and we are more than over it. By asking whether Government can plea bargain it away so we can skip a lengthy, boring debate is systematic of the problem itself. "Why deal to it, when we can ignore it or water it down?" If those who think this is all okay want to debate it and remind us what mediocre looks like, that's on them. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Finance Minister says the Budget's designed to give businesses even more confidence for the future. The Budget, released on Thursday, will put aside $65 million over four years, for loosening rules that might put off overseas investors from choosing New Zealand. Nicola Willis says we can't let debt keep blowing out forever - and would risk the economy crumbling away if we allow major extra taxes or excessive borrowing. Newstalk ZB political editor Jason Walls speculates about other future changes that could be unveiled ahead of Budget day. LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The 2025 Budget is due out this week - and the Finance Minister's feeling hopeful despite the concerns around Te Pāti Māori's antics. Prime Minister Chris Luxon made it clear earlier today that National will not make any concessions on the Privileges Committee's recommendation to suspend three Te Pāti Māori MPs from Parliament. Nicola Willis says this week is all about the Budget - which aims to address concerns Kiwis have about the cost of living. "We just need to focus on the things that will make a difference to people. We can't control Te Pāti Māori, they will do what they want to do." LISTEN ABOVESee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The finance minister's making more commitments ahead of next week's budget. In her pre-budget announcement, the finance minister said $577 million will be injected into film and television projects over the next four years. Willis said the approach is necessary to compete with our neighbours across the ditch and further abroad. LISTEN ABOVE. See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Stephen Grootes in conversation with Vincent Magwenya, spokesperson to the President and Khay Sithole, an Independent Political Analyst chat about the US government banning US Agencies from writing reports on the G20 summit, this as US president Trump continues to throw allegations of a white genocide in South Africa. They also touch on President Ramaphosa’s trip to the US to meet with Donald Trump, the US president. In other Interviews: Stephen Grootes in conversation with Goolam Ballim, Chief Economist at Standard Bank & Johann Els chat about the announcement by the Deputy Minister of Finance David Masondo that National Treasury and the Reserve Bank will be putting in significant effort to develop a well-structured inflation framework that aligns with economic goals and stability. They also look into the impact that this framework will have on the South African economy. The Money Show is a podcast hosted by well-known journalist and radio presenter, Stephen Grootes. He explores the latest economic trends, business developments, investment opportunities, and personal finance strategies. Each episode features engaging conversations with top newsmakers, industry experts, financial advisors, entrepreneurs, and politicians, offering you thought-provoking insights to navigate the ever-changing financial landscape.    Thank you for listening to a podcast from The Money Show Listen live Primedia+ weekdays from 18:00 and 20:00 (SA Time) to The Money Show with Stephen Grootes broadcast on 702 https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj and CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show, go to https://buff.ly/7QpH0jY or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/PlhvUVe Subscribe to The Money Show Daily Newsletter and the Weekly Business Wrap here https://buff.ly/v5mfetc The Money Show is brought to you by Absa     Follow us on social media   702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702   CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/Radio702 CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

François-Philippe Champagne, Finance Minister; John Brassard, Conservative MP-elect – Ontario; The Front Bench with: Sharan Kaur, Jamie Ellerton, Graham Richardson & Nik Nanos

Nearly a quarter of the money spent on National's FamilyBoost policy has been poured into administration costs, and not into the back pockets of families. Finance Minister Nicola Willis spoke to Ingrid Hipkiss.

Finance Minister Nicola Willis says changes to KiwiSaver will be revealed at next week's Budget. The NZ Super Fund will cover only 20% of future Superannuation costs, with withdrawals starting in 2028. The fund will continue growing despite withdrawals, but Superannuation costs are expected to reach $29 billion annually. There will be changes to KiwiSaver announced at next week's Budget, with the Super Fund only expected to cover – at best – 20% of the cost of Superannuation in the future, Finance Minister Nicola Willis says. Willis wouldn't say what the changes would be, but they would be “positive”, she told Newstalk ZB's Mike Hosking Breakfast this morning. The minister has previously not ruled out changes – including means-testing – to the $521 given to KiwiSaver members who contribute at least twice that amount each year. “[Changes will be positive] because I want to see people's KiwiSaver balances grow. KiwiSaver has become particularly important for those saving to buy their first home – we had more than 40,000 people use KiwiSaver to do that in the past year," she told Hosking. “And it's become an increasingly important supplement for people's retirement income.” Willis announced yesterday that the Government was forecast to make its first withdrawal from the NZ Super Fund in 2028, five years earlier than forecast at last year's Budget. Superannuation costs are expected to reach $29 billion a year in a few years, Finance Minister Nicola Willis says. Photo / 123rf The fund was set up in 2001 to subsidise the future cost of Superannuation, easing the burden on taxpayers. The date of the withdrawal – forecast to total $32m in 2028 – isn't at the Government's discretion and is written into the Fund's governing legislation. The first withdrawal would be followed by some “bouncing around between withdrawals and contributions”, but from 2031 onwards, withdrawals were expected every year, Willis said yesterday. Despite withdrawals, the Super Fund won't shrink in the short-term. It will continue growing for some time as withdrawals will be smaller than the overall growth in the fund, the Herald reported yesterday. Treasury's forecasts, which were based on a complicated formula relating to how much is in the fund, GDP, taxpayer numbers and other factors, confirmed help was needed to pay for superannuation, Willis told Hosking this morning. “We've all talked for several years about at a certain point, the cost of superannuation will get very high, and then we'll need the Super Fund to help. We're now at that point.” Asked how much of the cost of superannuation the fund would cover “in its golden moments”, Willis told Hosking: “In its golden moments it's only going to be about 20% of the total cost”. “There's no getting away from the fact that superannuation is very expensive … just in the next few years, it's going to leap up to $29 billion a year, because there are a lot of people over the age of 65 and superannuation is pegged to the after-tax average wage, so that number keeps going up. “That's the commitment that we have as a country, is to fund that entitlement, and we then need to pay for it. And there are fewer taxpayers, of course, in the future to help pay for it.” -Cherie Howie LISTEN ABOVE See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Last time we spoke about Operation Chahar. In the turbulent year of 1935, tensions surged in North China as the Kwantung Army defied Tokyo's orders, encroaching deeper into Chahar province. This period was marked by widespread anti-Japanese sentiments, fueled by local revolts and the assassination of pro-Japanese figures, which infuriated Japanese authorities. On May 20, the Kwantung Army launched an offensive against a bandit group led by Sun Yungqin, seeking to exert control over the demilitarized regions established by earlier agreements. Their swift victory forced the resignation of local officials opposing Japanese interests. As chaos escalated, the Chinese government, under pressure to appease Japan, dismantled anti-Japanese factions and dismissed key leaders. The climax in this saga came with the signing of the He-Umezu Agreement, stripping China of authority in Hubei and Chahar, signaling Japan's increasing dominance and setting the stage for further exploitation of the region.   #150 The February 26 Incident Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While this podcast is supposed to be given through the Chinese perspective, I apologize but yet again I need to jump over to the Japanese side. You see, a very pivotal moment during the Showa era would occur in the year of 1936. I think it's crucial to understand it, and the underlying issues of it, to better understand what we will be stuck in for the unforeseeable future, the Second Sino-Japanese War. I've briefly mentioned the two factions within the Japanese military at this time, but now I'd really like to jump into them, and a major incident that made them collide. In the aftermath of WW1, 2 prominent factions emerged during this tumultuous period: the Kodoha, or Imperial Way Faction, and the Toseiha, or Control Faction. Each faction represented distinct visions for Japan's future, deeply influencing the nation's course leading up to World War II. The Kodoha rose to prominence in the 1920s, driven by a fervent belief in Japan's divine destiny and its right to expand its imperial reach across Asia. This faction was characterized by its adherence to traditional Japanese values, rooted in the samurai ethos. They viewed the Emperor as the embodiment of Japan's spirit and sought to return to the moral foundations they believed had been eroded by “Western influence”. The Kodoha was often critical of the West, perceiving the encroachment of Western thought and culture as a threat to Japan's unique identity. Their ideology emphasized a robust military force, advocating for aggressive campaigns in regions like Manchuria and China to assert Japan's dominance. Contrasting sharply with the Kodoha, the Toseiha began to emerge as a more dominant political force in the late 1930s. The Toseiha embraced a pragmatic approach, advocating for a disciplined military that could engage effectively with the complexities of modern warfare. They recognized the importance of retaining some traditional values while also integrating Western military techniques. Rather than rejecting Western influence entirely, the Toseiha believed in adapting to global shifts to ensure Japan's strength and security. The Toseiha's moderation extended to their governance strategies, as they prioritized political stability and control over radical ideology. They saw this approach as crucial for creating a robust state capable of managing Japan's expansionist ambitions without provoking the backlash that Kodoha tactics elicited. Their more calculated approach to military expansion included securing partnerships and pursuing diplomatic solutions alongside military action, thereby presenting a less confrontational image to the world. Now after Manchuria was seized and Manchukuo was ushered in, many in the Japanese military saw a crisis emerge, that required a “showa restoration' to solve. Both factions aimed to create military dictatorships under the emperor. The Kodoha saw the USSR as the number one threat to Japan and advocated an invasion of them, aka the Hokushin-ron doctrine, but the Toseiha faction prioritized a national defense state built on the idea they must build Japans industrial capabilities to face multiple enemies in the future. What really separated the two, was the Kodoha sought to use a violent coup d'etat to make ends meet, whereas the Toseiha were unwilling to go so far. The Kodoha faction was made up mostly of junior and youthful officers, typically country boys as we would call them. These were young men whose families were not the blue bloods, farmer types. They viewed the dramatic changes of Japan in light of their own family experiences, many were impoverished by the dramatic changes. A very specific thing these Kodoha boys hated were the Zaibatsu. The Zaibatsu were large Japanese business conglomerates, primarily active from the Meiji period until WW2. They combined various industries, including banking, manufacturing, and trading. Prominent examples included Mitsubishi and Sumitomo. The reason they hated the Zaibatsu was because they believed they were influenced by western thought and that they super succeeded the authority of the emperor. More or less you can think of it as “we hate the fat cats who are really running things”.   Now the Toseiha faction were willing to work with the Zaibatsu to make Japan stronger. Basically they believed them to just be a necessary evil, you had to play ball to get things rolling. Random note, Hirohito's brother Prince Chichibu sympathized with the Kodoha faction and repeatedly counseled his brother that he should implement direct imperial rule even if it meant suspending the constitution, aka a show restoration. Hirohito believed his brother who was active in the IJA at the time was being radicalized. Now I cant go through the entire history of it, but this time period is known as the “government by assassination” period for Japan. Military leaders in the IJA, IJN and from within the Kodoha and Toseiha factions kept assassinating politicians and senior officers to push envelopes forward. Stating all of that, I now want to talk about the February 26th incident and I will add I am using a specific source, simply because it's my favorite. That is Herbert P Bix's Hirohito and the Making of Modern Japan. In late 1934, several officers from the Imperial Way faction at the Army Cadet School were arrested for plotting a coup. Although there were no immediate repercussions, the following year, two of the same Kodoha officers, named Isobe Asaichi and Muranaka Takaji were arrested again for distributing a document accusing Toseiha faction officers, like Major General Nagata Tetsuzan, of previously drafting coup plans against the government. This time, the army's upper echelons responded firmly, condemning Isobe and Muranaka's accusations as acts of disloyalty, resulting in both officers losing their commissions. Meanwhile, other Imperial Way officers sought retaliation against Nagata, who was rumored to be planning a major purge to eliminate factionalism within the army. Tatsukichi Minobe was a Japanese statesman and scholar of constitutional law and in the 1930s he began a movement bringing up the very real issue with the Meiji constitution in relation to the role of the emperor. In August 1935, amid a populist movement denouncing Minobe's interpretation of the constitution, Lt colonel Aizawa Saburo from Kodoha faction entered Nagata's office and fatally attacked him with his katana. This marked a significant escalation in the military struggle over state reform and the push for increased military funding, which was intertwined with the movement against Minobe. Meanwhile anti- Prime Minister Okada factions within the army, continuing to use slogans like “kokutai clarification” and “denounce the organ theory,” intensified their attacks on the emperor's advisers and hereditary peers. Senior generals from the Kodoha faction arranged a public court-martial for Aizawa, held by the 1st Division, a group heavily populated by Kodoha officers based in Tokyo. When Aizawa's trial commenced on January 12, 1936, his defense team transformed it into an emotional condemnation of the Okada cabinet, the court entourage, and Minobe's constitutional theories. This strategy garnered support across the nation, even reaching unexpected places like the imperial palace, where Dowager Empress Teimei Kogo, a staunch rightist, expressed sympathy for Aizawa. However, before the trial could progress, a military mutiny disrupted proceedings in the capital. Shockwaves rippled through the army after Army Minister Hayashi dismissed Kodoha member General Mazaki from his position overseeing military education and ordered the transfer of the 1st Division to Manchuria, which ignited the largest army uprising in modern Japanese history. The uprising was orchestrated through a series of meetings held from February 18 to 22 by key individuals including Nishida, Yasuhide Kurihara, Teruzō Andō, Hisashi Kōno, Takaji Muranaka, and Asaichi Isobe. Their plan was relatively straightforward: the officers would assassinate the most prominent adversaries of the kokutai, seize control of the administrative center of the capital and the Imperial Palace, and present their demands, which included the dismissal of certain officials and the establishment of a new cabinet led by Mazaki. They did not establish long-term goals, believing that those should be determined by the Emperor. However, it is suspected that they were prepared to replace Hirohito with Prince Chichibu if necessary. The young Kodoha officers felt they had at least implicit support from several influential Imperial Japanese Army officers after making informal inquiries. This group included figures such as Araki, Minister of War Yoshiyuki Kawashima, Jinzaburō Mazaki, Tomoyuki Yamashita, Kanji Ishiwara, Shigeru Honjō, as well as their immediate superiors, Kōhei Kashii and Takeo Hori. Later, Kawashima's successor as Minister of War remarked that if all the officers who had endorsed the rebellion were forced to resign, there would not have been enough high-ranking officers left to replace them. To articulate their intentions and grievances, the young officers prepared a document titled "Manifesto of the Uprising" “Kekki Shuisho”, which they intended to present to the Emperor. Although the document was authored by Muranaka, it was written under the name of Shirō Nonaka, the highest-ranking officer involved in the plot. The document aligned with Kokutai Genri-ha ideals, criticizing the genrō, political leaders, military factions, zaibatsu, bureaucrats, and political parties for jeopardizing the kokutai with their selfishness and disregard for the Emperor, and emphasized the need for direct action: “Now, as we face immense foreign and domestic challenges, if we do not eliminate the disloyal and unjust who threaten the kokutai, if we do not remove the villains obstructing the Emperor's authority and hindering the Restoration, the Imperial vision for our nation will come to naught [...] Our duty is to purge the malevolent ministers and military factions surrounding the Emperor and eradicate their influence; we shall fulfill this mission.” Seven targets were selected for assassination for "threatening the kokutai". Keisuke Okada served as Prime Minister, where he notably advocated for the London Naval Treaty and supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai. His actions reflect a commitment to international agreements and specific ideological principles at the time. Saionji Kinmochi, a Genrō and former Prime Minister, also supported the London Naval Treaty. However, his influence extended further, as he played a role in prompting the Emperor to establish inappropriate cabinets, impacting political stability. Makino Nobuaki, the former Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and Foreign Minister, was another key figure who supported the London Naval Treaty. He notably prevented Prince Fushimi from voicing protests to the Emperor during this period, and he established a court faction in collaboration with Saitō, further entrenching political alliances. In his capacity as Grand Chamberlain, Kantarō Suzuki supported the London Naval Treaty but faced criticism for "obstructing the Imperial virtue," suggesting tensions between political decisions and traditional values. Saitō Makoto, who served as Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and former Prime Minister, was involved in advocating for the London Naval Treaty and played a significant role in Mazaki's dismissal. He, too, formed a court faction with Makino, indicating the intricacies of court politics. Takahashi Korekiyo, as Finance Minister and former Prime Minister, engaged in party politics with the aim of diminishing military influence. His approach was focused on maintaining the existing economic structure amid the shifting political landscape. Finally, Jōtarō Watanabe, who replaced Mazaki as Inspector General of Military Education, supported the "organ theory" of the kokutai yet faced criticism for refusing to resign, despite being considered unsuitable for his position. On the night of February 25, Tokyo experienced a heavy snowfall, which uplifted the rebel officers as it evoked memories of the 1860 Sakuradamon Incident. During this event, political activists known as shishi assassinated Ii Naosuke, the chief advisor to the Shōgun, in the name of the Emperor. The rebel forces, organized into six groups, began mobilizing their troops and departing from their barracks between 3:30 and 4:00 AM. At 5:00 AM, they launched simultaneous attacks on key targets, including Okada, Takahashi, Suzuki, Saito, the Ministry of War, and the headquarters of the Tokyo Metropolitan Police. At around five o'clock on the morning of February 26, 1936, a rebellion erupted, fueled by the long-standing tensions surrounding the kokutai issues that had plagued 1935. Twenty-two junior officers led over 1,400 armed soldiers and non-commissioned officers from three regiments of the 1st Division and an infantry unit of the Imperial Guards in a mutiny in snow-covered Tokyo. The attack on Okada involved a contingent of 280 men from the 1st Infantry Regiment, commanded by 1st Lieutenant Yasuhide Kurihara. The troops encircled the Prime Minister's Residence and compelled its guards to open the gates. Upon entering the compound, they attempted to locate Prime Minister Okada but were met with gunfire from four policemen stationed there. All four policemen were killed, wounding six rebel soldiers in the process. However, the shots served as a warning for Okada, prompting his brother-in-law, Colonel Denzō Matsuo, to help him find refuge. Matsuo, who closely resembled Okada, was eventually discovered by the soldiers and killed. After comparing Matsuo's wounded face to a photograph of the prime minister, the attackers mistakenly believed they had accomplished their mission. Okada managed to escape the following day, but this information was kept confidential, and he did not play any further role in the events. After Matsuo's death, Kurihara's men took up guard positions around the compound, reinforced by sixty soldiers from the 3rd Imperial Guard. In another key operation, Captain Kiyosada Kōda led a group of 160 men to seize control of the Minister of War's residence, the Ministry of War, and the General Staff Office. Upon entering the Minister's residence at 6:30 AM, they demanded to see Minister Kawashima. Once admitted, they read their manifesto aloud and presented a document detailing several demands, including: A prompt resolution to the situation that would further "advance the cause of the Restoration." A call to prevent the use of force against the Righteous Army. The arrest of Kazushige Ugaki (Governor-General of Korea), Jirō Minami (commander of the Kwantung Army), Kuniaki Koiso (commander of the Korean Army), and Yoshitsugu Tatekawa for their roles in undermining military command. The immediate dismissal of Lieutenant Colonel Akira Mutō, Colonel Hiroshi Nemoto, and Major Tadashi Katakura from the Imperial Japanese Army for promoting "factionalism." The appointment of Araki as the new commander of the Kwantung Army. Ugaki, who served as Minister of War during two separate terms, had overseen significant reductions and modernization efforts within the army. He had also failed to support the March Incident plotters, who had hoped to install him as Prime Minister. Minami, Mutō, Nemoto, and Katakura were all influential members of the Tōsei-ha faction; Katakura had been partly responsible for reporting on the Military Academy Incident. Later that morning, Isobe encountered Katakura outside the Ministry of War and shot him non-fatally in the head. During this tumultuous period, several officers sympathetic to the rebels, including General Mazaki, General Tomoyuki Yamashita, and General Ryū Saitō, joined the uprising. Saitō praised the young officers' spirit and encouraged Kawashima to accept their demands. Shortly before 9:00 am, Kawashima indicated he needed to speak with the Emperor and left for the Imperial Palace. Meanwhile, Captain Hisashi Kōno led a team of seven, comprised mostly of civilians, to attack Makino Nobuaki, who was staying at Kōfūsō, part of the ryokan Itōya in Yugawara, Kanagawa Prefecture, with his family. Arriving at 5:45 am, they stationed two men outside while entering the inn with weapons drawn. Inside, policemen opened fire, leading to a lengthy exchange of gunfire. A policeman managed to alert Makino and his party of the danger, guiding them to a rear exit. Although the assassins fired at the escaping group, Makino successfully evaded capture. Kōno sustained a gunshot wound to the chest, and one policeman, Yoshitaka Minagawa, was killed. As Kōno was evacuated from the scene, the assailants set fire to the building. Hearing a gunshot, Kōno assumed that Makino had shot himself inside. After his recovery at a nearby military hospital, Kōno and his team were arrested by military police. Around 10:00 am, Kurihara and Nakahashi loaded a fleet of three trucks with sixty men and drove from the Prime Minister's Residence to the offices of the Asahi Shimbun, a significant liberal newspaper. They stormed the building, ordering the evacuation of employees and declaring their actions as "divine retribution for being an un-Japanese newspaper." The rebels then overturned and scattered the newspaper's type trays, containing 4,000 different characters, temporarily halting its publication. Following this attack, the men distributed copies of the uprising's manifesto to nearby newspapers before returning to the Prime Minister's Residence. On another front, 1st Lieutenant Motoaki Nakahashi of the 3rd Imperial Guard gathered 135 men and, under the pretext of paying respects at Yasukuni Shrine, marched to Takahashi Korekiyo's residence. There, he divided his forces, sending one group to attack while the other remained to guard the entrance. After breaking into the compound, Nakahashi and Lieutenant Kanji Nakajima found Takahashi in bed, where Nakahashi shot him while Nakajima delivered a fatal sword strike. Takahashi died without waking. Once his target was eliminated, Nakahashi regrouped with the soldiers and proceeded to the Imperial Palace, aiming to secure it. Entering through the western Hanzō Gate at 6:00 am, Nakahashi informed Major Kentarō Honma, the palace guard commander, that he had been dispatched to reinforce the gates due to earlier attacks. Honma, already aware of the uprisings, accepted Nakahashi's arrival. He was assigned to help secure the Sakashita Gate, the primary entrance to the Emperor's residence. Nakahashi planned to signal nearby rebel troops at police headquarters once he controlled access to the Emperor. However, he struggled to contact his allies, and by 8:00 am, Honma learned of his involvement in the uprising and ordered him, at gunpoint, to vacate the palace grounds. Nakahashi complied and returned to join Kurihara at the Prime Minister's Residence, while his soldiers remained at the gate until relieved later that day, preventing their inclusion in the government's official count of rebel forces. Elsewhere, 1st Lieutenant Naoshi Sakai led a detachment of 120 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to Saitō Makoto's home in Yotsuya. After surrounding the policemen on guard, five soldiers entered the residence and found Saitō and his wife, Haruko, in their bedroom. They shot Saitō dead, prompting Haruko to plead for her life, saying, "Please kill me instead!" While they pulled her away, she was unwittingly wounded by stray gunfire. Following Saitō's assassination, two officers directed another group to target General Watanabe, while the remaining men moved to strategically position themselves northeast of the Ministry of War. In Kōjimachi, Captain Teruzō Andō commanded 200 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment to assault Suzuki's residence across from the Imperial Palace. After disarming the police on duty, they located Suzuki in his bedroom and shot him twice. When Andō moved to deliver the coup de grâce with his sword, Suzuki's wife implored to be allowed to do it herself, believing her husband to be fatally wounded. Andō obliged and, apologizing for the act, explained it was for the nation's sake. After saluting Suzuki, the soldiers left to guard the Miyakezaka junction north of the Ministry of War. Following the assault on Saitō, a party of twenty men, led by 2nd Lieutenants Tarō Takahashi and Yutaka Yasuda, headed to Watanabe's residence in Ogikubo after 7:00 AM. Despite the two-hour delay since previous attacks, no measures had been taken to alert Watanabe. As they attempted to storm the front entrance, military police inside opened fire, wounding Yasuda and another soldier. The troops then gained entry through the rear, confronting Watanabe's wife outside their bedroom. After shoving her aside, they found Watanabe using a futon as cover. He opened fire, prompting one soldier to retaliate with a light machine gun. Takahashi then rushed in and fatally stabbed Watanabe, witnessed by his nine-year-old daughter, Kazuko, who hid nearby. The soldiers departed, taking their wounded to a hospital before positioning themselves in northern Nagatachō. In a significant move, Captain Shirō Nonaka led nearly a third of the rebel forces, comprising 500 men from the 3rd Infantry Regiment, to assault the Tokyo Metropolitan Police headquarters. Their objective was to secure communication equipment and prevent dispatch of the police's Emergency Service Unit. Meeting no resistance, they quickly occupied the building, possibly due to a strategic decision to leave the situation in the military's hands. After securing the police headquarters, 2nd Lieutenant Kinjirō Suzuki led a small group to attack Fumio Gotō's residence, the Home Minister's, but found that Gotō was not home, thus allowing him to escape. This attack appeared to result from Suzuki's independent decision, rather than a coordinated effort among the officers. Despite all of these actions, the Kodoha boys had failed to secure the Sakashita Gate to the palace, which allowed the palace to maintain communication with the outside world, and they neglected to address potential naval interventions. At the Yokosuka naval base, Rear Adm. Yonai Mitsumasa and his chief of staff, Inoue Shigeyoshi, positioned marines to defend the Navy Ministry and prepared warships in Tokyo Bay to suppress the rebellion. By the morning of February 28, after unsuccessful negotiations through sympathetic officers at army headquarters, the commander under martial law transmitted an imperial order to disperse. Most troops returned to their barracks, one officer committed suicide, and the remaining leaders surrendered, resulting in the uprising ending with minimal further violence. Nevertheless, martial law in Tokyo continued for nearly five months. The rebel officers had initially planned for General Kawashima, a staunch ally of the Kodoha, to relay their intentions to the emperor, who they assumed would issue a decree for a “Showa restoration.” Despite their radical objectives of overthrowing the political order, the mutineers, like other military and civilian extremists of the 1930s, sought to operate within the imperial framework and maintain the kokutai. They believed the emperor was under the control of his advisers and lacked a genuine will of his own. Once the Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal and the Grand Chamberlain were removed, they expected the emperor to appoint General Mazaki as prime minister, a leader they believed would reinforce the military and effectively address the China issue. At the onset of the insurrection, they had a real chance of success. The Tokyo military police commander, General Kashii Kohei, sympathized with their cause, and the emperor's chief aide, General Honjo, was related to rebel officer Capain Yamaguchi Ichitaro. Support for the mutineers was present at military bases nationwide. Historian Hata Ikuhiko notes that the rebels contacted General Honjo by both phone and written message before attacking the Okada cabinet. As the first in the imperial entourage to learn of the mutiny, Honjo could have warned the intended targets but chose not to do so. By the time he arrived at court at 6:00 am. on the 26th, key advisors like Chief Secretary Kido, Imperial Household Minister Yuasa Kurahei, and Vice Grand Chamberlain Hirohata Tadakata were already aware of the potential danger. Suzuki was murdered, and the emperor was deeply affected, awakening to the news at 5:40 am from the chamberlain on night duty, Kanroji Osanaga. He learned that his old ministers had been attacked and a coup was underway. Upon receiving this information, Hirohito resolved to suppress the uprising. He was outraged by the killing of his ministers and feared that the rebels might use his brother, Prince Chichibu, to force him to abdicate. He donned his army uniform and summoned Honjo, ordering him to “end it immediately and turn this misfortune into a blessing.” Hirohito adopted a strategy proposed by Kido, who had acted swiftly earlier that morning, instructing Honjo to assess the Imperial Guard Division's potential actions if the mutineers advanced on the Palace. Kido aimed to prevent the establishment of a new provisional cabinet until the mutiny was fully quelled. At 9:30 am Army Minister Kawashima, who had previously met with one of the rebel officers, arrived at court. He urged the emperor to form a cabinet that would “clarify the kokutai, stabilize national life, and fulfill national defense.” Surprised by Kawashima's tone, Hirohito reprimanded him for not prioritizing the suppression of the mutiny. He also expressed his frustration to Chief of the Navy General Staff Prince Fushimi, dismissing him when he inquired about forming a new cabinet. Later that day, Kawashima met with the Supreme Military Council, consisting mainly of army officers sympathetic to the rebels. The council decided to attempt persuasion before relaying the emperor's orders a move contrary to Hirohito's directive. According to historian Otabe Yuji, an “instruction” was issued to the rebel officers at 10:50 am, acknowledging their motives and suggesting the emperor might show them leniency. This message was communicated to the ringleaders by martial law commander General Kashii. That evening, when members of the Okada cabinet came to submit their resignations, Hirohito insisted they remain in power until the mutiny was resolved. On February 27, the second day of the uprising, Hirohito announced “administrative martial law” based on Article 8 of the Imperial Constitution. This invoked his sovereign powers to address the crisis while freeing him from needing cabinet approval for his actions. Hirohito displayed remarkable energy throughout the subsequent days, sending chamberlains to summon Honjo for updates and threatening to lead the Imperial Guard Division himself when dissatisfied with the reports. Honjo, however, resisted the emperor's demands and exhibited sympathy for the rebels. During the uprising, Hirohito met with Prince Chichibu, who had recently returned from Hirosaki. Their discussions reportedly led Chichibu to distance himself from the rebels. However, rumors of his sympathy for them persisted, leading to concerns about potential conflicts within the imperial family. On the second day, Rear Admiral Yonai and his chief of staff demonstrated their loyalty to Hirohito. By February 29, the fourth day of the uprising, Hirohito had reasserted his authority, troops were returning to their barracks, and most rebel leaders were captured. Seventeen of these leaders were court-martialed and executed in July without legal representation. Shortly after, during the obon festival, Hirohito allegedly instructed a military aide to secure seventeen obon lanterns for the palace. This action, though secret, may have provided him some personal comfort amidst the turmoil. An investigation following the mutiny revealed that the rebels' sense of crisis was amplified by the recent general elections, which had shown an anti-military sentiment among voters. Despite their populist rhetoric, most ringleaders were not motivated by the agricultural depression; their goal was to support the kokutai by advocating for increased military rearmament. During this period, military spending steadily rose from 3.47% of GNP in 1931 to 5.63% in 1936. Intriguingly, the ringleaders and their senior commanders shared a desire for state control over production to mobilize resources fully for total war. While united in this goal, their ideas about how to achieve a “Showa restoration” varied greatly, with some leaders, like Isobe, calling for complete economic consolidation and a return to strong state power. The February mutiny reinforced Hirohito's belief in the constitutional framework that underpinned his military authority. He became increasingly cautious about decisions that could compromise his command and developed closer ties to the army's Control faction, justifying military spending increases. Yet, the memory of the mutiny left him feeling uncertain about the throne's stability. Now you know me, whenever I can bring up Hirohito's involvement in the war related times I gotta do. After WW2, in an apparent effort to downplay his role as supreme commander, Hirohito provided a deliberately distorted account of the February events. “I issued an order at that time for the rebel force to be suppressed. This brings to mind Machida Chuji, the finance minister. He was very worried about the rebellion's adverse effect on the money market and warned me that a panic could occur unless I took firm measures. Therefore I issued a strong command to have [the uprising] put down. As a rule, because a suppression order also involves martial law, military circles, who cannot issue such an order on their own, need the mutual consent of the government. However, at the time, Okada's whereabouts were unknown. As the attitude of the Army Ministry seemed too lenient, I issued a strict order. Following my bitter experiences with the Tanaka cabinet, I had decided always to wait for the opinions of my advisers before making any decision, and not to go against their counsel. Only twice, on this occasion and at the time of the ending of the war, did I positively implement my own ideas. Ishiwara Kanji of the Army General Staff Office also asked me, through military aide Chojiri [Kazumoto], to issue a suppression order. I don't know what sort of a person Ishiwara is, but on this occasion he was correct, even though he had been the instigator of the Manchurian Incident. Further, my chief military aide, Honjo, brought me the plan drafted by Yamashita Hobun, in which Yamashita asked me to please send an examiner because the three leaders of the rebel army were likely to commit suicide. However, I thought that sending an examiner would imply that they had acted according to their moral convictions and were deserving of respect. . . . So I rejected Honjo's proposal, and [instead] issued the order to suppress them. I received no report that generals in charge of military affairs had gone and urged the rebels to surrender.”  On February 26, when Hirohito ordered the immediate suppression of the rebels, his anger was directed not only at the insurgents who had assassinated his closest advisors but also at senior army officers who were indecisive in executing the crackdown. The following day, in addition to his role as Minister of Commerce and Industry, Machida took on the responsibilities of finance minister. Concerns over economic panic and confusion contributed to the emperor's sense of urgency, despite not being the primary motivation for his actions. Hirohito believed that every hour of delay tarnished Japan's international reputation. Since the Manchurian Incident, the emperor had frequently clashed with the military regarding encroachments on his authority, though never about fundamental policy issues. At times, he had managed to assert his political views during policy discussions, similar to his earlier influence under the Hamaguchi cabinet. The February 26 mutiny highlighted to Hirohito and Yuasa his privy seal from March 1936 to June 1940, and the first lord keeper of the privy seal to attend court regularly the necessity of fully exercising the emperor's supreme command whenever the situation demanded it. Even when faced with opposition from Honjo, Hirohito managed to gain support and assert his authority through a decisive approach. His resolution marked the end of a period during which alienated “young officers” attempted to leverage his influence as a reformist figure to challenge a power structure they could not manipulate effectively. However, Hirohito learned how to adeptly manage that establishment in most situations. The decision-making process within the government was characterized by secrecy, indirect communication, vague policy drafting, and information manipulation, creating a landscape of confusion, misunderstanding, and constant intrigue aimed at achieving consensus among elites. This was the modus operandi in Tokyo and a reflection of how the emperor operated. Once again, Hirohito reminded the tightly-knit elite that he was essential to the functioning of the system. On May 4, 1936, during his address at the opening ceremony of the Sixty-ninth Imperial Diet, while Tokyo remained under martial law, Hirohito closed the chapter on the February mutiny. Initially, he contemplated sending a strong message of censure to the military, but after considerable deliberation over three months, he ultimately chose to issue a brief, innocuous statement: “We regret the recent incident that occurred in Tokyo.” The response from his audience of Diet members and military officials was one of startled awe, with some privately expressing disappointment. Once again, at a critical juncture, Hirohito avoided an opportunity to publicly rein in the military through his constitutional role. Nonetheless, due to his behind-the-scenes actions, the drift in domestic policy that had characterized Japan since the Manchurian Incident came to an end. In the following fourteen months, the emperor and his advisors largely aligned with the army and navy's demands for increased military expansion and state-driven industrial development. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. So some very unruly young Japanese officers got the bright idea of forcing a showa restoration by killing all the culprits they believed held their emperor hostage. Little did they know, this event spelt the end of the Kodoha faction and rise of the Toseiha faction. Henceforth the military was even more in charge and would get even more insane.   

Eurogroup finance ministers are meeting in Brussels as the EU seeks a trade deal with the US, and funding for Europe's defense push. Greece Finance Minister Kyriakos Pierrakakis speaks with Bloomberg's Oliver Crook in Brussels.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Economist and former Greek finance minister Yanis Varoufakis discusses the merits and pitfalls of Trump's tariff plan, growing populist movements in Europe, the EU's "dangerous" and misguided push toward military Keynesianism, and Israel's destruction of Gaza. ----------------------------------------------------- Watch full episodes on Rumble, streamed LIVE 7pm ET. Become part of our Locals community Follow System Update:  Twitter Instagram TikTok Facebook LinkedIn  

Jilan Wahba Abdalmajid, Palestinian Ambassador to Ireland, reacts to Israel Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich saying that a victory for Israel in Gaza means the Palestinian territory will be 'destroyed'

Melanie Swan, journalist based in Tel Aviv, reports on the reaction to the Israeli finance minister saying 'Gaza will be entirely destroyed'.