Podcasts about Peace Research Institute Oslo

The Nobel Peace Prize has been awarded to a Japanese grassroots movement working to eliminate nuclear weapons. It's made up of survivors of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki atomic bombings. The group's leader says he felt people helping Palestinians in Gaza deserved to win instead. So, what's behind the Nobel Committee's decision? In this episode: Asmund Aukrust, Member of Parliament, Norway's Labour Party.  Lex Takkenberg, Senior Advisor, Arab Renaissance for Democracy and Development.   Henrik Urdal, Director, Peace Research Institute Oslo. Host: Tom McRae Connect with us:@AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes!

The Ukraine peace summit did not lead to peace but it did surprise on the upside with more than 90 countries. Andrew Mueller was also in attendance in Switzerland. He reviews the summit's tangible results and speaks to Australia's Bill Shorten, as well as Iuliia Osmolovska and Lili Bivings from Ukraine and Kristian Berg Harpviken of the Peace Research Institute Oslo.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

GUEST OVERVIEW: Prof. Tunander is one of the foremost experts on intelligence operations of the Cold War. He has written and edited 12 books and numerous articles on security politics, naval strategy, submarine operations, geopolitics, PsyOp and Cold War history. Prof Ola Tunander was a research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo.

On today's show, Tunander and Pohlmann discuss his upcoming article on substack about the emerging multipolar world.    Guest Overview: Professor Ola Tunander was a research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Tunander is one of the foremost experts on intelligence operations of the Cold War. He has written and edited 12 books and numerous articles on security politics, naval strategy, submarine operations, geopolitics, PsyOp and Cold War history. The Swedish scientist has introduced the term "Deep State" into academia and was the civilian expert of the 3rd Swedish parliamentarian investigation into the submarine affair in Sweden in the 80s, which brought him respect, many friends and a ton of enemies in NATOs security elite.

GUEST OVERVIEW: Professor Tunander is one of the foremost experts on intelligence operations of the Cold War. He has written and edited 12 books and numerous articles on security politics, naval strategy, submarine operations, geopolitics, PsyOp and Cold War history. The Swedish scientist was the civilian expert of the 3rd Swedish parliamentarian investigation into the submarine affair in Sweden in the 80s. Ola Tunander was a research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo.

On today's show ... Ola Tunander finally published his bombshell investigation on the "Underwater U2" in Sweden. During the deception operations against Olof Palme in Sweden hundreds of u-boats were sighted in Swedish waters, They were allegedly soviet, but In reality they were western subs, as we know today. There was always the question some of the highest Swedish navy admirals acted n good faith or  colluded with the US and British military to damage Palmer detente policy. If this story holds water, the answer is clear. The „Underwater U2“ was a western mini sub badly damaged by mines. A US diver was brought to a Swedish hospital and picked up by a car from the US embassy. Listen to the first interview ever with Ola Tunander on this case! GUEST OVERVIEW: Prof. Ola Tunander was a research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Tunander is one of the foremost experts on intelligence operations of the Cold War. He has written and edited 12 books and numerous articles on security politics, naval strategy, submarine operations, geopolitics, PsyOp and Cold War history. The Swedish scientist has introduced the term "Deep State" into academia and was the civilian expert of the 3rd Swedish parliamentarian investigation into the submarine affair in Sweden in the 80s, which brought him respect, many friends and a ton of enemies in NATOs security elite.

On today's show we discuss the strange role of the German chancellor in the pipeline explosion case. It may be a darker story than we assume. GUEST OVERVIEW: Ola Tunander was a research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Tunander is one of the foremost experts on intelligence operations of the Cold War. He has written and edited 12 books and numerous articles on security politics, naval strategy, submarine operations, geopolitics, PsyOp and Cold War history. The Swedish scientist has introduced the term "Deep State" into academia and was the civilian expert of the 3rd Swedish parliamentarian investigation into the submarine affair in Sweden in the 80s, which brought him respect, many friends and a ton of enemies in NATOs security elite.

This year's Nobel Peace Prize winners: Jailed activist Ales Bialiatski, and the organisations Center for Civil Liberties in Ukraine, and Memorial, all take a stand against the power of the Kremlin. But does receiving the prize foster peace? Or antagonise President Putin? Guest: Sergei Davidis Group recipient of the 2022 Nobel Prize for Peace Sergey Markov Former Member of the Russian Parliament Henrik Urdal Director at the Peace Research Institute Oslo

On today's show we discuss the Nordstream pipelines explosions and disclosure for the first time previously unknown events, resembling the current crisis. They happened exactly 40 years ago. They were kept secret to avoid a scandal which would have damaged the relations between Sweden and USA and GB for decades to come. GUEST OVERVIEW: Ola Tunander was a research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Tunander is one of the foremost experts on intelligence operations of the Cold War. He has written and edited 12 books and numerous articles on security politics, naval strategy, submarine operations, geopolitics, PsyOp and Cold War history. The Swedish scientist has introduced the term "Deep State" into academia and was the civilian expert of the 3rd Swedish parliamentarian investigation into the submarine affair in Sweden in the 80s, which brought him respect and a ton of enemies in NATOs security elite.

On today's show we discuss the Nordstream pipelines explosions and disclosure for the first time previously unknown events, resembling the current crisis. They happened exactly 40 years ago. They were kept secret to avoid a scandal which would have damaged the relations between Sweden and USA and GB for decades to come. GUEST OVERVIEW: Ola Tunander was a research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo. Tunander is one of the foremost experts on intelligence operations of the Cold War. He has written and edited 12 books and numerous articles on security politics, naval strategy, submarine operations, geopolitics, PsyOp and Cold War history. The Swedish scientist has introduced the term "Deep State" into academia and was the civilian expert of the 3rd Swedish parliamentarian investigation into the submarine affair in Sweden in the 80s, which brought him respect and a ton of enemies in NATOs security elite.

To better understand the world seen from Hanoi, listen to the conversation between:Le Hong Lam, Ambassador to Norway, the Socialist Republic of VietnamStein Tønnesson, Research Professor, Peace Research Institute Oslo and board member of PF Internasjonal politikk og økonomiIn a conversation with Ambassador Le Hong Lam of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, Peace Researcher Stein Tønnesson gauges what the world looks like from Hanoi. The Ambassador tells about how it was to grow up in Hanoi during the Vietnam War, when most visiting foreigners were from the Soviet Union, and how Hanoians experienced the Doi Moi market reforms in the 1980s–90s. Tønnesson and Lam recall their first meeting in 1989, and then walk through Hanoi's historical and current perspectives on a rising China, a declining US, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), and Hanoi's view of Norway as a country that recognized Vietnam's socialist regime 50 years ago, and worked side by side with Vietnam in the UN Security Council during 2021.This episode is a recording from a seminar in the Polytechnic Society. The seminar is part of the series "The world seen from…", supported by The Fritt Ord Foundation. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

In this episode of “Keen On”, Andrew is joined by Jason Miklian to discuss how business leaders can ensure that their companies are confident, nimble, and successful over the coming decades, instead of being timid and unprofitable. Jason Miklian is a researcher at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, exploring the arenas where conflict and commerce meet. Miklian has written for or been cited in an expert capacity by the New York Times, the BBC, the Economist, Agence France-Presse, Foreign Policy, France 24, NRK (Norway), The Hindu (India), and National Public Radio (New York). Visit our website: https://lithub.com/story-type/keen-on/ Email Andrew: a.keen@me.com Watch the show live on Twitter: https://twitter.com/ajkeen Watch the show live on LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/ankeen/ Watch the show live on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/lithub Watch the show on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/c/LiteraryHub/videos Subscribe to Andrew's newsletter: https://andrew2ec.substack.com/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Is it possible to forecast when and where violence will escalate in the future? In this episode, Håvard Hegre -Dag Hammarskjöld Professor of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University and Research Professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo- talks about how he approaches to the question of prediction in peace studies. As the leader of the Violence Early-Warning System (ViEWS) project, Hegre explains the main components of a machine learning-based conflict forecast model. He also mentions various ethical dimensions of producing publicly available predictions. Researching Peace is a podcast from the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University, hosted by Professor Isak Svensson.

Peter Warren Singer is Strategist and Senior Fellow at New America. He has been named by the Smithsonian as one of the nation’s 100 leading innovators, by Defense News as one of the 100 most influential people in defense issues, and by Foreign Policy to their Top 100 Global Thinkers List. Mr. Singer is the author of multiple best-selling, award winning books in both fiction and nonfiction. Described in the Wall Street Journal as “the premier futurist in the national-security environment,” Mr. Singer is considered one of the world’s leading experts on changes in 21st century warfare, with more books on the military professional reading lists than any other author, living or dead. He has consulted for the U.S. Military, Defense Intelligence Agency, and FBI, as well as advised a range of entertainment programs, including for Warner Brothers, Dreamworks, Universal, HBO, Discovery, History Channel, and the video game series Call of Duty.August Cole is an author and futurist exploring the future of conflict through fiction and other forms of storytelling. He is a non-resident fellow at the Brute Krulak Center for Innovation and Creativity at Marine Corps University and a non-resident senior fellow at the Brent Scowcroft Center on International Security at the Atlantic Council; he directed the Council’s Art of the Future Project, which explores creative and narrative works for insight into the future of conflict, from its inception in 2014 through 2017. Mr. Cole is a regular speaker to private sector, academic, and U.S. and allied government audiences. He also leads the Strategy team for the Warring with Machines AI ethics project at the Peace Research Institute Oslo.Messrs. Singer and Cole co-authored the best selling Ghost Fleet: A Novel of the Next World War, a near-future thriller about the next world war. Foreign Policy states “Every Army officer should read it…. we need to imagine what war will look like in the future so that we are prepared to win.” Last year, Messrs. Singer and Cole co-authored Burn-In: A Novel of the Real Robotic Revolution — our colleagues at War on the Rocks stated that this novel “will do more for defense experts’ understanding of this brave new world with literature than a thousand non-fiction assessments would have.”In today’s podcast, Messrs. Singer and Cole discuss the power of fictional intelligence; the importance of storytelling, narrative, and verisimilitude in crafting tales of future possibilities that resonate and inform; and the significance of imagination. The following bullet points highlight key insights from our discussion: FicInt, also known as fictional

Migrantes e refugiados são cada vez mais hostilizados, no que parece ser um esforço por retratá-los como perigosos e dissuadi-los de tentarem entrar na Europa. O editor de internacional do Expresso, Pedro Cordeiro, e a jornalista Ana França conversam com Bruno Oliveira Martins, investigador e professor no Peace Research Institute Oslo, organismo com sede na capital norueguesa que estuda as possibilidades diplomáticas da resolução de problemas entre nações

Rebecca Bryant, Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Utrecht University, and Mete Hatay, the Senior Research Consultant at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, co-authored Sovereignty Suspended: Building the So-Called State (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020). The monograph is based on more than two decades of ethnographic and archival research in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus – an entity that looks like a state and acts like a state but that much of the world says does not or should not exist. Sovereignty Suspended traces the process by which the north portion of the Mediterranean island of Cyprus began to emerge as a separate but unrecognized state-like space following the violent partition of the mid-1970s. The authors excavate the contradictions and paradoxes of life in a “de facto” state, arguing that it is only by rethinking the concept of de facto statehood as a realm of social and cultural practice that we will come to understand the longevity of such states and what it means to live in them. Vladislav Lilic is a doctoral candidate in Modern European History at Vanderbilt University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/political-science

Rebecca Bryant, Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Utrecht University, and Mete Hatay, the Senior Research Consultant at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, co-authored Sovereignty Suspended: Building the So-Called State (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020). The monograph is based on more than two decades of ethnographic and archival research in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus – an entity that looks like a state and acts like a state but that much of the world says does not or should not exist. Sovereignty Suspended traces the process by which the north portion of the Mediterranean island of Cyprus began to emerge as a separate but unrecognized state-like space following the violent partition of the mid-1970s. The authors excavate the contradictions and paradoxes of life in a “de facto” state, arguing that it is only by rethinking the concept of de facto statehood as a realm of social and cultural practice that we will come to understand the longevity of such states and what it means to live in them. Vladislav Lilic is a doctoral candidate in Modern European History at Vanderbilt University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/anthropology

Rebecca Bryant, Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Utrecht University, and Mete Hatay, the Senior Research Consultant at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, co-authored Sovereignty Suspended: Building the So-Called State (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020). The monograph is based on more than two decades of ethnographic and archival research in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus – an entity that looks like a state and acts like a state but that much of the world says does not or should not exist. Sovereignty Suspended traces the process by which the north portion of the Mediterranean island of Cyprus began to emerge as a separate but unrecognized state-like space following the violent partition of the mid-1970s. The authors excavate the contradictions and paradoxes of life in a “de facto” state, arguing that it is only by rethinking the concept of de facto statehood as a realm of social and cultural practice that we will come to understand the longevity of such states and what it means to live in them. Vladislav Lilic is a doctoral candidate in Modern European History at Vanderbilt University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/eastern-european-studies

Rebecca Bryant, Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Utrecht University, and Mete Hatay, the Senior Research Consultant at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, co-authored Sovereignty Suspended: Building the So-Called State (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020). The monograph is based on more than two decades of ethnographic and archival research in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus – an entity that looks like a state and acts like a state but that much of the world says does not or should not exist. Sovereignty Suspended traces the process by which the north portion of the Mediterranean island of Cyprus began to emerge as a separate but unrecognized state-like space following the violent partition of the mid-1970s. The authors excavate the contradictions and paradoxes of life in a “de facto” state, arguing that it is only by rethinking the concept of de facto statehood as a realm of social and cultural practice that we will come to understand the longevity of such states and what it means to live in them. Vladislav Lilic is a doctoral candidate in Modern European History at Vanderbilt University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Rebecca Bryant, Professor of Cultural Anthropology at Utrecht University, and Mete Hatay, the Senior Research Consultant at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, co-authored Sovereignty Suspended: Building the So-Called State (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020). The monograph is based on more than two decades of ethnographic and archival research in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus – an entity that looks like a state and acts like a state but that much of the world says does not or should not exist. Sovereignty Suspended traces the process by which the north portion of the Mediterranean island of Cyprus began to emerge as a separate but unrecognized state-like space following the violent partition of the mid-1970s. The authors excavate the contradictions and paradoxes of life in a “de facto” state, arguing that it is only by rethinking the concept of de facto statehood as a realm of social and cultural practice that we will come to understand the longevity of such states and what it means to live in them. Vladislav Lilic is a doctoral candidate in Modern European History at Vanderbilt University. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology

This episode of TwentyTwenty explores the role of American soft power in its international relations: how human rights have historically shaped decision making; the impact of race relations; and the increasing concerns around militarisation in the USA. This week's interviewees: Monica Toft: Professor of international politics and director of the Center for Strategic Studies at The Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy and a research associate at Harvard Kennedy School's Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. She is a supernumerary fellow at Brasenose College, University of Oxford, a Global Scholar of the Peace Research Institute Oslo, a member of the Council on Foreign Relations, the Minorities at Risk Advisory Board and the Political Instability Task Force. Prior to this, she spent four years in the United States Army as a Russian linguist. Inderjeet Parmar: Past president, chair and vice chair of the British International Studies Association; currently Visiting Professor at LSE (2019-2022) and a Visiting Research Fellow at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford. He is co-editor of a book series, Routledge Studies in US Foreign Policy and served as Principal Investigator and co-ordinator of the AHRC Research Network on the Presidency of Barack Obama. He is currently working with colleagues to establish the Trump Project. This episode was presented and edited by Elizabeth Dykstra-McCarthy. The lead researcher was Alex Brotman. The Executive Producer for TwentyTwenty is Elizabeth Dykstra, with the Associate Producer Max Klaver and Studio Assistant Rachel Carp. Opening music: Tango de Manzana by Kevin MacLeod Link: https://incompetech.filmmusic.io/song/4460-tango-de-manzana License: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/

Humanitarian personnel from time to time find themselves transporting desperate civilian residents forced out of besieged areas into long-term or even permanent displacement Humanitarian personnel from time to time find themselves transporting desperate civilian residents forced out of besieged areas into long-term or even permanent displacement, although such removal is absolutely forbidden under the law of armed conflict (LOAC). Killing enemy combatants using lethal autonomous weapons may feel deeply offensive to humanity, yet it arguably remains in compliance with today's LOAC. When faced with dilemmas such as these, what is an ethically sensitive and law-abiding actor to do? Can the law itself resolve them? In his new book, Military Necessity: The Art, Morality and Law of War, Nobuo Hayashi develops two hypotheses regarding how concerns for humanity may override LOAC rules. In one, even if LOAC's black-letter rules prohibit particular action, its compliance with what humanity demands may restore its lawfulness. Hayashi calls this hypothesis “Humantätsgebot geht vor kriegsmanier”, or “Humantätsgebot” for short. In the other hypothesis, doing what humanity condemns is sufficient to impair its conformity with LOAC's black-letter rules and to render it unlawful as a result. He calls this latter hypothesis “counter-Humantätsgebot”. An example of the first hypothesis can be seen in Article 118 of Geneva Convention III (1949) that unqualifiedly obligates states to release and repatriate all prisoners of war (POWs) in their custody without delay. And yet, already during the Korean War, states declined to repatriate POWs against their own will. Towards the end phase of the Falkland-Malvinas conflict, the British kept their Argentine POWs in detention aboard naval vessels at sea on urgent humanitarian grounds, despite Article 22 of Geneva Convention III according to which POWs “may be interned only in premises located on land”. If we were to justify such behaviour, would we not have any choice but to do so by accepting Humantätsgebot? An example of the counter-Humanitätsgebot hypothesis is how in 1991, Iraqi forces retreating en masse from Kuwait via desert highways were intercepted by Coalition forces and decimated under relentless artillery and machinegun fire. The so-called “capture rather than kill” debate highlights LOAC's ambiguity where one has the option to capture, wound or kill one's enemy. It is asserted with a growing frequency that killing rather than capturing enemy soldiers should be deemed a breach of LOAC where they were susceptible to both modes of disablement. A hint of counter-Humantätsgebot is inescapable here, in so far as it is arguable that today's LOAC does not obligate the belligerent to employ the least injurious mode of disablement available. Hayashi will test the viability of these two hypotheses by re-imagining LOAC as a system of inclusive legal positivism. In one version of inclusive positivism, a legal system's rule of recognition requires a would-be norm to be compatible with public morals (“necessity thesis”). To the extent LOAC's rule of recognition espouses the necessity thesis, we can say that Humanitätsgebot is true. In another version of inclusive positivism, a rule of recognition validates public morals as law, whatever existing legal provisions have to say on the issue at hand (“sufficiency thesis”). Whether counter-Humanitätsgebot is true depends on the extent to which LOAC's rule of recognition exhibits the sufficiency thesis. Nobuo Hayashi is an Associate Senior Lecturer at the Centre for International and Operational Law, Swedish Defence University. He also holds visiting professorships at the UN-mandated University for Peace (San José, Costa Rica) and the UN Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (Turin, Italy). Hayashi specialises in international humanitarian law, international criminal law, jus ad bellum and international weapons law. He has twenty years of experience performing advanced research, providing expert advice, teaching postgraduate students and training senior professionals in these areas. Hayashi's work has been cited in international war crimes trials and diplomatic negotiations. His latest monograph, Military Necessity: The Art, Morality and Law of War, was published by Cambridge University Press in 2020. Major positions held: Senior Legal Advisor, International Law and Policy Institute (Oslo, Norway); Visiting Professor, International University of Japan; Researcher, Peace Research Institute Oslo; and Legal officer, Office of the Prosecutor, International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia. Degrees earned: Ph.D. (Leiden), LL.M. (Cantab.), DÉS (Graduate Institute), BSFS (Georgetown).

This is Season 4 Episode 3 of MK on the Mic, a podcast dedicated to having conversations relevant to POC communities. I am joined by Prof. Christian Davenport, Professor of Political Science at the University of Michigan as well as a Faculty Associate at the Center for Political Studies and Research Professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo. In this episode we dissect police abolition. Find timestamped topics below: 1:16 Why were the police set up in the USA? 3:16 The type of people who join the police force 4:50 Why are states finding violent people and bringing them into the fold? 7:30 Can we just sack all of the police officers? 8:42 If we take weapons away from the police, what’s stopping people from being violent for the sake of being violent? 11:06 What keeps society from being violent? Most communities have no interaction with the police. 15:34 The history of over-policing of the black community. 18:50 Funding and reallocation of resources. 20:00 The inequality gap and violent crime. 25:00 When white cops kill white citizens, why is there no footage or protests? 29:00 Accountability and justifying shootings. 37:00 What can we learn from Norway? Please share this episode on your IG stories, Twitter etc, and tag me so I can say thank you for listening! If you enjoyed this episode please leave a review on the Apple Podcasts app, link:
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A Turkish vessel searching for natural gas deposits in disputed waters of the eastern Mediterranean Sea has returned to port, giving nearby nations hope that a simmering crisis can deescalate.  Turkish officials insisted that the return of the Oruç Reis research ship is a planned stop for maintenance and restocking, not a concession to Greece and the European Union. Leaders of seven EU countries that border the Mediterranean gathered on the island of Corsica last week and floated the possibility of economic sanctions against Turkey if it does not stand down.  Related: Tensions along the border between Greece and Turkey “We want to talk with Turkey, but in a climate without provocations.”Greek President Kyriakos Mitsotakis, Thessaloniki, Greece“The return of Oruç Reis is a positive first step,” Greek President Kyriakos Mitsotakis told the newspaper Kathimerini, in the city of Thessaloniki. “We want to talk with Turkey, but in a climate without provocations.” While the land borders of Greece and Turkey today are fairly clear  — decided by conflicts of the 20th century — claims over the sea are not. Add recent, underwater gas discoveries to the mix, and the decision about who has the right to drill — and where — becomes tangled and complex. A tricky untangling of borders at sea The Turkish beach town of Kaş is a tiny collection of bright white homes, framed with vines of wisteria and colorfully painted doors. Antique wooden balconies lean over the cobblestone streets and meyhanes (traditional restaurants or bars). Across the turquoise-blue waters of the bay is the Greek island of Kastellorizo, a mere 20 minutes away on the ferry. Not far beyond that, is the island nation of Cyprus — whose boisterous talk shows you can catch on the radio on the drive along the Turkish coast. The proximity of Kaş to the EU also makes it a frequent jumping-off point for asylum-seekers, who are crowded into inflatable rafts by smugglers in the dead of night. Greece, which holds most of the islands reaching out toward the Turkish coast, claims an exclusive economic zone that reaches within just a few kilometers of Turkey’s shores. In November, Turkey signed a deal with Libya’s Tripoli government claiming much of the eastern Mediterranean for itself. Cyprus, which acts almost like Greece’s little brother in the political realm, is closest to the latest gas finds. But Turkey’s military has occupied the northern part of the island since 1974. The result is an invisible crosshatching of maritime borders over a patch of sea that may or may not have natural gas deposits underneath.   The idea that EU countries, working with Cyprus and Egypt, could effectively block Turkey from the eastern Mediterranean makes Turkish policymakers furious. “It’s unimaginable,” said Cem Gürdeniz, a retired admiral in the Turkish navy who coined his vision for Turkey’s preferred maritime borders as “Mavi Vatan,” or “Blue Homeland.” There’s no reason for tiny Greek islands like Kastellorizo to have the same claims to the sea as a country’s continental shelf, he argues. “They’re excluding Turkey from the Mediterranean Sea, they’re strangling Turkey into the land, pushing Turkey. ... Greece is living in a fantasy world.”Cem Gürdeniz, retired admiral, Turkish navy“They’re excluding Turkey from the Mediterranean Sea, they’re strangling Turkey into the land, pushing Turkey,” Gürdeniz said. “Greece is living in a fantasy world.”  Greeks, however, feel the same about Turkey. “It’s not about gas, it’s about sovereignty,” said Panayotis Tsakonas, a professor of international relations at National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, and head of the security program at ELIAMEP, an Athens-based think tank. “Turkey is not interested in coming to terms with its neighbor. ... That’s the problem, and that’s a problem that relates to [Turkish president] Erdoğan himself and his vision of a revival of the Ottoman Empire.”Panayotis Tsakona, professor of international relations, National and Kapodistrian University of Athens, Greece“Turkey is not interested in coming to terms with its neighbor,” Tsakonas said. “That’s the problem, and that’s a problem that relates to [Turkish president] Erdoğan himself and his vision of a revival of the Ottoman Empire.” Related: Turkey's president formally makes Haghia Sophia a mosqueMost drilling has stopped during the pandemic, save for one boat: the Oruc Reis, sent by Turkey, into the waters near Cyprus. Flanked by military ships. “Something that is technically illegal in international law, in the sense that it was not invented by Cyprus,” said Harry Tzimitras, director of the Peace Research Institute Oslo’s Cyprus Center. Cypriots, Tzimtras said, would consider it a “pirate activity.”Turkey, however, claims it has a right to sail in Cypriot waters. Historically, Cyprus had both a Turkish-speaking Muslim population, and a Greek-speaking Orthodox population. In the 1970s, the Greek military junta orchestrated a coup in Cyprus, hoping to make it part of Greece. So, the Turkish military invaded the northern part of Cyprus — and the island has been divided by a long, uninhabited boundary zone ever since. Related: Olive oil company unites Cyprus with a 'taste of peace' “It’s a daily reality, obviously, if your country is occupied by another state,” Tzimtras said. “A large percentage of the population became internally displaced persons, or refugees, as they call themselves. And obviously, both themselves and the generations afterward feel the trauma on the island each and every day.” Northern Cyprus is not internationally recognized as a part of Turkey, — but the government in Ankara insists it has a right to the waters nearby. Greece, meanwhile, says Turkey is violating its territory with military ships. Greek leaders are seeking help from the EU to defend their borders, but they warn that they won’t hesitate to act alone. The EU floats sanctions Last week, EU leaders of countries bordering the Mediterranean held an emergency meeting in Corsica. French President Emmanuel Macron again raised the possibility of sanctions if Turkey doesn’t stand down, saying that Turkey is “no longer a partner” in the region — a sentiment that Turkish pundits railed at as “colonialist.” After the Corsica meeting, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitosotakis said Europe is willing to have a dialogue with Turkey if it makes a convincing case that it respects international law — completely, not selectively. Turkey’s Foreign Ministry shot back with a response: In order to reduce the tension, they wrote, Greece must withdraw its navy from around the Turkish research ship, support NATO’s deescalation process, and stop arming the eastern Aegean islands. “Turkey’s endgame is a negotiated solution."Howard Eissenstat, Middle East historian, St. Lawrence University, upstate New York “Turkey’s endgame is a negotiated solution,” said Howard Eissenstat, a Middle East historian at St. Lawrence University in upstate New York.If there is to be a path forward, he said, the countries involved need a chance to save face. Eissenstat sees this crisis as evidence of a larger pattern playing out in Libya, Syria, and on the open sea. Increasingly, Turkey has been willing to use the strength of its military to push its way through to the bargaining table — and get what it wants. “Turkey took away from the refugee crisis a sense that in its relations with the EU, it has to play hardball, it has to be extremely assertive about its desires,” Eissenstat said.  Because of its strategic position, because the EU has a fundamental strategic interest in a stable Turkey… it will get its way in the end.” The European Council is scheduled to meet Sept. 24 and 25, and has highlighted relations with Turkey as a priority on the agenda. 

Harry Tzimitras of the Peace Research Institute Oslo told Ahval editor David Lepeska that Turkey has been using its quest for natural gas to send a political and military message to the region and the West, and that the pandemic has shrunk energy demand and dramatically altered the situation in the eastern Mediterranean, from which gas will not be going to the European market.

Climate change is increasingly considered a security threat with potentially far-reaching implications for the geostrategic environment. Through large-scale migration, increased border tensions, and greater demands for rescue and evacuation efforts, climate change potentially impacts the individual security of people and the viability of vulnerable states to an extent that exceeds existing disaster-response capabilities. As a result, Germany has announced that one focus of its membership in the United Nations Security Council will be on climate related security risks. Links to climate change have slowly started to enter UN resolutions in recent years, but there is still controversy about the extent to which climate related security risks can and should be addressed by the UN Security Council. How can the international community best address resource conflicts driven by climate change? What consideration needs to be given to climate change in conflict prevention? And what are the long-term consequences of including climate change in the agenda of the UN Security Council with regards to sanctions and peacekeeping? A discussion on the security implications of climate change and the role of the UN Security Council in this context, with speakers Ottmar Georg Edenhofer, Director of the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research (PIK), Professor for the Economics of Climate Change at the Technical University Berlin and founding director of the Mercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change (MCC), Nina von Uexkull, Assistant Professor at the Department of Peace and Conflict Research at Uppsala University and Associate Senior Researcher at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, and Karl-Heinz Kamp, Special Envoy of the Political Director in the German Ministry of Defence. Welcome and introduction by Detlef Dzembritzki, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the United Nations Association of Germany, event chaired by Ambassador Wolfgang Ischinger, Senior Professor for Security Policy and Diplomatic Practice at the Hertie School, Director of the school’s Centre for International Security and Chairman of the Munich Security Conference.

You and a body of like-minded people want to reform a wretched regime, or perhaps just break away from it and create an independent state. Are you more likely to achieve your goals by a campaign of bombings, assassinations and riots, or by mass protests which are avowedly peaceful? Erica Chenoweth, a professor of public policy at Harvard Kennedy School and a Susan S. and Kenneth L. Wallach Professor at the Radcliffe Institute for Advanced Study, has studied this question in depth, her latest book being Civil Resistance: What Everyone Needs to Know. (And people do listen: In 2014 she received the Karl Deutsch Award, given annually by the International Studies Association to the scholar under 40 who has made the most significant impact on the field of international politics or peace research.) Starting in 2006, she and Maria Stephan, and later other colleagues, have collected and cataloged mass movements – those with at least a thousand participants and with repeated actions—since 1900, trying to see whether violence or nonviolence help bring reform. “Turns out,” Chenoweth tells Dave Edmonds in this Social Science Bites podcast, “that the nonviolent campaigns in the data had about a two-to-one advantage in success rate over the violent campaigns.” This isn’t to say that violent movements have never worked, or that nonviolent ones always work (they fail as often as they succeed); it is saying that nonviolence tends to work better. One contributing factor seems to be that nonviolent campaigns are generally larger – 11 times larger, on average—than violent ones. “That allows them to activate many different elements of political power,” Chenoweth notes. Success comes in various forms. In anti-dictatorial movements, the strongman’s departure within a year of the peak of the movement—and with the movement being an obvious factor—would be considered a success; same for kicking out an occupying power or seceding from a larger entity Some notable nonviolent mass movements that succeeded were the Iranian Revolution (although a violent consolidation of power did follow the removal of the Shah) and the 2000 “Bulldozer Revolution” in Serbia which toppled Slobodan Milosevic. “There are hundreds if not thousands of techniques of nonviolent action,” she explains. “It’s any form of unarmed conflict where people actively confront an opponent without threatening or directly harming them physically. So it can be a protest, a sit-in, but it can also be a strike, a withdrawal of economic cooperation (like a boycott), a withdrawal of social cooperation (like refusing to wear a certain prescribed attire).” This is a subset of civil resistance movements, what Chenoweth calls “maximalist” movements, while the bigger tent of civil resistance would include the reformist efforts or Martin Luther King, Jr. or the Suffragettes. Chenoweth says she “errs on the conservative side” by classifying protests that involve destruction of property as violent, although she does study hybrid campaigns which are generally nonviolent but have “violent flanks,” as long as those fringe actions are not inherently adopted, or are specifically rejected, by the larger movement. Chenoweth has worked diligently to spread her message outside of academia. In addition to her books and journal articles, she co-hosts the blog Political Violence @ a Glance, hosts the blog Rational Insurgent, and blogs occasionally at the Washington Post’s The Monkey Cage. She directs, with Jeremy Pressman, the Crowd Counting Consortium, which has examined American political mobilization during the Trump years. Her 2012 book with Stephan, Why Civil Resistance Works, won the 2013 Grawemeyer Award for Ideas Improving World Order and the American Political Science Association’s 2012 Woodrow Wilson Foundation Award. Some of her other books include the edited volume, The Oxford Handbook of Terrorism, with Richard English, Andreas Gofas, and Stathis N. Kalyvas; last year’s  The Politics of Terror with Pauline Moore; and the 2013 SAGE book Political Violence. Chenoweth is currently a research associate at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, a fellow at the One Earth Future Foundation, and a term member at the Council on Foreign Relations.

“Climate is unquestionably linked to armed conflict,” says Halvard Buhaug, Research Professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, in the latest Wilson Center podcast. “If we produce a map of the world with locations of ongoing and recently entered armed conflicts, and we superimpose on that map different climate zones or climatic regions, we would very easily see a distinct clustering pattern of armed conflicts in warmer climates.” Since 1950, countries that have experienced at least one civil conflict have been an average of 8 degrees Celsius warmer than countries that have remained peaceful, reports Buhaug. Furthermore, rates of conflict are 10 times higher in dry climate zones than in continental climate zones. While these statistics show a clear correlation between climate and conflict, they do not prove that severe climates or changes in climate can cause conflict. Does such a causal connection exist? Maybe, says Buhaug: “There is emerging evidence that climate changes can affect the dynamics of conflict,” including duration, likelihood of a peaceful ending, and the severity of conflict. Extreme weather in particular “can make conflict resolution harder [and] can make it easier for rebel organizations to recruit soldiers.” However, there is yet “no scientific consensus that climatic changes can cause the outbreak of new conflicts,” he says. To identify causal mechanisms, we need more research: We “need to study dogs that don’t bark: societies that regularly experience extreme weather events…but where we do not observe a violent outcome.” Whether or not climate causes conflict, “adaptation and development can be very important in lessening the human costs of that conflict,” he says, especially because “conflict is an important cause of vulnerability to climatic changes.” “Ending armed conflict is the most effective strategy to lower the human consequences of climate change and to create facilities compatible with sustained growth,” says Buhaug.

Dr Jeni Klugman, Managing Director, Georgetown Institute for Women Peace and Security, Fellow at the Kennedy School of Government’s Women in Public Policy Program, Harvard University; Hon Dr Sharman Stone, Australian Global Ambassador for Women and Girls; Dr Anu Mundkur, ACFID Secondee to the Australian Civil-Military Centre. Countries are more peaceful and prosperous when women are accorded full and equal rights and opportunity. The new global Women, Peace and Security Index from Georgetown University’s Institute for Women, Peace and Security and the Peace Research Institute Oslo identifies challenges and opportunities for transformative change. The index incorporates three basic dimensions of wellbeing—inclusion (economic, social, political); justice (formal laws and informal discrimination); and security (at the family, community, and societal levels)—and captures and quantifies them through 11 indicators. It ranks 153 countries—covering more than 98 per cent of the world’s population—along these three dimensions in a way that focuses attention on key achievements and major shortcomings. At the Australian launch of the index, Lead Author Jeni Klugman shared details on the main findings, and the utility of the index for groups such as policymakers, civil society and the private sector. She was joined by Australia’s Global Ambassador for Women and Girls, the Hon Dr Sharman Stone, and Dr Anu Mundkur, Australian Council for International Development’s representative on the steering group of the Australian Civil Society Coalition on Women, Peace and Security, to discuss the implications of the index more broadly. The event was followed by a networking reception.

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length.

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

When is war justified? What makes a just war?  These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length.

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

When is war justified? What makes a just war? These are difficult questions to answer, but particularly so for Christians, followers of Jesus, who suffered violence without responding in kind. One philosopher-theologian who wrestled with these issues was Thomas Aquinas. Dr. Gregory Reichberg, research professor at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, explores this subject in his new book Thomas Aquinas on War and Peace (Cambridge University Press, 2017). Not only does this work do an excellent job in probing in an accessible yet deep way Aquinas understanding of just war, Reichberg both reveals aspects of Aquinas thought on war that are rarely examined, such as the connection between the cardinal virtue of fortitude and military service, and connects Aquinas and the just war tradition to contemporary debates about the waging of war. This book is highly recommended for anyone interested in this subject, and it has something to say both to people largely unfamiliar with it, as well as those who have studied the subject at length. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

I ukens sending tar Utenriksmagasinet MIR for seg borgerkriger. I studio diskuterer programleder Daniel Gangeskar, Kjersti Brevik Møller og Truls Moltubakk konfliktene i Ukraina, Jemen og Colombia. Fridrikka Gudmundsdottir Støhle har intervjuet Fanny Nicolaisen fra Peace Research Institute Oslo om situasjonen i Sør-Sudan. Ukens patosfylte kommentar er levert av Magnus Nordal Røtnes. Sendt: 28.04.17

In this episode, Nazmi Al-Jubeh, historian and archeologist at Birzeit Univeristy, and Hind Khoury, former Minister for Jerusalem Affairs for the Palestinian Authorities, talk about the current situation in Jerusalem, following the 2014 Gaza war, reflecting openly on the situation for Palestinians in Jerusalem under occupation, and the shortcomings of the Palestinian Authorities. Leading the conversation is senior researcher at the Peace Research Institute Oslo, Marte Heian-Engdal. The Palestinian poet Jehan Bseiso also reads her poem Hashtag Gaza. The conversation took place at the House of Literature March 6th, 2017, as part of the 2017 Saladin Days, focusing on Jerusalem.

Mareile Kaufmann is a senior researcher at the Peace Research Institute Oslo. She holds a PhD in Criminology from Hamburg University. Neighboring disciplines such as critical security studies and cultural sciences equally shape her research agenda, which focuses on the meeting point between societal security and security technologies.