Podcasts about kremlin

1912 WILLIAM JENNINGS  RBYAN SPEECHAnatol Lieven examines Europe's missing voice in Kremlin negotiations, highlighting hurdles like sanctions relief and Russia's demand for Ukrainian withdrawal from the contested Donbass territory. 1.Anatol Lieven questions the lack of a clear strategy for US naval fleets near Iran, hoping for diplomatic compromise and economic opening rather than war. 2.Arthur Herman contrasts the Scottish Enlightenment's focus on liberty with the French "general will," arguing that collectivism historically descends into state violence and tyranny. 3.Arthur Herman argues that the American worldview rests on three Scottish pillars: unity of knowledge, common sense, and the harmonious integration of modern scientific discovery with ancient religious revelation. 4.John Yoo reports that in a 6-3 decision, the Court ruled that the IEEPA does not grant the president power to impose universal tariffs without explicit Congressional authorization. 5.John Yoo argues that the tariff ruling proves the Court is not a partisan tool, but an independent body upholding constitutional boundaries and judicial ideology. 6.Mary Anastasia O'Grady describes Cuba's regime reaching its limits, discussing the difficulty of replacing the leadership without causing total societal chaos, looting, or a power vacuum. 7.Doug Messier reports that persistent thruster failures and engineering incompetence have marred Boeing's Starlinerprogram, leaving astronauts marooned and NASA heavily dependent on SpaceX for crewed orbital missions. 8.Professor Evan Ellis reports that the death of kingpin Nemesio Cervantes triggered nationwide gunplay and roadblocks in Mexico, highlighting cartel dominance and the personal nature of the security forces' fight. 9.Professor Evan Ellis reports that a deadly clash between Cuban forces and an American speedboat underscores the island's dire economic crisis and massive blackouts caused by severe, ongoing petroleum shortages. 10.Professor Evan Ellis reports that the US allows Venezuelan oil resale to Cuba's private sector to empower citizens, while Nicolas Maduro faces criminal proceedings in a formal New York courtroom. 11.Professor Evan Ellis reports that constant leadership turnover in Peru complicates governance, raising fears that China's Chancay port could serve military logistics for the People's Liberation Army during wartime. 12.Josiah Hesse explores Mason City's religious history, linking the Music Man allegory to the Scopes trial and traveling preachers who exploited regional evangelical fervor. 13.Josiah Hesse describes his parents' journey through the apocalyptic 1970s Jesus movement into a prosperity gospel church that resulted in extreme poverty and financial disillusionment. 14.Josiah Hesse reports that Paul Weyrich used abortion as a wedge issue to mobilize evangelical voters, successfully aligning Iowa's religious community with the Republican Party during Reagan's campaign. 15.Josiah Hesse recounts the psychological fear of his religious upbringing while observing how Donald Trump's populism continues to resonate deeply with modern Iowa evangelical voters. 16.

Anatol Lieven examines Europe's missing voice in Kremlin negotiations, highlighting hurdles like sanctions relief and Russia's demand for Ukrainian withdrawal from the contested Donbass territory. 1.1890 MEXICO CITY

This week marked 4 years since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and the start of a war that served as a wakeup call for Europe and the West. Since then, we've seen Europe take drastic steps to cut its ties to Russian gas, redrawing the region's energy map. Greece has played, and continues to play, a key role in this story. At the same time, questions remain about European security, the continued Russian threat, and whether the Trump administration can deliver a negotiated peace. Finally, the war in Ukraine also brought the world's attention to a murkier side of the Kremlin's playbook, and that's the weaponization of the Orthodox Church and its campaign to undermine the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt, Charles Kupchan, Elena Lazarou, and Aristotle Papanikolaou join Thanos Davelis this week for a deep dive into how Russia's invasion of Ukraine four years ago has changed Europe, reshaped the region's energy map, and impacted the Ecumenical Patriarchate and Orthodoxy around the world. Taking us to our “I am HALC” segment, we're putting the spotlight on Andreas Akaras, looking at his time on Capitol Hill and his work bringing Turkey to justice over the attack by Turkish President Erdogan's bodyguards against US protesters in Washington, DC. A little more info on our guests: Charles Kupchan is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and professor of international affairs at Georgetown University in the Walsh School of Foreign Service and Department of Government. Elena Lazarou is the Director General of ELIAMEP and an expert specializing in EU foreign policy, global geopolitics, transatlantic relations, and security and defence issues. Amb. Geoffrey Pyatt is former US ambassador to Greece and Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources. Aristotle Papanikolaou is a Professor of Theology and the Archbishop Demetrios Chair in Orthodox Theology and Culture. He is Co-founding Director of the Orthodox Christian Studies Center at Fordham University. You can support The Greek Current by joining HALC as a member here.

Craig Unger traces Trump's political ascent back to his 1987 Moscow trip, suggesting Russian connections and talking points have influenced his foreign policy for forty years. 16.1917 KREMLIN

Esta semana se han cumplido cuatro años del comienzo de la invasión rusa a Ucrania, un conflicto que arrancó como una crisis regional y ha terminado por modificar los equilibrios geopolíticos de todo el mundo. Rusia ha quedado ya totalmente aislada de Occidente y eso ha empujado al país hacia la órbita de la China popular. Entre medias, la Federación Rusa se ha transformado definitivamente en una autocracia con Vladimir Putin a su cabeza. Lo que en origen el Kremlin concibió como una operación relámpago de apenas tres días para descabezar al gobierno ucraniano y hacerse con el control de país, fracasó estrepitosamente en solo 48 horas. Desde aquel entonces la guerra ha pasado por varias etapas: desde el asedio devastador de Mariúpol y las exitosas contraofensivas ucranianas en Járkov y Jersón, hasta llegar a la actual y agónica guerra de desgaste en la que el frente apenas se mueve. El balance humano es simplemente estremecedor. Aunque las cifras oficiales se guardan con celo, se estima que unos dos millones de soldados han muerto, han resultado heridos o han desaparecido en combate. En estos momentos Rusia mantiene el control de casi el 20% del territorio ucraniano, lo ha anexionado incluso a la federación. Este último invierno ha sido especialmente duro debido a que los ataques rusos se han centrado en destruir la infraestructura energética para dejar a la población civil sin luz ni calefacción con temperaturas extremadamente bajas. En el aspecto militar Ucrania se ha convertido en un laboratorio de tecnología bélica en el que los drones han pasado a ser los protagonistas hasta tal punto que son responsables del 80% de las bajas. Han pasado de usar drones comerciales modificados a sistemas con inteligencia artificial y fibra óptica inmunes a las interferencias. Incluso en el mar Negro Ucrania ha logrado hundir o dañar un tercio de la flota rusa valiéndose de drones navales. Eso ha forzado a la flota rusa del mar Negro a cambiar de cuartel general para alejarse de las costas ucranianas. Pero el coste de estas hazañas está siendo inmenso para Ucrania. La población del país, que antes de la anexión de Crimea superaba los 46 millones de habitantes, hoy es de unos 29 millones, la economía está devastada y depende por completo de la ayuda de la Unión Europea. La natalidad está por los suelos y las reclutas son cada vez más difíciles. Un dato: la edad media de soldados ucranianos es ya de 43 años. Rusia, por su parte, ha logrado resistir las sanciones internacionales transformando su economía en una economía de guerra totalmente volcada en el gasto bélico. Han conseguido esquivar el bloqueo financiero occidental mediante una "flota fantasma" que vende a descuento petróleo a la India y a China. En estos momentos el futuro se decide en una mesa de negociación que se ha abierto en Ginebra a instancias de Estados Unidos. Hay dos planes enfrentados: uno presentado por Estados Unidos que exige concesiones muy dolorosas para Ucrania, como renunciar a la OTAN y ceder Crimea y el Donbás; y otro de las potencias europeas que busca condiciones algo más equilibradas. Aunque se habla de progresos, Zelenski se resiste a ceder territorio mientras los bombardeos continúen. La voluntad de alcanzar la paz, al menos por parte de los ucranianos, está ahí, pero el final de esta pesadilla todavía no se ve cercano. En La ContraRéplica: 0:00 Introducción 3:59 Cuatro años de guerra en Ucrania 35:59 “Contra el pesimismo”… https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R 37:48 Preguntas sobre la guerra 44:37 Los cárteles y el miedo a la población 52:13 El insulto a Vinicius · Canal de Telegram: https://t.me/lacontracronica · “Contra el pesimismo”… https://amzn.to/4m1RX2R · “Hispanos. Breve historia de los pueblos de habla hispana”… https://amzn.to/428js1G · “La ContraHistoria del comunismo”… https://amzn.to/39QP2KE · “La ContraHistoria de España. Auge, caída y vuelta a empezar de un país en 28 episodios”… https://amzn.to/3kXcZ6i · “Contra la Revolución Francesa”… https://amzn.to/4aF0LpZ · “Lutero, Calvino y Trento, la Reforma que no fue”… https://amzn.to/3shKOlK Apoya La Contra en: · Patreon... https://www.patreon.com/diazvillanueva · iVoox... https://www.ivoox.com/podcast-contracronica_sq_f1267769_1.html · Paypal... https://www.paypal.me/diazvillanueva Sígueme en: · Web... https://diazvillanueva.com · Twitter... https://twitter.com/diazvillanueva · Facebook... https://www.facebook.com/fernandodiazvillanueva1/ · Instagram... https://www.instagram.com/diazvillanueva · Linkedin… https://www.linkedin.com/in/fernando-d%C3%ADaz-villanueva-7303865/ · Flickr... https://www.flickr.com/photos/147276463@N05/?/ · Pinterest... https://www.pinterest.com/fernandodiazvillanueva Encuentra mis libros en: · Amazon... https://www.amazon.es/Fernando-Diaz-Villanueva/e/B00J2ASBXM #FernandoDiazVillanueva #ucrania #rusia Escucha el episodio completo en la app de iVoox, o descubre todo el catálogo de iVoox Originals

We are up against a transnational mafia, as Gaslit Nation has long warned, and the Epstein files expose it, despite the ongoing cover-up. This week, investigative journalist Dave Troy joins the show to connect the dots between Epstein, the Kremlin, and far-right operatives who have spent decades dismantling our democracy, including the Florida 2000 recount that ensured George W. Bush came to power. (Bush's administration gave Epstein an illegal "sweetheart deal," allowing him and Maxwell to continue their crime network, trafficking children to the ruling elite). "The U.S. government has been infiltrated by these networks for decades," Troy says. Epstein was not a lone wolf. He was deeply embedded in a transnational crime syndicate with ties extending to Russian intelligence and powerful oligarchs who are still trying to create a lawless "network state" where they can operate above the law.  We also discuss the dangerous complacency of assuming our institutions will protect us, especially when the very people tasked with upholding the law, from the DOJ to high-profile attorneys, protect the shadow network. Their goal is to demoralize us with complexity. By tracing their connections, we can understand their playbook and fight back. Join our community of listeners and get bonus shows, ad free listening, group chats with other listeners, ways to shape the show, invites to exclusive events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Discounted annual memberships are available. Become a Democracy Defender at Patreon.com/Gaslit EVENTS AT GASLIT NATION: The Gaslit Nation Outreach Committee discusses how to talk to the MAGA cult: join on Patreon.  Minnesota Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other: join on Patreon.  Vermont Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other: join on Patreon.  Arizona-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to connect: join on Patreon.  Indiana-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to join: join on Patreon.  Florida-based listeners are going strong meeting in person. Be sure to join their Signal group: join on Patreon.  Gaslit Nation Salons take place Mondays 4pm ET over Zoom and are recorded and shared on Patreon.com/Gaslit for our community  

In this episode of The PDB Afternoon Bulletin: Protests erupt across Iran for the fifth straight day as university campuses turn into flashpoints between anti-regime students and pro-government militias. Unlike January's market-driven unrest, this new wave appears ideological — directly challenging the legitimacy of the regime. The Kremlin may be preparing its biggest digital crackdown yet. Russian security services are floating terrorism allegations against the founder of Telegram, raising the prospect that Moscow could shut down one of the last independent information platforms inside the country. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief DeleteMe: Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to https://joindeleteme.com/PDB and use promocode PDB at checkout. Ultra Pouches: Don't sleep on @ultrapouches. New customers get 15% Off with code PDB at https://takeultra.com! #UltraPouches Cardiff: Get fast business funding without bank delays—apply in minutes with Cardiff and access up to $500,000 in same‑day funding at https://Cardiff.co/PDB  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

« C'est ce qui s'appelle jouer l'équilibriste, s'exclame Le Monde Afrique. Cinq jours après avoir été reçu au Kremlin par Vladimir Poutine, le nouveau président malgache, Michaël Randrianirina, a eu les honneurs de l'Élysée où il a déjeuné, hier, avec Emmanuel Macron. Des visites coup sur coup qui illustrent la diplomatie “tous azimuts“ que le colonel malgache entend pratiquer. (…) Pour l'heure, Michaël Randrianirina, qui veut faire de sa politique “pragmatique“ et “non alignée“ un marqueur de sa présidence, n'estime pas avoir à choisir un partenaire plutôt qu'un autre. » En fait, analyse La Tribune à Antananarivo, « le récent rapprochement diplomatique entre Madagascar et la Russie, parfois célébré localement comme un acte de souveraineté et de non-alignement, dissimule de profonds enjeux géostratégiques. Pour une Russie sous sanctions, l'intérêt est structurel, pointe le quotidien malgache. Moscou convoite le port en eaux profondes de Diego-Suarez pour projeter sa flotte, vise les minerais critiques (graphite, terres rares, uranium), et déploie son système financier alternatif pour contourner la surveillance occidentale. Cependant, tempère La Tribune, cette diplomatie multisectorielle est un champ de mines pour Antananarivo. La France, qui redoute une “sahélisation“ de la région, tente de maintenir son ancrage stratégique vital dans l'océan Indien avec un pragmatisme prudent. Surtout, ce pari expose l'île à une riposte sévère de la part de Washington, note encore le quotidien malgache. En s'associant à des réseaux financiers russes sanctionnés, Madagascar risque notamment l'exclusion de l'AGOA, ce qui menacerait directement plus de 100 000 emplois dans le textile. Prise entre les grandes puissances, la Grande Île pourrait bien devenir le théâtre d'une nouvelle guerre froide plutôt que de conquérir sa véritable indépendance. » Le déjeuner à Moscou et le dessert à Paris « Quand la route de Paris passe par Moscou ! », titre pour sa part Wakatsera.com au Burkina Faso. « En moins de dix jours, le colonel Michaël Randrianirina aura serré les mains de deux présidents de la République qui sont loin de partager la même vision de la gouvernance et de la diplomatie. (…) Antananarivo, entrée dans une nouvelle ère politique dont le rythme a été dicté par la GenZ, et soucieuse de diversifier son répertoire de partenaires, Antananarivo n'a trouvé aucun mal à déjeuner à Moscou et prendre le dessert à Paris, sa table historique. Le nouvel homme fort de Tana a donc, visiblement, fait le choix de mettre ses œufs sécuritaires dans le panier russe, pointe encore Le Pays, tout en gardant ceux de la coopération classique dans le plateau français. Ce qui n'est pas sans susciter des interrogations auprès de la société civile malgache, notamment le Collectif des citoyens et la GenZ (…). »  En effet, complète Afrik.com, « si cette hyperactivité diplomatique place Madagascar sous les projecteurs, elle suscite également des doutes au sein de l'opinion publique malgache. Des voix s'élèvent pour réclamer davantage de transparence sur les accords signés en coulisses. Le Collectif des citoyens et des organisations citoyennes insiste sur la nécessité d'une redevabilité au retour du chef de l'État. De leur côté, les mouvements de jeunesse s'interrogent ouvertement sur les contreparties concrètes de ce rapprochement avec Paris, craignant que cette “diversification des alliances“ ne cache des engagements flous ou contraignants pour l'avenir de la Grande Île. » La France contre-attaque Pour Jeune Afrique, on assiste à « une guerre d'influence entre Paris et Moscou sur le continent africain. La France entend jouer sur ses atouts, convaincue de proposer une offre supérieure à celle de la Russie, au moins dans les domaines économique et culturel. Premier partenaire bilatéral de Madagascar, avec près d'un milliard d'euros d'échanges, la France dispose (en effet) d'un tissu économique composé de centaines d'entreprises et structuré par plus de 50 filiales dans les domaines des hydrocarbures, de l'agro-industrie, des télécoms ou des services financiers qui emploient de nombreux travailleurs locaux. » Plus largement, pointe encore Jeune Afrique, « renouveler la relation politique avec Madagascar et les partenariats avec l'ensemble des pays africains est l'objectif principal du président Macron, jusqu'au sommet Afrique-France de Nairobi, qui aura lieu les 11 et 12 mai prochain, au Kenya. Ce sera la première fois que la France organisera un tel événement dans un pays non-francophone du continent. Signe de la volonté de Paris de diversifier ses partenariats africains à l'heure où la Russie, mais aussi la Chine, la Turquie ou encore les Émirats arabes unis, contestent ce que la France percevait comme son pré carré inaliénable. »

Imprensa russa revela condições do Kremlin para um possível encontro entre Trump e Putin. Avisam ainda o que pode resultar dos planos europeus de colocar armas nucleares em Kiev.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

« C'est ce qui s'appelle jouer l'équilibriste, s'exclame Le Monde Afrique. Cinq jours après avoir été reçu au Kremlin par Vladimir Poutine, le nouveau président malgache, Michaël Randrianirina, a eu les honneurs de l'Élysée où il a déjeuné, hier, avec Emmanuel Macron. Des visites coup sur coup qui illustrent la diplomatie “tous azimuts“ que le colonel malgache entend pratiquer. (…) Pour l'heure, Michaël Randrianirina, qui veut faire de sa politique “pragmatique“ et “non alignée“ un marqueur de sa présidence, n'estime pas avoir à choisir un partenaire plutôt qu'un autre. » En fait, analyse La Tribune à Antananarivo, « le récent rapprochement diplomatique entre Madagascar et la Russie, parfois célébré localement comme un acte de souveraineté et de non-alignement, dissimule de profonds enjeux géostratégiques. Pour une Russie sous sanctions, l'intérêt est structurel, pointe le quotidien malgache. Moscou convoite le port en eaux profondes de Diego-Suarez pour projeter sa flotte, vise les minerais critiques (graphite, terres rares, uranium), et déploie son système financier alternatif pour contourner la surveillance occidentale. Cependant, tempère La Tribune, cette diplomatie multisectorielle est un champ de mines pour Antananarivo. La France, qui redoute une “sahélisation“ de la région, tente de maintenir son ancrage stratégique vital dans l'océan Indien avec un pragmatisme prudent. Surtout, ce pari expose l'île à une riposte sévère de la part de Washington, note encore le quotidien malgache. En s'associant à des réseaux financiers russes sanctionnés, Madagascar risque notamment l'exclusion de l'AGOA, ce qui menacerait directement plus de 100 000 emplois dans le textile. Prise entre les grandes puissances, la Grande Île pourrait bien devenir le théâtre d'une nouvelle guerre froide plutôt que de conquérir sa véritable indépendance. » Le déjeuner à Moscou et le dessert à Paris « Quand la route de Paris passe par Moscou ! », titre pour sa part Wakatsera.com au Burkina Faso. « En moins de dix jours, le colonel Michaël Randrianirina aura serré les mains de deux présidents de la République qui sont loin de partager la même vision de la gouvernance et de la diplomatie. (…) Antananarivo, entrée dans une nouvelle ère politique dont le rythme a été dicté par la GenZ, et soucieuse de diversifier son répertoire de partenaires, Antananarivo n'a trouvé aucun mal à déjeuner à Moscou et prendre le dessert à Paris, sa table historique. Le nouvel homme fort de Tana a donc, visiblement, fait le choix de mettre ses œufs sécuritaires dans le panier russe, pointe encore Le Pays, tout en gardant ceux de la coopération classique dans le plateau français. Ce qui n'est pas sans susciter des interrogations auprès de la société civile malgache, notamment le Collectif des citoyens et la GenZ (…). »  En effet, complète Afrik.com, « si cette hyperactivité diplomatique place Madagascar sous les projecteurs, elle suscite également des doutes au sein de l'opinion publique malgache. Des voix s'élèvent pour réclamer davantage de transparence sur les accords signés en coulisses. Le Collectif des citoyens et des organisations citoyennes insiste sur la nécessité d'une redevabilité au retour du chef de l'État. De leur côté, les mouvements de jeunesse s'interrogent ouvertement sur les contreparties concrètes de ce rapprochement avec Paris, craignant que cette “diversification des alliances“ ne cache des engagements flous ou contraignants pour l'avenir de la Grande Île. » La France contre-attaque Pour Jeune Afrique, on assiste à « une guerre d'influence entre Paris et Moscou sur le continent africain. La France entend jouer sur ses atouts, convaincue de proposer une offre supérieure à celle de la Russie, au moins dans les domaines économique et culturel. Premier partenaire bilatéral de Madagascar, avec près d'un milliard d'euros d'échanges, la France dispose (en effet) d'un tissu économique composé de centaines d'entreprises et structuré par plus de 50 filiales dans les domaines des hydrocarbures, de l'agro-industrie, des télécoms ou des services financiers qui emploient de nombreux travailleurs locaux. » Plus largement, pointe encore Jeune Afrique, « renouveler la relation politique avec Madagascar et les partenariats avec l'ensemble des pays africains est l'objectif principal du président Macron, jusqu'au sommet Afrique-France de Nairobi, qui aura lieu les 11 et 12 mai prochain, au Kenya. Ce sera la première fois que la France organisera un tel événement dans un pays non-francophone du continent. Signe de la volonté de Paris de diversifier ses partenariats africains à l'heure où la Russie, mais aussi la Chine, la Turquie ou encore les Émirats arabes unis, contestent ce que la France percevait comme son pré carré inaliénable. »

Há quatro anos, durante uma enorme apreensão mundial, começava a primeira grande guerra desde 1945. Após cerca de 1400 dias desde a invasão russa, que garantias existem? Sobretudo de uma paz durável? Quatro dias antes da invasão, Dmitry Peskov, Secretário de Imprensa do Kremlin, declarou: “Parem com a loucura informativa. Nunca atacaremos ninguém. Somos o único país europeu que nunca fala em guerra.” O que esperar do futuro do conflito armado que abala a Europa?Ouça o comentário de Nuno Rogeiro na versão podcast do programa Jogos de Poder, emitido na SIC Notícias a 24 de fevereiro.Para ver a versão vídeo deste episódio, clique aquiSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Day 1,461.Today, as world leaders gather in Kyiv to mark the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, we report live from two different regions of the country, covering the latest attacks from air and land and assessing the current battlefield picture. We reflect on the resilience of Ukrainians after years of war, and bring updates on an explosion in Moscow as well as reports suggesting that Moscow is now losing more soldiers on the frontline than it can recruit to sustain Vladimir Putin's war effort.ContributorsFrancis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Adélie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @adeliepjz on X.The Lord Dannatt (former head of the British Army)Orysia Lutsevych OBE (Head of the Ukraine Forum at Chatham House)NOW AVAILABLE IN VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rbOESRLia8oCONTENT REFERENCED:The kill ratio that can sink Putin's war (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/24/the-kill-ratio-that-can-sink-putin-war/ Moscow train station explosion kills police officer (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/24/explosion-outside-moscow-train-station-kills-police-officer/ Russian soldiers being killed faster than Kremlin can recruit them (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/24/russian-soldiers-killed-faster-than-kremlin-can-recruit/ Britain on ‘collision course' with Russia, head of Army warns (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2026/02/24/britain-on-collision-course-with-russia-head-of-army-warns/WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible.Subscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Not that long ago many church-going Americans saw Russia as a godless place, an “evil empire” in the words of Ronald Reagan. But in President Trump's second term, US-Russia relations have been turned on their head. Last year, the White House sided with the Kremlin at the United Nations, voting against a resolution to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine.This seismic shift is also being felt in parishes across America. Increasing numbers of US Catholics and Protestants are embracing Eastern Orthodoxy. Many converts disillusioned by the showbiz elements in many megachurches, say they are drawn to a faith with enduring traditions. Some, uneasy with social and demographic change, believe the churches they were raised in have lost their authority by going “woke” – shorthand for supporting equal marriage, female clergy, pro-choice, Black Lives Matter and other liberal issues.Some converts have hundreds of thousands of followers online, and push Kremlin narratives that Russia is the world's last bastion of true Christianity - a few of the most radical have even emigrated there. Last year, Lucy Ash went to Texas – one of the most religious states in the US – to meet some new converts.This episode of The Documentary comes to you from Assignment, investigations and journeys into the heart of global events.

Greetings, Comrades!Four years ago, the Russian military establishment thought they were going to hold a victory parade in Kyiv within 72 hours. Today, the Russian state is deploying OMON riot police into the snowy woods of Moscow to arrest citizens for eating pancakes in folk costumes.Welcome to the 4-year anniversary of the war. In today's episode, we look at the total decay of the Russian mafia state. We dive into the Bakshevskaya Maslenitsa crackdown, the impending Telegram blockade, and why hardcore Z-propagandists are suddenly realizing that the Kremlin views them purely as livestock in a "quiet, clean cowshed." We also break down the terrifying reality of Putin's "New Elite"—a system where military contracts act as universal indulgences for pedophiles, murderers, and corrupt officials. Finally, we look at the financial collapse of the home front: from 700-ruble chicken to the dark comedy of Russian phone scammers giving up because the population literally has no money left to steal. The empire isn't expanding; it is devouring itself.Happiness is mandatory!Donate for trucks to the Ukrainian army: https://car4ukraine.com/en-US/campaigns/christmas-tree-trucks-2025-the-eastern-border Become our patron: https://www.patreon.com/theeasternborder Merch store + another option for memberships: https://theeasternborder-shop.fourthwall.com/ Follow what's going on here in the very border of Eastern Europe: https://bsky.app/profile/theeasternborder.lv Download all episodes for free on our website; pictures accompanying certain episodes can be found there as well!http://theeasternborder.lv/Watch this episode on YouTube: https://youtu.be/CXeibCRLL8YSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/theeasternborder. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

On the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, The Naked Pravda speaks with journalist and author Lucian Kim to ask the questions that still don't have settled answers: Was this war the product of one man's radicalization, or something deeper — an imperial culture that generates aggression with or without orders from the top? Why didn't Putin march on Kyiv in 2014, when Ukraine had no army and most of its citizens didn't yet see Russia as an enemy? And is Putin really the inscrutable black box that analysts make him out to be, or has he been telling us exactly what he intends for decades? Lucian Kim has been covering Russia since Putin's first term in office — more than two decades of on-the-ground reporting, including time in the Kremlin press pool and as NPR's Moscow-based correspondent. He is now a senior Ukraine analyst at the International Crisis Group. His book, Putin's Revenge: Why Russia Invaded Ukraine, published by Columbia University Press, is now available in paperback. Use the promo code CUP20 at checkout for a 20-percent discount. Timestamps for this episode: (02:25) How do you write about Putin's psychology when his inner world is a black box?(09:02) Has Putin's COVID isolation hardened him permanently?(09:48) Why didn't Putin order a full-scale invasion in 2014, when Ukraine was defenseless?(14:24) In an “adhocracy” of freelancers, who bears responsibility for Russian aggression?(18:11) Did Putin kidnap ousted Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych or rescue him?(23:00) Why frame the conflict as a generational clash over Soviet memory?(29:30) Is there still reason for hope in Russia's younger generation?Как поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

2026-02-23 | UPDATES #139 | March 2014. Moscow. The world still pretends Crimea is a “local crisis.” Diplomats still talk about “off-ramps.” European politicians still think sanctions might gently persuade the Kremlin back to reality.And on a cold street in the Russian capital — something extraordinary happens. Thousands gather for the March of Peace. One of the speakers is a former Deputy Prime Minister — not a dissident outsider, not an exile, not a nationalist firebrand.A man who helped build post-Soviet Russia. Boris Nemtsov. And he does something almost nobody inside Russia dared to do in public. He explains exactly what this war will become.----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.gofundme.com/f/scaling-up-campaign-to-fight-authoritarian-disinformation----------A REQUEST FOR HELP!I'm heading back to Kyiv this week, to film, do research and conduct interviews. The logistics and need for equipment and clothing are a little higher than for my previous trips. It will be cold, and may be dark also. If you can, please assist to ensure I can make this trip a success. My commitment to the audience of the channel, will be to bring back compelling interviews conducted in Ukraine, and to use the experience to improve the quality of the channel, it's insights and impact. Let Ukraine and democracy prevail! https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrashttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.gofundme.com/f/scaling-up-campaign-to-fight-authoritarian-disinformationNONE OF THIS CAN HAPPEN WITHOUT YOU!So what's next? We're going to Kyiv in January 2026 to film on the ground, and will record interviews with some huge guests. We'll be creating opportunities for new interviews, and to connect you with the reality of a European city under escalating winter attack, from an imperialist, genocidal power. PLEASE HELP ME ME TO GROW SILICON CURTAINWe are planning our events for 2026, and to do more and have a greater impact. After achieving more than 12 events in 2025, we will aim to double that! 24 events and interviews on the ground in Ukraine, to push back against weaponized information, toxic propaganda and corrosive disinformation. Please help us make it happen!----------SOURCES: BBC News — Nemtsov assassination coverage (Feb 2015)Reuters — Kremlin reaction and investigation chronology (2015)Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty — Nemtsov's Ukraine war reports & speechesMeduza — publication of Putin. War reportHuman Rights Watch — Russia Crimea annexation documentationEuropean Council on Foreign Relations — early war analysis (2014-2016)Boris Nemtsov — March of Peace speech (Moscow, March 2014)Nemtsov & co-authors — Putin. War report (2015)Vladimir Kara-Murza essays on Nemtsov and Russian oppositionCarnegie Moscow Center — Russia-Ukraine relations post-CrimeaChatham House — Russian strategic objectives in UkraineAtlantic Council — early Donbas military involvement evidence----------

Silicon Bites Ep292 | 2026-02-23 | Russia is closed for business — the war economy that is devouring its own future. Russian opposition economist Vladimir Milov says Russia's economy now runs on one fuel: state war spending. Businesses can't invest, workers are disappearing, interest rates crush enterprise — and the Kremlin doesn't seem to care. The result? A country technically functioning, but economically shutting down, abandoning the core tenets of a market economy, and shedding all vestiges of economic rationality. Russia hasn't been sanctioned into isolation and oblivion. It's reorganising itself into a permanent wartime command economy – destroying all the economic progress of the 1990s. ----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------SOURCES:AP News — wartime tax pressure on small business (2026)Reuters Breakingviews — fiscal strain and depletion of reserves (Feb 2026)The Moscow Times — stagnation, falling profits, investment slowdown The Moscow Times — taxes rising and growth ~1% PISM / economic analysis — 21% interest rates, labour shortage Wilson Center — war economy discourages investmentRUSI — inflation driven by war spendingGuardian economic analysis — labour shortages and tax increases Kyiv Independent interview with Vladimir Milov — reserves depletion and investment collapse----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur events of the first half of the year in Lviv, Kyiv and Odesa were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. Any support you can provide for the fundraising campaign would be gratefully appreciated. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------

2026-02-16 | UPDATES #133 | Russian losses now outpacing recruitment (again) — and why Moscow is leaning harder on foreign fighters. The military math in Moscow does not add up – the tally between bodies in, bodies out. The difference between vodka fueled recruits and sunflower fodder. And for a war being fought at drone-speed and trench-distances, that's arithmetic Putin can't spin. Multiple streams of reporting and official claims over the last week — capped by fresh remarks out of Munich — point to the same brutal conclusion: Russia is bleeding manpower faster than it can refill the trenches, and it's increasingly padding the gap with foreign fighters — some recruited under false pretenses, some coerced, some simply disposable. Let's unpack what we know, what we can't independently verify, and why the Kremlin's recruitment logic is starting to look less like “strategic endurance” and more like a meat-processing plant with a military payroll department attached. ----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.gofundme.com/f/scaling-up-campaign-to-fight-authoritarian-disinformation----------A REQUEST FOR HELP!I'm heading back to Kyiv this week, to film, do research and conduct interviews. The logistics and need for equipment and clothing are a little higher than for my previous trips. It will be cold, and may be dark also. If you can, please assist to ensure I can make this trip a success. My commitment to the audience of the channel, will be to bring back compelling interviews conducted in Ukraine, and to use the experience to improve the quality of the channel, it's insights and impact. Let Ukraine and democracy prevail! https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrashttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.gofundme.com/f/scaling-up-campaign-to-fight-authoritarian-disinformationNONE OF THIS CAN HAPPEN WITHOUT YOU!So what's next? We're going to Kyiv in January 2026 to film on the ground, and will record interviews with some huge guests. We'll be creating opportunities for new interviews, and to connect you with the reality of a European city under escalating winter attack, from an imperialist, genocidal power. PLEASE HELP ME ME TO GROW SILICON CURTAINWe are planning our events for 2026, and to do more and have a greater impact. After achieving more than 12 events in 2025, we will aim to double that! 24 events and interviews on the ground in Ukraine, to push back against weaponized information, toxic propaganda and corrosive disinformation. Please help us make it happen!----------SOURCES: The Straits Times (via Bloomberg), 16 Feb 2026, “Russia's losses in Ukraine boosting reliance on foreign fighters, Britain says.” Bloomberg, 15–16 Feb 2026, “Russia's Losses Boost Reliance on Foreign Fighters, UK Says.”Ukrinform (citing Bloomberg), 15 Feb 2026, “Russia's losses increase its reliance on foreign fighters.” AP News, 13 Feb 2026, “Ukraine says 2 Nigerians fighting for Russia found dead in Luhansk after drone strike.” The Kyiv Independent, 12 Feb 2026, “Russian losses exceeded recruitment for second month in a row, Ukraine says.” Ukrainska Pravda (Eng.) (citing Bloomberg), 12 Feb 2026, “Russian losses in January exceeded number of new recruits.” Al Jazeera, 13 Feb 2026, casualty/recruitment reporting and Syrskyi Telegram quote.EuroMaidan Press, 13 Feb 2026, Brovdi drone-verified loss/recruitment discussion (context and claims).Reuters, 14 Jan 2026, “Ukraine's new defence minister vows innovation…” (Fedorov appointment background). Ukraine Ministry of Defence (official bio page), “Mykhailo Fedorov” (appointment details). NATO transcript, 12 Feb 2026, remarks with Ukraine Defence Minister Mykhailo Fedorov. Financial Times, 10 Feb 2026, “Russian army casualties in Ukraine surge” (attrition context).----------

durée : 00:05:33 - La Revue de presse internationale - par : Catherine Duthu - Face à la menace russe en Ukraine mais aussi pour répondre à la guerre hybride que mène le Kremlin contre l'Occident, plusieurs pays du flanc est de l'Europe dont les pays baltes et la Pologne, augmentent leurs dépenses militaires et accroissent leurs instruments de défense.

It has been four years since Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, starting a war the Kremlin believed would end in a matter of days with Ukraine capitulating. Now after years of death and destruction, the war grinds on with no end in sight as U.S.-sponsored peace talks appear to be at an impasse. NPR has correspondents in both Kyiv and Moscow and we hear from them about how both countries view the conflict now.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

durée : 00:20:05 - Journal de 18h - Il y a quatre ans, la Russie lançait l'invasion de l'Ukraine. L'armée ukrainienne résiste, elle aurait même repris 300 kilomètres carrés à l'envahisseur ces derniers jours. À Moscou, le Kremlin refuse toujours de parler de guerre, et la population reste majoritairement derrière Vladimir Poutine.

Het is vandaag vier jaar na het begin van de Russische invasie in Oekraïne. Vier jaar lang wordt er al gevochten en al weken, maanden en zelfs jaren verschuift de frontlinie minimaal. Wat gebeurt er aan Russische kant? Hoe staat Poetin ervoor na vier jaar oorlog: aan het front en in z'n land? Rusland-deskundige Helga Salemon vertelt in deze podcast over een piepend en krakend Rusland, dat grote verliezen lijdt aan het front en er ook economisch niet al te best voor staat. Toch ziet ze nog niet dat president Poetin daar verantwoordelijk voor wordt gehouden. "Veel Russen worden in de Kremlin-bubbel gehouden en die geven hem toch het voordeel van de twijfel." Reageren? Mail naar dedag@nos.nl Presentatie & redactie: Marco Geijtenbeek Montage: Rosanne Sies

durée : 00:20:05 - Journal de 18h - Il y a quatre ans, la Russie lançait l'invasion de l'Ukraine. L'armée ukrainienne résiste, elle aurait même repris 300 kilomètres carrés à l'envahisseur ces derniers jours. À Moscou, le Kremlin refuse toujours de parler de guerre, et la population reste majoritairement derrière Vladimir Poutine.

Quatre ans après le début de la guerre en Ukraine, le conflit entre Moscou et Kiev continue de façonner en profondeur l'économie mondiale. Au-delà des combats militaires, un autre front stratégique s'est imposé : le front agricole. Blé, maïs, engrais et huile de tournesol sont devenus des armes économiques, diplomatiques et géopolitiques, bouleversant durablement les équilibres alimentaires mondiaux. Avant février 2022, l'Ukraine et la Russie nourrissaient une large partie de la planète. À eux deux, ils représentaient près d'un tiers du commerce mondial de blé, plus de 20% des exportations de maïs, et surtout près de 75% des exportations mondiales d'huile de tournesol. Autrement dit, depuis quatre ans, c'est toute la planète qui mange moins bien, plus cher, ou plus difficilement. Dès les premiers jours du conflit, les frappes russes ont ciblé les ports ukrainiens, les silos agricoles, ainsi que les infrastructures ferroviaires et fluviales. Cette stratégie a directement affecté la production agricole ukrainienne. L'objectif est clair : affaiblir l'économie du pays, réduire ses revenus d'exportation et fragiliser son effort de guerre. Sur les marchés mondiaux, la réaction a été immédiate et brutale. Les prix du blé ont flambé de près de 50%, tandis que ceux du maïs et des huiles végétales se sont envolés, alimentant une crise alimentaire mondiale aux conséquences durables, notamment dans les pays les plus dépendants des importations. La diplomatie céréalière russe et la recomposition géopolitique Face à cette situation, Moscou a transformé le blé en une véritable arme diplomatique. En maintenant des flux élevés vers ses partenaires stratégiques, notamment en Afrique du Nord, en Afrique subsaharienne, au Moyen-Orient et en Asie centrale, la Russie a renforcé son influence internationale. Cette stratégie porte désormais un nom : la diplomatie céréalière russe. Le blé devient une monnaie d'influence, permettant au Kremlin de consolider ses alliances et d'exercer une pression géopolitique sur de nombreux États dépendants de ses exportations. Dans le même temps, cette guerre a accéléré une recomposition profonde de la géopolitique alimentaire mondiale. Les chaînes d'approvisionnement se sont régionalisées, les politiques de stockage stratégique ont été renforcées et une notion s'est imposée dans le débat public : la souveraineté alimentaire. Cet axe structure désormais les stratégies nationales, notamment européennes. L'Union européenne se retrouve face à un dilemme majeur : soutenir l'Ukraine, tout en protégeant son propre modèle agricole et ses filières de production. En Ukraine, un modèle agricole en pleine transformation Quatre ans après le début du conflit, malgré une relative normalisation des marchés, les effets persistent. Le modèle agricole ukrainien se recompose progressivement, sous l'effet direct de la guerre. Les grands groupes agro-industriels y voient désormais une opportunité d'investissement à moindre coût, avec une capacité d'absorber les chocs économiques et logistiques. Cette dynamique accélère la concentration des exploitations et la transformation structurelle du secteur. Mais la reconstruction s'annonce colossale. Elle nécessitera des investissements massifs dans la dépollution des sols, la remise en état des réseaux d'irrigation, la reconstitution des surfaces agricoles, ainsi que la reconstruction des infrastructures logistiques et portuaires. À long terme, l'agriculture ukrainienne restera un enjeu géostratégique majeur, tant pour l'Europe que pour l'équilibre alimentaire mondial.

Today on America in the MorningChaos In Mexico Tourists from around the world, especially the United States, are hoping to get out of the Mexican resort cities that have been hit by drug cartel violence following the death of one powerful cartel leader.  Correspondent Rich Johnson reports the cartel attacks came after a drug kingpin known as “El Mencho” was tracked down and killed by Mexico's government forces.   The Northeast Blizzard   The Blizzard of 2026 will be remembered as the worst winter storm to hit the Northeast in 30 years, and even though the snow has stopped, the effects of the blizzard will remain for days and weeks.  Sue Aller reports from New York, where some places received over 2 feet of snow.   State Of The Union Preview President Trump will address the nation tonight in his annual State of the Union address.  Correspondent Clayton Neville has a preview.    Mar-A-Lago Intruder Killed More is being learned about the armed man who was shot and killed after he breached security at President Trump's Mar-a-Lago resort Sunday by the Secret Service.  Correspondent Julie Walker reports.   Congressman Facing Resignation Calls Texas Congressman Tony Gonzales is facing growing pressure to resign amid allegations that he had coerced a sexual relationship with a staff member who later killed herself.     Judge Rules On Trump Probe A federal judge has permanently barred the release of special counsel Jack Smith's probe into President Trump's keeping of classified documents.  Washington correspondent Sagar Meghani reports.   Blizzard Aftermath It started on Sunday and is finally winding down, but for many between Delaware and Maine, the Blizzard of 2026 has left people under snow measured in feet, mass transportation systems closed down, and airport flight cancellations in the thousands.  Correspondent Julie Walker reports a huge snowstorm in the northeast forces millions to stay home and closing schools, and in Boston, this snow event is expected to eclipse Beantown's January blizzard which dumped the 8th highest snow total Boston has ever had.   New Epstein Fallout There's more fallout overseas regarding the Jeffrey Epstein files, including another high-profile arrest and a mea-culpa from a famous self-help guru.  Correspondent Clayton Neville reports.   War Enters Year 5 It was four years ago today that Russia sent a phalanx of tanks and launched air strikes against Ukraine, a military incursion that the Kremlin believed would take days to seize their neighbor and former Soviet satellite state, but instead, four years later, Russia barely holds 20 percent of Ukrainian territory, hundreds of thousands of Russian troops are believed to have died, and hardships for Ukraine's people worsen by the day.  Correspondent Charles de Ledesma reports some hardships of a different kind are now befalling Russian citizens far from the fighting.    US Orders Some Out Of Lebanon The U.S. State Department ordered non-emergency personnel to evacuate the U.S. Embassy in Beirut, Lebanon.  Finally   Both the British BATFA Awards, the UK's version of the Oscars, and the BBC are apologizing after a guest with Tourette syndrome shouted racial slurs as two Black actors were onstage, with millions of people watching.  Entertainment reporter Kevin Carr has the story. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

El ministro de Asuntos Exteriores, Unión Europea y Cooperación, José Manuel Albares, ha intervenido desde un tren a 40 kilómetros de Kiev, adonde se ha desplazado para mostrar el respaldo de España en el cuarto aniversario de la invasión rusa. Ha explicado que se ha dirigido a la capital ucraniana "para estar junto al presidente Zelensky y al pueblo ucraniano en este cuarto aniversario de la invasión rusa" y ha subrayado que lo que está en juego va más allá del propio conflicto: "El acuerdo de paz que llegue un día (…) no solamente va a marcar el futuro del pueblo ucraniano, también será en buena medida el futuro esquema de seguridad de Europa". Según ha señalado, en Ucrania "se están defendiendo nuestros valores de pluralismo, de democracia, de tolerancia".Sobre el riesgo de una escalada, Albares ha asegurado que no hay indicios de una extensión del conflicto. Aunque ha reconocido la dureza de la situación, ha afirmado que "nada indica que esto se extienda a este nivel" y que ni siquiera cree que Rusia tenga capacidad para ampliarlo. En cuanto al veto de Hungría al último paquete de sanciones, ha admitido que le ha sorprendido la posición de su homólogo y ha defendido la necesidad de unidad: "No entiendo esa posición en un momento en el que lo que necesitamos es unidad". Además, ha reiterado su apuesta por avanzar hacia decisiones por mayoría cualificada porque "hay ciertas decisiones en las que el más lento no puede marcar el ritmo".El ministro ha insistido en que el final de la guerra depende exclusivamente de Moscú: "Una única cosa: que quien inició esta guerra (…) le diga a sus tropas que regresen dentro de las fronteras de la Federación Rusa" y ha añadido que "no hay ninguna voluntad" de alto el fuego por parte del Kremlin. Mientras tanto, ha defendido mantener e intensificar el apoyo a Kiev. Ha recordado que España ha acogido a más de 200.000 ucranianos, con 40.000 niños escolarizados, y que "el mayor paquete de ayuda humanitaria que hemos dado nunca en la historia de un país ha sido a Ucrania". Además del envío de generadores eléctricos y del entrenamiento militar, ha asegurado que España ha estado junto a Ucrania y "lo vamos a seguir estando" en todos los ámbitos, incluido el respaldo a su adhesión a la Unión Europea.Escuchar audio

Wij Europeanen hebben de afgelopen tachtig jaar afgeleerd waar we in de eeuwen daarvoor nog zo intens mee bezig waren. Oorlog voeren. Met de Europese samenwerking namen we afscheid van de geschiedenis. Oorlog was iets van anderen en bij anderen. Als Europeanen slaagden we er in conflicten op te knippen in technische compromissen en zo keer op keer te depolitiseren. Zelfs het gedurige geklaag over die technocratie, de slappe compromissen en 'te weinig democratie' hoorde bij de succesvolle lessen uit die historie. Maar de geschiedenis is terug, zij beukt onstuitbaar op onze deur. Caroline de Gruyter schreef er een boek over: Zondagskinderen. Ze is te gast bij Jaap Jansen en PG Kroeger. *** Deze aflevering is mede mogelijk gemaakt met donaties van luisteraars die we hiervoor hartelijk danken. Word ook vriend van de show! Heb je belangstelling om in onze podcast te adverteren of ons te sponsoren? Zend ons een mailtje en wij zoeken contact. *** Het debat over de regeringsverklaring van Rob Jetten zal ongetwijfeld gaan over dilemma’s in de sociale zekerheid en met de begroting gaan, maar zijn kabinet kon weleens voor grotere geopolitieke uitdagingen en keuzes geplaatst worden dan geen eerdere ministersploeg sinds de val van de Muur. Jetten en zijn team zullen geen 'zondagskinderen’ meer zijn. De Franse denker Raymond Aron zei het al: "Connaître le passé est une manière de s'en liberer", noteert De Gruyter. Wie het verleden kent, kan zich ervan bevrijden. Want de oorlog in Oekraïne is veel meer dan die in Joegoslavië destijds 'onze oorlog'. Dat hier de rol van Rusland als koloniaal imperium een cruciaal verschil vormt, werd eigenlijk pas vier jaar geleden een nieuw besef. De gevolgen voor de Europese Unie zijn ingrijpend, maar zien we dat al scherp genoeg? Keer op keer zien we dat crises ertoe leiden dat de urgentie zo hoog wordt, dat alleen oplossingen op bovennationaal niveau een uitweg vormen. Jean Monnet had dat al door in 1951 bij de oprichting van de Europese Gemeenschap voor Kolen en Staal. Jacques Delors bij de val van de Muur met de Interne Markt. Angela Merkel bij de pandemie en de vluchtelingencrisis en nu staat de EU voor een vergelijkbare uitdaging omdat de Verenigde Staten noch Rusland een betrouwbare partner meer is. De veiligheidsgaranties die wij Oekraïne willen geven, geeft Kyiv de facto ook aan ons, zoals Volodymyr Zelensky fijntjes opmerkte tijdens de veiligheidsconferentie in München. Eigenlijk gaat alles zo op de schop. Ook de Frans-Duitse as. Ineens is niet Frankrijk de militaire, geopolitieke actor, maar treedt Friedrich Merz zo op. Ineens zou de radicaal-rechtse Jordan Bardella zich kunnen ontpoppen als een soort Giorgia Meloni in Parijs. Ineens worden nieuwe organisaties ingericht om de nieuwe uitdagingen het hoofd te bieden: een EU-Veiligheidsraad, een soort Europese Defensiegemeenschap - die in 1954 zo tragisch mislukte - en supranationale vormen van hightech militaire industrie. De Gruyter ziet één land dat hier allang de knop heeft omgezet. Eigenlijk kón Finland nooit anders, wilde het overleven. Of het nu hybride aanvallen, manipulaties via fake news of militaire en politieke intimidatie betreft, de Finnen waren er altijd tegen bewapend. Dat zij meteen de kans grepen toen ze EU-lid en recent ook NAVO-lid konden worden, is voor hen vanzelfsprekend. ‘Se-cu-ri-ty’ zoals een Fin het wat hem betreft allesoverheersende motief formuleerde. Dat juist nu president Alexander Stubb als een heldere, invloedrijke stem op het wereldtoneel klinkt kan dan ook niet verrassen. Hij kan als geen ander uiteenzetten hoezeer Europeanen anders moeten gaan denken over de nieuwe realiteit. Volgens De Gruyter laat de weerklank van Zelensky's moed en van Stubbs betoog zien dat veel Europese burgers al veel verder zijn dan vele nationale leiders durven denken. Dat de Litouwse oud-premier Andrius Kubilius net zo optreedt als Stubb kan evenmin verbazen. Zijn kleine Baltische land heeft nog erger geleden onder Russisch koloniaal imperialisme dan Finland. De Gruyter wijst op iemand die dit aspect al decennia geleden agendeerde: Otto von Habsburg. De kleinzoon van de laatste keizer in Wenen kende als geen ander de wortels van de machtspolitiek van de 18e en 19e eeuw en de rol van Rusland als koloniaal imperium. Kubilius probeert als Eurocommissaris voor defensiesamenwerking die lessen te vertalen naar het Europa van onze tijd. Een Europa dat mentaal en materieel nog maar net is wakker geschud. De Gruyter diepte dit uit met een van diens meest invloedrijke adviseurs achter de schermen, Klaus Welle, een Duitser die ook dicht bij Merz staat. Die wijst erop dat een aantal EU-lidstaten die met Duitsland altijd argwanend stonden tegenover gezamenlijke initiatieven zoals 'eurobonds' nu 180 graden gedraaid zijn. Van de lange tijd nogal eurosceptische Deense premier Mette Frederiksen tot de van nature conservatieve Bundesbank. Alleen het kabinet-Schoof wilde er officieel niets van weten. Ook hier een majeure uitdaging voor Jetten en zijn ploeg. Dilan Yesilgöz (Defensie) en Tom Berendsen (Buitenlandse Zaken) zullen in Europa, in de NAVO en breder geopolitiek minstens zo offensief en doelgericht moeten gaan werken als Jetten en Eelco Heinen (Financiën). De Europese Veiligheidsraad in opbouw, de 'E6' van de grote economieën in Europa en de bouw van een eigen Europese pijler binnen de NAVO zullen veel van hen vergen. Onberekenbare onrust rond de Caraïben in ons koninkrijk niet minder, wellicht. Want pogingen vanuit de MAGA-hoek om de EU te splijten en te vervangen door een losse federatie van Orbánachtige patriottische staten laten één ding zien. Net als het Kremlin is Donald Trumps Amerika bang voor een EU als succesverhaal; als model van effectieve samenwerking. Dat compliment mag ons aan het denken zetten, zegt Caroline de Gruyter. *** Verder lezen Caroline de Gruyter - Zondagskinderen (De Geus, 2026) *** Verder luisteren Hoe verder met Europa? 71 - Caroline de Gruyter: 'Brexit maakt Europa sterker' - De EU als het Habsburgse Rijk van onze tijd https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/43edd541-d5b5-43dd-a574-1399b6ba05bb 378 - Dertig jaar na 'Maastricht' is Europa toe aan een nieuwe sprong voorwaarts https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/329dfa50-7d58-4642-b29f-febc346d5a3f 427 - Europa wordt een grootmacht en daar moeten we het over hebben https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/84273d61-0203-4764-b876-79a25695bed1 447 - Als Trump wint staat Europa er alleen voor https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/eee9ebfb-042b-4753-b70d-a48e915b5beb MAGA en geopolitiek 494 - Trumps aanval op de geschiedenis en de geest van Amerika https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/ec4b170a-05a9-4af3-9010-c0986376dd3a 484 - Hoe Trump chaos veroorzaakt en de Europeanen in elkaars armen drijft https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/c725d191-aa05-46ff-946f-de0d951a94ab Macron en Merz 566 - Emmanuel Macron, de nieuwe Baron von Munchhausen https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/566-emmanuel-macron-de-nieuwe-baron-von-munchhausen 492 – Macrons Europese atoombom https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/74f5b1d5-4824-482a-a504-704904c8b021 490 – Duitslands grote draai. Friedrich Merz, Europa en Nederland https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/8bac6adf-1b0e-49f1-8a4a-8340c99c6db3 419 - Europa kán sterven - Emmanuel Macrons visie op onze toekomst https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/329dfa50-7d58-4642-b29f-febc346d5a3f Europa en NAVO-toekomst 265 - Toetreding tot de NAVO, de reuzensprong van Finland https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/80367ddc-452c-4890-b79a-e8f74dfd1ac8 404 - 75 jaar NAVO: in 1949 veranderde de internationale positie van Nederland voorgoed https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/4debd5ed-7488-4dd5-bdbb-61374459c4ab 413 - "Eensgezind kunnen we elke tegenstander aan." Oana Lungescu over Poetin, Trump, Rutte en 75 jaar NAVO https://art19.com/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/episodes/c2b2b09b-bba3-45b6-999c-3f844dcfa76a Jettens uitdaging 559 - Schaken op drie borden tegelijk https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/559-schaken-op-drie-borden-tegelijk 558 – Poetins rampjaar, Jettens kans https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/558-2025-was-voor-poetin-een-rampjaar-2026-wordt-rob-jettens-kans 528 - ‘Europa, ontwaak!’ Manfred Weber en de eenzaamheid van Europa https://omny.fm/shows/betrouwbare-bronnen/528-europa-ontwaak-manfred-weber-en-de-eenzaamheid-van-europa-en-vicepremier-vincent-van-peteghem-over-belgi-en-nederland *** Tijdlijn 00:00:00 – Deel 1 00:34:29 – Deel 2 01:07:15 – Deel 3 01:33:29 – EindeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Împlinirea a patru ani de la declanșarea invaziei rusești împotriva Ucrainei reprezintă un subiect predilect în presa internațională. Comentatorii semnalează câștigurile minime ale Rusiei, dar știu că Vladimir Putin nu are de gând să se oprească. „După aproape patru ani de război împotriva Ucrainei, Vladimir Putin încă nu a obținut victoria la care spera”, își începe editorialul ziarul Le Monde. „Rezistența ucraineană și mobilizarea occidentală au zădărnicit planurile FSB, care îi promiseseră președintelui o victorie rapidă și ușoară. Deconectat de realitate și izolat după un sfert de secol la putere, liderul de la Kremlin se trezește prins într-un război de uzură, care provoacă ravagii pentru câștiguri teritoriale limitate. Putin spera să profite de revenirea lui Donald Trump la Casa Albă pentru a pecetlui rapid un «acord de pace», cu complicitatea Washingtonului. El rămâne prins în logica sa belicosă, mânat de o căutare existențială a victoriei pentru a-și justifica viziunea istorică și ambițiile militare. O nouă ofensivă pe un alt front european ar fi o evadare irațională, dar nu mai irațională decât tragica sa decizie de a invada Ucraina acum patru ani.” USA Today observă la rândul său că  „liderul rus i-a convins pe Trump și pe negociatorii americani, inclusiv pe trimisul prezidențial Steve Witkoff, că dorește să încheie un acord – chiar dacă Moscova lansează rachete și drone asupra orașelor ucrainene. Războiul pe care Trump a jurat în repetate rânduri că îl poate încheia într-o singură zi are acum patru ani”. Pentru First Post, „războiul dintre Rusia și Ucraina a arătat o oglindă a Occidentului, expunând fracturi în credința îndelungată în descurajare, coeziune transatlantică și legitimitatea internaționalismului liberal. De asemenea, a grăbit calea către o ordine mai multipolară în care Sudul Global - și India în special - caută o voce distinctă”. La rândul său, revista Forbes constată că Rusia și Ucraina nu sunt deloc mai aproape de pace, după patru ani de război la scară largă. Timp de peste un an, președintele american Donald Trump și administrația sa au condus negocierile pentru a pune capăt războiului. Aceste eforturi, însă, nu au dus la încetarea războiului. Potrivit analizei publicației ucrainene Kyiv Post, strategia Rusiei nu s-a schimbat: „Ucraina trebuie zdrobită prin uzură în timp ce se agită sabia armelor nucleare. Rusia pariază pe faptul că democrațiile nu au curajul pentru sacrificii prelungite, cu riscul unui război nuclear. Până acum, având în vedere că administrația lui Donald Trump declară „nu este războiul nostru”, pariul lui Putin a dat roade. Publicația spaniolă La Vanguardia, citată de Eurotopics, notează că, din perspectiva europenilor, „Putin nu trebuie lăsat să câștige, deoarece acest lucru ar deschide calea pentru o nouă agresiune rusească. Cea mai mare teamă din capitalele Europei este că presiunea asupra lui Zelenski ar putea produce un fals sfârșit al războiului, după care Putin s-ar putea reînarma și ar putea ataca din nou.”

Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's arrival to the Nomohan incident. The Kwantung Army's inexperienced 23rd Division, under General Komatsubara, suffered heavy losses in failed offensives, including Colonel Yamagata's assault and the annihilation of Lieutenant Colonel Azuma's detachment, resulting in around 500 Japanese casualties. Tensions within the Japanese command intensified as Kwantung defied Tokyo's restraint, issuing aggressive orders like 1488 and launching a June 27 air raid on Soviet bases, destroying dozens of aircraft and securing temporary air superiority. This provoked Moscow's fury and rebukes from Emperor Hirohito. On June 1, Georgy Zhukov, a rising Red Army tactician and tank expert, was summoned from Minsk. Arriving June 5, he assessed the 57th Corps as inadequate, relieved Commander Feklenko, and took charge of the redesignated 1st Army Group. Reinforcements included mechanized brigades, tanks, and aircraft. Japanese intelligence misread Soviet supply convoys as retreats, underestimating Zhukov's 12,500 troops against their 15,000. By July, both sides poised for a massive clash, fueled by miscalculations and gekokujo defiance.   #190 Zhukov Unleashes Tanks at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. At 4:00 a.m. on July 1, 15,000 heavily laden Japanese troops began marching to their final assembly and jump-off points. The sun rose at 4:00 a.m. and set at 9:00 p.m. that day, but the Japanese advance went undetected by Soviet/MPR commanders, partly because the June 27 air raid had temporarily cleared Soviet reconnaissance from the skies. On the night of July 1, Komatsubara launched the first phase. The 23rd Division, with the Yasuoka Detachment, converged on Fui Heights, east of the Halha River, about eleven miles north of its confluence with the Holsten. The term "heights" is misleading here; a Japanese infantry colonel described Fui as a "raised pancake" roughly one to one-and-a-half miles across, about thirty to forty feet higher than the surrounding terrain. For reasons not fully explained, the small Soviet force stationed on the heights was withdrawn during the day on July 1, and that night Fui Heights was occupied by Komatsubara's forces almost unopposed. This caused little stir at Zhukov's headquarters. Komatsubara bided his time on July 2.   On the night of July 2–3, the Japanese achieved a brilliant tactical success. A battalion of the 71st Infantry Regiment silently crossed the Halha River on a moonless night and landed unopposed on the west bank opposite Fui Heights. Recent rains had swollen the river to 100–150 yards wide and six feet deep, making crossing difficult for men, horses, or vehicles. Combat engineers swiftly laid a pontoon bridge, completing it by 6:30 a.m. on July 3. The main body of Komatsubara's 71st and 72nd Infantry Regiments (23rd Division) and the 26th Regiment (7th Division) began a slow, arduous crossing. The pontoon bridge, less than eight feet wide, was a bottleneck, allowing only one truck at a time. The attackers could not cross with armored vehicles, but they did bring across their regimental artillery, 18 x 37-mm antitank guns, 12 x 75-mm mountain guns, 8 x 75-mm field guns, and 4 x 120-mm howitzers, disassembled, packed on pack animals, and reassembled on the west bank. The crossing took the entire day, and the Japanese were fortunate to go without interception. The Halha crossing was commanded personally by General Komatsubara and was supported by a small Kwantung Army contingent, including General Yano (deputy chief of staff), Colonel Hattori, and Major Tsuji from the Operations Section. Despite the big air raid having alerted Zhukov, the initial Japanese moves from July 1–3 achieved complete tactical surprise, aided by Tsuji's bold plan. The first indication of the major offensive came when General Yasuoka's tanks attacked predawn on July 3. Yasuoka suspected Soviet troops south of him attempting to retreat across the Halha to the west bank, and he ordered his tanks to attack immediately, with infantry not yet in position. The night's low clouds, no moon, and low visibility—along with a passing thunderstorm lighting the sky—made the scene dramatic. Seventy Japanese tanks roared forward, supported by infantry and artillery, and the Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment found itself overwhelmed. Zhukov, hearing of Yasuoka's assault but unaware that Komatsubara had crossed the Halha, ordered his armor to move northeast to Bain Tsagan to confront the initiative. There, Soviet armor clashed with Japanese forces in a chaotic, largely uncoordinated engagement. The Soviet counterattacks, supported by heavy artillery, halted much of the Japanese momentum, and by late afternoon Japanese infantry had to dig in west of the Halha. The crossing had been accomplished without Soviet reconnaissance detecting it in time, but Zhukov's counterattacks, the limits of Japanese armored mobility across the pontoon, and the heat and exhaustion of the troops constrained the Japanese effort. By the afternoon of July 3, Zhukov's forces were pressing hard, and the Japanese momentum began to stall. Yasuoka's tanks, supported by a lack of infantry and the fatigue and losses suffered by the infantry, could not close the gap to link with Komatsubara's forces. The Type 89 tanks, designed for infantry support, were ill-suited to penetrating Soviet armor, especially when faced with BT-5/BT-7 tanks and strong anti-tank guns. The Type 95 light tanks were faster but lightly armored, and suffered heavily from Soviet fire and air attacks. Infantry on the western bank struggled to catch up with tanks, shot through by Soviet artillery and armor, while the 64th Regiment could not keep pace with the tanks due to the infantry's lack of motorized transport. By late afternoon, Yasuoka's advance stalled far short of the river junction and the Soviet bridge. The infantry dug in to withstand Soviet bombardment, and the Japanese tank regiments withdrew to their jump-off points by nightfall. The Japanese suffered heavy losses in tanks, though some were recovered and repaired; by July 9, KwAHQ decided to withdraw its two tank regiments from the theater. Armor would play no further role in the Nomonhan conflict. The Soviets, by contrast, sustained heavier tank losses but began to replenish with new models. The July offensive, for Kwantung Army, proved a failure. Part of the failure stemmed from a difficult blend of terrain and logistics. Unusually heavy rains in late June had transformed the dirt roads between Hailar and Nomonhan into a mud-filled quagmire. Japanese truck transport, already limited, was so hampered by these conditions that combat effectiveness suffered significantly. Colonel Yamagata's 64th Infantry Regiment, proceeding on foot, could not keep pace with or support General Yasuoka's tanks on July 3–4. Komatsubara's infantry on the west bank of the Halha ran short of ammunition, food, and water. As in the May 28 battle, the main cause of the Kwantung Army's July offensive failure was wholly inadequate military intelligence. Once again, the enemy's strength had been seriously underestimated. Moreover, a troubling realization was dawning at KwAHQ and in the field: the intelligence error was not merely quantitative but qualitative. The Soviets were not only more numerous but also far more potent than anticipated. The attacking Japanese forces initially held a slight numerical edge and enjoyed tactical surprise, but the Red Army fought tenaciously, and the weight of Soviet firepower proved decisive. Japan, hampered by a relative lack of raw materials and industrial capacity, could not match the great powers in the quantitative production of military materiel. Consequently, Japanese military leaders traditionally emphasized the spiritual superiority of Japan's armed forces in doctrine and training, often underestimating the importance of material factors, including firepower. This was especially true of the army that had carried the tactic of the massed bayonet charge into World War II. This "spiritual" combat doctrine arose from necessity; admitting material superiority would have implied defeat. Japan's earlier victories in the Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, the Manchurian incident, and the China War, along with legendary medieval victories over the Mongol hordes, seemed to confirm the transcendent importance of fighting spirit. Only within such a doctrine could the Imperial Japanese Army muster inner strength and confidence to face formidable enemies. This was especially evident against Soviet Russia, whose vast geography, population, and resources loomed large. Yet what of its spirit? The Japanese military dismissed Bolshevism as a base, materialist philosophy utterly lacking spiritual power. Consequently, the Red Army was presumed to have low morale and weak fighting effectiveness. Stalin's purges only reinforced this belief. Kwantung Army's recent experiences at Nomonhan undermined this outlook. Among ordinary soldiers and officers alike, from the 23rd Division Staff to KwAHQ—grim questions formed: Had Soviet materiel and firepower proven superior to Japanese fighting spirit? If not, did the enemy possess a fighting spirit comparable to their own? To some in Kwantung Army, these questions were grotesque and almost unthinkable. To others, the implications were too painful to face. Perhaps May and July's combat results were an aberration caused by the 23rd Division's inexperience. Nevertheless, a belief took hold at KwAHQ that this situation required radical rectification. Zhukov's 1st Army Headquarters, evaluating recent events, was not immune to self-criticism and concern for the future. The enemy's success in transporting nearly 10,000 men across the Halha without detection—despite heightened Soviet alert after the June 27 air raid—revealed a level of carelessness and lack of foresight at Zhukov's level. Zhukov, however, did not fully capitalize on Komatsubara's precarious position on July 4–5. Conversely, Zhukov and his troops reacted calmly in the crisis's early hours. Although surprised and outnumbered, Zhukov immediately recognized that "our trump cards were the armored detachments, and we decided to use them immediately." He acted decisively, and the rapid deployment of armor proved pivotal. Some criticized the uncoordinated and clumsy Soviet assault on Komatsubara's infantry on July 3, but the Japanese were only a few hours' march from the river junction and the Soviet bridge. By hurling tanks at Komatsubara's advance with insufficient infantry support, Mikhail Yakovlev (11th Tank Brigade) and A. L. Lesovoi (7th Mechanized Brigade) incurred heavy losses. Nonetheless, they halted the Japanese southward advance, forcing Komatsubara onto the defensive, from which he never regained momentum. Zhukov did not flinch from heavy casualties to achieve his objectives. He later told General Dwight D. Eisenhower that if the enemy faced a minefield, their infantry attacked as if it did not exist, treating personnel mine losses as equal to those that would have occurred if the Germans defended the area with strong troops rather than minefields. Zhukov admitted losing 120 tanks and armored cars that day—a high price, but necessary to avert defeat. Years later, Zhukov defended his Nomonhan tactics, arguing he knew his armor would suffer heavy losses, but that was the only way to prevent the Japanese from seizing the bridge at the river confluence. Had Komatsubara's forces advanced unchecked for another two or three hours, they might have fought through to the Soviet bridge and linked with the Yasuoka detachment, endangering Zhukov's forces. Zhukov credited Yakovlev, Lesovoi, and their men with stabilizing the crisis through timely and self-sacrificing counterattacks. The armored car battalion of the 8th MPR Cavalry Division also distinguished itself in this action. Zhukov and his tankmen learned valuable lessons in those two days of brutal combat. A key takeaway was the successful use of large tank formations as an independent primary attack force, contrary to then-orthodox doctrine, which saw armor mainly as infantry support and favored integrating armor into every infantry regiment rather than maintaining large, autonomous armored units. The German blitzkrieg demonstrations in Poland and Western Europe soon followed, but, until then, few major armies had absorbed the tank-warfare theories championed by Basil Liddell-Hart and Charles de Gaulle. The Soviet high command's leading proponent of large-scale tank warfare had been Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky. His execution in 1937 erased those ideas, and the Red Army subsequently disbanded armored divisions and dispersed tanks among infantry, misapplying battlefield lessons from the Spanish Civil War. Yet Zhukov was learning a different lesson on a different battlefield. The open terrain of eastern Mongolia favored tanks, and Zhukov was a rapid learner. The Russians also learned mundane, but crucial, lessons: Japanese infantry bravely clambering onto their vehicles taught Soviet tank crews to lock hatch lids from the inside. The BT-5 and BT-7 tanks were easily set aflame by primitive hand-thrown firebombs, and rear deck ventilation grills and exhaust manifolds were vulnerable and required shielding. Broadly, the battle suggested to future Red Army commander Zhukov that tank and motorized troops, coordinated with air power and mobile artillery, could decisively conduct rapid operations. Zhukov was not the first to envision combining mobile firepower with air and artillery, but he had rare opportunities to apply this formula in crucial tests. The July offensive confirmed to the Soviets that the Nomonhan incident was far from a border skirmish; it signaled intent for further aggression. Moscow's leadership, informed by Richard Sorge's Tokyo network, perceived Japan's renewed effort to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alliance as a dangerous possibility. Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov began indicating to Joachim von Ribbentrop and Adolf Hitler that Berlin's stance on the Soviet–Japanese conflict would influence Soviet-German rapprochement considerations. Meanwhile, Moscow decided to reinforce Zhukov. Tens of thousands of troops and machines were ordered to Mongolia, with imports from European Russia. Foreign diplomats traveling the Trans-Siberian Railway reported eastbound trains jammed with personnel and matériel. The buildup faced a major bottleneck at Borzya, the easternmost railhead in the MPR, about 400 miles from the Halha. To prevent a logistics choke, a massive truck transport operation was needed. Thousands of trucks, half-tracks, gun-towing tractors, and other vehicles were organized into a continuous eight-hundred-mile, five-day shuttle run. The Trans-Baikal Military District, under General Shtern, supervised the effort. East of the Halha, many Japanese officers still refused to accept a failure verdict for the July offensive. General Komatsubara did not return to Hailar, instead establishing a temporary divisional HQ at Kanchuerhmiao, where his staff grappled with overcoming Soviet firepower. They concluded that night combat—long a staple of Japanese infantry tactics—could offset Soviet advantages. On July 7 at 9:30 p.m., a thirty-minute Japanese artillery barrage preceded a nighttime assault by elements of the 64th and 72nd Regiments. The Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment and supporting Mongolian cavalry were surprised and forced to fall back toward the Halha before counterattacking. Reinforcements arrived on both sides, and in brutal close-quarters combat the Japanese gained a partial local advantage, but were eventually pushed back; Major I. M. Remizov of the 149th Regiment was killed and later posthumously named a Hero of the Soviet Union. Since late May, Soviet engineers had built at least seven bridges across the Halha and Holsten Rivers to support operations. By July 7–8, Japanese demolition teams destroyed two Soviet bridges. Komatsubara believed that destroying bridges could disrupt Soviet operations east of the Halha and help secure the border. Night attacks continued from July 8 to July 12 against the Soviet perimeter, with Japanese assaults constricting Zhukov's bridgehead while Soviet artillery and counterattacks relentlessly pressed. Casualties mounted on both sides. The Japanese suffered heavy losses but gained some positions; Soviet artillery, supported by motorized infantry and armor, gradually pushed back the attackers. The biggest problem for Japan remained Soviet artillery superiority and the lack of a commensurate counter-battery capability. Japanese infantry had to withdraw to higher ground at night to avoid daytime exposure to artillery and tanks. On the nights of July 11–12, Yamagata's 64th Regiment and elements of Colonel Sakai Mikio's 72nd Regiment attempted a major assault on the Soviet bridgehead. Despite taking heavy casualties, the Japanese managed to push defenders back to the river on occasion, but Soviet counterattacks, supported by tiresome artillery and armor, prevented a decisive breakthrough. Brigade Commander Yakovlev of the 11th Armored, who led several counterattacks, was killed and later honored as a Hero of the Soviet Union; his gun stands today as a monument at the battlefield. The July 11–12 action marked the high-water mark of the Kwantung Army's attempt to expel Soviet/MPR forces east of the Halha. Komatsubara eventually suspended the costly night attacks; by that night, the 64th Regiment had suffered roughly 80–90 killed and about three times that number wounded. The decision proved controversial, with some arguing that he had not realized how close his forces had come to seizing the bridge. Others argued that broader strategic considerations justified the pause. Throughout the Nomonhan fighting, Soviet artillery superiority, both quantitative and qualitative, became painfully evident. The Soviet guns exacted heavy tolls and repeatedly forced Japanese infantry to withdraw from exposed positions. The Japanese artillery, in contrast, could not match the Red Army's scale. By July 25, Kwantung Army ended its artillery attack, a humiliating setback. Tokyo and Hsinking recognized the futility of achieving a decisive military victory at Nomonhan and shifted toward seeking a diplomatic settlement, even if concessions to the Soviet Union and the MPR were necessary. Kwantung Army, however, opposed negotiations, fearing it would echo the "Changkufeng debacle" and be read by enemies as weakness. Tsuji lamented that Kwantung Army's insistence on framing the second phase as a tie—despite heavy Soviet losses, revealed a reluctance to concede any territory. Differences in outlook and policy between AGS and Kwantung Army—and the central army's inability to impose its will on Manchukuo's field forces—became clear. The military establishment buzzed with stories of gekokujo (the superiority of the superior) within Kwantung Army and its relations with the General Staff. To enforce compliance, AGS ordered General Isogai to Tokyo for briefings, and KwAHQ's leadership occasionally distanced itself from AGS. On July 20, Isogai arrived at General Staff Headquarters and was presented with "Essentials for Settlement of the Nomonhan Incident," a formal document outlining a step-by-step plan for Kwantung Army to maintain its defensive position east of the Halha while diplomatic negotiations proceeded. If negotiations failed, Kwantung Army would withdraw to the boundary claimed by the Soviet Union by winter. Isogai, the most restrained member of the Kwantung Army circle, argued against accepting the Essentials, insisting on preserving Kwantung Army's honor and rejecting a unilateral east-bank withdrawal. A tense exchange followed, but General Nakajima ended the dispute by noting that international boundaries cannot be determined by the army alone. Isogai pledged to report the General Staff's views to his commander and take the Essentials back to KwAHQ for study. Technically, the General Staff's Essentials were not orders; in practice, however, they were treated as such. Kwantung Army tended to view them as suggestions and retained discretion in implementation. AGS hoped the Essentials would mollify Kwantung Army's wounded pride. The August 4 decision to create a 6 Army within Kwantung Army, led by General Ogisu Rippei, further complicated the command structure. Komatsubara's 23rd Division and nearby units were attached to the 6 Army, which also took responsibility for defending west-central Manchukuo, including the Nomonhan area. The 6 Army existed largely on paper, essentially a small headquarters to insulate KwAHQ from battlefield realities. AGS sought a more accountable layer of command between KwAHQ and the combat zone, but General Ueda and KwAHQ resented the move and offered little cooperation. In the final weeks before the last battles, General Ogisu and his small staff had limited influence on Nomonhan. Meanwhile, the European crisis over German demands on Poland intensified, moving into a configuration highly favorable to the Soviet Union. By the first week of August, it became evident in the Kremlin that both Anglo-French powers and the Germans were vying to secure an alliance with Moscow. Stalin knew now that he would likely have a free hand in the coming war in the West. At the same time, Richard Sorge, the Soviet master spy in Tokyo, correctly reported that Japan's top political and military leaders sought to prevent the escalation of the Nomonhan incident into an all-out war. These developments gave the cautious Soviet dictator the confidence to commit the Red Army to large-scale combat operations in eastern Mongolia. In early August, Stalin ordered preparations for a major offensive to clear the Nomonhan area of the "Japanese samurai who had violated the territory of the friendly Outer Mongolian people." The buildup of Zhukov's 1st Army Group accelerated still further. Its July strength was augmented by the 57th and 82nd Infantry Divisions, the 6th Tank Brigade, the 212th Airborne Brigade, numerous smaller infantry, armor, and artillery units, and two Mongolian cavalry divisions. Soviet air power in the area was also greatly strengthened. When this buildup was completed by mid-August, Zhukov commanded an infantry force equivalent to four divisions, supported by two cavalry divisions, 216 artillery pieces, 498 armored vehicles, and 581 aircraft. To bring in the supplies necessary for this force to launch an offensive, General Shtern's Trans-Baikal Military District Headquarters amassed a fleet of more than 4,200 vehicles, which trucked in about 55,000 tons of materiel from the distant railway depot at Borzya. The Japanese intelligence network in Outer Mongolia was weak, a problem that went unremedied throughout the Nomonhan incident. This deficiency, coupled with the curtailment of Kwantung Army's transborder air operations, helps explain why the Japanese remained ignorant of the scope of Zhukov's buildup. They were aware that some reinforcements were flowing eastward across the Trans-Siberian Railway toward the MPR but had no idea of the volume. Then, at the end of July, Kwantung Army Intelligence intercepted part of a Soviet telegraph transmission indicating that preparations were under way for some offensive operation in the middle of August. This caused a stir at KwAHQ. Generals Ueda and Yano suspected that the enemy planned to strike across the Halha River. Ueda's initial reaction was to reinforce the 23rd Division at Nomonhan with the rest of the highly regarded 7th Division. However, the 7th Division was Kwantung Army's sole strategic reserve, and the Operations Section was reluctant to commit it to extreme western Manchukuo, fearing mobilization of Soviet forces in the Maritime Province and a possible attack in the east near Changkufeng. The Kwantung Army commander again ignored his own better judgment and accepted the Operations Section's recommendation. The main strength of the 7th Division remained at its base near Tsitsihar, but another infantry regiment, the 28th, was dispatched to the Nomonhan area, as was an infantry battalion from the Mukden Garrison. Earlier, in mid-July, Kwantung Army had sent Komatsubara 1,160 individual replacements to make up for casualties from earlier fighting. All these reinforcements combined, however, did little more than replace losses: as of July 25, 1,400 killed (including 200 officers) and 3,000 wounded. Kwantung Army directed Komatsubara to dig in, construct fortifications, and adopt a defensive posture. Colonel Numazaki, who commanded the 23rd Division's Engineer Regiment, was unhappy with the defensive line he was ordered to fortify and urged a slight pullback to more easily defensible terrain. Komatsubara, however, refused to retreat from ground his men had bled to take. He and his line officers still nourished hope of a revenge offensive. As a result, the Japanese defensive positions proved to be as weak as Numazaki feared. As Zhukov's 1st Army Group prepared to strike, the effective Japanese strength at Nomonhan was less than 1.5 divisions. Major Tsuji and his colleagues in the Operations Section had little confidence in Kwantung Army's own Intelligence Section, which is part of the reason why Tsuji frequently conducted his own reconnaissance missions. Up to this time it was gospel in the Japanese army that the maximum range for large-scale infantry operations was 125–175 miles from a railway; anything beyond 200 miles from a railway was considered logistically impossible. Since Kwantung Army had only 800 trucks available in all of Manchukuo in 1939, the massive Soviet logistical effort involving more than 4,200 trucks was almost unimaginable to the Japanese. Consequently, the Operations Staff believed it had made the correct defensive deployments if a Soviet attack were to occur, which it doubted. If the enemy did strike at Nomonhan, it was believed that it could not marshal enough strength in that remote region to threaten the reinforced 23rd Division. Furthermore, the 7th Division, based at Tsitsihar on a major rail line, could be transported to any trouble spot on the eastern or western frontier in a few days. KwAHQ advised Komatsubara to maintain a defensive posture and prepare to meet a possible enemy attack around August 14 or 15. At this time, Kwantung Army also maintained a secret organization codenamed Unit 731, officially the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army. Unit 731 specialized in biological and chemical warfare, with main facilities and laboratories in Harbin, including a notorious prison-laboratory complex. During the early August lull at Nomonhan, a detachment from Unit 731 infected the Halha River with bacteria of an acute cholera-like strain. There are no reports in Soviet or Japanese accounts that this attempted biological warfare had any effect. In the war's final days, Unit 731 was disbanded, Harbin facilities demolished, and most personnel fled to Japan—but not before they gassed the surviving 150 human subjects and burned their corpses. The unit's commander, Lieutenant General Ishii Shiro, kept his men secret and threatened retaliation against informers. Ishii and his senior colleagues escaped prosecution at the Tokyo War Crimes Trials by trading the results of their experiments to U.S. authorities in exchange for immunity. The Japanese 6th Army exerted some half-hearted effort to construct defensive fortifications, but scarcity of building materials, wood had to be trucked in from far away—helped explain the lack of enthusiasm. More importantly, Japanese doctrine despised static defense and favored offense, so Kwantung Army waited to see how events would unfold. West of the Halha, Zhukov accelerated preparations. Due to tight perimeter security, few Japanese deserters, and a near-absence of civilian presence, Soviet intelligence found it hard to glean depth on Japanese defensive positions. Combat intelligence could only reveal the frontline disposition and closest mortar and artillery emplacements. Aerial reconnaissance showed photographs, but Japanese camouflage and mock-ups limited their usefulness. The new commander of the 149th Mechanized Infantry Regiment personally directed infiltration and intelligence gathering, penetrating Japanese lines on several nights and returning crucial data: Komatsubara's northern and southern flanks were held by Manchukuoan cavalry, and mobile reserves were lacking. With this information, Zhukov crafted a plan of attack. The main Japanese strength was concentrated a few miles east of the Halha, on both banks of the Holsten River. Their infantry lacked mobility and armor, and their flanks were weak. Zhukov decided to split the 1st Army Group into three strike forces: the central force would deliver a frontal assault to pin the main Japanese strength, while the northern and southern forces, carrying the bulk of the armor, would turn the Japanese flanks and drive the enemy into a pocket to be destroyed by the three-pronged effort. The plan depended on tactical surprise and overwhelming force at the points of attack. The offensive was to begin in the latter part of August, pending final approval from Moscow. To ensure tactical surprise, Zhukov and his staff devised an elaborate program of concealment and deception, disinformation. Units and materiel arriving at Tamsag Bulak toward the Halha were moved only at night with lights out. Noting that the Japanese were tapping telephone lines and intercepting radio messages, 1st Army Headquarters sent a series of false messages in an easily decipherable code about defensive preparations and autumn-winter campaigning. Thousands of leaflets titled "What the Infantryman Should Know about Defense" were distributed among troops. About two weeks before the attack, the Soviets brought in sound equipment to simulate tank and aircraft engines and heavy construction noises, staging long, loud performances nightly. At first, the Japanese mistook the sounds for large-scale enemy activity and fired toward the sounds. After a few nights, they realized it was only sound effects, and tried to ignore the "serenade." On the eve of the attack, the actual concentration and staging sounds went largely unnoticed by the Japanese. On August 7–8, Zhukov conducted minor attacks to expand the Halha bridgehead to a depth of two to three miles. These attacks, contained relatively easily by Komatsubara's troops, reinforced Kwantung Army's false sense of confidence. The Japanese military attaché in Moscow misread Soviet press coverage. In early August, the attaché advised that unlike the Changkufeng incident a year earlier, Soviet press was largely ignoring the conflict, implying low morale and a favorable prognosis for the Red Army. Kwantung Army leaders seized on this as confirmation to refrain from any display of restraint or doubt, misplaced confidence. There were, however, portents of danger. Three weeks before the Soviet attack, Colonel Isomura Takesuki, head of Kwantung Army's Intelligence Section, warned of the vulnerability of the 23rd Division's flanks. Tsuji and colleagues dismissed this, and General Kasahara Yukio of AGS also went unheeded. The "desk jockey" General Staff officers commanded little respect at KwAHQ. Around August 10, General Hata Yuzaburo, Komatsubara's successor as chief of the Special Services Agency at Harbin, warned that enemy strength in the Mongolian salient was very great and seriously underestimated at KwAHQ. Yet no decisive action followed before Zhukov's attack. Kwantung Army's inaction and unpreparedness prior to the Soviet offensive appear to reflect faulty intelligence compounded by hubris. But a more nuanced explanation suggests a fatalistic wishful thinking rooted in the Japanese military culture—the belief that their spiritual strength would prevail, leading them to assume enemy strength was not as great as reported, or that victory was inevitable regardless of resources. Meanwhile, in the rational West, the Nazi war machine faced the Polish frontier as Adolf Hitler pressed Stalin for a nonaggression pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact would neutralize the threat of a two-front war for Germany and clear the way for Hitler's invasion of Poland. If the pact was a green light, it signaled in both directions: it would also neutralize the German threat to Russia and clear the way for Zhukov's offensive at Nomonhan. On August 18–19, Hitler pressed Stalin to receive Ribbentrop in Moscow to seal the pact. Thus, reassured in the West, Stalin dared to act boldly against Japan. Zhukov supervised final preparations for his attack. Zhukov held back forward deployments until the last minute. By August 18, he had only four infantry regiments, a machine gun brigade, and Mongolian cavalry east of the Halha. Operational security was extremely tight: a week before the attack, Soviet radio traffic in the area virtually ceased. Only Zhukov and a few key officers worked on the plan, aided by a single typist. Line officers and service chiefs received information on a need-to-know basis. The date for the attack was shared with unit commanders one to four days in advance, depending on seniority. Noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers learned of the offensive one day in advance and received specific orders three hours before the attack.   Heavy rain grounded Japanese aerial reconnaissance from August 17 to midday on the 19th, but on August 19 Captain Oizumi Seisho in a Japanese scout plane observed the massing of Soviet forces near the west bank of the Halha. Enemy armor and troops were advancing toward the river in dispersed formations, with no new bridges but pontoon stocks spotted near the river. Oizumi sent a warning to a frontline unit and rushed back to report. The air group dispatched additional recon planes and discovered that the Japanese garrison on Fui Heights, near the northern end of Komatsubara's line, was being encircled by Soviet armor and mechanized infantry—observed by alarmed Japanese officers on and near the heights. These late discoveries on August 19 were not reported to KwAHQ and had no effect on the 6th Army and the 23rd Division's alertness on the eve of the storm. As is common in militaries, a fatal gap persisted between those gathering intelligence and those in a position to act on it. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. By August, European diplomacy left Moscow confident in a foothold against Germany and Britain, while Sorge's intelligence indicated Japan aimed to avoid a full-blown war. Stalin ordered a major offensive to clear Nomonhan, fueling Zhukov's buildup in eastern Mongolia. Kwantung Army, hampered by limited logistics, weak intelligence, and defensive posture, faced mounting pressure. 

France is heading for a far right take overIn this latest Lowdown podcast Nick Cohen talks in-depth to with Financial Times journalist Victor Mallet, a former F.T Paris correspondent about his book "Far-Right France: Le Pen, Bardella, and the Future of Europe." Mallett explores how the French far-right, led by Marine Le Pen and her protege Jordan Bardella, has become a mainstream political force after decades of gradual growth since the 1950s. Nick and Victor discuss how the far-right has capitalised on immigration concerns, economic grievances, and media influence to gain power, while the traditional left and centre-right parties have struggled to maintain relevance.Victor Mallet explains how the far-right's seemingly more pragmatic approach and media support have helped them transform from a fringe party to a dominant force in French politics, with significant implications for the European Union's future and the broader European project, and possibly the hard-won peace of Europe.The Far Right is on the march across EuropeNick and Victor discuss how the far right is across the march across Europe, aided and supported by Trump's White House and Putin's Kremlin.They discuss the rise of far-right and nationalist populist parties across Europe and the United States, noting that countries with histories of fascist rule, like Germany and Italy, are now seeing significant support for these parties. They attribute this phenomenon to factors such as immigration, economic challenges, and the "Fox Newsification" of media, which fuels a culture war. Nick suggests that governments' currently tough stances on immigration, mirrored by leaders like Sir Keir Starmer in Britain and Friedrich Mertz in Germany, fail to resonate positively with voters, highlighting the stubborn complexity of addressing anti-immigrant sentiment at the ballot box.Read all about it!Victor Mallet FT @VJMallet is a journalist, and was formerly the paper's Paris correspondent in the last of three stints in France for the FT. He is also an author, most recently of Far-right France: Le Pen, Bardella and the Future of Europe (Published by Hurst, and available now.) Victor is currently still based in Europe.Nick Cohen's @NichCohen4 latest Substack column Writing from London on politics and culture from the UK and beyond. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Hace cuatro años —durante la madrugada del 24 de febrero de 2022— Rusia invadía Ucrania. La guerra iba a durar días, según los planes del Kremlin, pero aquí seguimos hoy. Mientras el conflicto ha ido desapareciendo de los informativos, sobre el terreno se combate bajo tierra, entre drones y ciudades arrasadas. Ucrania resiste, pero el precio a pagar —sobre todo humano— es enorme y, de momento, no tiene final. Lo analizamos con Alberto Rojas, reportero de EL MUNDO en la guerra de UcraniaSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Silicon Bites Ep291 | 2026-02-22 | Russia will disappear. Its population consumed by imperial lust and pointless aggression. Compliance to a dictator that expends their lives senselessly and without care. Putin may be prepping a new mobilisation and the further hardening of the police state and repression. In this episode we cover the evidence of what Moscow is doing now, and what it may be planning and the stakes if Putin does choose to mobilise. The social, demographic and strategic consequences of this ominous decision.Tonight: a single, brutal question — is Vladimir Putin preparing Russia for a new wave of explicit mobilisation this spring? We'll run the actions we can verify, the signals from inside the system, and the cascade of consequences — from tightened censorship to demographic collapse and, yes, the remote but real risk of historic imperial implosion and disappearance.----------SUPPORT THE CHANNEL:https://www.buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtainhttps://www.patreon.com/siliconcurtain----------SOURCES:ISW / RBC summary: “Putin readies hidden draft in 2026 amid heavy losses — ISW” — analysis of informational and legal moves toward staged conscription.The Guardian: “Russian crackdown on Telegram app prompts rare criticism from soldiers, pro-war bloggers and officials” — on throttling Telegram and frontline blowback. The Moscow Times: “Resisting the Kremlin's Communication Crackdown Requires New Thinking” (analysis on Telegram throttling and information controls). Human Rights Watch: “Russia: Crackdown on Dissent Escalates” — expanded legal repression and use of “security” charges. Forbes / Mark Temnycky: “How the war in Ukraine has sparked a demographic crisis in Russia” — background on population and labour impacts. PopulationPyramids.org — demographic data and trend visualisation for Russia (background). RUSI / other think-tank analyses on imperial overstretch and decline (context on long-run fragmentation risk).Euronews: “Central Asia's population boom contrasts Europe's demographic decline” — context on contrasting regional demographics and labour pools.----------SILICON CURTAIN LIVE EVENTS - FUNDRAISER CAMPAIGN Events in 2025 - Advocacy for a Ukrainian victory with Silicon Curtainhttps://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasOur events of the first half of the year in Lviv, Kyiv and Odesa were a huge success. Now we need to maintain this momentum, and change the tide towards a Ukrainian victory. The Silicon Curtain Roadshow is an ambitious campaign to run a minimum of 12 events in 2025, and potentially many more. Any support you can provide for the fundraising campaign would be gratefully appreciated. https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extrasWe need to scale up our support for Ukraine, and these events are designed to have a major impact. Your support in making it happen is greatly appreciated. All events will be recorded professionally and published for free on the Silicon Curtain channel. Where possible, we will also live-stream events.https://buymeacoffee.com/siliconcurtain/extras----------

Le 24 février 2022, la Russie lançait ce que le Kremlin continue d'appeler une « opération militaire spéciale » contre l'Ukraine. Quatre ans plus tard, la guerre s'est installée dans la durée, les lignes de front se sont figées par endroits, durcies ailleurs, et le conflit est devenu un fait structurant de l'ordre international. Cette guerre, elle ne se joue pas seulement sur le terrain militaire. Elle se joue aussi sur le terrain des mots, des images, des récits. Deux narrations radicalement opposées s'affrontent. Pour Kiev, il s'agit d'une guerre d'agression, coloniale, impériale, visant à nier l'existence même de la nation ukrainienne. Pour Moscou, il s'agit d'une guerre défensive, existentielle, provoquée par l'expansion de l'OTAN, destinée à « protéger » les populations russophones et à corriger ce que Vladimir Poutine considère comme une erreur historique majeure : l'indépendance de l'Ukraine. Derrière ces récits, des visions du monde. Derrière ces visions, une lecture de l'histoire. Et derrière cette lecture, un projet politique. Quelle conception de la Russie, de son identité, de son rapport à l'Empire et à l'Occident a conduit Vladimir Poutine à déclencher cette guerre ? Quel est le récit dominant produit par le Kremlin pour la justifier et pour en soutenir le prolongement ? Comment ces récits varient-ils selon les publics : opinion russe, pays occidentaux, Sud global, membres des BRICS ? Et surtout : comment distinguer un récit politique — toute guerre en produit — d'une entreprise de désinformation structurée ? Dans ce conflit, l'absurde semble parfois le disputer au fatal. Mais rien n'est laissé au hasard : la production du récit est organisée, institutionnalisée, stratégique. Car c'est bien au nom d'une vision politique et historique que Vladimir Poutine et quelques autres ont déclenché cette guerre. Pour cette deuxième émission en partenariat avec l'INALCO, l'Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales et son programme DECRIPT portant sur les transformations du système international et les effets politiques et institutionnels de ces récits civilisationnels qui ont émergé sur la scène mondiale, Invités :  Ioulia Podoroga, philosophe et spécialiste de la littérature russe, maîtresse de conférences habilitée à diriger des recherches à l'INALCO. Elle codirige « Routledge Companion to Concepts in Russian Contemporary Politics » à paraitre à la fin de l'année. Ioulia Podoroga qui a récemment dirigé un volume collectif sur le Nihilisme russe Pierre-Louis Six, historien et politiste. Chercheur post-doctorant du programme DECRIPT, rattaché eu Centre interdisciplinaire sur les enjeux stratégiques de l'ENS. Et au centre de recherche Maurice Halbwachs. Ancien directeur adjoint du Centre d'études franco-russes de Moscou. Auteur de nombreux ouvrages et articles dont « Les diplomates russes croient-ils à leurs mythes ? », article paru dans la revue Critique Internationale, Volume 108, 2025 Maxime Audinet, professeur junior et titulaire de la chaire « Stratégie d'influence » à l'INALCO, Chercheur au Centre de recherche Europes-Eurasie (CREE) et à GEODE, Université Paris 8 et spécialiste de la politique étrangère de la Russie.

For 15 years, the New Start treaty bound the United States and Russia to curb their nuclear arsenals – until it expired earlier this month. Researcher Benoit Pelopidas tells RFI what hope remains for disarmament now that there are no longer fixed limits on the world's two largest nuclear powers. In what could mark a major turning point in the history of arms control, New Start expired on 5 February. Neither US President Donald Trump nor his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin has shown interest in renewing it.  The treaty was signed between the United States and Russia on 8 April 2010 and came into force on 5 February 2011. Initially planned to last 10 years, it was extended for another five in 2021. Its goal was to limit each side to 800 missile launchers and 1,550 nuclear warheads, with the two countries authorised to inspect each other's stockpiles. It was never a global treaty. Other countries signed up to the broader Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), which came into force in 1970 and now has 191 parties, including the US and Russia. But Washington and Moscow also had bilateral arms control agreements in place continuously since 1972 – until now, notes Benoît Pelopidas, an expert on nuclear threats at Sciences Po university in Paris. "But it would be false to deduce from that that the arms race has not started yet and might start now," he tells RFI.  "There are reasons to think that the arms race started as early as the spring of 2010." Europe confronts ‘new nuclear reality' as Macron signals broader deterrence role 'Possible acceleration' Even before New Start expired, implementation of the treaty deteriorated over time, culminating in Russia suspending its participation in 2023. "And now we're at a full level where it's no longer implemented at all," says Pelopidas. "It's new diplomatically, and it enables the possible acceleration of an ongoing arms race." NATO called for "restraint and responsibility" after the treaty expired. "Russia's irresponsible nuclear rhetoric and coercive signals on nuclear matters reveal a posture of strategic intimidation," an official told French news agency AFP, speaking on condition of anonymity. "NATO will continue to take the measures necessary to ensure its credibility and the effectiveness of its overall deterrence and defence position." The Kremlin had proposed continuing to comply with New Start's limits until February 2027, but the White House did not respond. Moscow considers the treaty's expiration "a negative development", Russian presidential spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters. "We express our regret in this regard." China shuns calls to enter nuclear talks after US-Russia treaty lapses Disarmament still possible According to Pelopidas, disarmament is possible and has been partially achieved before, especially in the early 1990s after the end of the Cold War.  "In 1991, we had 58,000 nuclear weapons on the planet. And we're now at a level of roughly 12,000 in 2025, which is a massive decrease," he says.  "We have, between 1986 and today, dismantled or retired over 80 percent of the existing arsenal in the world. So it is not materially impossible to dismantle or disarm." The world's remaining nuclear stockpile still has the potential to wreak huge destruction, he stresses, a fact that he believes should drive all nuclear powers to work towards de-escalation. "If the theory of nuclear winter is correct, a so-called limited nuclear war between India and Pakistan that led to the explosion of 100 Hiroshima-sized bombs – that is, roughly 1 percent of the existing arsenal – would lead to the death of 2 billion people by starvation due to its indirect consequences over two years," Pelopidas says. "That's how destructive the capacity of the existing arsenal is." Episode mixed by Erwan Rome.

The biological attack on the studio continues! With Kristaps completely out of commission battling a nasty flu and an eye infection, Evita takes the mic once again to guide you through the latest descent into Russian geopolitical madness.The Russian Ministry of Defense is burning its own "Paper Victories" as the Ukrainian counter-offensive reclaims 200 sq km in Zaporizhzhia. While generals lie to Putin's face on federal television, the true cost of the war is tearing the home front apart. We break down the absolute economic absurdity of $15 cucumbers, Soviet-style rationing, and the collapse of the Russian coal industry.We also expose the terrifying "Dead Souls" scam, where corrupt commanders brand fallen soldiers as deserters to legally steal their death benefits. Finally, we look at the impending April 1st digital iron curtain: why the Kremlin is willing to destroy its own frontline communications by blocking Telegram, and why the ultra-nationalists are in a state of absolute panic over a geopolitical capitulation disguised as "Perestroika 2.0."Happiness is mandatory.Support The Eastern Border: Want to give us a direct, one-time boost? Head over to theeasternborder.lv and hit the donate button. To be completely honest, we could really use it this week. Kristaps isn't just battling a standard flu anymore—his tonsillitis has leveled up and decided to attack his eyes, too. Between the pharmacy runs and the fact that keeping the house from freezing this month completely drained our heating budget, any little bit helps us keep the microphones on and the medical tea flowing. Thank you guys, as always, for having our backs.Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/c/TheEasternBorderMerch Shop: https://theeasternborder-shop.fourthwall.com/Car4Ukraine: https://car4ukraine.com/en-US/campaigns/christmas-tree-trucks-2025-the-eastern-borderSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/theeasternborder. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Le 24 février 2022, les troupes de Russie franchissaient la frontière ukrainienne. Ce qui devait être, selon le Kremlin, une opération rapide pour faire tomber Kyiv s'est transformée en la guerre la plus meurtrière et la plus destructrice qu'ait connue le continent européen depuis 1945. Quatre ans plus tard, la ligne de front s'est figée par endroits, déplacée ailleurs, mais la guerre continue. Elle est devenue une guerre d'usure : usure des armées, usure des sociétés, usure des alliances. Sur le terrain, l'Ukraine tient, mais au prix d'un effort humain et matériel considérable. La Russie, elle, semble avoir accepté une logique de conflit long, mobilisant son économie et sa population pour durer. Au-delà des champs de bataille du Donbass et du Sud ukrainien, cette guerre redessine les équilibres stratégiques du continent. Elle interroge la solidité du soutien occidental, le rôle des États-Unis, la capacité des Européens à peser sur leur propre sécurité, et la possibilité — ou non — d'une issue négociée. Quatre ans après le début de l'invasion, où en est-on vraiment ? La guerre est-elle entrée dans une phase décisive ? Les sociétés ukrainienne et russe sont-elles épuisées ou résolues ? Une négociation est-elle envisageable — et à quelles conditions ? Et surtout : combien de temps encore cette guerre peut-elle durer ? Invités :  - Alexandra Goujon, politiste, spécialiste des transformations politiques, sociales et mémorielles dans l'Ukraine en guerre, maître de conférences à l'Université Bourgogne-Europe. « L'Ukraine : de l'indépendance à la guerre », Cavalier bleu, 2023 - Galia Ackermann, historienne et journaliste, rédactrice en chef du média en ligne « Desk Russie » - Yurri Clavilier, chercheur à l'International Institute for Strategic Studies, spécialiste des forces armées et contributeur du « Military Balance », ouvrage de référence sur l'état des forces militaires dans le monde.

Russia says its relations with Japan have effectively come to a halt, with no dialogue currently taking place between the two countries. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov says bilateral ties have been "reduced to zero."

Notre premier sujet d'actualité sera la Conférence sur la sécurité de Munich qui s'est tenue le week-end dernier. Ensuite, nous aborderons les accusations portées contre le Kremlin concernant l'empoisonnement il y a deux ans du leader de l'opposition russe Alexeï Navalny. Notre section scientifique sera consacrée à une étude qui affirme qu'une stimulation électrique du cerveau peut rendre les gens moins égoïstes. Et nous terminerons la première partie de notre émission par une conversation sur l'initiative qu'a lancée l'Irlande pour soutenir les arts : elle va offrir un revenu de base à 2 000 artistes pendant trois ans.   Le reste de l'émission d'aujourd'hui sera consacré à la langue et à la culture françaises. Notre point de grammaire de la semaine sera : Prepositional Phrases aux dépens de, dans le but de, aux environs de, autour de, and au prix de. Nous parlerons des avalanches dans les Alpes, qui ont déjà fait des dizaines de morts cette année, et nous verrons quelles mesures chacun peut prendre pour se protéger. Nous terminerons avec l'expression de la semaine, Au pied de la lettre. Nous parlerons de l'avenir des animaux marins du parc Marineland, fermé depuis l'année dernière suite aux nouvelles lois existant en France. Que vont devenir les dauphins et les orques du parc ? - Relations transatlantiques : l'Europe reçoit des messages contradictoires des États-Unis - Le ministre britannique des Affaires étrangères accuse le Kremlin d'avoir empoisonné Alexeï Navalny - La stimulation électrique du cerveau peut rendre les gens plus généreux - L'Irlande offre aux artistes en difficulté un revenu de base pendant 3 ans - Les avalanches font des dizaines de morts dans les Alpes - Quel avenir pour les cétacés du parc Marineland ?

Comenzaremos nuestra discusión de la actualidad con la Conferencia de Seguridad de Múnich, que tuvo lugar el pasado fin de semana. Después, hablaremos de las acusaciones contra el Kremlin de que envenenó al destacado líder opositor ruso Alexéi Navalni hace dos años. La sección de ciencia la dedicaremos a un estudio que asegura que la estimulación eléctrica del cerebro puede hacer menos egoísta a la gente. Y concluiremos la primera parte del programa comentando la iniciativa irlandesa de promover las artes ofreciendo una renta básica para 2.000 artistas durante un periodo de tres años. El resto del episodio de hoy lo dedicaremos a la lengua y la cultura españolas. La primera conversación incluirá ejemplos del tema de gramática de la semana, Adverbs of Time. En esta conversación hablaremos de un servicio de avisos de emergencias a través de los teléfonos móviles, el ES-Alert. España dispone de este servicio desde el año 2022. Se usa, por ejemplo, en alarmas de emergencia de predicciones meteorológicas. Sin embargo, el uso que se le ha dado últimamente a este servicio parece ser un poco excesivo. Y, en nuestra última conversación, aprenderemos a usar una nueva expresión española, Más se perdió en Cuba y volvieron cantando. La usaremos para hablar de la llamada generación perdida. Este término se usa para hablar de los españoles nacidos entre 1985 y 1995, una generación académicamente muy bien preparada. Sin embargo, les cogió la crisis inmobiliaria cuando empezaron su vida laboral. Después, una gran precariedad laboral, y finalmente, la pandemia. El problema para mucha gente de esta época es una gran desmotivación. Pero algunos también vieron oportunidades… Europa recibe mensajes confusos de EE. UU. sobre las relaciones transatlánticas La secretaria de Exteriores británica acusa al Kremlin de envenenar a Alexéi Navalni La estimulación eléctrica del cerebro puede hacer más generosa a la gente Irlanda lanza una renta básica de tres años de duración para artistas Envío de alertas a los teléfonos móviles Generación Perdida en España

On The Power Vertical Podcast this week, host Brian Whitmore speaks with two veteran diplomats, former U.S. State Department official Donald Jensen, who is currently an an adjunct professor in the Krieger School of Arts and Sciences at Johns Hopkins University and an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies; and Osmolovska, a 15-year veteran of the Ukrainian Foreign Ministry who now serves as the head of GLOBSEC's Kyiv office. They are the co-authors of an important, exhaustively researched, and very timely report, "Adversary at the Table: Negotiating with Putin's Russia," which was released this week by the Atlantic Council.

El presidente ruso, Vladimir Putin, recibió este miércoles en el Kremlin al canciller cubano Bruno Rodríguez y reafirmó que su país "siempre" estará al lado de La Habana frente al bloqueo energético de Estados Unidos.

February 20th 2026 Yuriy reflects on Ukraine's Day of Remembrance of the Heroes of the Heavenly Hundred, honoring protesters killed during the February 2014 shootings in Kyiv and describing them as the first victims of the Russian-Ukrainian war, driven by Kremlin pressure on Yanukovych's regime and propaganda portraying protesters as Nazis and criminals. Recounting what he witnessed during the confrontation, he frames the uprising as a pivotal victory for Ukraine's freedom—comparable to foundational historical turning points—and vows that despite the ongoing, exhausting war and terror, Ukraine will not return to dictatorship or surrender. Send Yuriy your letter of support fightingtherussianbeast@gmail.com  Yuriy's Podbean Patron sign-up to give once or regularly: https://patron.podbean.com/yuriy   Buy Yuriy a coffee here: https://bmc.link/yuriymat  Subscribe to his substack: https://yuriymatsarsky.substack.com/  ----more---- TRANSCRIPT: (Apple Podcasts & Podbean app users can enjoy accurate closed captions)     It is February 20. Today is one of the most important commemorative days in Ukraine's history- the day of Remembrance of Heroes of Heavenly Hundred. This day owners was who killed 12 years ago in February 2014, during the shooting of protesters who were opposing the corrupt gangster-like regime of President Yanukovych. Many of us did not realize it at that time, but the, the, the first victims of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Even if the bullets that killed dozens of people in central Kyiv were fired by Ukrainian police, it was done in the interest of the Russian authorities under their pressure and above all for their sake. The Kremlin needed not only to keep Ukraine within its sphere of influence, but also to keep Ukrainians in subjugation, denying them the ability to choose their own future. What is why Russia pushed the dim-witted pitiful Yanukovych to use firearms against peaceful protestors; that is why it urgently sent it advisors to Kyiv who directed the actions of the security forces and what is why it unleashed a frenzied propaganda campaign to discredit the protestors, portraying them all as Nazis and criminals. Incidentally, this is how Russian media now portray all Ukrainians. I was in central Kyiv throughout all the days of a bloody confrontation. Before my eyes people were being killed, people who walked toward machine guns trying to protect themselves from them with makeshift wooden shields. Wood against a machine gun steel. And we would won. The vast apparatus of killing and coercion, lavishly, greased with Russian money and fueled by hatred of freedom broke against people in hockey helmets whose most dangerous weapons were Molotov of cocktails. The regime of a stupid sadist Yanukovych built on corruption and intimidation on handouts from Moscow and total lies collapsed. It was a great victory. Yes, in many ways it was symbolic, only the beginning of a confrontation, but continues to this day- but it was an immensely important symbol. For me The Day of Remembrance of The heroes of the Heavenly Hundred stands alongside the signing of a Declaration of Independence or the adoption of Magna Carta. Yes, those events were not unambiguous instant victories; much more blood was shed and much pain endured afterward. But we became turning points after which a return to dictatorship was no longer imaginable. Well, at least until recently. Back then, 12 years ago, we all changed Ukraine chose freedom, from which our deranged neighbor so desperately refuses to let us go, but we will not return to the Gulag, we will not surrender. It is very hard and cold, now physically and psychologically exhausting. Yet the path to freedom that began in February 2014 will be carried through to the end. We are living in terrible times. More horrifying than one could invent, but freedom will prevail. It must; it simply has to prevail.

Day 1,456.Today, as President Volodymyr Zelensky describes the latest Ukraine-Russia peace talks in Geneva as “difficult”, we ask whether the negotiations between Kyiv, Moscow and Washington made any tangible difference – and whether the Kremlin still has room to delay meaningful concessions. We hear from a former special envoy to Ukraine, and report on an exclusive Telegraph investigation revealing how British-manufactured microelectronics have ended up inside Russian missiles used to kill civilians in Ukraine. And we speak to the founder of a new volunteer air defence unit recruiting members from Ukraine's expatriate community to help defend against ongoing Russian drone and missile attacks.ContributorsDominic Nicholls (Associate Editor of Defence). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Executive Editor for Audio). @FrancisDearnley on X.Rozina Sabur (National Security Editor). @RozinaSaburon X.With thanks to John Richardson and former US Ambassador Kurt Volker.SIGN UP TO THE ‘UKRAINE: THE LATEST' WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter Each week, Dom Nicholls and Francis Dearnley answer your questions, provide recommended reading, and give exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights – plus maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons to complement our daily reporting. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers.CONTENT REFERENCED:SUBSCRIBE TO OUR NEW YOUTUBE CHANNEL – WATCH EVERY EPISODE WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:From next week, every episode will be available on our YouTube channel. Subscribe here: https://www.youtube.com/@UkraineTheLatest CONTENT REFERENCED:International Air Defence Reserves – Point of Contact: John Richardson. Written messages of enquiry only (no links) on Signal to +380 639 598839. The British designed Microchip that is Powering Putin's Missiles (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2026/02/18/british-designed-microchip-putin-russia-ukraine-missiles/Starmer ‘not being honest' on defence spending, say ex-military chiefs (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2026/02/18/starmer-not-honest-defence-spending-say-ex-military-chiefs/ Could Witkoff be ousted from Ukraine talks? (Kyiv Independent):https://kyivindependent.com/could-witkoff-be-ousted-from-ukraine-talks/ LISTEN TO THIS PODCAST IN NEW LANGUAGES:The Telegraph has launched translated versions of Ukraine: The Latest in Ukrainian and Russian, making its reporting accessible to audiences on both sides of the battle lines and across the wider region, including Central Asia and the Caucasus. Just search Україна: Останні Новини (Ukr) and Украина: Последние Новости (Ru) on your on your preferred podcast app to find them. Listen here: https://linktr.ee/ukrainethelatestSubscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Day 1,455.Today, as the latest round of Ukraine-US-Russia peace talks in Geneva collapse after just two hours, we speak to our correspondent in Switzerland to understand what went wrong between Kyiv, Moscow and Washington. We examine why the International Paralympic Committee has decided to allow Russian and Belarusian athletes to compete at the Winter Olympics under their national flags, and what that means for sporting sanctions linked to Putin's war in Ukraine. Plus, our resident Russia-watcher breaks down the latest political manoeuvring inside the Kremlin.ContributorsDominic Nicholls (Associate Editor of Defence). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Executive Editor for Audio). @FrancisDearnley on X.Joe Barnes (Brussels Correspondant). @barnes_joe on X.James Kilner (Foreign Analyst). @jkjourno on X.SIGN UP TO THE ‘UKRAINE: THE LATEST' WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter Each week, Dom Nicholls and Francis Dearnley answer your questions, provide recommended reading, and give exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights – plus maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons to complement our daily reporting. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers.CONTENT REFERENCED:Ukraine peace talks end in acrimony after two hours (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/18/zelensky-trump-being-unfair-in-very-tense-ukraine-talks/ Ukraine recaptures ‘most land since summer 2023' (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/17/ukraine-recaptures-most-land-since-summer-2023/ Zelensky: Trump being unfair in ‘very tense' talks (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/18/zelensky-trump-being-unfair-in-very-tense-ukraine-talks/ Russian, Belarusian athletes to compete under national flags at 2026 Winter Paralympics (Kyiv Independent):https://kyivindependent.com/russian-belarusian-athletes-to-compete-under-national-flags-at-2026-winter-paralympics/ Mick Ryan Substack post: Starlink Surprisehttps://mickryan.substack.com/p/starlink-surpriseLearn more about Convoy4Ukraine:https://www.justgiving.com/page/ian-wilson-young LISTEN TO THIS PODCAST IN NEW LANGUAGES:The Telegraph has launched translated versions of Ukraine: The Latest in Ukrainian and Russian, making its reporting accessible to audiences on both sides of the battle lines and across the wider region, including Central Asia and the Caucasus. Just search Україна: Останні Новини (Ukr) and Украина: Последние Новости (Ru) on your on your preferred podcast app to find them. Listen here: https://linktr.ee/ukrainethelatestSubscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

durée : 00:05:36 - La Revue de presse internationale - par : Catherine Duthu - Le président ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky a salué, hier, le retour de 2 000 enfants ukrainiens qui avaient été enlevés par la Russie. Des milliers d'autres sont encore sous le joug du Kremlin, en Russie ou dans des régions ukrainiennes occupées : des enseignants leur proposent des cours en ligne.

AMB. Chas Freeman : Why the Kremlin Mistrusts the USSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Welcome to another electrifying episode of Impact Theory with Tom Bilyeu. On today's live show, Tom Bilyeu dives headfirst into headline-grabbing global events—from Russia's surprising economic overtures towards the US dollar to the Netherlands' controversial new tax policies and their potential impact on the world economy. Joined by Amjad Massad, the two unpack monumental shifts between the US, Russia, and China, explore the accelerating disruption from AI, and dissect the latest political intrigue—including eyebrow-raising developments around the Epstein files. As always, expect sharp commentary, deep-dive analysis, and a bit of gallows humor to lighten the mood. Whether you're here for actionable economic insights or just curious how the future might unfold in an AI-driven age, this episode promises to challenge your thinking and keep you on your toes. Plus, you'll meet Ryan, the behind-the-scenes wizard responsible for the show's dynamic clips. Strap in—the world order is shifting fast, and Tom Bilyeu and his guests are here to help you make sense of it, one headline at a time. What's up, everybody? It's Tom Bilyeu here: If you want my help... STARTING a business: join me here at ZERO TO FOUNDER:  https://tombilyeu.com/zero-to-founder?utm_campaign=Podcast%20Offer&utm_source=podca[%E2%80%A6]d%20end%20of%20show&utm_content=podcast%20ad%20end%20of%20show SCALING a business: see if you qualify here.:  https://tombilyeu.com/call Get my battle-tested strategies and insights delivered weekly to your inbox: sign up here.: https://tombilyeu.com/ ********************************************************************** If you're serious about leveling up your life, I urge you to check out my new podcast, Tom Bilyeu's Mindset Playbook —a goldmine of my most impactful episodes on mindset, business, and health. Trust me, your future self will thank you. ********************************************************************** FOLLOW TOM: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/tombilyeu/ Tik Tok: https://www.tiktok.com/@tombilyeu?lang=en Twitter: https://twitter.com/tombilyeu YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@TomBilyeu Quince: Free shipping and 365-day returns at https://quince.com/impactpodShopify: Sign up for your one-dollar-per-month trial period at https://shopify.com/impactKetone IQ: Visit https://ketone.com/IMPACT for 30% OFF your subscription orderIncogni: Take your personal data back with Incogni! Use code IMPACT at the link below and get 60% off an annual plan: https://incogni.com/impactBlocktrust IRA: Get up to $2,500 funding bonus to kickstart your account at https://tomcryptoira.comAquaTru: 20% off your purifier with code IMPACT https://aquatru.com Netsuite: Right now, get our free business guide, Demystifying AI, at https://NetSuite.com/TheoryPique: 20% off at https://piquelife.com/impact Cape: 33% off your first 6 months with code IMPACT at https://cape.co/impact Plaud: Get 10% off with code TOM10 at https://plaud.ai/tom Russia reembracing the US dollar, de-dollarization, BRICS, Ukraine peace deal, US-Russia economic partnership, fossil fuels cooperation, natural gas investments, critical raw materials, global trade settlement, US financial hegemony, AI-driven world order, China vs US power dynamic, currency sanctions, Kremlin internal memo, gold reserves, yuan reserve currency, Marco Rubio sanctions comments, Bloomberg news, Kamala Harris unrealized gains tax, Netherlands wealth tax proposal, unrealized capital gains, Dutch Box 3 reform, startup tax exemptions, private company shares taxation, tax-free thresholds, economic inequality, AI automation of white-collar jobs, professional tasks automation, open source AI models, Chinese AI technology, welfare state expansion Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In this episode of The President's Daily Brief: We break down a new report that the U.S. military is preparing for potentially weeks-long operations against Iran, even as another aircraft carrier deploys to the Middle East and nuclear negotiations resume in Geneva.  Later in the show — Britain announces it is sending an aircraft carrier strike group to the Arctic, citing a rising Russian threat amid broader geopolitical tensions.  We also explore how the Pentagon reportedly used advanced artificial intelligence during the raid that captured Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro — a sign AI's battlefield role is expanding. (Source: The Wall Street Journal) And in today's Back of the Brief — European officials allege Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny was killed with a rare poison dart frog toxin, intensifying accusations against the Kremlin.  To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief Cozy Earth: Visit https://www.CozyEarth.com/PDB & Use code PDB for up to 20% off Ultra Pouches: Don't sleep on @ultrapouches. New customers get 15% Off with code PDB at https://takeultra.com! #UltraPouches #ad HomeServe: Protect your home systems from costly repairs with HomeServe—plans start at $4.99/month at https://HomeServe.com.  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the Nomohan incident. On the fringes of Manchuria, the ghosts of Changkufeng lingered. It was August 1938 when Soviet and Japanese forces locked in a brutal standoff over a disputed hill, claiming thousands of lives before a fragile ceasefire redrew the lines. Japan, humiliated yet defiant, withdrew, but the Kwantung Army seethed with resentment. As winter thawed into 1939, tensions simmered along the Halha River, a serpentine boundary between Manchukuo and Mongolia. Major Tsuji Masanobu, a cunning tactician driven by gekokujo's fire, drafted Order 1488: a mandate empowering local commanders to annihilate intruders, even luring them across borders. Kwantung's leaders, bonded by past battles, endorsed it, ignoring Tokyo's cautions amid the grinding China War. By May, the spark ignited. Mongolian patrols crossed the river, clashing with Manchukuoan cavalry near Nomonhan's sandy hills. General Komatsubara, ever meticulous, unleashed forces to "destroy" them, bombing west-bank outposts and pursuing retreats. Soviets, bound by pact, rushed reinforcements, their tanks rumbling toward the fray. What began as skirmishes ballooned into an undeclared war.   #189 General Zhukov Arrives at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Though Kwantung Army prided itself as an elite arm of the Imperial Japanese Army, the 23rd Division, formed less than a year prior, was still raw and unseasoned, lacking the polish and spirit typical of its parent force. From General Michitaro Komatsubara downward, the staff suffered a collective dearth of combat experience. Intelligence officer Major Yoshiyasu Suzuki, a cavalryman, had no prior intel background. While senior regimental commanders were military academy veterans, most company and platoon leaders were fresh reservists or academy graduates with just one or two years under their belts. Upon arriving in Manchukuo in August 1938, the division found its Hailar base incomplete, housing only half its troops; the rest scattered across sites. Full assembly at Hailar occurred in November, but harsh winter weather curtailed large-scale drills. Commanders had scant time to build rapport. This inexperience, inadequate training, and poor cohesion would prove costly at Nomonhan. Japan's army held steady at 17 divisions from 1930 to 1937, but the escalating China conflict spurred seven new divisions in 1938 and nine in 1939. Resource strains from China left many under-equipped, with the 23rd, stationed in a presumed quiet sector, low on priorities. Unlike older "rectangular" divisions with four infantry regiments, the 23rd was a modern "triangular" setup featuring the 64th, 71st, and 72nd. Materiel gaps were glaring. The flat, open terrain screamed for tanks, yet the division relied on a truck-equipped transport regiment and a reconnaissance regiment with lightly armored "tankettes" armed only with machine guns. Mobility suffered: infantry marched the final 50 miles from Hailar to Nomonhan. Artillery was mostly horse-drawn, including 24 outdated Type 38 75-mm guns from 1907, the army's oldest, unique to this division. Each infantry regiment got four 37-mm rapid-fire guns and four 1908-era 75-mm mountain guns. The artillery regiment added 12 120-mm howitzers, all high-angle, short-range pieces ill-suited for flatlands or anti-tank roles. Antitank capabilities were dire: beyond rapid-fire guns, options boiled down to demolition charges and Molotov cocktails, demanding suicidal "human bullet" tactics in open terrain, a fatal flaw against armor. The division's saving grace lay in its soldiers, primarily from Kyushu, Japan's southernmost main island, long famed for hardy warriors. These men embodied resilience, bravery, loyalty, and honor, offsetting some training and gear deficits. Combat at Nomonhan ramped up gradually, with Japanese-Manchukuoan forces initially outnumbering Soviet-Mongolian foes. Soviets faced severe supply hurdles: their nearest rail at Borzya sat 400 miles west of the Halha River, requiring truck hauls over rough, exposed terrain prone to air strikes. Conversely, Hailar was 200 miles from Nomonhan, with the Handagai railhead just 50 miles away, linked by three dirt roads. These advantages, plus Europe's brewing Polish crisis, likely reassured Army General Staff and Kwantung Army Headquarters that Moscow would avoid escalation. Nonetheless, Komatsubara, with KwAHQ's nod, chose force to quash the Nomonhan flare-up. On May 20, Japanese scouts spotted a Soviet infantry battalion and armor near Tamsag Bulak. Komatsubara opted to "nip the incident in the bud," assembling a potent strike force under Colonel Takemitsu Yamagata of the 64th Infantry Regiment. The Yamagata detachment included the 3rd Battalion, roughly four companies, 800 men, a regimental gun company, three 75-mm mountain guns, four 37-mm rapid-fires, three truck companies, and Lieutenant Colonel Yaozo Azuma's reconnaissance group, 220 men, one tankette, two sedans, 12 trucks. Bolstered by 450 local Manchukuoan troops, the 2,000-strong unit was tasked with annihilating all enemy east of the Halha. The assault was set for May 22–23. No sooner had General Komatsubara finalized this plan than he received a message from KwAHQ: "In settling the affair Kwantung Army has definite plans, as follows: For the time being Manchukuoan Army troops will keep an eye on the Outer Mongolians operating near Nomonhan and will try to lure them onto Manchukuoan territory. Japanese forces at Hailar [23rd Division] will maintain surveillance over the situation. Upon verification of a border violation by the bulk of the Outer Mongolian forces, Kwantung Army will dispatch troops, contact the enemy, and annihilate him within friendly territory. According to this outlook it can be expected that enemy units will occupy border regions for a considerable period; but this is permissible from the overall strategic point of view". At this juncture, Kwantung Army Headquarters advocated tactical caution to secure a more conclusive outcome. Yet, General Michitaro Komatsubara had already issued orders for Colonel Takemitsu Yamagata's assault. Komatsubara radioed Hsinking that retracting would be "undignified," resenting KwAHQ's encroachment on his authority much as KwAHQ chafed at Army General Staff interference. Still, "out of deference to Kwantung Army's feelings," he delayed to May 27 to 28. Soviet air units from the 57th Corps conducted ineffective sorties over the Halha River from May 17 to 21. Novice pilots in outdated I 15 biplanes suffered heavily: at least 9, possibly up to 17, fighters and scouts downed. Defense Commissar Kliment Voroshilov halted air ops, aiding Japanese surprise. Yamagata massed at Kanchuerhmiao, 40 miles north of Nomonhan, sending patrols southward. Scouts spotted a bridge over the Halha near its Holsten junction, plus 2 enemy groups of ~200 each east of the Halha on either Holsten side and a small MPR outpost less than a mile west of Nomonhan. Yamagata aimed to trap and destroy these east of the river: Azuma's 220 man unit would drive south along the east bank to the bridge, blocking retreat. The 4 infantry companies and Manchukuoan troops, with artillery, would attack from the west toward enemy pockets, herding them riverward into Azuma's trap. Post destruction, mop up any west bank foes near the river clear MPR soil swiftly. This intricate plan suited early MPR foes but overlooked Soviet units spotted at Tamsag Bulak on May 20, a glaring oversight by Komatsubara and Yamagata. Predawn on May 28, Yamagata advanced from Kanchuerhmiao. Azuma detached southward to the bridge. Unbeknownst, it was guarded by Soviet infantry, engineers, armored cars, and a 76 mm self propelled artillery battery—not just MPR cavalry. Soviets detected Azuma pre dawn but missed Yamagata's main force; surprise was mutual. Soviet MPR core: Major A E Bykov's battalion roughly 1000 men with 3 motorized infantry companies, 16 BA 6 armored cars, 4 76 mm self propelled guns, engineers, and a 5 armored car recon platoon. The 6th MPR Cavalry Division roughly 1250 men had 2 small regiments, 4 76 mm guns, armored cars, and a training company. Bykov arrayed north to south: 2 Soviet infantry on flanks, MPR cavalry center, unorthodox, as cavalry suits flanks. Spread over 10 miles parallel to but east of the Halha, 1 mile west of Nomonhan. Reserves: 1 infantry company, engineers, and artillery west of the river near the bridge; Shoaaiibuu's guns also west to avoid sand. Japanese held initial edges in numbers and surprise, especially versus MPR cavalry. Offsets: Yamagata split into 5 weaker units; radios failed early, hampering coordination; Soviets dominated firepower with self propelled guns, 4 MPR pieces, and BA 6s, armored fighters with 45 mm turret guns, half track capable, 27 mph speed, but thin 9 mm armor vulnerable to close heavy machine guns. Morning of May 28, Yamagata's infantry struck Soviet MPR near Nomonhan, routing lightly armed MPR cavalry and forcing Soviet retreats toward the Halha. Shoaaiibuu rushed his training company forward; Japanese overran his post, killing him and most staff. As combat neared the river, Soviet artillery and armored cars slowed Yamagata. He redirected to a low hill miles east of the Halha with dug in Soviets—failing to notify Azuma. Bykov regrouped 1 to 2 miles east of the Halha Holsten junction, holding firm. By late morning, Yamagata stalled, digging in against Soviet barrages. Azuma, radio silent due to faults, neared the bridge to find robust Soviet defenses. Artillery commander Lieutenant Yu Vakhtin shifted his 4 76 mm guns east to block seizure. Azuma lacked artillery or anti tank tools, unable to advance. With Yamagata bogged down, Azuma became encircled, the encirclers encircled. Runners reached Yamagata, but his dispersed units couldn't rally or breakthrough. By noon, Azuma faced infantry and cavalry from the east, bombardments from west (both Halha sides). Dismounted cavalry dug sandy defenses. Azuma could have broken out but held per mission, awaiting Yamagata, unaware of the plan shift. Pressure mounted: Major I M Remizov's full 149th Regiment recent Tamsag Bulak arrivals trucked in, tilting odds. Resupply failed; ammo dwindled. Post dusk slackening: A major urged withdrawal; Azuma refused, deeming retreat shameful without orders, a Japanese army hallmark, where "retreat" was taboo, replaced by euphemisms like "advance in a different direction." Unauthorized pullback meant execution. Dawn May 29: Fiercer Soviet barrage, 122 mm howitzers, field guns, mortars, armored cars collapsed trenches. An incendiary hit Azuma's sedan, igniting trucks with wounded and ammo. By late afternoon, Soviets closed to 50 yards on 3 fronts; armored cars breached rear. Survivors fought desperately. Between 6:00 and 7:00 p.m., Azuma led 24 men in a banzai charge, cut down by machine guns. A wounded medical lieutenant ordered escapes; 4 succeeded. Rest killed or captured. Komatsubara belatedly reinforced Yamagata on May 29 with artillery, anti tank guns, and fresh infantry. Sources claim Major Tsuji arrived, rebuked Yamagata for inaction, and spurred corpse recovery over 3 nights, yielding ~200 bodies, including Azuma's. Yamagata withdrew to Kanchuerhmiao, unable to oust foes. Ironically, Remizov mistook recovery truck lights for attacks, briefly pulling back west on May 30. By June 3, discovering the exit, Soviet MPR reoccupied the zone. Japanese blamed:  (1) poor planning/recon by Komatsubara and Yamagata,  (2) comms failures,  (3) Azuma's heavy weapon lack. Losses: ~200 Azuma dead, plus 159 killed, 119 wounded, 12 missing from main force, total 500, 25% of detachment. Soviets praised Vakhtin for thwarting pincers. Claims: Bykov 60 to 70 casualties; TASS 40 killed, 70 wounded total Soviet/MPR. Recent Russian: 138 killed, 198 wounded. MPR cavalry hit hard by Japanese and friendly fire. Soviet media silent until June 26; KwAHQ censored, possibly misleading Tokyo. May 30: Kwantung Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai assured AGS of avoiding prolongation via heavy frontier blows, downplaying Soviet buildup and escalation. He requested river crossing gear urgently.   This hinted at Halha invasion (even per Japanese borders: MPR soil). AGS's General Gun Hashimoto affirmed trust in localization: Soviets' vexations manageable, chastisement easy. Colonel Masazumi Inada's section assessed May 31: 1. USSR avoids expansion.  2. Trust Kwantung localization.  3. Intervene on provocative acts like deep MPR air strikes. Phase 1 ended: Kwantung called it mutual win loss, but inaccurate, Azuma destroyed, heavy tolls, remorse gnawing Komatsubara. On June 1, 1939, an urgent summons from Moscow pulled the young deputy commander of the Byelorussian Military District from Minsk to meet Defense Commissar Marshal Kliment Voroshilov. He boarded the first train with no evident concern, even as the army purges faded into memory. This rising cavalry- and tank-expert, Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov, would later help defend Moscow in 1941, triumph at Stalingrad and Kursk, and march to Berlin as a Hero of the Soviet Union.Born in 1896 to a poor family headed by a cobbler, Zhukov joined the Imperial Army in 1915 as a cavalryman. Of average height but sturdy build, he excelled in horsemanship and earned the Cross of St. George and noncommissioned status for bravery in 1916. After the October Revolution, he joined the Red Army and the Bolshevik Party, fighting in the Civil War from 1918 to 1921. His proletarian roots, tactical skill, and ambition propelled him: command of a regiment by 1923, a division by 1931. An early advocate of tanks, he survived the purges, impressing superiors as a results-driven leader and playing a key role in his assignment to Mongolia. In Voroshilov's office on June 2, Zhukov learned of recent clashes. Ordered to fly east, assess the situation, and assume command if needed, he soon met acting deputy chief Ivan Smorodinov, who urged candid reports. Europe's war clouds and rising tensions with Japan concerned the Kremlin. Hours later, Zhukov and his staff flew east. Arriving June 5 at Tamsag Bulak (57th Corps HQ), Zhukov met the staff and found Corps Commander Nikolai Feklenko and most aides clueless; only Regimental Commissar M. S. Nikishev had visited the front. Zhukov toured with Nikishev that afternoon and was impressed by his grasp. By day's end, Zhukov bluntly reported: this is not a simple border incident; the Japanese are likely to escalate; the 57th Corps is inadequate. He suggested holding the eastern Halha bridgehead until reinforcements could enable a counteroffensive, and he criticized Feklenko. Moscow replied on June 6: relieve Feklenko; appoint Zhukov. Reinforcements arrived: the 36th Mechanized Infantry Division; the 7th, 8th, and 9th Mechanized Brigades; the 11th Tank Brigade; the 8th MPR Cavalry Division; a heavy artillery regiment; an air wing of more than 100 aircraft, including 21 pilots who had earned renown in the Spanish Civil War. The force was redesignated as the First Army Group. In June, these forces surged toward Tamsag Bulak, eighty miles west of Halha. However, General Michitaro Komatsubara's 23rd Division and the Kwantung Army Headquarters missed the buildup and the leadership change, an intelligence failure born of carelessness and hubris and echoing May's Azuma disaster, with grave battlefield consequences. Early June remained relatively quiet: the Soviet MPR expanded the east-bank perimeter modestly; there was no major Japanese response. KwAHQ's Commander General Kenkichi Ueda, hoping for a quick closure, toured the Fourth Army from May 31 to June 18. Calm broke on June 19. Komatsubara reported two Soviet strikes inside Manchukuo: 15 planes hit Arshan, inflicting casualties on men and horses; 30 aircraft set fire to 100 petroleum barrels near Kanchuerhmiao. In fact, the raids were less dramatic than described: not on Kanchuerhmiao town (a 3,000-person settlement, 40 miles northwest of Nomonhan) but on a supply dump 12 miles south of it. "Arshan" referred to a small village near the border, near Arshanmiao, a Manchukuoan cavalry depot, not a major railhead at Harlun Arshan 100 miles southeast. The raids were strafing runs rather than bombs. Possibly retaliation for May 15's Japanese raid on the MPR Outpost 7 (two killed, 15 wounded) or a response to Zhukov's bridgehead push. Voroshilov authorized the action; motive remained unclear. Nonetheless, KwAHQ, unused to air attacks after dominating skies in Manchuria, Shanghai (1932), and China, was agitated. The situation resembled a jolt akin to the 1973 North Vietnamese strike on U.S. bases in Thailand: not unprovoked, but shocking. Midday June 19, the Operations Staff met. Major Masanobu Tsuji urged swift reprisal; Colonel Masao Terada urged delay in light of the Tientsin crisis (the new Japanese blockade near Peking). Tsuji argued that firmness at Nomonhan would impress Britain; inaction would invite deeper Soviet bombardments or invasion. He swayed Chief Colonel Takushiro Hattori and others, including Terada. They drafted a briefing: the situation was grave; passivity risked a larger invasion and eroded British respect for Japanese might. After two hours of joint talks, most KwAHQ members supported a strong action. Tsuji drafted a major Halha crossing plan to destroy Soviet MPR forces. Hattori and Terada pressed the plan to Chief of Staff General Rensuke Isogai, an expert on Manchukuo affairs but not operations; he deferred to Deputy General Otozaburo Yano, who was absent. They argued urgency; Isogai noted delays in AGS approval. The pair contended for local Kwantung prerogative, citing the 1937 Amur cancellation; AGS would likely veto. Under pressure, Isogai assented, pending Ueda's approval. Ueda approved but insisted that the 23rd Division lead, not the 7th. Hattori noted the 7th's superiority (four regiments in a "square" arrangement versus the 23rd's three regiments, with May unreliability). Ueda prioritized Komatsubara's honor: assigning another division would imply distrust; "I'd rather die." The plan passed on June 19, an example of gekokujo in action. The plan called for reinforcing the 23rd with: the 2nd Air Group (180 aircraft, Lieutenant General Tetsuji Gigi); the Yasuoka Detachment (Lieutenant General Masaomi Yasuoka: two tank regiments, motorized artillery, and the 26th Infantry of the 7th). Total strength: roughly 15,000 men, 120 guns, 70 tanks, 180 aircraft. KwAHQ estimated the enemy at about 1,000 infantry, 10 artillery pieces, and about 12 armored vehicles, expecting a quick victory. Reconnaissance to Halha was curtailed to avoid alerting the Soviets. Confidence ran high, even as intel warned otherwise. Not all leaders were convinced: the 23rd's ordnance colonel reportedly committed suicide over "awful equipment." An attaché, Colonel Akio Doi, warned of growing Soviet buildup, but operations dismissed the concern. In reality, Zhukov's force comprised about 12,500 men, 109 guns, 186 tanks, 266 armored cars, and more than 100 aircraft, offset by the Soviets' armor advantage. The plan echoed Yamagata's failed May 28 initiative: the 23rd main body would seize the Fui Heights (11 miles north of Halha's Holsten junction), cross by pontoon, and sweep south along the west bank toward the Soviet bridge. Yasuoka would push southeast of Halha to trap and destroy the enemy at the junction. On June 20, Tsuji briefed Komatsubara at Hailar, expressing Ueda's trust while pressing to redeem May's failures. Limited pontoon capacity would not support armor; the operation would be vulnerable to air power. Tsuji's reconnaissance detected Soviet air presence at Tamsag Bulak, prompting a preemptive strike and another plan adjustment. KwAHQ informed Tokyo of the offensive in vague terms (citing raids but withholding air details). Even this caused debate; Minister Seishiro Itagaki supported Ueda's stance, favoring a limited operation to ease nerves. Tokyo concurred, unaware of the air plans. Fearing a veto on the Tamsag Bulak raid (nearly 100 miles behind MPR lines), KwAHQ shielded details from the Soviets and Tokyo. A June 29–30 ground attack was prepared; orders were relayed by courier. The leak reached Tokyo on June 24. Deputy Chief General Tetsuzo Nakajima telegrammed three points: 1) AGS policy to contain the conflict and avoid West MPR air attacks;  2) bombing risks escalation;  3) sending Lieutenant Colonel Yadoru Arisue on June 25 for liaison. Polite Japanese diplomatic phrasing allowed Operations to interpret the message as a suggestion. To preempt Arisue's explicit orders, Tsuji urged secrecy from Ueda, Isogai, and Yano, and an advanced raid to June 27. Arisue arrived after the raid on Tamsag Bulak and Bain Tumen (deeper into MPR territory, now near Choibalsan). The Raid resulted in approximately 120 Japanese planes surprising the Soviets, grounding and destroying aircraft and scrambling their defense. Tsuji, flying in a bomber, claimed 25 aircraft destroyed on the ground and about 100 in the air. Official tallies reported 98 destroyed and 51 damaged; ground kills estimated at 50 to 60 at Bain Tumen. Japanese losses were relatively light: one bomber, two fighters, one scout; seven dead. Another Japanese bomber was shot down over MPR, but the crew was rescued. The raid secured air superiority for July.   Moscow raged over the losses and the perceived failure to warn in time. In the purge era, blame fell on suspected spies and traitors; Deputy Mongolian Commander Luvsandonoi and ex-57th Deputy A. M. Kushchev were accused, arrested, and sent to Moscow. Luvsandonoi was executed; Kushchev received a four-year sentence, later rising to major general and Hero. KwAHQ celebrated; Operations notified AGS by radio. Colonel Masazumi Inada rebuked: "You damned idiot! What do you think the true meaning of this little success is?" A withering reprimand followed. Stunned but unrepentant, KwAHQ soon received Tokyo's formal reprimand: "Report was received today regarding bombing of Outer Mongolian territory by your air units… . Since this action is in fundamental disagreement with policy which we understood your army was taking to settle incident, it is extremely regretted that advance notice of your intent was not received. Needless to say, this matter is attended with such farreaching consequences that it can by no means be left to your unilateral decision. Hereafter, existing policy will be definitely and strictly observed. It is requested that air attack program be discontinued immediately" By Order of the Chief of Staff  By this time, Kwantung Army staff officers stood in high dudgeon. Tsuji later wrote that "tremendous combat results were achieved by carrying out dangerous operations at the risk of our lives. It is perfectly clear that we were carrying out an act of retaliation. What kind of General Staff ignores the psychology of the front lines and tramples on their feelings?" Tsuji drafted a caustic reply, which Kwantung Army commanders sent back to Tokyo, apparently without Ueda or other senior KwAHQ officers' knowledge: "There appear to be certain differences between the Army General Staff and this Army in evaluating the battlefield situation and the measures to be adopted. It is requested that the handling of trivial border-area matters be entrusted to this Army." That sarcastic note from KwAHQ left a deep impression at AGS, which felt something had to be done to restore discipline and order. When General Nakajima informed the Throne about the air raid, the emperor rebuked him and asked who would assume responsibility for the unauthorized attack. Nakajima replied that military operations were ongoing, but that appropriate measures would be taken after this phase ended. Inada sent Terada a telegram implying that the Kwantung Army staff officers responsible would be sacked in due course. Inada pressed to have Tsuji ousted from Kwantung Army immediately, but personnel matters went through the Army Ministry, and Army Minister Itagaki, who knew Tsuji personally, defended him. Tokyo recognized that the situation was delicate; since 1932, Kwantung Army had operated under an Imperial Order to "defend Manchukuo," a broad mandate. Opinions differed in AGS about how best to curb Kwantung Army's operational prerogatives. One idea was to secure Imperial sanction for a new directive limiting Kwantung Army's autonomous combat actions to no more than one regiment. Several other plans circulated. In the meantime, Kwantung Army needed tighter control. On June 29, AGS issued firm instructions to KwAHQ: Directives: a) Kwantung Army is responsible for local settlement of border disputes. b) Areas where the border is disputed, or where defense is tactically unfeasible, need not be defended. Orders: c) Ground combat will be limited to the border region between Manchukuo and Outer Mongolia east of Lake Buir Nor. d) Enemy bases will not be attacked from the air. With this heated exchange of messages, the relationship between Kwantung Army and AGS reached a critical moment. Tsuji called it the "breaking point" between Hsinking and Tokyo. According to Colonel Inada, after this "air raid squabble," gekokujo became much more pronounced in Hsinking, especially within Kwantung Army's Operations Section, which "ceased making meaningful reports" to the AGS Operations Section, which he headed. At KwAHQ, the controversy and the perception of AGS interference in local affairs hardened the resolve of wavering staff officers to move decisively against the USSR. Thereafter, Kwantung Army officers as a group rejected the General Staff's policy of moderation in the Nomonhan incident. Tsuji characterized the conflict between Kwantung Army and the General Staff as the classic clash between combat officers and "desk jockeys." In his view, AGS advocated a policy of not invading enemy territory even if one's own territory was invaded, while Kwantung Army's policy was not to allow invasion. Describing the mindset of the Kwantung Army (and his own) toward the USSR in this border dispute, Tsuji invoked the samurai warrior's warning: "Do not step any closer or I shall be forced to cut you down." Tsuji argued that Kwantung Army had to act firmly at Nomonhan to avoid a larger war later. He also stressed the importance, shared by him and his colleagues, of Kwantung Army maintaining its dignity, which he believed was threatened by both enemy actions and the General Staff. In this emotionally charged atmosphere, the Kwantung Army launched its July offensive. The success of the 2nd Air Group's attack on Tamsag Bulak further inflated KwAHQ's confidence in the upcoming offensive. Although aerial reconnaissance had been intentionally limited to avoid alarming or forewarning the enemy, some scout missions were flown. The scouts reported numerous tank emplacements under construction, though most reports noted few tanks; a single report of large numbers of tanks was downplayed at headquarters. What drew major attention at KwAHQ were reports of large numbers of trucks leaving the front daily and streaming westward into the Mongolian interior. This was interpreted as evidence of a Soviet pullback from forward positions, suggesting the enemy might sense the imminent assault. Orders were issued to speed up final preparations for the assault before Soviet forces could withdraw from the area where the Japanese "meat cleaver" would soon dismember them. What the Japanese scouts had actually observed was not a Soviet withdrawal, but part of a massive truck shuttle that General Grigori Shtern, now commander of Soviet Forces in the Far East, organized to support Zhukov. Each night, Soviet trucks, from distant MPR railway depots to Tamsag Bulak and the combat zone, moved eastward with lights dimmed, carrying supplies and reinforcements. By day, the trucks returned westward for fresh loads. It was these returning trucks, mostly empty, that the Japanese scouts sighted. The Kwantung interpretation of this mass westbound traffic was a serious error, though understandable. The Soviet side was largely ignorant of Japanese preparations, partly because the June 27 air raid had disrupted Soviet air operations, including reconnaissance. In late June, the 23rd Division and Yasuoka's tank force moved from Hailar and Chiangchunmiao toward Nomonhan. A mix of military and civilian vehicles pressed into service, but there was still insufficient motorized transport to move all troops and equipment at once. Most infantry marched the 120 miles to the combat zone, under a hot sun, carrying eighty-pound loads. They arrived after four to six days with little time to recover before the scheduled assault. With Komatsubara's combined force of about 15,000 men, 120 guns, and 70 tanks poised to attack, Kwantung Army estimated Soviet-MPR strength near Nomonhan and the Halha River at about 1,000 men, perhaps ten anti-aircraft guns, ten artillery pieces, and several dozen tanks. In reality, Japanese air activity, especially the big raid of June 27, had put the Soviets on alert. Zhukov suspected a ground attack might occur, though nothing as audacious as a large-scale crossing of the Halha was anticipated. During the night of July 1, Zhukov moved his 11th Tank Brigade, 7th Mechanized Brigade, and 24th Mechanized Infantry Regiment (36th Division) from their staging area near Tamsag Bulak to positions just west of the Halha River. Powerful forces on both sides were being marshaled with little knowledge of the enemy's disposition. As the sun scorched the Mongolian steppes, the stage was set for a clash that would echo through history. General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, bolstered by Yasuoka's armored might and the skies commanded by Gigi's air group, crept toward the Halha River like a predator in the night. Fifteen thousand Japanese warriors, their boots heavy with dust and resolve, prepared to cross the disputed waters and crush what they believed was a faltering foe. Little did they know, Zhukov's reinforcements, tanks rumbling like thunder, mechanized brigades poised in the shadows, had transformed the frontier into a fortress of steel. Miscalculations piled like sand dunes: Japanese scouts mistook supply convoys for retreats, while Soviet eyes, blinded by the June raid, underestimated the impending storm. Kwantung's gekokujo spirit burned bright, defying Tokyo's cautions, as both sides hurtled toward a brutal reckoning. What began as border skirmishes now threatened to erupt into full-scale war, testing the mettle of empires on the edge. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Patrols in May led to failed Japanese offensives, like Colonel Yamagata's disastrous assault and the Azuma detachment's annihilation. Tensions rose with air raids, including Japan's June strike on Soviet bases. By July, misjudged intelligence set the stage for a major confrontation, testing imperial ambitions amid global war clouds.

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