Podcasts about kremlin

Day 1,478.Today, as President Zelensky arrives in France for talks with Emmanuel Macron, Britain's Defence Secretary claims the “hidden hand” of Vladimir Putin is behind Iranian drone strikes targeting British troops and allied forces in the Middle East. We report on Washington's move to further ease sanctions on Russia by allowing all countries – not just India – to purchase Russian oil, a decision Britain's Energy Minister warns could help the Kremlin stabilise its struggling economy. We also bring an unusual story from Moscow, where a man's love of Domino's Pizza has led to a three-year court battle. And later, our regular update on resistance activity in the Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine with Dr Jade McGlynn of King's College London.Contributors:Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Dr Jade McGlynn (War Studies Department at King's College, London).NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/@UkraineTheLatest CONTENT REFERENCED:Russia accused of systematic abduction of children (Francis in The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/12/russia-accused-systematic-abduction-ukrainian-children/ Trump is wrong to release Russian oil, says Merz (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/13/trump-is-wrong-to-release-russian-oil-says-merz/ Russian with Domino's tattoo loses right to free pizza for life (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/12/russian-with-dominos-tattoo-loses-right-to-free-pizza/ Putin's ‘hidden hand' behind attack on British troops (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2026/03/12/iranian-drones-attack-british-military-base-erbil-iraq/ SBU thwarts Russian plot to assassinate Third Army Corps Commander Biletsky (Hromadske):https://hromadske.ua/en/war/260757-rosiyskyy-ahent-hotuvav-ubyvstvo-komandyra-tretyoho-armiyskoho-korpusu-biletskoho-pid-chas-yoho-vizytu-na-front‘The Russians are coming (again!) (The Russia Desk):https://desk-russie.eu/2026/03/10/les-russes-arrivent-encore.html Articles referenced by Dr Jade McGlynn:‘Capturing the minds: The role of child deportation in maintaining Russian authority over Ukraine's occupied territories' by Jade McGlynn and Anastasiia Romaniuk – https://tinyurl.com/36jva5aj Carnegie article – https://carnegieendowment.org/russia-eurasia/politika/2026/02/ukraine-elections-preparationUN DOCUMENTS ON STOLEN CHILDREN:Regular report: https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/advance-version/a-hrc-61-61-auv.pdf Session reports: https://www.ohchr.org/en/hr-bodies/hrc/regular-sessions/session61/list-reports Conference room paper on children deportations: https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/documents/hrbodies/hrcouncil/sessions-regular/session61/a-hrc-61-crp-8.pdf WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Welcome back to the bunker for the second half of our massive deep dive into the accelerating collapse of the Russian Federation. In Part 1, we covered the economic “Zone of Death.” Today, we put on our hazmat suits and wade directly into the parasite that is killing the host: the Russian Ministry of Defense.We start with the absolute humiliation in Bryansk, where Ukrainian drones casually filmed British Storm Shadow missiles obliterating Russia's premier air defense factory, “Kremniy El.” We expose the terrifying incompetence of the Kremlin's new “secure” state messenger, which is actively leaking unencrypted military data straight to servers in London.But the real horror is on the front lines. The architects of this war, like Vladislav Surkov, are fleeing to Dubai, while the infantry is left to rot in the “Zone of Absolute Death.” We break down how Ukraine has completely conquered the “small sky” using fiber-optic drones, leaving the Russian army completely blind, dying of thirst, and getting extorted by their own rear-guard mechanics. It's the ultimate “1916 mood”—the moment the disposable serfs in the trenches realize the Tsar has driven the empire off a cliff.SUPPORT INDEPENDENT GONZO JOURNALISM: This show runs on dark humor and your support, not state-sponsored whitelists or Kremlin grants.Keep the boiler running: patreon.com/theeasternborderLook stylish during the apocalypse (Merch): https://theeasternborder-shop.fourthwall.com/Make a tangible difference: The boys in the trenches need mobility to survive the drones and the artillery. Please help supply civilian trucks directly to the front lines at cars4ukraine.comSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/theeasternborder. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Jimmy and former weapons inspector and geopolitical analyst Scott Ritter break down the stunning geopolitical shift underway that finds a desperate Donald Trump, facing strategic defeat in Iran, lifting all sanctions on Russian oil and begging Russian president Vladimir Putin for help—with Kremlin economic envoy Kirill Dmitriev now meeting U.S. negotiator Steve Witkoff in Miami to broker the bargain.  Ritter tells Jimmy that Russia holds all the cards: with the Strait of Hormuz closed, global energy markets are collapsing, and only Russia can supply oil to Asia and Europe, solving its economic problems overnight while the U.S. runs out of missiles and faces economic catastrophe.  The potential deal would see America withdraw from the Middle East, lift sanctions on Iran, and constrain Israel—allowing Trump to claim "peacemaker" cover for a humiliating retreat. Ritter concludes this is 100% happening because the U.S. has no other option, and the only question is whether Israel can be stopped from destroying regional energy infrastructure entirely. Plus segments on Iran's ingenious low-tech approach to avoiding Israeli rocket interceptors, the serious privacy concerns surrounding Meta's new AI glasses and Israel's false flag attack to lure Turkey and the EU into the war on Iran. Also featuring Rick Overton, Kurt Metzger and Stef Zamorano!

SHOW SCHEDULE 3-11-20261906 SF ON FIRE AFTER THE EARTHQUAKE.1. SEG 1: Gordon Chang and Peter Huessy discuss China's petroleum reserves and rising fuel prices. They analyze the potential for nuclear escalation and Iran's efforts to disrupt global trade through the Strait of Hormuz. (1)2. SEG 2: Rebecca Grant and Gordon Chang analyze the US Navy's carrier shortage. The USS Nimitz remains active for Latin American exercises while the USS Gerald R. Ford faces a prolonged 11-month combat deployment. (2)3. SEG 3: Alan Tonelson and Gordon Chang discuss China's failure to stop fentanyl precursor exports. They evaluate tariffs as non-military tools to pressure nations while addressing war-related shortages in fertilizer and electronics components. (3)4. SEG 4: Bill Roggio details the tragic US missile strike on an Iranian girl's school. He argues that while air strikes destroy military assets, air power alone cannot achieve regime change or ensure final victory. (4)5. SEG 5: Jack Burnham analyzes China's "lukewarm" support for Iran and its focus on energy security. Beijing is learning lessons from Western precision strikes while continuing internal repression of ethnic minorities through forced labor. (5)6. SEG 6: Jack Burnham reports on the DOJ dropping charges against Chinese scientists accused of smuggling biological samples. This reversal, involving the Chinese consulate, may be linked to upcoming trade negotiations or prosecutorial challenges. (6)7. SEG 7: Kevin Fraser warns that state legislatures are rushing to regulate AI with potentially unconstitutional laws. He advocates for market-driven transparency and allowing consumers to choose models based on their specific needs and preferences. (7)8. SEG 8: Kevin Fraser explores distinctions between AI models like Grok and Claude. He highlights regulatory "sandboxes" in states like Utah and Montana that foster innovation while monitoring for potential technological harms and ensuring transparency. (8)9. SEG 9: Michael Bernstam explains how the American shale revolution mitigates global energy shocks. He warns central banks against fueling inflation and emphasizes that while global supply chains are vulnerable, US production provides a critical buffer. (9)10. SEG 10: Michael Bernstam discusses how rising oil prices bolster Russia's budget. However, the Russian economy faces contraction and "military Keynesianism," while the United States remains a resilient net energy exporter despite global supply chain disruptions. (10)11. SEG 11: Ivana Stradner examines the Kremlin's information warfare campaign to keep Viktor Orbán in power. Orbán, formerly an anti-Soviet activist, now aligns with Putin to ensure political survival and counter Western democratic decision-making processes. (11)12. SEG 12: Ivana Stradner outlines strategies to counter Russian influence in Hungary, including exposing Orbán's corruption and ties to China. She argues that information is a potent, invisible weapon used to polarize and weaken the West. (12)13. SEG 13: Simon Constable reports on skyrocketing European energy prices due to Middle East conflict. Shortages in sulfur and bromine threaten global semiconductor manufacturing and food security as fertilizer costs nearly double for struggling farmers. (13)14. SEG 14: Simon Constable critiques Prime Minister Keir Starmer's hesitant leadership. He notes the Royal Navy has been "hollowed out" over three decades, leaving Britain with fewer warships than France and a tiny, underfunded standing army. (14)15. SEG 15: Bob Zimmerman discusses the Senate's shift toward private space exploration, potentially ending the SLS program. NASA is increasingly contracting commercial entities for lunar habitats, reusable rockets, and specialized satellite launch capabilities to reduce costs. (15)16. SEG 16: Bob Zimmerman reviews the DART mission's success in altering an asteroid's orbit. He also reports that the European Space Agency lost contact with a solar probe after its batteries drained due to misaligned solar panels. (16)

11. SEG 11: Ivana Stradner examines the Kremlin's information warfare campaign to keep Viktor Orbán in power. Orbán, formerly an anti-Soviet activist, now aligns with Putin to ensure political survival and counter Western democratic decision-making processes. (11)1956 HUNGARY ARMED REBELLION

Joining me today is Kevork Almassian, here to discuss the ongoing war on Iran, focusing mostly on the recent development of Syria's US/Israeli-backed al-Qaeda forces announcing potential military involvement in Lebanon on behalf of Israel, and what this means, as well as the true origins of ISIS and al-Qaeda, and why this is so relevant today. We also discuss threats of Iranian sleeper cells and the potential for false flags.  !function(r,u,m,b,l,e){r._Rumble=b,r[b]||(r[b]=function(){(r[b]._=r[b]._||[]).push(arguments);if(r[b]._.length==1){l=u.createElement(m),e=u.getElementsByTagName(m)[0],l.async=1,l.src="https://rumble.com/embedJS/u2q643"+(arguments[1].video?'.'+arguments[1].video:'')+"/?url="+encodeURIComponent(location.href)+"&args="+encodeURIComponent(JSON.stringify([].slice.apply(arguments))),e.parentNode.insertBefore(l,e)}})}(window, document, "script", "Rumble");   Rumble("play", {"video":"v74u63a","div":"rumble_v74u63a"}); Source Links: (21) Kevork Almassian (@KevorkAlmassian) / X Kevork Almassian | Official Website Syriana Analysis's Professional Profile, Updates, Podcasts... | DUBBIA® Kevork's Newsletter | Substack New Tab (21) Syria Retold Daily on X: "Our eyes are on Lebanon Big surprises in the coming days Expect us ⏳

Day 1,476.Today, as US envoy Steve Witkoff says “we can take them at their word” after Russia denies sharing intelligence about American forces with Iran – before adding “let's hope they're not sharing” – we examine the latest tensions between Washington, Moscow and Tehran. We also analyse a Ukrainian deep-strike operation that raised fresh questions about Russian air defences after a loitering drone was able to film the attack. Then we bring updates on Ukrainian counterattacks in the south, where two operations now appear to have pushed around 10 kilometres into Russian lines, and hear a final dispatch from Adélie in Ukraine. Later, we speak to former NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen.Contributors:Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Adelie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @Adeliepjz on X.With thanks to former NATO chief Anders Fogh Rasmussen and Roland Oliphant.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCdHjleMvPSs-JEjiQ8_D2cACONTENT REFERENCED:'I am no spy': Courier in Russian exploding parcels plot against UK talks to BBC (BBC):https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/cpd83zwqlvno Kremlin backs covert campaign to keep Viktor Orbán in power (Financial Times):https://www.ft.com/content/34df20f9-487b-4cb6-9dc9-d676d959d1ed Ukraine makes ‘China-free' drones (New York Times):https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/11/world/europe/ukraine-drones-china.html Strike on Bryansk, confronting hostile social media: Kremlin spokesman's remarks (TASS):https://tass.com/politics/2099953EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Welcome back to the bunker. The bureaucratic backlog has cleared, and we are diving straight into the abyss. The Russian civilian economy has officially entered what high-altitude mountaineers call the “Zone of Death”—that critical altitude where the body stops regenerating and begins consuming its own muscle tissue just to survive. The Kremlin has run out of fat, and it is now actively eating its own organs to keep the war machine fed.In Part 1 of this massive deep dive, we rip open the telemetry of an empire in multi-organ failure. We cover the devastating budget crater, the localized collapse of regional industrial production, and a state apparatus taxing its own peasantry into bankruptcy while local bureaucrats literally slaughter their remaining cattle.But it gets darker. We also expose the Kremlin's impending “Digital GULAG”—the insidious plans to freeze 67 trillion rubles of citizen savings under the guise of “fighting scammers,” the return to the 19th-century “company store” via the programmable Digital Ruble, and the terrifying live-beta test of a white-listed, default-deny internet currently paralyzing central Moscow. And if the youth think they can escape it, they haven't met the university press-gangs yet.Welcome to the collapse. Part 2 drops tomorrow.SUPPORT INDEPENDENT GONZO JOURNALISM: This show runs on dark humor and your support, not state-sponsored whitelists or Kremlin grants.Keep the boiler running: patreon.com/theeasternborderLook stylish during the apocalypse (Merch): https://theeasternborder-shop.fourthwall.com/en-eurMake a tangible difference: The boys in the trenches need mobility to survive the drones and the artillery. Please help supply civilian trucks directly to the front lines at cars4ukraine.comSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/theeasternborder. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Pour écouter mon podcast Choses à Savoir:Apple Podcast:https://podcasts.apple.com/fr/podcast/choses-%C3%A0-savoir-culture-g%C3%A9n%C3%A9rale/id1048372492Spotify:https://open.spotify.com/show/3AL8eKPHOUINc6usVSbRo3?si=e794067703c14028----------------------------En Russie, aucune communication sur la mystérieuse explosion d'un silo militaire à Tambov. Les médias locaux évoquent des victimes, mais le Kremlin reste muet.Traduction :No word from the Kremlin on a mysterious blast at a military silo in Tambov. Local outlets report casualties, but Moscow stays silent. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Russian planners and Western intelligence predicted the invasion of Ukraine would be quick and decisive. Of course, Kyiv did not fall quickly - and still hasn't.In the four years since Russia first invaded, the Kremlin's so-called “special military operation” has evolved into the deadliest conflict on the European continent since World War II. According to Western governments and think tanks, more than 1.5 million people are dead.And throughout the war, one of the biggest questions has been, is this what Russian people want?For sponsor-free episodes of Consider This, sign up for Consider This+ via Apple Podcasts or at plus.npr.org.  Email us at considerthis@npr.org.This episode was produced by Christine Arrasmith, Mia Venkat and Connor Donevan, with audio engineering by Stacey Abbott. It was edited by Nick Spicer and Sarah Handel. Our executive producer is Sami Yenigun.To manage podcast ad preferences, review the links below:See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for sponsorship and to manage your podcast sponsorship preferences.Learn more about sponsor message choices: podcastchoices.com/adchoicesNPR Privacy Policy

In 1917, the Bolshevik Party had roughly 24,000 members. A decade later, it boasted about 1.2 million. Recruitment came in waves and so did the purges. Still, Party members were found at the top and bottom of the system. In the Kremlin and in the factories. The Party rank and file were vital to the establishment of the Soviet system, its day-to-day functioning, and the human material for campaigns whether they be for literary, industrialization, collectivization or terror. But who were these people? How engaged were they in politics? Were they a constituency for Party leaders to appeal to or was the rank and file mere material to be mobilized and directed without its own agency? There are few studies looking at the Party at the shop floor and its place in shaping Soviet socialism. Yiannis Kokosalakis' book Building Socialism does just that. The Eurasian Knot spoke to Kokosalakis to learn more about the role of the Bolshevik rank and file in the early Soviet system.Guest:Yiannis Kokosalakis is a visiting researcher at Bielefeld University. He's the author of Building Socialism: The Communist Party and the Making of the Soviet System, 1921-1941 published by Cambridge University Press. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Rory Johnston, host of ClearComm's Oil Ground Up podcast, joins the show to analyze the "broken and volatile" state of global oil markets following the catastrophic disruption of traffic through the Strait of Hormuz. Johnston details how the acute loss of 20% of global oil supply has created a massive 200-million-barrel "air gap," potentially requiring oil prices to rise even more to force total demand destruction. The discussion identifies Moscow as the primary winner of this crisis, as the previous discounts on Russian crude have evaporated and the Kremlin finds itself in a powerful new negotiating position. Listeners will learn why the pinch in crude inventories hasn't fully hit shore yet, even though jet fuel prices are already skyrocketing due to preemptive refinery slowdowns in Asia. Finally, the episode explores the deadly consequences for emerging markets facing outright energy shortages while wealthy Western nations brace for historic, "extreme pain" at the pump.

Waar zijn de bondgenoten van Iran nu het er echt om spant? Terwijl de spanningen in het Midden-Oosten nog steeds verder oplopen, ontdekt Teheran een bittere waarheid. Hun strategische partners blijken papieren tijgers. Van de miljardeninvesteringen in milities zoals Hezbollah en Hamas is weinig over. Ze zijn uitgeput door de oorlog met Israël en kunnen Iran nu niet redden. Zelfs de gevreesde 'anti-Westerse as' met Rusland en China brokkelt af onder druk van Amerikaanse dreiging. Maarten van Rossem en Tom Jessen staan in deze aflevering stil bij de eenzame oorlog van Iran. Religieus gevoede haat is een slechte basis voor een stabiel buitenlands beleid.De relatie met grootmachten als China en India blijkt puur transactioneel. China profiteert weliswaar van spotkope Iraanse olie, maar peinst er niet over om de VS aan te spreken op de oorlog. India aanbidt de handel, maar koopt de meeste wapens uit Israël. Ook buurland Turkije kijkt tandenknarsend toe. Zij halen liever ballistische raketten uit de lucht dan dat zij zich opofferen voor een wankelend regime. Iran ging verplichtingen altijd uit de weg en staat nu volledig geïsoleerd op het wereldtoneel.De meest pijnlijke steek komt uit het Kremlin. Ondanks jarenlange militaire samenwerking en de levering van Iraanse kamikazedrones voor de oorlog in Oekraïne, geeft Poetin niet thuis. Het grote samenwerkingsverdrag bevat geen enkele clausule voor militaire bijstand bij een aanval. Rusland beperkt zich tot het delen van inlichtingen. De schijnbondgenoten van Iran komen van een koude kermis thuis nu het Westen daadwerkelijk aanvalt.Volg voor meer informatie ook onze Substack.Steun de podcast: Volg ons hier op Spotify. Kijk deze podcast hier met beeld.

Iran heeft Mojtaba Khamenei, de zoon van de vorige leider, gekozen tot nieuwe opperste leider. De benoeming volgt op het overlijden van ayatollah Ali Khamenei door een Amerikaanse aanval. Mojtaba Khamenei staat bekend als een hardliner die naar verwachting het beleid van zijn vader voortzet, ondanks internationale druk en kritiek van de Iraanse oppositie.De olieprijzen blijven stijgen door de oorlog in Iran, met een vat Brent-olie dat bijna 30 procent duurder is geworden tot bijna 120 dollar. Sinds de start van het conflict is de productie in Irak met meer dan de helft gedaald en zijn de adviesprijzen voor benzine en diesel in Nederland verder opgelopen. Premier Rob Jetten ziet vooralsnog geen aanleiding om de accijns op brandstof te verlagen, ondanks de recordprijzen.ING krijgt haar Russische dochterbedrijf niet verkocht, mede door tegenwerking van het Kremlin en complexe sanctieregels. Andere grote banken zijn al vertrokken uit Rusland, maar ING behoort tot de weinige westerse partijen die nog actief zijn, wat volgens sanctierechtadvocaat Heleen over de Linden lastig te verenigen valt met de huidige wetgeving.Deze omschrijving is met AI gemaakt en gecontroleerd door een BNR-redacteur.Over deze podcastBNR Nieuws Vandaag is de podcast met daarin BNR Ochtendnieuws en BNR Avondnieuws. Je krijgt 's ochtends vroeg en aan het einde van de werkdag in 20 minuten het belangrijkste nieuws van de dag. Abonneer je via bnr.nl/podcast/bnrnieuwsvandaag, de BNR-app, Spotify en Apple Podcasts. Of luister elke dag live via bnr.nl/live.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A Washington Post exclusive reveals Russia has been supplying Iran with targeting intelligence on US military assets, including the locations of American warships and aircraft operating throughout the Middle East. Three anonymous officials familiar with the intelligence confirmed Russia began passing this information to Iran shortly after the war started, effectively neutralizing early US and Israeli strikes that had specifically targeted Iranian radar and air defense systems designed to locate American forces. Six US troops have been killed and others wounded by Iranian drone attacks, with Iran having launched thousands of one-way attack drones and hundreds of missiles at US military positions, embassies, and civilians. The joint American-Israeli campaign has struck over 2,000 Iranian targets including ballistic missile sites and naval assets. Despite this, Iranian forces continue hitting precise targets, which analysts say is itself evidence of Russian intelligence support filling the void left by destroyed Iranian tracking capabilities. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth this week said Russia and China were "not really a factor" in the conflict, a claim this reporting directly contradicts. Russia's Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov declined to comment. China, meanwhile, appears to be watching from the sidelines while strengthening economic relationships globally. Hawk connects the dots on Trump's longstanding deference to Vladimir Putin, his 2018 Helsinki comments trusting Putin over US intelligence agencies, and the uncomfortable political position now facing Republican lawmakers asked to condemn Russia while American soldiers are dying. SUPPORT & CONNECT WITH HAWK- Support on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/mdg650hawk - Hawk's Merch Store: https://hawkmerchstore.com - Connect on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@mdg650hawk7thacct - Connect on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@hawkeyewhackamole - Connect on BlueSky: https://bsky.app/profile/mdg650hawk.bsky.social - Connect on Substack: https://mdg650hawk.substack.com - Connect on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/hawkpodcasts - Connect on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/mdg650hawk - Connect on Twitch: https://www.twitch.tv/mdg650hawk ALL HAWK PODCASTS INFO- Additional Content Available Here: https://www.hawkpodcasts.comhttps://www.youtube.com/@hawkpodcasts- Listen to Hawk Podcasts On Your Favorite Platform:Spotify: https://spoti.fi/3RWeJfyApple Podcasts: https://apple.co/422GDuLYouTube: https://youtube.com/@hawkpodcastsiHeartRadio: https://ihr.fm/47vVBdPPandora: https://bit.ly/48COaTB

Ahora sí que sí empieza la nueva temporada del cine español con el Festival de Málaga. Por aquí veremos algunas de las nuevas voces de la industria, hay muchas óperas primeras, pero también dramas y comedias de autores veteranos. En este episodio repasamos los grandes estrenos de la semana, con el fenómeno 'Pillion' que viste de cuero a Alexander Skarsgård, y la reflexión sobre el poder de los autócratas que plantea Olivier Assayas en 'El mago del Kremlin'. En 30 minutos os ponemos al día de todo el cine y las series.

Sergio Pérez y Alma Espinosa hablan de ¡La novia! Entrevistas con equipos El mago del Kremlin, Pillion, Hoppers, El último vikingo y Aves de corral.

Min 5: LA PORRA PERFECTA. LOS MEJORES SONIDOS DE LOS GOYA 2026 No era un farol. La semana pasada titulamos este podcast como "La Quiniela más afinada" y hemos cumplido. Uno de los miembros de Estamos de Cine ha hecho pleno: 10 de 10 y nos trae además de Barcelona los cara a cara con los grandes premiados de la noche: la almanseña Ana Rubio, el toledano Julián Lominchár, la actriz vasca Nagore Aramburu, el actor Álvaro Cervantes, la aclamada Patricia López-Arnaiz y, por supuesto, la gran estrella de estos Goya, la directora y guionista de Los Domingos, Alauda Ruiz de Azúa. Min 23: LOS ESTRENOS DE LA SEMANA Los Goya de Barcelona ya son historia de nuestro cine pero nos toca mirar al presente. Alberto Luchini y Raquel Hernández desenfundan su katana para poner en su sitio a los títulos más llamativos de la semana, desde "La novia" hasta "Hoppers", pasando por el "Mago del Kremlin" o "El último vikingo". Una oferta diversa que exhibe las actuaciones de algunos de los mejores intérpretes del momento. Min 50: ESPECIAL BSO CINE ESPAÑOL EN LOS OSCAR ¿Qué tienen en común títulos como "Madres paralelas", "El laberinto del fauno", "Secretos del corazón", "El abuelo" o "Mar adentro"? Pues sí, amigos, además de ser todas producciones españolas, todas ellas, tuvieran su oportunidad en los Oscar, bien por la vía de la banda sonora o como candidatas a mejor película extranjera. Ángel Luque nos propone un recorrido musical por paisajes cinéfilos que han quedado atrás pero que removerán recuerdos y sueños de Óscar, a solo una semana de la gran fiesta del cine americano.

Luis Herrero repasa los estrenos de cine de la semana con Jesús F. Úbeda, Daniel Palacios y Juan Manuel González.

Jerónimo José Martín repasa junto a Alberto Herrera los principales estrenos de este fin de semana. El crítico de 'Herrera en COPE' ha destacado películas como 'El mago de Kremlin' , 'Hoppers' y  'América Hispana. El legado de las olas' .

No deja de ser curioso que los dos estrenos comerciales más potentes de Hollywood esta nueva temporada sean de Warner -a la espera de su venta ahora Paramount-, los firmen mujeres y reinterpreten historias clásicas. La actriz Maggie Gyllenhaal ofrece una película punk y feminista sobre la novia de Frankenstein con Jessie Buckley, Christian Bale y nuestra Penélope Cruz. En este episodio la analizamos y, además, tenemos muchos estrenos calientes, como los moteros gais de 'Pillion', y otros debuts interesantes como 'La sombra de mi padre'. También está ya en cines la nueva apuesta de Pixar y el drama político 'El mago del Kremlin', con Jude Law como Vladimir Putin. En televisión, nueva ronda de estrenos para empezar el mes de marzo.

Svetlana, la fille unique de Joseph Staline, a bien du mal à porter un héritage aussi lourd. Elle décide de fuir à la fois ce nom trop étouffant et une Russie qui la surveille activement. En 1967, en pleine guerre froide, elle profite d'un voyage en Inde pour demander l'asile politique aux Etats-Unis. Découvrez le parcours chaotique d'une enfant chérie par un dictateur qui a cherché, durant toute une vie d'errance, à devenir elle-même. Crédits : Lorànt Deutsch, Valériane Cariou.Hébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Sergio Pérez habla de ¡La Novia!, El mago del Kremlin, Hoppers, Pillion, Aves de corral, América Hispana. El legado de las olas, El último vikingo...

El reportaje relata cómo el Kremlin vio en el espacio digital una decisiva arma de guerra para atacar a sus enemigos y cómo profesionales de la información se juegan sus vidas para desmontar estas mentiras. El nuevo telón de acero digital lanza una sistemática y premeditada campaña de desinformación contra Estados Unidos y Europa, para sembrar la discordia y la desconfianza en las democracias occidentales. Periodistas y activistas rusos luchan a diario contra la desinformación, mientras arriesgan sus vidas por criticar las tácticas del Kremlin.

Avocat devenu activiste, il dénonce la corruption au sommet de l'État russe et mobilise des milliers de citoyens autour de l'idée que la transparence et la justice peuvent triompher de l'autoritarisme. Mais son engagement attire l'attention de tout un système. Entre campagnes de diffamation, arrestations répétées et tentatives d'assassinat, Navalny devient la cible d'une machine de répression qui ne tolère aucune contestation. De sa lutte pour les élections locales à son empoisonnement en 2020, son parcours révèle les risques extrêmes de s'opposer à un pouvoir tout-puissant. Le combat continue Alexeï Navalny utilise la grève de la faim comme arme symbolique et tient grâce au soutien massif de ses partisans, obtenant enfin un examen médical après 24 jours. Depuis sa cellule, il prépare des coups médiatiques majeurs, dont le documentaire « NAVALNY », qui remporte un Oscar en 2023 et expose la corruption du Kremlin. Aidé par Bellingcat, il dévoile au téléphone les détails de son empoisonnement, filmant l'aveu de l'un de ses agresseurs. Malgré ces succès, son retour en Russie est marqué par l'arrestation et l'isolement, et il meurt en 2024 en Sibérie. Son combat n'était pas contre un homme, mais contre un État ; ses mémoires posthumes restent un appel à la vérité et à la résistance face au mensonge. Crédits : Production : Bababam  Textes : Clément Prévaux Voix : Anne Cosmao, Aurélien Gouas Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Entrevistas com Olivier Assayas e Mário Patrocínio

Destacamos los estrenos más interesantes de esta semana. Tanto en cines como en plataformas. Por si no os queréis quitar el pijama. ¡Escuchad y opinad, Amig@s! También nos podéis encontrar aquí: Spotify: https://open.spotify.com/show/52i1iqZ56ACal18GPkCxiW Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/es/podcast/los-tres-amigos/id1198252523 Youtube: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC3zK2XsnpHDGRujSTWHpL8Q Amazon Music: https://music.amazon.com/podcasts/e0b56d4f-4537-47e0-a252-9dfe56b5a490/los-tres-amigos Grupo de Telegram: https://t.me/LosTresAmigos https://www.facebook.com/LosTresAmigosPodcast/ Instagram: lostresamigospodcast Bluesky: @los3amigospodcast.bsky.social X / Twitter: @tresamigospod Threads: lostresamigospodcast Letterbox: https://letterboxd.com/LosTresAmigos/ #LaNovia #Pixar #Hoppers #ElMagoDeKremlin #Pillion #ElÚltimoVikingo #Cleaner #Netflix #MáquinaDeGuerra #Movistar #Thelma #KarateKidLegends #Subsuelo #ElAccidenteDePiano #HBOMax #Reversión

Además de repasar los Goya y situar "Sinners" de cara a los Premios Oscar, Javier Ocaña trae dos estrenos muy distintos y una película importantísima del cine británico. "El mago del Kremlin" de Olivier Assayas es una lección sobre la nueva Rusia, sobre la política en las últimas tres décadas dirigidas en la sombra por un asesor de comunicación.  Diametralmente opuesta es "Hoppers", la nueva película de Pixar, la historia de una chica de 19 años que se infiltrará como castor en el bosque de su ciudad para detener a los humanos. Una película que recuerda a lo mejor de Pixar asegura Ocaña, "Tiene una primera media hora graciosa, punzante, tierna, llena de humor y reivindicación, de elipsis cómicas tremendamente buenas, personajes preciosos... Está al nivel de esas grandes secuencias inolvidables de sus mejores películas, de "Up" o "Del revés". Cierra la sección con la Crítica bajo demanda de "El sirviente" una película importantísima por su crítica a la estructura de clases y por atreverse a llevar al cine la homosexualidad, en Reino Unido a principios de los años 60, cuando estaba aún prohibida.

Day 1,469.Today, as questions are directed at the Kremlin after Russian components were reportedly found in the wreckage of a drone that struck Dubai, we examine President Volodymyr Zelensky's proposal to swap US-made Patriot air defence missiles for Ukrainian interceptor drones to counter Iranian and Russian weapons. We report on the latest explosion involving a Russian shadow fleet tanker in the Mediterranean Sea, and bring you the view from Brussels as European Union member states appear to push back against the European Commission's fast-track proposals for Ukrainian EU membership.Contributors:Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Francis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Joe Barnes (Brussels Correspondent). @Barnes_Joe on X.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCdHjleMvPSs-JEjiQ8_D2cACONTENT REFERENCED:What the Iran war means for Ukraine (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/04/iran-war-consequences-for-ukraine-russia-conflict/ Zelensky floats swapping Patriot missiles for interceptor drones amid increased Iranian Shahed threat (The Telegraph):https://kyivindependent.com/zelensky-floats-swapping-patriot-missiles-for-interceptor-drones-amid-increased-iranian-shahed-threat/ EU urges Ukraine to allow access to pipeline carrying Russian oil (Financial Times):https://www.ft.com/content/8f5f18fb-311d-4df0-805c-063b292506b3 Russian tanker ‘hit by drone' in Mediterranean (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/03/04/russian-tanker-hit-by-drone-in-mediterranean/ WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Teaser ... Spain: the one country that got it right ... When US rhetoric starts sounding like the Kremlin ... Nukes, regime change, military threat—pick one ... Rubio's "ridiculous" explanation for attacking Iran ... Iran's restraint: from Soleimani to Khamenei ... Trump had leverage over Bibi. He didn't use it. ... Is this Israel's war or America's? ... Tommy Vietor goes after the ADL—a political first ... How fear sells papers and starts wars ... The nuclear deal: the last thing America got right ... Nikita: Trump's dopamine addiction to "starting shit" ... How the Iran strike buried the Anthropic story ... Does Israel want a stable Middle East? ... Heading to Overtime ...

Soucieuse de continuer à apparaître comme une grande puissance, la Russie a réinvesti le continent africain depuis plusieurs années. Elle s'appuie sur un narratif reprenant celui de l'ancienne Union soviétique. Mais derrière les promesses de fraternité sans frontières, de partage de connaissances et de richesses, se trouvent d'autres objectifs moins avouables, comme le recrutement de combattants pour sa stratégie de chair à canon en Ukraine. Ces dernières années, le soft power, ou l'influence russe, s'est développé et transformé. C'est un studio de musique d'Abidjan où se tient un concours de chant discret, auquel assiste notre correspondant Benoit Almeras. On chante en anglais et en français, Alicia Keys, Garou, Lara Fabbian… Mais pour les candidats, l'horizon n'est pas New York ou Paris, c'est Moscou. L'enjeu de ce casting vocal : une participation au festival « La route de Yalta ». Organisé pour la première fois en 2019 dans cette station balnéaire de Crimée occupée, bien connue des amateurs d'histoire, il a désormais lieu au Kremlin, dans la capitale. On y célèbre les classiques russes et la « Grande guerre patriotique », comprendre la Seconde guerre mondiale. Une époque très lointaine pour ces candidats, jeunes et plus attirés par le voyage et la recherche de notoriété. Un des participants explique sa présence par « le fait que ce soit en Russie, un pays que je n'ai jamais imaginé découvrir. Ce serait aussi un tremplin pour moi et j'espère aussi que mon pays va reconnaître mon talent ». Pour voir Moscou, certains veulent se donner toutes les chances, comme ce candidat qui pousse l'hymne russe a capella. Lors de l'édition 2025, c'est un artiste ivoirien qui a représenté l'Afrique, et pas n'importe lequel : Emmanuel Désiré Boyer dit « Vova », vainqueur de l'édition 2024 de « The Voice Afrique Francophone ». À « La route de Yalta », il a été récompensé du prix du public pour Katyusha, chant patriotique de l'Armée Rouge, interprété en langue dioula. À l'origine de la participation de Vova, et de ce casting, Eben-Ezer Dion, coach vocal pour The Voice Afrique francophone. Ses liens avec la Russie remontent à plus de 20 ans : « J'ai étudié en Russie, je suis allé là-bas pour des études en musique, à l'Académie Gnessine, qui est une académie très prestigieuse là-bas. C'est après ça que je suis rentré au pays, et voici que je prends des initiatives pour faire avancer la musique en Côte d'Ivoire. Si vous voulez, c'est un prolongement, une manière de contribuer à l'action culturelle de la Russie dans l'Afrique francophone. C'est ce qu'on essaie de faire en partenariat avec l'association. » Festival de chants pour soutenir l'annexion forcée de la Crimée Cette association, c'est l'Aruci, Association des russophones de Côte d'Ivoire, créée en 2021. Sa présidente, Tatiana Rakitina assure qu'elle ne fait pas de politique : « Pour nous, c'est plutôt une opportunité pour la Côte d'Ivoire de sortir à l'étranger, de conquérir de nouveaux spectateurs. C'est plutôt un événement professionnel des amateurs de musique plus qu'un événement idéologique. » Pourtant, le festival de Yalta vise aussi à faire reconnaître la souveraineté russe sur la péninsule de Crimée, annexée de force par la Russie en 2014. Mais pour Tatiana Rakitina, comme pour le gouvernement de Moscou qui dénonce souvent la « russophobie » occidentale, c'est bien l'image de la Russie qui est attaquée. Bien qu'en Afrique, elle demeure positive selon elle : « Je peux vous dire que le visage de la Russie était bien brillant et souriant il y a quelques années. Maintenant, il y a dans certains pays une tendance à vouloir éliminer la culture russe ou diminuer sa valeur. Mais pas en Afrique. L'Afrique n'a jamais changé [envers la Russie]. » L'Aruci est aussi une organisation partenaire des Maisons russes. Officiellement des centres culturels, elles ont essaimé sur le continent, selon Lou Osborne, investigatrice du groupe All Eyes on Wagner : « On a vu une accélération de la diplomatie culturelle depuis 2024, avec une multiplication de l'ouverture de ces centres. Leur modèle est novateur : l'État russe ne peut aller aussi vite qu'il le voudrait, donc il a délégué une partie de ces ouvertures et de la gestion à des sociétés non-étatiques, ça leur permet d'aller plus vite. On remarque que c'est notamment là que se passe la partie la plus offensive du soft power, on dépasse la promotion de Pouchkine et de la langue russe. » La diplomatie culturelle russe a une tête de pont, c'est la Rossotrudnichestvo, un organisme officiel du ministère des Affaires étrangères russes, dirigé par Evgueni Primakov Junior, un très proche de Vladimir Poutine. C'est là notamment que se gèrent les bourses pour les étudiants africains, explique le chercheur sénégalais Ibrahima Dabo, lui-même passé par une université russe : « C'est à partir des années 2000 que la Russie a commencé à avoir des intérêts sur le continent africain. Dans ce contexte, des outils de l'époque soviétique ont été réadaptés. Rossotrudnichestvo a été créée en 2008 par un décret du président Dmitri Medvedev, mais c'est l'héritière d'une agence née en 1925 autour de la sœur de Léon Trotski. Cette agence est au cœur aujourd'hui des actions culturelles et humanitaires sur le continent, elle travaille avec des associations locales, notamment des réseaux d'anciens étudiants. La diplomatie éducative est devenue très importante. Rossotrudnichestvo gère les bourses d'étude, ce qui permet de développer son influence, et de donner une image d'ouverture, de montrer une bonne image de la Russie, des conditions d'accueil, de la qualité de l'enseignement. » Moscou a accéléré ses opportunités pour des milliers d'étudiants africains. Au Sénégal par exemple, on est passé de moins de 20 à 130 bourses en quelques années, selon Ibrahima Drabo. Saint-Valentin à la Maison russe, relais médiatiques et influenceurs Derrière Rossotrudnichestvo, certaines Maisons russes ont été montées comme des « franchises » dans l'écosystème Wagner, comme à Bangui, en Centrafrique, dont les canaux de communication multiplient les images d'enfants et de jeunes épanouis, devant des documentaires officiels russes, des films d'action à la gloire du groupe paramilitaire russe, durant des cours de russe, ou encore dernièrement lors d'une grande fête en chanson pour la Saint-Valentin. Son directeur, Dimitri Sityi, est conseiller du président centrafricain Faustin-Archange Touadéra, gestionnaire d'entreprises qui extraient or, diamant et bois, et à la manœuvre de multiples campagnes informationnelles anti-françaises, anti-américaines ou anti-Nations Unies. À Bangui, la Maison russe est devenue un lieu de socialisation, notamment pour des jeunes de milieu peu favorisés. On y fête Noël, on y candidate au championnat de slam, on y trouve aussi à prix modique les sachets d'alcool produits localement par Wagner. À lire aussiPlongée dans la machine de désinformation russe en Centrafrique   Avec les médias comme Russia Today, de plus en plus présents sur le continent (Éthiopie, Sénégal), ou des organisations satellites comme Afrique média ou la radio Lengo songo en Centrafrique, ces centres culturels servent à véhiculer l'image d'une Russie ouverte, bienveillante, à l'opposé d'une Europe présentée comme décadente et xénophobe, voir tout simplement nazie. Un récit repris par un nombre grandissant d'influenceurs africains installés en Russie, valorisés par les algorithmes des réseaux sociaux, comme « l'Ivoirorusse ». « La Russie, c'est bien, j'exhorte tout le monde a visité la grande Russie de Poutine. C'est une très grande expérience », dit-il à ces plusieurs centaines de milliers de suiveurs sur TikTok, se félicitant de « commencer à oublier des mots de français ». Coiffé de sa chapka, « l'Ivoirorusse » est aussi un des promoteurs du programme Alabuga start qui permet officiellement à des jeunes femmes d'obtenir des formations et des diplômes dans cette zone économique spéciale du Tatarstan. Plusieurs enquêtes ont montré une réalité bien différente, et des mécanismes de « traites d'êtres humains », selon l'ONU. Le nouvel écosystème russe met en valeur les coopérations académiques avec la Russie et des opportunités de recrutement, dont on sait qu'elles peuvent conduire des jeunes hommes sur le front en Ukraine, et des jeunes femmes dans des usines de drones. « Ces réseaux de recrutement sont une nouvelle facette du soft power, ça permet à la Russie de façonner l'image donnée dans ces pays-là », analyse Lou Osborne, de All Eyes On Wagner. « C'est une Russie d'opportunités, pour une meilleure vie. Il y a une industrialisation de l'influence russe, avec une multiplication de canaux, un effort total médiatique, culturel, et des services de sécurité, au service de cette influence », ajoute-t-elle. Avec l'Église orthodoxe, « l'alliance du missel et du missile » La Russie loue les vertus présentées comme patriotiques et familiales, qui seraient les siennes et que partageraient les Africains. Pour cela, quoi de mieux que de se placer sous l'autorité divine, via sa propre église, l'Église orthodoxe russe, autonome depuis le schisme consécutif à l'invasion de l'Ukraine, et qui n'hésite pas à mettre les moyens pour attirer les clercs. À écouter aussiCentrafrique: à Bangui, une église orthodoxe financée par la Russie   Comme au Cameroun, où Monseigneur Grégoire, métropolite orthodoxe grec, a vu avec surprise une église russe concurrente autorisée promptement par les autorités, quand lui a mis plus de cinq années à voir la sienne reconnue : « Ici, l'église russe n'a rien fait à part promettre à quelques prêtres de notre église qu'ils allaient leur donner de l'argent, plus que l'aide pastorale que nous distribuons chaque mois. Ils ont fait beaucoup de promesses : construire les églises, des écoles, donner des bourses aux prêtres, acheter des voitures. Mais jusque-là, ils n'ont rien fait à part louer une salle pour en faire une église. Ils ont envoyé quelques personnes à Moscou pour un séminaire de théologie, mais ils ont vu que le niveau de théologie et d'éducation est bien loin du niveau universitaire. Mais ils leur ont dit : "Ok, vous êtes prêts à rentrer en Afrique accomplir votre mission". Mais quel type de mission ? » Cette diplomatie religieuse n'est pas neutre, car l'église orthodoxe n'est pas une église comme une autre. Elle est étroitement imbriquée dans le pouvoir russe et le Kremlin, comme l'expliquait récemment sur RFI l'historien spécialiste du monde orthodoxe, Jean-François Colossimo : « C'est une progression opportuniste. Partout où il y a un clergé achetable, cette pseudo-église agit. Plus on monte dans la hiérarchie, plus elle est contaminée par le FSB [les services de renseignement russes, NDLR] et aux mains du Kremlin et de Poutine. L'Église russe n'a jamais été pensée comme une église internationale. Donc, si elle va en Afrique, c'est pour offrir le monde orthodoxe africain à Poutine. Ce sont eux qui bénissent la mère. L'Église bénie cette guerre, c'est l'alliance du missel et du missile. » À lire aussiCameroun: l'Église orthodoxe russe autorisée à exercer, un pas de plus de Moscou sur le continent   Selon des médias russes en exil, l'église orthodoxe du Kenya aurait participé au recrutement trompeur de combattants pour la guerre en Ukraine. Par ailleurs, plusieurs centaines de séminaristes seraient aujourd'hui en formation en Russie, selon une bonne source, qui parle de « projet à long terme » pour Moscou qui se voit comme « la troisième Rome ». Une montée du soft power russe que constate l'ambassadeur de l'Ukraine à Nairobi, Yurii Tokarx. « L'influence russe et les mesures qu'ils prennent sont très sérieuses et fortes. Il a récemment été publié que le budget de leur machine de propagande s'élevait à 1,5 milliard de dollars. Et, bien sûr, une grande partie de cette somme est destinée à l'Afrique », a-t-il affirmé à notre correspondante à Nairobi Albane Thirouard : « Cela s'accompagne d'opérations informationnelles très sophistiquées. Ils sont également présents sur les plateformes utilisées par les jeunes générations. Ils travaillent intensivement dans le but de pénétrer les pays grâce à ce qu'on appelle le soft power. Il est bien connu que des structures comme Rossotrudnichestvo ainsi que l'Église russe cherchent à s'implanter progressivement au sein des sociétés africaines. Mais comme on a pu le constater par la suite, cela peut évoluer vers des problèmes plus graves pour ces pays. Tous les pays ne comprennent pas ce qui est en train de se passer. Nous, nous avons une arme puissante que nous appelons la vérité, et nous essayons de nous battre avec les moyens dont nous disposons. Leur machine de propagande, elle, combat souvent avec des mensonges. » Au Kenya, la multiplication des témoignages sur les recrutements contraints pour la guerre en Ukraine a écorné l'image de la Russie. Reste à voir si cette réalité viendra enrayer le rouleau-compresseur de l'influence et de la communication mis en marche par Moscou. Le 25 février, l'Université de Nairobi a lancé un Centre africain pour l'étude de la Russie, en présence de l'ambassadeur russe. À lire aussiQui sont les Africains qui combattent pour la Russie? Les révélations d'All Eyes on Wagner

Another exciting adventure from the days when the FBI fought communism instead of bowed to it! Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/prepper-broadcasting-network--3295097/support.BECOME A SUPPORTER FOR AD FREE PODCASTS, EARLY ACCESS & TONS OF MEMBERS ONLY CONTENT!Red Beacon Ready OUR PREPAREDNESS SHOPThe Prepper's Medical Handbook Build Your Medical Cache – Welcome PBN FamilySupport PBN with a Donation Join the Prepper Broadcasting Network for expert insights on #Survival, #Prepping, #SelfReliance, #OffGridLiving, #Homesteading, #Homestead building, #SelfSufficiency, #Permaculture, #OffGrid solutions, and #SHTF preparedness. With diverse hosts and shows, get practical tips to thrive independently – subscribe now!Newsletter – Welcome PBN FamilyGet Your Free Copy of 50 MUST READ BOOKS TO SURVIVE DOOMSDAY

Former US ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul returns to Uncommon Knowledge with Peter Robinson to discuss his new book, Autocrats vs. Democrats: China, Russia, America, and the New Global Disorder. McFaul explains why Vladimir Putin, Xi Jinping, and today's autocratic leaders fundamentally do not think like we do—and why that misunderstanding has shaped some of America's most consequential foreign-policy mistakes. Drawing on decades of scholarship and firsthand experience inside the Kremlin, McFaul traces Russia's post–Cold War slide back into autocracy; challenges the claim that NATO expansion caused the rupture with Moscow; and argues that the true threat to authoritarian regimes is democratic example rather than Western military power. He examines the war in Ukraine, its implications for Taiwan, the limits of transactional diplomacy with ideologues like Putin, and the enduring lessons of Cold War statecraft. He also reflects on his unlikely journey from Butte, Montana, to Spaso House —the Moscow home of the U.S. ambassador to Russia— and why he remains convinced that democracy, however fragile, is still the West's greatest strategic advantage. Subscribe to Uncommon Knowledge at hoover.org/uk

While the US bombs Iran, the Kremlin will see immediate advantages for Russia.Vladimir Putin expressed “deep condolences” to the people of Iran over the killing of supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei by US and Israeli forces.The Russian president – currently leading his own brutal and illegal war in Ukraine – condemned what he called Khamenei's “assassination” as a “cynical violation of all norms of human morality and international law”.Russia and Iran are long-term “strategic partners”. They signed a new treaty in January last year.But while Putin offers consoling words to Iran, the Kremlin will undoubtedly have eyes on the potential benefits to them of a US-Israel war on Russia's ally.So, is Trump's war in Iran playing into Russia's hands?LISTEN AD-FREE:

Vous aimez notre peau de caste ? Soutenez-nous ! https://www.lenouvelespritpublic.fr/abonnementUne émission de Philippe Meyer, enregistrée au studio l'Arrière-boutique le 27 février 2026.Avec cette semaine :Akram Belkaïd, journaliste au Monde diplomatique.Nicole Gnesotto, vice-présidente de l'Institut Jacques Delors.Marc-Olivier Padis, directeur des études de la fondation Terra Nova.Lucile Schmid, présidente de La Fabrique écologique et membre du comité de rédaction de la revue Esprit.MUNICIPALES : ANTICHAMBRE DE 2027 OU ÉLECTIONS LOCALES ?Les élections municipales se tiendront les 15 et 22 mars prochains. Il s'y mêlera enjeux locaux et nationaux, peut-être d'autant plus que, cette année, le vote se tient tout juste un an avant l'élection présidentielle, un cas de figure qui ne s'est présenté qu'en 1965 et en 2001.Selon Émeric Bréhier, directeur de l'Observatoire de la vie politique de la Fondation Jean Jaurès, si LFI et le RN ont beaucoup à gagner de ces élections et chercheront à en faire un enjeu national, à l'inverse, le PS et LR essaieront avant tout de conserver les villes qu'ils détiennent, pour montrer qu'ils restent des partis qui comptent, qui ont une base locale solide et surtout qu'ils peuvent avoir une carte à jouer lors de la présidentielle. Alors que les regards se concentrent beaucoup sur les grandes villes, l'un des enjeux de ces élections devrait être le sort de nombre de moyennes et de petites municipalités qui pourraient basculer à l'extrême droite, mais, le Rassemblement national aborde les municipales avec l'onction des sondages nationaux, mais un ancrage local toujours fragile. Le parti de Jordan Bardella détient moins de 15 villes, dont une seule de plus de 100.000 habitants. Officiellement : pas d'objectif chiffré avancé, ni de villes visées.Au Havre, l'ancien Premier ministre, Édouard Philippe candidat à la présidentielle 2027, a lui-même lié son destin national à cette échéance locale. Un pari risqué. « Si j'échouais à convaincre les Havrais (...), je ne serais pas dans une bonne position pour espérer convaincre les Français », a-t-il déjà prévenu. Dans le camp présidentiel, en revanche, on semble déjà vouloir oublier ce scrutin avant même qu'il n'ait lieu, tant il s'annonce comme un révélateur de la faiblesse du macronisme à l'échelle locale.Selon un sondage Odoxa-Mascaret publié mardi pour Public Sénat et la presse régionale, 55 % des Français souhaitent l'élection d'un autre maire plutôt que la réélection de leur maire actuel au scrutin des 15 et 22 mars. Cette aspiration au changement est motivée par des enjeux locaux, en premier lieu : 76 % des sondés affirment qu'ils se prononceront en fonction d'enjeux « spécifiques à leur commune », tandis que 24 % auront des enjeux nationaux en tête. Ce dernier score est en progression de 5 points par rapport au mois de novembre, preuve, pour l'institut de sondage que ces municipales, premières élections convoquées après les législatives anticipées de juin 2024, dessineront la ligne de départ de la campagne pour l'élection présidentielle. C'est parmi les sympathisants de LFI (28 %) et du RN (27 %) que se trouvent le plus d'électeurs qui choisiront leur maire avec l'Élysée en point de mire.QUATRE ANNÉES DE GUERRE : EFFETS SUR LA RUSSIEAprès quatre ans de guerre en Ukraine, selon les évaluations concordantes des chercheurs et des services de renseignement occidentaux, on compte plus d'un million et demi de soldats russes hors de combat morts, blessés, prisonniers et disparus. Sur le terrain, d'après DeepState, collectif ukrainien de cartographie en sources ouvertes, la Russie a occupé en 2025 moins de 1 % du pays ukrainien. Analyses corroborées par l'Institut pour l'étude de la guerre. Mi-février, le secrétaire général de l'Otan, Mark Rutte, évoquait environ 65.000 soldats russes tués ou blessés en l'espace de deux mois, qualifiant ces pertes de « folles ». Pour les alliés de l'Ukraine, ces chiffres interrogent la capacité de Moscou à maintenir durablement son effort de guerre sans décision politiquement risquée, comme une nouvelle vague de mobilisation.D'autant que l'économie russe se dégrade. Si au cours des premières années de guerre, dopée par le complexe militaro-industriel, l'économie russe a enregistré des croissances supérieures à la moyenne européenne, aujourd'hui, les signaux virent au rouge. Pour résorber la hausse du déficit budgétaire, qui devrait dépasser les 3,5 % à 4,4 % du PIB en 2026, le gouvernement doit financer un budget de la défense qui, en hausse de 30 % sur 2025-2027, engloutit 40 % des dépenses. Les revenus des hydrocarbures, qui composent l'habituel poumon économique du pays, s'effondrent à cause de la baisse des cours mondiaux et des effets des sanctions obligeant à vendre avec une décote. Le gouvernement cherche donc d'autres sources de revenus. Les consommateurs russes sont confrontés à l'inflation (5,6 % officiellement, bien au-delà de 10 % en réalité), la hausse des défauts de crédits bancaires, et la réduction des heures travaillées dans les usines.La guerre menée contre l'Ukraine s'accompagne d'une mise au pas de plus en plus violente de la société russe. Le taux de popularité de Vladimir Poutine ne semble pas fléchir : plus de 80 % des Russes disent approuver son action, selon Levada, le centre d'études d'opinion indépendant de l'Etat. Un chiffre à prendre cependant avec précaution comme dans tout pays où, sans liberté d'expression, les sondages sont menés dans un climat de peur et de délation. Sans opposition politique ni critiques dans la presse, sans société civile ni débats publics parmi les élites, cette popularité apparente cache une réalité : en quatre ans, la chape de plomb imposée par le Kremlin s'est alourdie. La répression ciblant une prétendue « cinquième colonne » s'est intensifiée : les défenseurs des droits humains recensent entre 3.000 et plus de 4.600 prisonniers politiques. Sur les écrans de télévision et sous les préaux des écoles, la propagande déroule son message : comme Staline, Poutine combat le nazisme ; comme durant la Grande Guerre patriotique, les opposants sont des traîtres.Chaque semaine, Philippe Meyer anime une conversation d'analyse politique, argumentée et courtoise, sur des thèmes nationaux et internationaux liés à l'actualité. Pour en savoir plus : www.lenouvelespritpublic.frHébergé par Audiomeans. Visitez audiomeans.fr/politique-de-confidentialite pour plus d'informations.

Just one generation after they gained independence, people in the Baltic States are watching the threat from the Kremlin creep closer and closer. In Lithuania, the government is preparing the population to resist an invasion. On “The Weekend Intelligence” Katie Bryant travels to Vilnius to ask how facing up to threat is changing the nation. Topics covered:LithuaniaCivil defenceDisinformationListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.Music by bluedot Sessions and Epidemic Sound.This podcast transcript is generated by third-party AI. It has not been reviewed prior to publication. We make no representations or warranties in relation to the transcript, its accuracy or its completeness, and we disclaim all liability regarding its receipt, content and use. If you have any concerns about the transcript, please email us at podcasts@economist.com.Read more about how we are using AI. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Just one generation after they gained independence, people in the Baltic States are watching the threat from the Kremlin creep closer and closer. In Lithuania, the government is preparing the population to resist an invasion. On “The Weekend Intelligence” Katie Bryant travels to Vilnius to ask how facing up to threat is changing the nation. Topics covered:LithuaniaCivil defenceDisinformationListen to what matters most, from global politics and business to science and technology—Subscribe to Economist Podcasts+For more information about how to access Economist Podcasts+, please visit our FAQs page or watch our video explaining how to link your account.Music by bluedot Sessions and Epidemic Sound.This podcast transcript is generated by third-party AI. It has not been reviewed prior to publication. We make no representations or warranties in relation to the transcript, its accuracy or its completeness, and we disclaim all liability regarding its receipt, content and use. If you have any concerns about the transcript, please email us at podcasts@economist.com.Read more about how we are using AI. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Kate Adie introduces stories on Mexico's cartel war, President Trump's State of the Union address, the Russian soldiers escaping the front-line, and a slow boat journey in Benin.Mexico was rocked by a violent rampage this week, after the drug lord, El Mencho, died following a fire-fight between his bodyguards and Mexican military commandos. It's stark evidence of the challenges facing President Claudia Sheinbaum as she vows to take on the country's criminal gangs. Quentin Sommerville reports on the fallout following El Mencho's death and the disturbingly deadly rivalry between the cartels.'Our country is winning again,' was President Donald Trump's rallying cry at his State of the Union address this week in Washington DC, citing success in the jobs market and stopping illegal crossings at the southern border. But his sinking approval ratings suggest he's not necessarily convincing the public. Anthony Zurcher watched on in the House Chamber.The exact toll on Russian forces in Ukraine has been closely guarded by the Kremlin, but estimates suggest more than a million Russian troops have been killed or injured over the past four years. For those who refuse to fight the consequences can be severe. Ben Steele met Russian troops who have escaped the front-line, at great personal cost.The small West African nation of Benin is made up of around fifty different ethnic groups and languages. Most of the population is concentrated in the South - home to the country's main cities, such as the port of Cotonou. While Benin has only a handful of highways, its lush inter-connected lagoons provide a vital commercial artery. Sara Wheeler took a trip down the Black River.Producer: Serena Tarling Production coordinators: Katie Morrison Editor: Richard Fenton-Smith

1912 WILLIAM JENNINGS  RBYAN SPEECHAnatol Lieven examines Europe's missing voice in Kremlin negotiations, highlighting hurdles like sanctions relief and Russia's demand for Ukrainian withdrawal from the contested Donbass territory. 1.Anatol Lieven questions the lack of a clear strategy for US naval fleets near Iran, hoping for diplomatic compromise and economic opening rather than war. 2.Arthur Herman contrasts the Scottish Enlightenment's focus on liberty with the French "general will," arguing that collectivism historically descends into state violence and tyranny. 3.Arthur Herman argues that the American worldview rests on three Scottish pillars: unity of knowledge, common sense, and the harmonious integration of modern scientific discovery with ancient religious revelation. 4.John Yoo reports that in a 6-3 decision, the Court ruled that the IEEPA does not grant the president power to impose universal tariffs without explicit Congressional authorization. 5.John Yoo argues that the tariff ruling proves the Court is not a partisan tool, but an independent body upholding constitutional boundaries and judicial ideology. 6.Mary Anastasia O'Grady describes Cuba's regime reaching its limits, discussing the difficulty of replacing the leadership without causing total societal chaos, looting, or a power vacuum. 7.Doug Messier reports that persistent thruster failures and engineering incompetence have marred Boeing's Starlinerprogram, leaving astronauts marooned and NASA heavily dependent on SpaceX for crewed orbital missions. 8.Professor Evan Ellis reports that the death of kingpin Nemesio Cervantes triggered nationwide gunplay and roadblocks in Mexico, highlighting cartel dominance and the personal nature of the security forces' fight. 9.Professor Evan Ellis reports that a deadly clash between Cuban forces and an American speedboat underscores the island's dire economic crisis and massive blackouts caused by severe, ongoing petroleum shortages. 10.Professor Evan Ellis reports that the US allows Venezuelan oil resale to Cuba's private sector to empower citizens, while Nicolas Maduro faces criminal proceedings in a formal New York courtroom. 11.Professor Evan Ellis reports that constant leadership turnover in Peru complicates governance, raising fears that China's Chancay port could serve military logistics for the People's Liberation Army during wartime. 12.Josiah Hesse explores Mason City's religious history, linking the Music Man allegory to the Scopes trial and traveling preachers who exploited regional evangelical fervor. 13.Josiah Hesse describes his parents' journey through the apocalyptic 1970s Jesus movement into a prosperity gospel church that resulted in extreme poverty and financial disillusionment. 14.Josiah Hesse reports that Paul Weyrich used abortion as a wedge issue to mobilize evangelical voters, successfully aligning Iowa's religious community with the Republican Party during Reagan's campaign. 15.Josiah Hesse recounts the psychological fear of his religious upbringing while observing how Donald Trump's populism continues to resonate deeply with modern Iowa evangelical voters. 16.

Anatol Lieven examines Europe's missing voice in Kremlin negotiations, highlighting hurdles like sanctions relief and Russia's demand for Ukrainian withdrawal from the contested Donbass territory. 1.1890 MEXICO CITY

Day 1,464.Today, we bring you live dispatches from the north, east, and south of Ukraine following fresh Russian attacks overnight, as a United States delegation meets Ukrainian officials to prepare the next round of trilateral peace talks with Russia in Geneva. We also provide the latest updates on resistance activities in the occupied territories, and take a broader look at the state of Russian society after four years of Putin's full-scale war – including the impact of sanctions, suppression, economic strain and, yes, updates on skyrocketing cucumber prices.ContributorsFrancis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Adélie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @adeliepjz on X.Dr Jade McGlynn (War Studies Department of King's College). @DrJadeMcGlynn on X.James Kilner (Russia Analyst). @jkjourno on X.NOW IN FULL VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://youtu.be/oBdgGjJYVt0CONTENT REFERENCED:Russians load up on antidepressants after four years of war (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/15/russians-antidepressants-war-ukraine-prozac-putin/ Traumatised and unable to speak: The Ukrainian children haunted by war (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/27/traumatised-ukrainian-children-haunted-by-war/ Paratroopers prepare for possible Ukraine peacekeeping mission (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2026/02/26/paratroopers-prepare-for-possible-ukraine-peacekeeping/ Is the Trump-Starmer bromance over? (The Spectator):https://spectator.com/article/has-it-all-gone-wrong-between-trump-and-starmer/?edition=us WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible.Subscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This week marked 4 years since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and the start of a war that served as a wakeup call for Europe and the West. Since then, we've seen Europe take drastic steps to cut its ties to Russian gas, redrawing the region's energy map. Greece has played, and continues to play, a key role in this story. At the same time, questions remain about European security, the continued Russian threat, and whether the Trump administration can deliver a negotiated peace. Finally, the war in Ukraine also brought the world's attention to a murkier side of the Kremlin's playbook, and that's the weaponization of the Orthodox Church and its campaign to undermine the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Ambassador Geoffrey Pyatt, Charles Kupchan, Elena Lazarou, and Aristotle Papanikolaou join Thanos Davelis this week for a deep dive into how Russia's invasion of Ukraine four years ago has changed Europe, reshaped the region's energy map, and impacted the Ecumenical Patriarchate and Orthodoxy around the world. Taking us to our “I am HALC” segment, we're putting the spotlight on Andreas Akaras, looking at his time on Capitol Hill and his work bringing Turkey to justice over the attack by Turkish President Erdogan's bodyguards against US protesters in Washington, DC. A little more info on our guests: Charles Kupchan is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) and professor of international affairs at Georgetown University in the Walsh School of Foreign Service and Department of Government. Elena Lazarou is the Director General of ELIAMEP and an expert specializing in EU foreign policy, global geopolitics, transatlantic relations, and security and defence issues. Amb. Geoffrey Pyatt is former US ambassador to Greece and Assistant Secretary of State for Energy Resources. Aristotle Papanikolaou is a Professor of Theology and the Archbishop Demetrios Chair in Orthodox Theology and Culture. He is Co-founding Director of the Orthodox Christian Studies Center at Fordham University. You can support The Greek Current by joining HALC as a member here.

Craig Unger traces Trump's political ascent back to his 1987 Moscow trip, suggesting Russian connections and talking points have influenced his foreign policy for forty years. 16.1917 KREMLIN

We are up against a transnational mafia, as Gaslit Nation has long warned, and the Epstein files expose it, despite the ongoing cover-up. This week, investigative journalist Dave Troy joins the show to connect the dots between Epstein, the Kremlin, and far-right operatives who have spent decades dismantling our democracy, including the Florida 2000 recount that ensured George W. Bush came to power. (Bush's administration gave Epstein an illegal "sweetheart deal," allowing him and Maxwell to continue their crime network, trafficking children to the ruling elite). "The U.S. government has been infiltrated by these networks for decades," Troy says. Epstein was not a lone wolf. He was deeply embedded in a transnational crime syndicate with ties extending to Russian intelligence and powerful oligarchs who are still trying to create a lawless "network state" where they can operate above the law.  We also discuss the dangerous complacency of assuming our institutions will protect us, especially when the very people tasked with upholding the law, from the DOJ to high-profile attorneys, protect the shadow network. Their goal is to demoralize us with complexity. By tracing their connections, we can understand their playbook and fight back. Join our community of listeners and get bonus shows, ad free listening, group chats with other listeners, ways to shape the show, invites to exclusive events like our Monday political salons at 4pm ET over Zoom, and more! Discounted annual memberships are available. Become a Democracy Defender at Patreon.com/Gaslit EVENTS AT GASLIT NATION: The Gaslit Nation Outreach Committee discusses how to talk to the MAGA cult: join on Patreon.  Minnesota Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other: join on Patreon.  Vermont Signal group for Gaslit Nation listeners in the state to find each other: join on Patreon.  Arizona-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to connect: join on Patreon.  Indiana-based listeners launched a Signal group for others in the state to join: join on Patreon.  Florida-based listeners are going strong meeting in person. Be sure to join their Signal group: join on Patreon.  Gaslit Nation Salons take place Mondays 4pm ET over Zoom and are recorded and shared on Patreon.com/Gaslit for our community  

In this episode of The PDB Afternoon Bulletin: Protests erupt across Iran for the fifth straight day as university campuses turn into flashpoints between anti-regime students and pro-government militias. Unlike January's market-driven unrest, this new wave appears ideological — directly challenging the legitimacy of the regime. The Kremlin may be preparing its biggest digital crackdown yet. Russian security services are floating terrorism allegations against the founder of Telegram, raising the prospect that Moscow could shut down one of the last independent information platforms inside the country. To listen to the show ad-free, become a premium member of The President's Daily Brief by visiting https://PDBPremium.com. Please remember to subscribe if you enjoyed this episode of The President's Daily Brief. YouTube: youtube.com/@presidentsdailybrief DeleteMe: Get 20% off your DeleteMe plan when you go to https://joindeleteme.com/PDB and use promocode PDB at checkout. Ultra Pouches: Don't sleep on @ultrapouches. New customers get 15% Off with code PDB at https://takeultra.com! #UltraPouches Cardiff: Get fast business funding without bank delays—apply in minutes with Cardiff and access up to $500,000 in same‑day funding at https://Cardiff.co/PDB  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Day 1,461.Today, as world leaders gather in Kyiv to mark the fourth anniversary of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, we report live from two different regions of the country, covering the latest attacks from air and land and assessing the current battlefield picture. We reflect on the resilience of Ukrainians after years of war, and bring updates on an explosion in Moscow as well as reports suggesting that Moscow is now losing more soldiers on the frontline than it can recruit to sustain Vladimir Putin's war effort.ContributorsFrancis Dearnley (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @FrancisDearnley on X.Dominic Nicholls (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @DomNicholls on X.Adélie Pojzman-Pontay (Host on Ukraine: The Latest). @adeliepjz on X.The Lord Dannatt (former head of the British Army)Orysia Lutsevych OBE (Head of the Ukraine Forum at Chatham House)NOW AVAILABLE IN VIDEO WITH MAPS & BATTLEFIELD FOOTAGE:Every episode is now available on our YouTube channel shortly after the release of the audio version. You will find it here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rbOESRLia8oCONTENT REFERENCED:The kill ratio that can sink Putin's war (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/24/the-kill-ratio-that-can-sink-putin-war/ Moscow train station explosion kills police officer (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/24/explosion-outside-moscow-train-station-kills-police-officer/ Russian soldiers being killed faster than Kremlin can recruit them (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/world-news/2026/02/24/russian-soldiers-killed-faster-than-kremlin-can-recruit/ Britain on ‘collision course' with Russia, head of Army warns (The Telegraph):https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2026/02/24/britain-on-collision-course-with-russia-head-of-army-warns/WEEKLY NEWSLETTER:Our weekly newsletter includes maps of the frontlines and diagrams of weapons, answers your questions, provides recommended reading, and gives exclusive analysis and behind-the-scenes insights.. It's free for everyone, including non-subscribers. Join here – http://telegraph.co.uk/ukrainenewsletter EMAIL US:Contact the team on ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk . We continue to read every message, and seek to respond to as many on air and in our newsletter as possible.Subscribe: telegraph.co.uk/ukrainethelatestEmail: ukrainepod@telegraph.co.uk Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Not that long ago many church-going Americans saw Russia as a godless place, an “evil empire” in the words of Ronald Reagan. But in President Trump's second term, US-Russia relations have been turned on their head. Last year, the White House sided with the Kremlin at the United Nations, voting against a resolution to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine.This seismic shift is also being felt in parishes across America. Increasing numbers of US Catholics and Protestants are embracing Eastern Orthodoxy. Many converts disillusioned by the showbiz elements in many megachurches, say they are drawn to a faith with enduring traditions. Some, uneasy with social and demographic change, believe the churches they were raised in have lost their authority by going “woke” – shorthand for supporting equal marriage, female clergy, pro-choice, Black Lives Matter and other liberal issues.Some converts have hundreds of thousands of followers online, and push Kremlin narratives that Russia is the world's last bastion of true Christianity - a few of the most radical have even emigrated there. Last year, Lucy Ash went to Texas – one of the most religious states in the US – to meet some new converts.This episode of The Documentary comes to you from Assignment, investigations and journeys into the heart of global events.

Greetings, Comrades!Four years ago, the Russian military establishment thought they were going to hold a victory parade in Kyiv within 72 hours. Today, the Russian state is deploying OMON riot police into the snowy woods of Moscow to arrest citizens for eating pancakes in folk costumes.Welcome to the 4-year anniversary of the war. In today's episode, we look at the total decay of the Russian mafia state. We dive into the Bakshevskaya Maslenitsa crackdown, the impending Telegram blockade, and why hardcore Z-propagandists are suddenly realizing that the Kremlin views them purely as livestock in a "quiet, clean cowshed." We also break down the terrifying reality of Putin's "New Elite"—a system where military contracts act as universal indulgences for pedophiles, murderers, and corrupt officials. Finally, we look at the financial collapse of the home front: from 700-ruble chicken to the dark comedy of Russian phone scammers giving up because the population literally has no money left to steal. The empire isn't expanding; it is devouring itself.Happiness is mandatory!Donate for trucks to the Ukrainian army: https://car4ukraine.com/en-US/campaigns/christmas-tree-trucks-2025-the-eastern-border Become our patron: https://www.patreon.com/theeasternborder Merch store + another option for memberships: https://theeasternborder-shop.fourthwall.com/ Follow what's going on here in the very border of Eastern Europe: https://bsky.app/profile/theeasternborder.lv Download all episodes for free on our website; pictures accompanying certain episodes can be found there as well!http://theeasternborder.lv/Watch this episode on YouTube: https://youtu.be/CXeibCRLL8YSupport this show http://supporter.acast.com/theeasternborder. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's arrival to the Nomohan incident. The Kwantung Army's inexperienced 23rd Division, under General Komatsubara, suffered heavy losses in failed offensives, including Colonel Yamagata's assault and the annihilation of Lieutenant Colonel Azuma's detachment, resulting in around 500 Japanese casualties. Tensions within the Japanese command intensified as Kwantung defied Tokyo's restraint, issuing aggressive orders like 1488 and launching a June 27 air raid on Soviet bases, destroying dozens of aircraft and securing temporary air superiority. This provoked Moscow's fury and rebukes from Emperor Hirohito. On June 1, Georgy Zhukov, a rising Red Army tactician and tank expert, was summoned from Minsk. Arriving June 5, he assessed the 57th Corps as inadequate, relieved Commander Feklenko, and took charge of the redesignated 1st Army Group. Reinforcements included mechanized brigades, tanks, and aircraft. Japanese intelligence misread Soviet supply convoys as retreats, underestimating Zhukov's 12,500 troops against their 15,000. By July, both sides poised for a massive clash, fueled by miscalculations and gekokujo defiance.   #190 Zhukov Unleashes Tanks at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. At 4:00 a.m. on July 1, 15,000 heavily laden Japanese troops began marching to their final assembly and jump-off points. The sun rose at 4:00 a.m. and set at 9:00 p.m. that day, but the Japanese advance went undetected by Soviet/MPR commanders, partly because the June 27 air raid had temporarily cleared Soviet reconnaissance from the skies. On the night of July 1, Komatsubara launched the first phase. The 23rd Division, with the Yasuoka Detachment, converged on Fui Heights, east of the Halha River, about eleven miles north of its confluence with the Holsten. The term "heights" is misleading here; a Japanese infantry colonel described Fui as a "raised pancake" roughly one to one-and-a-half miles across, about thirty to forty feet higher than the surrounding terrain. For reasons not fully explained, the small Soviet force stationed on the heights was withdrawn during the day on July 1, and that night Fui Heights was occupied by Komatsubara's forces almost unopposed. This caused little stir at Zhukov's headquarters. Komatsubara bided his time on July 2.   On the night of July 2–3, the Japanese achieved a brilliant tactical success. A battalion of the 71st Infantry Regiment silently crossed the Halha River on a moonless night and landed unopposed on the west bank opposite Fui Heights. Recent rains had swollen the river to 100–150 yards wide and six feet deep, making crossing difficult for men, horses, or vehicles. Combat engineers swiftly laid a pontoon bridge, completing it by 6:30 a.m. on July 3. The main body of Komatsubara's 71st and 72nd Infantry Regiments (23rd Division) and the 26th Regiment (7th Division) began a slow, arduous crossing. The pontoon bridge, less than eight feet wide, was a bottleneck, allowing only one truck at a time. The attackers could not cross with armored vehicles, but they did bring across their regimental artillery, 18 x 37-mm antitank guns, 12 x 75-mm mountain guns, 8 x 75-mm field guns, and 4 x 120-mm howitzers, disassembled, packed on pack animals, and reassembled on the west bank. The crossing took the entire day, and the Japanese were fortunate to go without interception. The Halha crossing was commanded personally by General Komatsubara and was supported by a small Kwantung Army contingent, including General Yano (deputy chief of staff), Colonel Hattori, and Major Tsuji from the Operations Section. Despite the big air raid having alerted Zhukov, the initial Japanese moves from July 1–3 achieved complete tactical surprise, aided by Tsuji's bold plan. The first indication of the major offensive came when General Yasuoka's tanks attacked predawn on July 3. Yasuoka suspected Soviet troops south of him attempting to retreat across the Halha to the west bank, and he ordered his tanks to attack immediately, with infantry not yet in position. The night's low clouds, no moon, and low visibility—along with a passing thunderstorm lighting the sky—made the scene dramatic. Seventy Japanese tanks roared forward, supported by infantry and artillery, and the Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment found itself overwhelmed. Zhukov, hearing of Yasuoka's assault but unaware that Komatsubara had crossed the Halha, ordered his armor to move northeast to Bain Tsagan to confront the initiative. There, Soviet armor clashed with Japanese forces in a chaotic, largely uncoordinated engagement. The Soviet counterattacks, supported by heavy artillery, halted much of the Japanese momentum, and by late afternoon Japanese infantry had to dig in west of the Halha. The crossing had been accomplished without Soviet reconnaissance detecting it in time, but Zhukov's counterattacks, the limits of Japanese armored mobility across the pontoon, and the heat and exhaustion of the troops constrained the Japanese effort. By the afternoon of July 3, Zhukov's forces were pressing hard, and the Japanese momentum began to stall. Yasuoka's tanks, supported by a lack of infantry and the fatigue and losses suffered by the infantry, could not close the gap to link with Komatsubara's forces. The Type 89 tanks, designed for infantry support, were ill-suited to penetrating Soviet armor, especially when faced with BT-5/BT-7 tanks and strong anti-tank guns. The Type 95 light tanks were faster but lightly armored, and suffered heavily from Soviet fire and air attacks. Infantry on the western bank struggled to catch up with tanks, shot through by Soviet artillery and armor, while the 64th Regiment could not keep pace with the tanks due to the infantry's lack of motorized transport. By late afternoon, Yasuoka's advance stalled far short of the river junction and the Soviet bridge. The infantry dug in to withstand Soviet bombardment, and the Japanese tank regiments withdrew to their jump-off points by nightfall. The Japanese suffered heavy losses in tanks, though some were recovered and repaired; by July 9, KwAHQ decided to withdraw its two tank regiments from the theater. Armor would play no further role in the Nomonhan conflict. The Soviets, by contrast, sustained heavier tank losses but began to replenish with new models. The July offensive, for Kwantung Army, proved a failure. Part of the failure stemmed from a difficult blend of terrain and logistics. Unusually heavy rains in late June had transformed the dirt roads between Hailar and Nomonhan into a mud-filled quagmire. Japanese truck transport, already limited, was so hampered by these conditions that combat effectiveness suffered significantly. Colonel Yamagata's 64th Infantry Regiment, proceeding on foot, could not keep pace with or support General Yasuoka's tanks on July 3–4. Komatsubara's infantry on the west bank of the Halha ran short of ammunition, food, and water. As in the May 28 battle, the main cause of the Kwantung Army's July offensive failure was wholly inadequate military intelligence. Once again, the enemy's strength had been seriously underestimated. Moreover, a troubling realization was dawning at KwAHQ and in the field: the intelligence error was not merely quantitative but qualitative. The Soviets were not only more numerous but also far more potent than anticipated. The attacking Japanese forces initially held a slight numerical edge and enjoyed tactical surprise, but the Red Army fought tenaciously, and the weight of Soviet firepower proved decisive. Japan, hampered by a relative lack of raw materials and industrial capacity, could not match the great powers in the quantitative production of military materiel. Consequently, Japanese military leaders traditionally emphasized the spiritual superiority of Japan's armed forces in doctrine and training, often underestimating the importance of material factors, including firepower. This was especially true of the army that had carried the tactic of the massed bayonet charge into World War II. This "spiritual" combat doctrine arose from necessity; admitting material superiority would have implied defeat. Japan's earlier victories in the Sino-Japanese War, Russo-Japanese War, the Manchurian incident, and the China War, along with legendary medieval victories over the Mongol hordes, seemed to confirm the transcendent importance of fighting spirit. Only within such a doctrine could the Imperial Japanese Army muster inner strength and confidence to face formidable enemies. This was especially evident against Soviet Russia, whose vast geography, population, and resources loomed large. Yet what of its spirit? The Japanese military dismissed Bolshevism as a base, materialist philosophy utterly lacking spiritual power. Consequently, the Red Army was presumed to have low morale and weak fighting effectiveness. Stalin's purges only reinforced this belief. Kwantung Army's recent experiences at Nomonhan undermined this outlook. Among ordinary soldiers and officers alike, from the 23rd Division Staff to KwAHQ—grim questions formed: Had Soviet materiel and firepower proven superior to Japanese fighting spirit? If not, did the enemy possess a fighting spirit comparable to their own? To some in Kwantung Army, these questions were grotesque and almost unthinkable. To others, the implications were too painful to face. Perhaps May and July's combat results were an aberration caused by the 23rd Division's inexperience. Nevertheless, a belief took hold at KwAHQ that this situation required radical rectification. Zhukov's 1st Army Headquarters, evaluating recent events, was not immune to self-criticism and concern for the future. The enemy's success in transporting nearly 10,000 men across the Halha without detection—despite heightened Soviet alert after the June 27 air raid—revealed a level of carelessness and lack of foresight at Zhukov's level. Zhukov, however, did not fully capitalize on Komatsubara's precarious position on July 4–5. Conversely, Zhukov and his troops reacted calmly in the crisis's early hours. Although surprised and outnumbered, Zhukov immediately recognized that "our trump cards were the armored detachments, and we decided to use them immediately." He acted decisively, and the rapid deployment of armor proved pivotal. Some criticized the uncoordinated and clumsy Soviet assault on Komatsubara's infantry on July 3, but the Japanese were only a few hours' march from the river junction and the Soviet bridge. By hurling tanks at Komatsubara's advance with insufficient infantry support, Mikhail Yakovlev (11th Tank Brigade) and A. L. Lesovoi (7th Mechanized Brigade) incurred heavy losses. Nonetheless, they halted the Japanese southward advance, forcing Komatsubara onto the defensive, from which he never regained momentum. Zhukov did not flinch from heavy casualties to achieve his objectives. He later told General Dwight D. Eisenhower that if the enemy faced a minefield, their infantry attacked as if it did not exist, treating personnel mine losses as equal to those that would have occurred if the Germans defended the area with strong troops rather than minefields. Zhukov admitted losing 120 tanks and armored cars that day—a high price, but necessary to avert defeat. Years later, Zhukov defended his Nomonhan tactics, arguing he knew his armor would suffer heavy losses, but that was the only way to prevent the Japanese from seizing the bridge at the river confluence. Had Komatsubara's forces advanced unchecked for another two or three hours, they might have fought through to the Soviet bridge and linked with the Yasuoka detachment, endangering Zhukov's forces. Zhukov credited Yakovlev, Lesovoi, and their men with stabilizing the crisis through timely and self-sacrificing counterattacks. The armored car battalion of the 8th MPR Cavalry Division also distinguished itself in this action. Zhukov and his tankmen learned valuable lessons in those two days of brutal combat. A key takeaway was the successful use of large tank formations as an independent primary attack force, contrary to then-orthodox doctrine, which saw armor mainly as infantry support and favored integrating armor into every infantry regiment rather than maintaining large, autonomous armored units. The German blitzkrieg demonstrations in Poland and Western Europe soon followed, but, until then, few major armies had absorbed the tank-warfare theories championed by Basil Liddell-Hart and Charles de Gaulle. The Soviet high command's leading proponent of large-scale tank warfare had been Marshal Mikhail Tukhachevsky. His execution in 1937 erased those ideas, and the Red Army subsequently disbanded armored divisions and dispersed tanks among infantry, misapplying battlefield lessons from the Spanish Civil War. Yet Zhukov was learning a different lesson on a different battlefield. The open terrain of eastern Mongolia favored tanks, and Zhukov was a rapid learner. The Russians also learned mundane, but crucial, lessons: Japanese infantry bravely clambering onto their vehicles taught Soviet tank crews to lock hatch lids from the inside. The BT-5 and BT-7 tanks were easily set aflame by primitive hand-thrown firebombs, and rear deck ventilation grills and exhaust manifolds were vulnerable and required shielding. Broadly, the battle suggested to future Red Army commander Zhukov that tank and motorized troops, coordinated with air power and mobile artillery, could decisively conduct rapid operations. Zhukov was not the first to envision combining mobile firepower with air and artillery, but he had rare opportunities to apply this formula in crucial tests. The July offensive confirmed to the Soviets that the Nomonhan incident was far from a border skirmish; it signaled intent for further aggression. Moscow's leadership, informed by Richard Sorge's Tokyo network, perceived Japan's renewed effort to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alliance as a dangerous possibility. Stalin and Vyacheslav Molotov began indicating to Joachim von Ribbentrop and Adolf Hitler that Berlin's stance on the Soviet–Japanese conflict would influence Soviet-German rapprochement considerations. Meanwhile, Moscow decided to reinforce Zhukov. Tens of thousands of troops and machines were ordered to Mongolia, with imports from European Russia. Foreign diplomats traveling the Trans-Siberian Railway reported eastbound trains jammed with personnel and matériel. The buildup faced a major bottleneck at Borzya, the easternmost railhead in the MPR, about 400 miles from the Halha. To prevent a logistics choke, a massive truck transport operation was needed. Thousands of trucks, half-tracks, gun-towing tractors, and other vehicles were organized into a continuous eight-hundred-mile, five-day shuttle run. The Trans-Baikal Military District, under General Shtern, supervised the effort. East of the Halha, many Japanese officers still refused to accept a failure verdict for the July offensive. General Komatsubara did not return to Hailar, instead establishing a temporary divisional HQ at Kanchuerhmiao, where his staff grappled with overcoming Soviet firepower. They concluded that night combat—long a staple of Japanese infantry tactics—could offset Soviet advantages. On July 7 at 9:30 p.m., a thirty-minute Japanese artillery barrage preceded a nighttime assault by elements of the 64th and 72nd Regiments. The Soviet 149th Infantry Regiment and supporting Mongolian cavalry were surprised and forced to fall back toward the Halha before counterattacking. Reinforcements arrived on both sides, and in brutal close-quarters combat the Japanese gained a partial local advantage, but were eventually pushed back; Major I. M. Remizov of the 149th Regiment was killed and later posthumously named a Hero of the Soviet Union. Since late May, Soviet engineers had built at least seven bridges across the Halha and Holsten Rivers to support operations. By July 7–8, Japanese demolition teams destroyed two Soviet bridges. Komatsubara believed that destroying bridges could disrupt Soviet operations east of the Halha and help secure the border. Night attacks continued from July 8 to July 12 against the Soviet perimeter, with Japanese assaults constricting Zhukov's bridgehead while Soviet artillery and counterattacks relentlessly pressed. Casualties mounted on both sides. The Japanese suffered heavy losses but gained some positions; Soviet artillery, supported by motorized infantry and armor, gradually pushed back the attackers. The biggest problem for Japan remained Soviet artillery superiority and the lack of a commensurate counter-battery capability. Japanese infantry had to withdraw to higher ground at night to avoid daytime exposure to artillery and tanks. On the nights of July 11–12, Yamagata's 64th Regiment and elements of Colonel Sakai Mikio's 72nd Regiment attempted a major assault on the Soviet bridgehead. Despite taking heavy casualties, the Japanese managed to push defenders back to the river on occasion, but Soviet counterattacks, supported by tiresome artillery and armor, prevented a decisive breakthrough. Brigade Commander Yakovlev of the 11th Armored, who led several counterattacks, was killed and later honored as a Hero of the Soviet Union; his gun stands today as a monument at the battlefield. The July 11–12 action marked the high-water mark of the Kwantung Army's attempt to expel Soviet/MPR forces east of the Halha. Komatsubara eventually suspended the costly night attacks; by that night, the 64th Regiment had suffered roughly 80–90 killed and about three times that number wounded. The decision proved controversial, with some arguing that he had not realized how close his forces had come to seizing the bridge. Others argued that broader strategic considerations justified the pause. Throughout the Nomonhan fighting, Soviet artillery superiority, both quantitative and qualitative, became painfully evident. The Soviet guns exacted heavy tolls and repeatedly forced Japanese infantry to withdraw from exposed positions. The Japanese artillery, in contrast, could not match the Red Army's scale. By July 25, Kwantung Army ended its artillery attack, a humiliating setback. Tokyo and Hsinking recognized the futility of achieving a decisive military victory at Nomonhan and shifted toward seeking a diplomatic settlement, even if concessions to the Soviet Union and the MPR were necessary. Kwantung Army, however, opposed negotiations, fearing it would echo the "Changkufeng debacle" and be read by enemies as weakness. Tsuji lamented that Kwantung Army's insistence on framing the second phase as a tie—despite heavy Soviet losses, revealed a reluctance to concede any territory. Differences in outlook and policy between AGS and Kwantung Army—and the central army's inability to impose its will on Manchukuo's field forces—became clear. The military establishment buzzed with stories of gekokujo (the superiority of the superior) within Kwantung Army and its relations with the General Staff. To enforce compliance, AGS ordered General Isogai to Tokyo for briefings, and KwAHQ's leadership occasionally distanced itself from AGS. On July 20, Isogai arrived at General Staff Headquarters and was presented with "Essentials for Settlement of the Nomonhan Incident," a formal document outlining a step-by-step plan for Kwantung Army to maintain its defensive position east of the Halha while diplomatic negotiations proceeded. If negotiations failed, Kwantung Army would withdraw to the boundary claimed by the Soviet Union by winter. Isogai, the most restrained member of the Kwantung Army circle, argued against accepting the Essentials, insisting on preserving Kwantung Army's honor and rejecting a unilateral east-bank withdrawal. A tense exchange followed, but General Nakajima ended the dispute by noting that international boundaries cannot be determined by the army alone. Isogai pledged to report the General Staff's views to his commander and take the Essentials back to KwAHQ for study. Technically, the General Staff's Essentials were not orders; in practice, however, they were treated as such. Kwantung Army tended to view them as suggestions and retained discretion in implementation. AGS hoped the Essentials would mollify Kwantung Army's wounded pride. The August 4 decision to create a 6 Army within Kwantung Army, led by General Ogisu Rippei, further complicated the command structure. Komatsubara's 23rd Division and nearby units were attached to the 6 Army, which also took responsibility for defending west-central Manchukuo, including the Nomonhan area. The 6 Army existed largely on paper, essentially a small headquarters to insulate KwAHQ from battlefield realities. AGS sought a more accountable layer of command between KwAHQ and the combat zone, but General Ueda and KwAHQ resented the move and offered little cooperation. In the final weeks before the last battles, General Ogisu and his small staff had limited influence on Nomonhan. Meanwhile, the European crisis over German demands on Poland intensified, moving into a configuration highly favorable to the Soviet Union. By the first week of August, it became evident in the Kremlin that both Anglo-French powers and the Germans were vying to secure an alliance with Moscow. Stalin knew now that he would likely have a free hand in the coming war in the West. At the same time, Richard Sorge, the Soviet master spy in Tokyo, correctly reported that Japan's top political and military leaders sought to prevent the escalation of the Nomonhan incident into an all-out war. These developments gave the cautious Soviet dictator the confidence to commit the Red Army to large-scale combat operations in eastern Mongolia. In early August, Stalin ordered preparations for a major offensive to clear the Nomonhan area of the "Japanese samurai who had violated the territory of the friendly Outer Mongolian people." The buildup of Zhukov's 1st Army Group accelerated still further. Its July strength was augmented by the 57th and 82nd Infantry Divisions, the 6th Tank Brigade, the 212th Airborne Brigade, numerous smaller infantry, armor, and artillery units, and two Mongolian cavalry divisions. Soviet air power in the area was also greatly strengthened. When this buildup was completed by mid-August, Zhukov commanded an infantry force equivalent to four divisions, supported by two cavalry divisions, 216 artillery pieces, 498 armored vehicles, and 581 aircraft. To bring in the supplies necessary for this force to launch an offensive, General Shtern's Trans-Baikal Military District Headquarters amassed a fleet of more than 4,200 vehicles, which trucked in about 55,000 tons of materiel from the distant railway depot at Borzya. The Japanese intelligence network in Outer Mongolia was weak, a problem that went unremedied throughout the Nomonhan incident. This deficiency, coupled with the curtailment of Kwantung Army's transborder air operations, helps explain why the Japanese remained ignorant of the scope of Zhukov's buildup. They were aware that some reinforcements were flowing eastward across the Trans-Siberian Railway toward the MPR but had no idea of the volume. Then, at the end of July, Kwantung Army Intelligence intercepted part of a Soviet telegraph transmission indicating that preparations were under way for some offensive operation in the middle of August. This caused a stir at KwAHQ. Generals Ueda and Yano suspected that the enemy planned to strike across the Halha River. Ueda's initial reaction was to reinforce the 23rd Division at Nomonhan with the rest of the highly regarded 7th Division. However, the 7th Division was Kwantung Army's sole strategic reserve, and the Operations Section was reluctant to commit it to extreme western Manchukuo, fearing mobilization of Soviet forces in the Maritime Province and a possible attack in the east near Changkufeng. The Kwantung Army commander again ignored his own better judgment and accepted the Operations Section's recommendation. The main strength of the 7th Division remained at its base near Tsitsihar, but another infantry regiment, the 28th, was dispatched to the Nomonhan area, as was an infantry battalion from the Mukden Garrison. Earlier, in mid-July, Kwantung Army had sent Komatsubara 1,160 individual replacements to make up for casualties from earlier fighting. All these reinforcements combined, however, did little more than replace losses: as of July 25, 1,400 killed (including 200 officers) and 3,000 wounded. Kwantung Army directed Komatsubara to dig in, construct fortifications, and adopt a defensive posture. Colonel Numazaki, who commanded the 23rd Division's Engineer Regiment, was unhappy with the defensive line he was ordered to fortify and urged a slight pullback to more easily defensible terrain. Komatsubara, however, refused to retreat from ground his men had bled to take. He and his line officers still nourished hope of a revenge offensive. As a result, the Japanese defensive positions proved to be as weak as Numazaki feared. As Zhukov's 1st Army Group prepared to strike, the effective Japanese strength at Nomonhan was less than 1.5 divisions. Major Tsuji and his colleagues in the Operations Section had little confidence in Kwantung Army's own Intelligence Section, which is part of the reason why Tsuji frequently conducted his own reconnaissance missions. Up to this time it was gospel in the Japanese army that the maximum range for large-scale infantry operations was 125–175 miles from a railway; anything beyond 200 miles from a railway was considered logistically impossible. Since Kwantung Army had only 800 trucks available in all of Manchukuo in 1939, the massive Soviet logistical effort involving more than 4,200 trucks was almost unimaginable to the Japanese. Consequently, the Operations Staff believed it had made the correct defensive deployments if a Soviet attack were to occur, which it doubted. If the enemy did strike at Nomonhan, it was believed that it could not marshal enough strength in that remote region to threaten the reinforced 23rd Division. Furthermore, the 7th Division, based at Tsitsihar on a major rail line, could be transported to any trouble spot on the eastern or western frontier in a few days. KwAHQ advised Komatsubara to maintain a defensive posture and prepare to meet a possible enemy attack around August 14 or 15. At this time, Kwantung Army also maintained a secret organization codenamed Unit 731, officially the Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department of the Kwantung Army. Unit 731 specialized in biological and chemical warfare, with main facilities and laboratories in Harbin, including a notorious prison-laboratory complex. During the early August lull at Nomonhan, a detachment from Unit 731 infected the Halha River with bacteria of an acute cholera-like strain. There are no reports in Soviet or Japanese accounts that this attempted biological warfare had any effect. In the war's final days, Unit 731 was disbanded, Harbin facilities demolished, and most personnel fled to Japan—but not before they gassed the surviving 150 human subjects and burned their corpses. The unit's commander, Lieutenant General Ishii Shiro, kept his men secret and threatened retaliation against informers. Ishii and his senior colleagues escaped prosecution at the Tokyo War Crimes Trials by trading the results of their experiments to U.S. authorities in exchange for immunity. The Japanese 6th Army exerted some half-hearted effort to construct defensive fortifications, but scarcity of building materials, wood had to be trucked in from far away—helped explain the lack of enthusiasm. More importantly, Japanese doctrine despised static defense and favored offense, so Kwantung Army waited to see how events would unfold. West of the Halha, Zhukov accelerated preparations. Due to tight perimeter security, few Japanese deserters, and a near-absence of civilian presence, Soviet intelligence found it hard to glean depth on Japanese defensive positions. Combat intelligence could only reveal the frontline disposition and closest mortar and artillery emplacements. Aerial reconnaissance showed photographs, but Japanese camouflage and mock-ups limited their usefulness. The new commander of the 149th Mechanized Infantry Regiment personally directed infiltration and intelligence gathering, penetrating Japanese lines on several nights and returning crucial data: Komatsubara's northern and southern flanks were held by Manchukuoan cavalry, and mobile reserves were lacking. With this information, Zhukov crafted a plan of attack. The main Japanese strength was concentrated a few miles east of the Halha, on both banks of the Holsten River. Their infantry lacked mobility and armor, and their flanks were weak. Zhukov decided to split the 1st Army Group into three strike forces: the central force would deliver a frontal assault to pin the main Japanese strength, while the northern and southern forces, carrying the bulk of the armor, would turn the Japanese flanks and drive the enemy into a pocket to be destroyed by the three-pronged effort. The plan depended on tactical surprise and overwhelming force at the points of attack. The offensive was to begin in the latter part of August, pending final approval from Moscow. To ensure tactical surprise, Zhukov and his staff devised an elaborate program of concealment and deception, disinformation. Units and materiel arriving at Tamsag Bulak toward the Halha were moved only at night with lights out. Noting that the Japanese were tapping telephone lines and intercepting radio messages, 1st Army Headquarters sent a series of false messages in an easily decipherable code about defensive preparations and autumn-winter campaigning. Thousands of leaflets titled "What the Infantryman Should Know about Defense" were distributed among troops. About two weeks before the attack, the Soviets brought in sound equipment to simulate tank and aircraft engines and heavy construction noises, staging long, loud performances nightly. At first, the Japanese mistook the sounds for large-scale enemy activity and fired toward the sounds. After a few nights, they realized it was only sound effects, and tried to ignore the "serenade." On the eve of the attack, the actual concentration and staging sounds went largely unnoticed by the Japanese. On August 7–8, Zhukov conducted minor attacks to expand the Halha bridgehead to a depth of two to three miles. These attacks, contained relatively easily by Komatsubara's troops, reinforced Kwantung Army's false sense of confidence. The Japanese military attaché in Moscow misread Soviet press coverage. In early August, the attaché advised that unlike the Changkufeng incident a year earlier, Soviet press was largely ignoring the conflict, implying low morale and a favorable prognosis for the Red Army. Kwantung Army leaders seized on this as confirmation to refrain from any display of restraint or doubt, misplaced confidence. There were, however, portents of danger. Three weeks before the Soviet attack, Colonel Isomura Takesuki, head of Kwantung Army's Intelligence Section, warned of the vulnerability of the 23rd Division's flanks. Tsuji and colleagues dismissed this, and General Kasahara Yukio of AGS also went unheeded. The "desk jockey" General Staff officers commanded little respect at KwAHQ. Around August 10, General Hata Yuzaburo, Komatsubara's successor as chief of the Special Services Agency at Harbin, warned that enemy strength in the Mongolian salient was very great and seriously underestimated at KwAHQ. Yet no decisive action followed before Zhukov's attack. Kwantung Army's inaction and unpreparedness prior to the Soviet offensive appear to reflect faulty intelligence compounded by hubris. But a more nuanced explanation suggests a fatalistic wishful thinking rooted in the Japanese military culture—the belief that their spiritual strength would prevail, leading them to assume enemy strength was not as great as reported, or that victory was inevitable regardless of resources. Meanwhile, in the rational West, the Nazi war machine faced the Polish frontier as Adolf Hitler pressed Stalin for a nonaggression pact. The German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact would neutralize the threat of a two-front war for Germany and clear the way for Hitler's invasion of Poland. If the pact was a green light, it signaled in both directions: it would also neutralize the German threat to Russia and clear the way for Zhukov's offensive at Nomonhan. On August 18–19, Hitler pressed Stalin to receive Ribbentrop in Moscow to seal the pact. Thus, reassured in the West, Stalin dared to act boldly against Japan. Zhukov supervised final preparations for his attack. Zhukov held back forward deployments until the last minute. By August 18, he had only four infantry regiments, a machine gun brigade, and Mongolian cavalry east of the Halha. Operational security was extremely tight: a week before the attack, Soviet radio traffic in the area virtually ceased. Only Zhukov and a few key officers worked on the plan, aided by a single typist. Line officers and service chiefs received information on a need-to-know basis. The date for the attack was shared with unit commanders one to four days in advance, depending on seniority. Noncommissioned officers and ordinary soldiers learned of the offensive one day in advance and received specific orders three hours before the attack.   Heavy rain grounded Japanese aerial reconnaissance from August 17 to midday on the 19th, but on August 19 Captain Oizumi Seisho in a Japanese scout plane observed the massing of Soviet forces near the west bank of the Halha. Enemy armor and troops were advancing toward the river in dispersed formations, with no new bridges but pontoon stocks spotted near the river. Oizumi sent a warning to a frontline unit and rushed back to report. The air group dispatched additional recon planes and discovered that the Japanese garrison on Fui Heights, near the northern end of Komatsubara's line, was being encircled by Soviet armor and mechanized infantry—observed by alarmed Japanese officers on and near the heights. These late discoveries on August 19 were not reported to KwAHQ and had no effect on the 6th Army and the 23rd Division's alertness on the eve of the storm. As is common in militaries, a fatal gap persisted between those gathering intelligence and those in a position to act on it. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. By August, European diplomacy left Moscow confident in a foothold against Germany and Britain, while Sorge's intelligence indicated Japan aimed to avoid a full-blown war. Stalin ordered a major offensive to clear Nomonhan, fueling Zhukov's buildup in eastern Mongolia. Kwantung Army, hampered by limited logistics, weak intelligence, and defensive posture, faced mounting pressure.