Podcasts about Progressive Era

Synopsis:  Historical context for change- Reich draws parallels between the current era and the first Gilded Age, suggesting that a new Progressive Era could be on the horizon as a response to the second Gilded Age, bringing about potential reforms to economic and political systems.This show is made possible by you! To become a sustaining member go to LauraFlanders.org/donateDescription: The crisis we're in was a long time coming. Now that we're here, what do we do about it? Returning to the show, former Labor Secretary and longtime professor Robert Reich joins Laura Flanders to discuss two bullies tormenting U.S. democracy: concentrated wealth and corporate power. As Reich shares, growing income inequality yields corruption in our politics and economy. No one election will change everything, but that's not a reason not to act, and act quickly to defeat the Trump administration — in Congress, and at the polls. Reich's latest Substack, “Should Democrats Shut Down the Government?” presents some ideas. Reich's latest book is “Coming Up Short: A Memoir of My America”. He  is also the subject of “The Last Class” about his final semester teaching at UC Berkeley's Goldman School. He's the author of eighteen books, including the bestsellers, “Aftershock” and “The System: Who Rigged It and How We Fix It,” and is co-founder of Inequality Media. Online, you can find Reich's viral video explainers and his widely-read newsletter on Substack. Join Reich and Flanders as they unpack how economic and political power intersect in American life – and catch Laura's two cents on “democratic capitalism.”“If the Republicans who now control Congress say, “‘We're not going to give you any role at all, and we are not even going to reassume our constitutional role as Congress,' then I think the Democrats have no choice but to say, ‘Forget it. That's it. The only way we bring attention to this crisis is we stop and shut the whole place down.'” - Robert Reich“More than a century ago, we had the first Gilded Age in the United States . . . We had the equivalent of billionaires, the equivalent of Elon Musk . . . Why would we not have another Progressive Era as a response to the Gilded Age? We are now in the second Gilded Age.” - Robert ReichGuest:  Robert Reich- Former Secretary of Labor; Professor Emeritus, University of California Berkeley; Author, Coming Up Short: My Memoir of AmericaFull Conversation Release: While our weekly shows are edited to time for broadcast on Public TV and community radio, we offer to our members and podcast subscribers the full uncut conversation. These audio exclusives are made possible thanks to our member supporters.Watch the special report on YouTube; PBS World Channel September 14th, and on over 300 public stations across the country (check your listings, or search here via zipcode). Listen: Episode airing on community radio September 17th  (check here to see if your station is airing the show) & available as a podcast.Full Episode Notes are located HERE.Support Laura Flanders and Friends by becoming a member at https://www.patreon.com/c/lauraflandersandfriendsMusic Credit:  'Dawn Smolders' by Bluedot Sessions, and original sound design by Jeannie HopperRESOURCES:*Recommended book: “Coming Up Short: A Memoir of My America, by Robert Reich - *Get the Book(*Bookshop is an online bookstore with a mission to financially support local, independent bookstores. The LF Show is an affiliate of bookshop.org and will receive a small commission if you click through and make a purchase.)Related Laura Flanders Show Episodes:•  Democracy & Capitalism: A Failed Experiment?  Watch•  The Pandemic Economy-  Watch / Listen•  Naomi Klein & Astra Taylor: Are We Entering “End Times Fascism”?  Watch / Listen: Episode and Full Conversation  •  Masha Gessen & Jason Stanley: Is it Doomsday for U.S. Democracy? Watch / Listen: Episode and Full ConversationRelated Articles and Resources:•  Documentary:  The Last Class with Robert Reich•  “The Jobs Crash” by Robert Reich, Substack•  Democrats Regain Advantage in Party Affiliation, by Jeffrey M. Jones, July 31, 2025, Gallup News•  Bessent hails new ‘Trump accounts' as ‘backdoor for privatizing Social Security, by Michael Stratford, July 30, 2025, Politico•  Co-founded by Robert Reich: Inequality Media and Inequality Media Civic Action•  Office Hours:  Who is MOST responsible for this catastrophe, other than Trump? By Robert Reich, September 3, 2025, SubStack• Schumer:  Democrats ‘will force votes' on Trump tariffs after disappointing jobs report, by Al Weaver, September 5, 2025, The Hill Laura Flanders and Friends Crew: Laura Flanders-Executive Producer, Writer; Sabrina Artel-Supervising Producer; Jeremiah Cothren-Senior Producer; Veronica Delgado-Video Editor, Janet Hernandez-Communications Director; Jeannie Hopper-Audio Director, Podcast & Radio Producer, Editor, Writer, Sound Design; Sarah Miller-Development Director, Nat Needham-Editor, Graphic Design emeritus; David Neuman-Senior Video Editor, and Rory O'Conner-Senior Consulting Producer. 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In To Invent Is Divine: Creativity and Ownership, Jim makes the case that creativity and ownership are inseparable—and that weakening intellectual property rights threatens the flourishing that invention enables. He draws connections between faith, history, and policy to explore why protecting intellectual property is about more than law or economics.Highlights from our conversation:* From Genesis to Jefferson: How creation implies ownership, and why even some Founders wrestled with protecting that principle in law.* Cycles of Patent Strength and Weakness: Why America's “golden age” of inventors gave way to Progressive Era restraints—and how history may be repeating itself.* Policy at the Crossroads: Jim breaks down three bipartisan bills—PARA, PREVAIL, and RESTORE—and what it will take to get them passed.* Leadership at the USPTO: Why Acting Director Coke Morgan Stewart has already made an impact, and Jim perspective on the incoming Director John Squires and the path that he should follow.* Bipartisanship Matters: From his work with Eagle Forum, Jim explains why protecting patents requires coalition-building across party lines.Why it mattersCreativity without ownership can lead to secrecy, stagnation, and scarcity. When the two are combined, society benefits from innovation and progress. Jim's perspective offers both philosophical and practical insight into the patent debates shaping America's innovation future.

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/biography

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/intellectual-history

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History.

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

From the years before World War I until the late 1960s, the journalist and political theorist Walter Lippmann was one of the most influential writers in the United States of America. His words and ideas had a powerful impact on American liberalism and his writings on the media are still taught today. Lippmann is now the subject of Tom Arnold-Forster's Walter Lippmann: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton UP, 2025). Arnold-Forster explores Lippmann in his evolving historical context, from the Progressive Era to the Cold War. He argues that Lippmann was a much more complicated thinker than is usually recognized who went from being a liberal socialist to a conservative liberal. Arnold-Forster is a historian at the Rothermere American Institute, Oxford University, where he works on the political and intellectual history of the modern United States and the history of political thought. His articles have appeared in scholarly journals and general interest publications. His article on Lippmann and public opinion, published in American Journalism, won the 2024 Dorothy Ross Prize for best article from the Society for United States Intellectual History. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/journalism

Subscribe now for the full episode! Danny welcomes back to the show Erik Baker, a lecturer in the history of science at Harvard, to discuss criticisms of economics as a science and touch on nuclear history. They talk about the struggle of early 20th-century economists to formalize their field, the Progressive Era desire to rationally manage society, the postwar effort to quantify economics and the role of the university therein, the paradigms structuring economics that rely too much on “experts,” the actor-network theory critique, the pitfalls of reducing complex issues to quantification and modeling, and whether there's a better way to aggregate the information economics seeks to interpret. The conversation then turns to Erik's article on the history of nuclear science. Read Erik's pieces “The History of Economics as Science Critique: Demystification and Its Limits” and “The History of Nuclear Science.” Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This Day in Legal History: Expansion of US House of RepresentativesOn August 8, 1911, President William Howard Taft signed into law a measure that permanently expanded the size of the U.S. House of Representatives from 391 to 433 members. This change followed the 1910 census, which revealed significant population growth and shifts in where Americans lived. Under the Constitution, House seats are apportioned among the states according to population, and each decade's census can lead to changes in representation. Prior to 1911, Congress often responded to new census data by simply adding seats rather than redistributing them among states. The 1911 legislation reflected both that tradition and the political realities of the time, as expanding the House allowed growing states to gain representation without forcing other states to lose seats. It also set the stage for the modern size of the House—just two years later, New Mexico and Arizona joined the Union, bringing the total to 435 members. That number has remained fixed by law since 1929, despite the nation's continued population growth. The 1911 increase carried implications beyond arithmetic: more members meant more voices, more local interests, and a larger scale for legislative negotiation. It also underscored Congress's role in adapting the machinery of government to the country's evolving demographics. In many ways, the expansion reflected Progressive Era concerns with fair representation and democratic responsiveness. While debates over House size have continued into the 21st century, the 1911 law remains a pivotal moment in the chamber's institutional development. By enlarging the House, Taft and Congress preserved proportionality between population and representation, even if only temporarily.After the 1911 increase under President Taft, the size of the House stayed at 435 members following Arizona and New Mexico's statehood in 1912. The idea at the time was that future census results would continue to trigger changes, either by adding more seats or by redistributing them among the states.But after the 1920 census, Congress ran into a political deadlock. Massive population growth in cities—and significant immigration—meant that urban states stood to gain seats while rural states would lose them. Rural lawmakers, who still held considerable power, resisted any reapportionment that would diminish their influence. For nearly a decade, Congress failed to pass a new apportionment plan, effectively ignoring the 1920 census results.To end the stalemate, Congress passed the Permanent Apportionment Act of 1929. This law capped the House at 435 seats and created an automatic formula for reapportionment after each census. Instead of adding seats to reflect population growth, the formula reassigns the fixed number of seats among states. This froze the size of the House even as the U.S. population more than tripled over the next century.Critics argue that the 1929 cap dilutes individual representation—today, each representative speaks for about 760,000 constituents on average, compared to roughly 200,000 in 1911. Supporters counter that a larger House would be unwieldy and harder to manage. The debate over whether to expand the House continues, but the 1929 law has held for nearly a hundred years, making Taft's 1911 expansion the last time the chamber permanently grew in size.A fourth federal court blocked President Donald Trump's order restricting birthright citizenship, halting its enforcement nationwide. The order, issued on Trump's first day back in office, sought to deny citizenship to children born in the U.S. unless at least one parent was a citizen or lawful permanent resident. Immigrant rights groups and 22 Democratic state attorneys general challenged the policy as a violation of the Fourteenth Amendment's Citizenship Clause, which has long been interpreted to grant citizenship to nearly everyone born on U.S. soil.U.S. District Judge Deborah Boardman in Maryland sided with the challengers, issuing the latest in a series of nationwide injunctions despite a recent Supreme Court ruling narrowing judges' power to block policies universally. That June decision left a key exception: courts could still halt policies nationwide in certified class actions. Advocates quickly filed two such cases, including the one before Boardman, who had previously ruled in February that Trump's interpretation of the Constitution was one “no court in the country has ever endorsed.”In July, Boardman signaled she would grant national relief once class status was approved, but waited for the Fourth Circuit to return the case after the administration's appeal was dismissed. Her new order covers all affected children born in the U.S., making it the first post–Supreme Court nationwide injunction issued via class action in the birthright fight. The case, Casa Inc. et al v. Trump, continues as part of a broader legal battle over the limits of presidential power in defining citizenship.Fourth court blocks Trump's birthright citizenship order nationwide | ReutersThe Trump administration asked the U.S. Supreme Court to lift a lower court order restricting immigration enforcement tactics in much of Southern California. The Justice Department's emergency filing seeks to overturn a ruling by U.S. District Judge Maame Frimpong, who barred federal agents from stopping or detaining individuals based solely on race, ethnicity, language, or similar factors without “reasonable suspicion” of unlawful presence. Her temporary restraining order stemmed from a proposed class action brought by Latino plaintiffs—including U.S. citizens—who alleged they were wrongly targeted, detained, or roughed up during immigration raids in Los Angeles.The plaintiffs argued these tactics violated the Fourth Amendment's protections against unreasonable searches and seizures, describing indiscriminate stops by masked, armed agents. Judge Frimpong agreed, finding the operations likely unconstitutional and blocking the use of race, ethnicity, language, workplace type, or certain locations as stand-alone reasons for suspicion. The Ninth Circuit declined to lift her order earlier this month.The challenge comes amid a major escalation in Trump's immigration enforcement push, which includes aggressive deportation targets, mass raids, and even the deployment of National Guard troops and U.S. Marines in Los Angeles—a move sharply opposed by state officials. The administration contends the restrictions hinder operations in a heavily populated region central to its immigration agenda. The Supreme Court will now decide whether to allow these limits to remain in place while the underlying constitutional challenge proceeds.Trump asks US Supreme Court to lift limits on immigration raids | ReutersMilbank announced it will pay seniority-based “special” bonuses to associates and special counsel worldwide, ranging from $6,000 to $25,000, with payments due by September 30. Milbank, of course, is among the big firms that bent to Trump's strong-arm tactics, cutting a $100 million deal and dropping diversity-based hiring rather than risk becoming his next executive-order target. The New York-founded firm used the same bonus scale last summer, signaling optimism about high activity levels through the rest of the year. Milbank, known for setting the pace in Big Law compensation, is the first major corporate firm to roll out such bonuses this summer—a move that often pressures competitors to follow suit.Special bonuses are not standard annual payouts, and last year rival firms mostly waited until year's end to match Milbank's mid-year scale, adding those amounts to their regular year-end bonuses. Milbank also led the market in November 2024 with annual bonuses up to $115,000. The firm is one of nine that reached agreements with President Trump earlier this year after his executive orders restricted certain law firms' access to federal buildings, officials, and contracting work.In a smaller but notable move, New York boutique Otterbourg recently awarded all full-time associates a $15,000 mid-year bonus, citing strong performance and contributions to the firm's success.Law firm Milbank to pay out 'special' bonuses for associates | ReutersMilbank reaches deal with Trump as divide among law firms deepens | ReutersA federal judge in North Dakota vacated the Federal Reserve's rule capping debit card “swipe fees” at 21 cents per transaction, siding with retailers who have long argued the cap is too high. The decision, which found the Fed exceeded its authority by including certain costs in the fee calculation under Regulation II, will not take effect immediately to allow time for appeal. The case was brought by Corner Post, a convenience store that claimed the Fed ignored Congress's directive to set issuer- and transaction-specific standards under the 2010 Dodd-Frank Act.Banks, backed by groups like the Bank Policy Institute, defended the cap as compliant with the law, while retailers and small business advocates supported Corner Post's challenge. This is Judge Daniel Traynor's second ruling in the dispute; he initially dismissed the case in 2022 as untimely, but the U.S. Supreme Court revived it in 2024, easing limits on challenges to older regulations. An appeal to the Eighth Circuit is expected, with the losing side likely to seek Supreme Court review. The ruling comes as the Fed separately considers lowering the cap to 14.4 cents, a proposal still pending.US judge vacates Fed's debit card 'swipe fees' rule, but pauses order for appeal | ReutersTexas-based Fintiv sued Apple in federal court, accusing the company of stealing trade secrets to develop Apple Pay. Fintiv claims the mobile wallet's core technology originated with CorFire, a company it acquired in 2014, and that Apple learned of it during 2011–2012 meetings and nondisclosure agreements intended to explore licensing. According to the complaint, Apple instead hired away CorFire employees and used the technology without permission, launching Apple Pay in 2014 and expanding it globally.Fintiv alleges Apple has run an informal racketeering operation, using Apple Pay to collect transaction fees for major banks and credit card networks, generating billions in revenue without compensating Fintiv. The suit seeks compensatory and punitive damages under federal and Georgia trade secret and anti-racketeering laws, including RICO. Apple is the sole defendant and has not commented.The case follows the recent dismissal of Fintiv's related patent lawsuit against Apple in Texas, which the company plans to appeal. The new lawsuit was filed in the Northern District of Georgia, where CorFire was originally based.Lawsuit accuses Apple of stealing trade secrets to create Apple Pay | ReutersThis week's closing theme is by Antonín DvořákThis week's closing theme comes from a composer who knew how to weave folk spirit into the fabric of high art without losing either warmth or polish. Dvořák, born in 1841 in what is now the Czech Republic, grew from a village-trained violist into one of the most celebrated composers of the late 19th century. His music often married classical forms with the rhythms, turns, and dances of his homeland—an approach that made his work instantly recognizable and deeply human.His Piano Quintet No. 2 in A major, Op. 81, written in 1887, is a prime example. Dvořák had actually written an earlier piano quintet in the same key but was dissatisfied with it; rather than revise, he started fresh. The result is one of the most beloved chamber works in the repertoire. Across its four movements, the quintet blends lyrical sweep with earthy energy—romantic in scope, yet grounded in folk idiom. The opening Allegro bursts forth with an expansive theme, the piano and strings trading lines as if in animated conversation.The second movement, marked Dumka, takes its name from a Slavic song form alternating between melancholy reflection and lively dance. Here, Dvořák's gift for emotional contrast is on full display—wistful cello lines give way to playful rhythms before sinking back into introspection. The third movement is a Furiant, a fiery Czech dance bristling with syncopation and vigor, while the finale spins out buoyant melodies with an almost orchestral fullness.It is music that feels both intimate and vast, as if played in a parlor with the windows thrown open to the countryside. With this quintet, Dvořák shows how local color can speak in a universal voice—how the tunes of a homeland can travel the world without losing their soul. For our purposes, it's a reminder that endings can be celebratory, heartfelt, and just a bit homespun.Without further ado, Antonín Dvořák's Piano Quintet No. 2 in A major, Op. 81 – enjoy! This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

The re-election of Donald Trump has heralded more than just a ‘vibe shift'. Here, Eric Kaufmann – director of the Centre for Heterodox Social Science at the University of Buckingham – argues that 60 years of woke orthodoxy are in the administration's crosshairs. Policies institutionalised for decades, from affirmative action to PC speech codes, are finally being unpicked. The post-progressive era has arrived. Read spiked: https://www.spiked-online.com/     Support spiked:https://www.spiked-online.com/support/ Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Abraham Lincoln is best known for his role as a wartime president, but his economic policies were a precursor to the New Deal. From railroad subsidies to a national banking system, Lincoln paved the way to the Progressive Era and beyond.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/lincolns-new-deal

Abraham Lincoln is best known for his role as a wartime president, but his economic policies were a precursor to the New Deal. From railroad subsidies to a national banking system, Lincoln paved the way to the Progressive Era and beyond.Original article: https://mises.org/mises-wire/lincolns-new-deal

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-american-studies

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/latino-studies

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/asian-american-studies

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/gender-studies

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-studies

In the financial chaos of the last few decades, increasing wealth inequality has shaken people's expectations about middle-class stability. At the same time, demographers have predicted the "browning" of the nation's middle class--once considered a de facto "white" category--over the next twenty years as the country becomes increasingly racially diverse. In this book, Joseph O. Jewell takes us back to the turn of the twentieth century to show how evidence of middle-class mobility among Black, Mexican American, and Chinese men generated both new anxieties and varieties of backlash among white populations.Blending cultural history and historical sociology, Jewell chronicles the continually evolving narratives that linked whiteness with middle-class mobility and middle-class manhood. In doing so, Jewell addresses a key issue in the historical sociology of race: how racialized groups demarcate, defend, and alter social positions in overlapping hierarchies of race, class, and gender. New racist narratives about non-white men occupying middle-class occupations emerged in cities across the nation at the turn of the century. These stories helped to shore up white supremacy in the face of far-reaching changes to the nation's racialized economic order.

Who doesn't like beer? Lots of people, apparently. As Americans sought to remedy the ills plaguing their society, beer was caught in the cross hairs. We tell the story of how the American beer industry rose to defend itself against Progressive Era reforms in a decades-long fight. And it almost worked.Find the full transcript of this episode including citations at our website:https://www.americanhistoryremix.com/episodeguide/american-beer-In this episode we cover…Introduction [0:00-04:01]Beer in Early America [04:01-08:06]Early Reform Movements [08:06-11:54]Beer Responds to Temperance [11:54-12:46]Moderate Success [12:46-14:03]Growth of the Beer Industry [14:03-16:37]Second Wave of Temperance [16:37-17:46]Women, Alcohol, & Women's Rights [17:46-21:30]Beer as Medicine [21:30-24:04]Beer & the Economy [24:04-24:45]Failures of the Second Wave of Temperance [24:45-26:26]Saloons [26:26-30:22]Local Option [30:22-32:29]Pure Food Movement [32:29-36:20]Beer & Pure Food [36:20-37:48]     Tax Revenue & Regulation [37:48-41:18]Beer on the Defense [41:18-42:42]World War One [42:42-44:47]Anti-German Sentiment [44:47-46:23]Beer & WWI [46:23-47:47]Prohibition & Other Reforms [47:47-49:46]Conclusion-To dive deeper into these topics (affiliate links):Stanley Baron, Brewed in America: A History of Beer and Ale in the United States.https://tinyurl.com/Baron-BrewedThomas C. Cochran, The Pabst Brewing Company: The History of an American Business. https://tinyurl.com/Cochran-PabstPerry R. Duis, The Saloon: Public Drinking in Chicago and Boston, 1880-1920.https://tinyurl.com/Duis-The-SaloonRichard F. Hamm, Shaping the Eighteenth Amendment: Temperance Reform, Legal Culture, and the Polity, 1880-1920. https://tinyurl.com/Hamm-ShapingLisa McGirr, The War on Alcohol: Prohibition and the Rise of the American State. https://tinyurl.com/McGirr-The-War-Support the show

In episode 131, our special guest, Alycia Asai, gives us a history lesson on the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era. Alycia is an independent historian whose research interests center around women, labor, and the evolution of the social safety net in the United States. She is the researcher, producer, and host of the podcast, Civics & Coffee where she explores the stories of America's past in the time it takes to enjoy your morning coffee.Alycia's Book Recommendations on the Gilded Age & Progressive Era:* Standing at Armageddon by Nell Irvin Painter* Recasting the Vote by Cathleen Cahill* The Bosses Union by Vilja Hulden* How the South Won the Civil War by Heather Cox Richardson* The Second Coming of the KKK by Linda Gordon* Rebirth of a Nation by Jackson LearsResources:* Civics & Coffee Website* Civics & Coffee Substack* Civics & Coffee InstagramConnect with USS:* Substack* Instagram* TikTokThis episode was edited by Kevin Tanner. Learn more about him and his services here:* Website* Instagram Get full access to United SHE Stands at www.unitedshestands.com/subscribe

The Progressive Era in the United States brought many social and political reforms. Many professions that were previously closed off to women and people of color became more accessible and for Seventh-day Adventist women, the medical field brought opportunity for mission-minded work both domestically and abroad. But this new era didn't last forever. A new set of challenges for these women - nurses, doctors, and health educators - was on the horizon.  In this episode, we explore the lives of Mary Britton, Lottie Blake, and Ruth Temple - who blazed trails as some of the first black female physicians in the United States.  This episode mentions Lottie Blake, Mary Briton, and Ruth Temple. Guests: Dr. Ella Smith Simmons, Dr. Lisa Clark Diller, and Dr. DeWitt Williams. Explore More Article | "Charlotte 'Lottie' Blake" by Ella Smith Simmons - Adventist Encyclopedia - https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=6CDX  Article | "Ruth Janette Temple"  by DeWitt Williams - Adventist Encyclopedia https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=ECFY  Article | "Mary Britton" by Courtney L. Thompson - Adventist Encyclopedia - https://encyclopedia.adventist.org/article?id=2CE5 Archive | Negro Trailblaizers of California - Library of Congress - https://www.loc.gov/item/19008159/

In a unique and personal exploration of the game and fish laws in Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi from the Progressive Era to the 1930s, Julia Brock offers an innovative history of hunting in the New South. The implementation of conservation laws made significant strides in protecting endangered wildlife species, but it also disrupted traditional hunting practices and livelihoods, particularly among African Americans and poor whites. Closed Seasons: The Transformation of Hunting in the Modern South (UNC Press, 2025) highlights how hunting and fishing regulations were relatively rare in the nineteenth century, but the emerging conservation movement and the rise of a regional "sportsman" identity at the turn of the twentieth century eventually led to the adoption of state-level laws. Once passed, however, these laws were plagued by obstacles, including insufficient funding and enforcement. Brock traces the dizzying array of factors—propaganda, racial tensions, organizational activism, and federal involvement—that led to effective game and fish laws in the South. Host Byline: Craig Gill is a writer, researcher and historian based in Vancouver, BC. He is the author of Caddying on the Color Line, a history of African American golf caddies in the U.S. South. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In a unique and personal exploration of the game and fish laws in Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi from the Progressive Era to the 1930s, Julia Brock offers an innovative history of hunting in the New South. The implementation of conservation laws made significant strides in protecting endangered wildlife species, but it also disrupted traditional hunting practices and livelihoods, particularly among African Americans and poor whites. Closed Seasons: The Transformation of Hunting in the Modern South (UNC Press, 2025) highlights how hunting and fishing regulations were relatively rare in the nineteenth century, but the emerging conservation movement and the rise of a regional "sportsman" identity at the turn of the twentieth century eventually led to the adoption of state-level laws. Once passed, however, these laws were plagued by obstacles, including insufficient funding and enforcement. Brock traces the dizzying array of factors—propaganda, racial tensions, organizational activism, and federal involvement—that led to effective game and fish laws in the South. Host Byline: Craig Gill is a writer, researcher and historian based in Vancouver, BC. He is the author of Caddying on the Color Line, a history of African American golf caddies in the U.S. South. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sports

In a unique and personal exploration of the game and fish laws in Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi from the Progressive Era to the 1930s, Julia Brock offers an innovative history of hunting in the New South. The implementation of conservation laws made significant strides in protecting endangered wildlife species, but it also disrupted traditional hunting practices and livelihoods, particularly among African Americans and poor whites. Closed Seasons: The Transformation of Hunting in the Modern South (UNC Press, 2025) highlights how hunting and fishing regulations were relatively rare in the nineteenth century, but the emerging conservation movement and the rise of a regional "sportsman" identity at the turn of the twentieth century eventually led to the adoption of state-level laws. Once passed, however, these laws were plagued by obstacles, including insufficient funding and enforcement. Brock traces the dizzying array of factors—propaganda, racial tensions, organizational activism, and federal involvement—that led to effective game and fish laws in the South. Host Byline: Craig Gill is a writer, researcher and historian based in Vancouver, BC. He is the author of Caddying on the Color Line, a history of African American golf caddies in the U.S. South.

In a unique and personal exploration of the game and fish laws in Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi from the Progressive Era to the 1930s, Julia Brock offers an innovative history of hunting in the New South. The implementation of conservation laws made significant strides in protecting endangered wildlife species, but it also disrupted traditional hunting practices and livelihoods, particularly among African Americans and poor whites. Closed Seasons: The Transformation of Hunting in the Modern South (UNC Press, 2025) highlights how hunting and fishing regulations were relatively rare in the nineteenth century, but the emerging conservation movement and the rise of a regional "sportsman" identity at the turn of the twentieth century eventually led to the adoption of state-level laws. Once passed, however, these laws were plagued by obstacles, including insufficient funding and enforcement. Brock traces the dizzying array of factors—propaganda, racial tensions, organizational activism, and federal involvement—that led to effective game and fish laws in the South. Host Byline: Craig Gill is a writer, researcher and historian based in Vancouver, BC. He is the author of Caddying on the Color Line, a history of African American golf caddies in the U.S. South. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-south

The Industrial Revolution created a divide between the wealthy and the poor. The result? Class warfare on the streets of America. We discuss the Gilded Age in all its volatility and bloodshed.Find the full transcript of this episode including citations at our website:https://www.americanhistoryremix.com/episodeguide/class-violence In this episode we cover…Introduction [00:00-03:31]The Industrial Revolution [03:31-09:56]Titans & Robber Barons [09:56-12:24]Inequality & Working Conditions [12:24-15:04]Health [15:04-17:13]Class Comparison [17:13-18:23]Panic of 1873 [18:23-20:24]Great Railroad Strike of 1877 [20:24-24:01]Social Darwinism [24:01-25:51]Corruption [25:51-26:57]Organized Labor [26:57-27:48]Class & Racial Violence [27:48-30:26]The Great Southwest Railroad Strike [30:26-33:19]Haymarket [33:19-36:36]Sherman Antitrust Act & the Court [36:36-39:27]Homestead [39:27-43:30]Panic of 1893 [43:30-44:43]Pullman [44:43-47:53]Merger Movement & Global Instability [47:53-49:18]Roosevelt & The Progressive Era [49:18-52:06]Conclusion [52:06-54:13]To dive deeper into these topics (affiliate links):David Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Laborhttps://tinyurl.com/Fall-of-the-House-of-LaborAlan Trachtenberg, The Incorporation of Americahttps://tinyurl.com/Incorporation-of-AmericaWalter Nugent, Progressivism: A Very Short Introductionhttps://tinyurl.com/Nugent-ProgressivismRobert H. Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920https://tinyurl.com/Wiebe-Search-for-OrderRichard White, The Republic for Which It Standshttps://tinyurl.com/White-The-RepublicSupport the show

The Proof Is in the Dough: Rural Southern Women, Extension, and Making Money (University of Georgia Press, 2025) examines how rural white and African American women in Alabama and Florida used the Cooperative Extension Service's home demonstration programming between 1914 and 1929 as a means to earn extra income. Kathryn L. Beasley explores an area of rural women's history that has not been closely examined--that is, how rural American women involved with home demonstration used the skills they learned as a way to better themselves economically. Furthermore, Beasley traces how this extra income allowed these women to shape their own producing and consuming habits. While most home demonstration programming during the Progressive Era and 1920s focused on ways to save money--among other objectives--rural women in Alabama and Florida used different strategies to earn more money and gain some economic independence. Beasley's research shows how Alabama and Florida's rural women exercised their own determination and resourcefulness to create ways to economically sustain themselves by using food, tangible items, handicrafts, small businesses, and more to their advantage. However, while there were similarities in how these rural women earned extra money, the states in which they lived differed in important agricultural ways. Florida offered a wider variety of growing and environmental seasons and, as a result, a larger diversity of crops. By taking a comparative approach--both Florida versus Alabama and Black versus white--Beasley details the unique and innovative ways that rural southern women applied their considerable agricultural and domestic skills to improve their lives and the lives of their families. In so doing, she also reveals how disposable income helped establish ideas of empowerment and financial independence in the years before the economic struggles of the 1930s. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

The Proof Is in the Dough: Rural Southern Women, Extension, and Making Money (University of Georgia Press, 2025) examines how rural white and African American women in Alabama and Florida used the Cooperative Extension Service's home demonstration programming between 1914 and 1929 as a means to earn extra income. Kathryn L. Beasley explores an area of rural women's history that has not been closely examined--that is, how rural American women involved with home demonstration used the skills they learned as a way to better themselves economically. Furthermore, Beasley traces how this extra income allowed these women to shape their own producing and consuming habits. While most home demonstration programming during the Progressive Era and 1920s focused on ways to save money--among other objectives--rural women in Alabama and Florida used different strategies to earn more money and gain some economic independence. Beasley's research shows how Alabama and Florida's rural women exercised their own determination and resourcefulness to create ways to economically sustain themselves by using food, tangible items, handicrafts, small businesses, and more to their advantage. However, while there were similarities in how these rural women earned extra money, the states in which they lived differed in important agricultural ways. Florida offered a wider variety of growing and environmental seasons and, as a result, a larger diversity of crops. By taking a comparative approach--both Florida versus Alabama and Black versus white--Beasley details the unique and innovative ways that rural southern women applied their considerable agricultural and domestic skills to improve their lives and the lives of their families. In so doing, she also reveals how disposable income helped establish ideas of empowerment and financial independence in the years before the economic struggles of the 1930s. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/food

The Proof Is in the Dough: Rural Southern Women, Extension, and Making Money (University of Georgia Press, 2025) examines how rural white and African American women in Alabama and Florida used the Cooperative Extension Service's home demonstration programming between 1914 and 1929 as a means to earn extra income. Kathryn L. Beasley explores an area of rural women's history that has not been closely examined--that is, how rural American women involved with home demonstration used the skills they learned as a way to better themselves economically. Furthermore, Beasley traces how this extra income allowed these women to shape their own producing and consuming habits. While most home demonstration programming during the Progressive Era and 1920s focused on ways to save money--among other objectives--rural women in Alabama and Florida used different strategies to earn more money and gain some economic independence. Beasley's research shows how Alabama and Florida's rural women exercised their own determination and resourcefulness to create ways to economically sustain themselves by using food, tangible items, handicrafts, small businesses, and more to their advantage. However, while there were similarities in how these rural women earned extra money, the states in which they lived differed in important agricultural ways. Florida offered a wider variety of growing and environmental seasons and, as a result, a larger diversity of crops. By taking a comparative approach--both Florida versus Alabama and Black versus white--Beasley details the unique and innovative ways that rural southern women applied their considerable agricultural and domestic skills to improve their lives and the lives of their families. In so doing, she also reveals how disposable income helped establish ideas of empowerment and financial independence in the years before the economic struggles of the 1930s. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

The Proof Is in the Dough: Rural Southern Women, Extension, and Making Money (University of Georgia Press, 2025) examines how rural white and African American women in Alabama and Florida used the Cooperative Extension Service's home demonstration programming between 1914 and 1929 as a means to earn extra income. Kathryn L. Beasley explores an area of rural women's history that has not been closely examined--that is, how rural American women involved with home demonstration used the skills they learned as a way to better themselves economically. Furthermore, Beasley traces how this extra income allowed these women to shape their own producing and consuming habits. While most home demonstration programming during the Progressive Era and 1920s focused on ways to save money--among other objectives--rural women in Alabama and Florida used different strategies to earn more money and gain some economic independence. Beasley's research shows how Alabama and Florida's rural women exercised their own determination and resourcefulness to create ways to economically sustain themselves by using food, tangible items, handicrafts, small businesses, and more to their advantage. However, while there were similarities in how these rural women earned extra money, the states in which they lived differed in important agricultural ways. Florida offered a wider variety of growing and environmental seasons and, as a result, a larger diversity of crops. By taking a comparative approach--both Florida versus Alabama and Black versus white--Beasley details the unique and innovative ways that rural southern women applied their considerable agricultural and domestic skills to improve their lives and the lives of their families. In so doing, she also reveals how disposable income helped establish ideas of empowerment and financial independence in the years before the economic struggles of the 1930s. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/american-south

At a time when debates over tariffs, regulation, and the scope of government are back at center stage. Is this time in American history unprecedented, or can we find parallels in the past? For example, has trade “hollowed out” U.S. manufacturing—or have fact tariffs like the Corn Laws in Britain hurt working-class families the most? Was the Great Depression a failure of capitalism—rather than a policy crisis worsened by poor monetary responses and overreach? Today’s guest is Phil Gramm, a former U.S. Senator and author of “The Triumph of Economic Freedom.” We look at five periods of American history—the Industrial Revolution, Progressive Era, Great Depression, decline of America’s postwar preeminence in world trade, and the Great Recession—along with the existing levels of income inequality and poverty, leads many to believe in expanding government in American life. Gramm argues that the evidence points to a contrary verdict: government interference and failed policies pose the most significant threat to economic freedom.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

What is American conservatism, and how should socialists understand it? In this interview, Wyatt Verlen offers a historical overview of conservatism in the United States, from the Bourbon Democrats and Robert Taft to William F. Buckley and the rise of the New Right. We explore how conservatism evolved in response to the Progressive Era, the New Deal, and the Cold War, and examine the role of political machines, laissez-faire ideology, and anti-communism in shaping the American right. This is a conversation about history, ideology, and strategy through a socialist lens.Support Sublation Mediahttps://patreon.com/dietsoap

As president, Theodore Roosevelt pursued a progressive agenda. He worked to break up the monopolies of the Gilded Age, created a federal agency to inspect food and medicine, and fought to preserve public lands. But he believed everyone had a responsibility to fight for progress. In perhaps his most famous speech, he urged people to “get in the arena” and make a difference. Today, Lindsay is joined by Edward O'Keefe to talk about the roots of Roosevelt's progressivism and his many achievements during his time in office. O'Keefe is CEO of the Theodore Roosevelt Presidential Library Foundation and author of The Loves of Theodore Roosevelt: The Women Who Created A President. Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Cathleen Cahill and Boyd Cothran introduce themselves and lay out their plans for the Gilded Age & Progressive Era podcast over the next few months, including an upcoming interview with Leslie Jones, curator of the Newport Preservation Society's new exhibit about Gilded Age architect Richard Morris Hunt. Cathleen and Boyd also offer their gratitude to podcast creator and former host, Michael Cullinane, for trusting them with the podcast. They also thank former podcast intern Michael Connolly from Loyola University in Chicago; H-SHGAPE List Editor and host of another great podcast, Dig History, Elizabeth Masarik; and SHGAPE president ,Stacy Cordery, for their advice. Finally, they give their new contact information and invite feedback about the podcast and future episodes. Cathleen can be reached at cdcahill@psu.edu and is active on LinkedIn (Cathleen Cahill) and BlueSky (cathleendcahill.bsky.social) while Boyd can be reached at cothran@yorku.ca. Finally, the podcast's website can be found at https://www.shgape.org/the-gilded-age-and-progressive-era-podcast/ Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

In 1913, Woodrow Wilson entered the White House, ready to fulfill his promise of a “New Freedom.” It was a vision of domestic reform that aimed to wrest power away from special interests and expand economic opportunities to all. Over the next two years, he fought for lower tariffs, banking reform, and antitrust laws.But the outbreak of war in Europe threatened to derail his agenda. As America moved closer to the brink of intervention, Progressives wondered whether war would reenergize their movement, or destroy it once and for all.Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Since the dawn of the Industrial Revolution, capitalism has unleashed unimaginable growth in opportunity and prosperity. And yet, at key points in American history, economic disruption has led to a greater role for government, ostensibly to protect against capitalism's excesses. Today, government regulates, mandates, subsidizes and controls a growing share of the American economy. Today on the show, retired U.S. Senator Phil Gramm, one of America's premier public policy advocates, and noted economist Donald J. Boudreaux look at the seven events and issues in American history that define, for most Americans, the role of government and how the 21st century world works. To many, these 5 periods of American history—the Industrial Revolution, Progressive Era, Great Depression, decline of America's postwar preeminence in world trade, and the Great Recession—along with the existing levels of income inequality and poverty, represent strong evidence for expanding government in American life. Gramm and Boudreaux argue that the evidence might point to a contrary verdict. Phil Gramm served six years in the U.S. House of Representatives and eighteen years in the U.S. Senate where he was Chairman of the Banking Committee. Gramm is a Visiting Scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. He was Vice Chairman of UBS Investment Bank and is now Vice Chairman of Lone Star Funds. He taught Economics at Texas A&M University and has published numerous articles and books. Donald J. Boudreaux is an American economist, author, professor, and co-director of the Program on the American Economy and Globalization at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University in Fairfax, Virginia. His writings have appeared in The New York Times, Wall Street Journal, Investor's Business Daily, The Washington Times, and many scholarly publications. Their new book is The Triumph of Economic Freedom: Debunking the Seven Great Myths of American Capitalism.

In 1909, William Howard Taft entered the White House, pledging to preserve and expand the Progressive policies of his predecessor Theodore Roosevelt. Roosevelt, in turn, promised to stay out of politics. But over the next year, a controversy at the Department of the Interior convinced Roosevelt that his legacy was under threat. Soon, he would reenter the political arena, sparking a bitter struggle for control of the Republican party.Roosevelt stirred the public with a bold agenda known as the “New Nationalism.” But Taft wasn't his only adversary. As the 1912 election got underway, New Jersey Democrat Woodrow Wilson entered the fray with an alternative vision of Progressive reform.Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt discharged 167 soldiers of the all-Black 25th Infantry stationed in Brownsville, Texas. The men were accused of shooting up the town. But there was little evidence to prove their guilt. Roosevelt's decision sparked outcry among Black activists and revealed the limits of his campaign to build a more fair and just society.But Black Americans refused to stand on the sidelines of the Progressive movement. In the aftermath of a deadly race riot in Springfield, Illinois, W. E. B. Du Bois and other activists formed a new national organization to fight racial prejudice, the N.A.A.C.P. Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In the early 1900s, a new generation of crusading writers and journalists captured the nation's attention by digging up dirt on big business and government and advocating for change. They became known as “muckrakers.” Ida Tarbell exposed the ruthless machinations of John D. Rockefeller, the tycoon who built Standard Oil. Lincoln Steffens exposed bribery in city governments across America. And Upton Sinclair chronicled the horrific conditions in Chicago's meat packing plants and slaughterhouses. But in galvanizing public support for progressive reform, they also clashed with President Theodore Roosevelt, who was fighting his own battles with conservatives in Congress.Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

In the late 1890s, Theodore Roosevelt emerged as a hero of the Spanish-American War and embarked on a meteoric rise through the political ranks. His bold leadership and restless energy would define a new era of Progressive change.At the end of the 19th century, the United States had become one of the world's great industrial powers. But prosperity hid the truth of a society rife with corruption and inequality. In response, a diverse group of reformers resolved to harness the power of government to build a better society. Journalists, activists, lawyers, and politicians joined Roosevelt to fight for safer workplaces, consumer protections, and corporate regulations. They were known as “Progressives.”Be the first to know about Wondery's newest podcasts, curated recommendations, and more! Sign up now at https://wondery.fm/wonderynewsletterListen to American History Tellers on the Wondery App or wherever you get your podcasts. Experience all episodes ad-free and be the first to binge the newest season. Unlock exclusive early access by joining Wondery+ in the Wondery App, Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Start your free trial today by visiting wondery.com/links/american-history-tellers/ now.See Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This Day in Legal History: Seventeenth AmendmentOn April 8, 1913, the Seventeenth Amendment to the United States Constitution was officially ratified, transforming the way U.S. senators are selected. Prior to this amendment, senators were chosen by state legislatures, a system intended by the framers to preserve state influence within the federal government. However, by the late 19th and early 20th centuries, this process had become widely criticized for being undemocratic and vulnerable to corruption, deadlocks, and backroom political deals.Progressive Era reformers pushed for change, arguing that direct election by the people would make senators more accountable and reduce the influence of powerful political machines. After years of public pressure and legislative debate, the Seventeenth Amendment was passed by Congress in 1912 and ratified by the necessary number of states the following year.The amendment mandates that senators be elected by the voters of each state, aligning the Senate more closely with democratic ideals already applied to the House of Representatives. It also established procedures for handling vacancies through temporary gubernatorial appointments followed by special elections.The ratification marked a major victory for advocates of electoral reform and remains one of the most significant changes to the structure of American democracy since the founding. It reshaped the relationship between the federal government and the people, moving power away from state political elites and toward the electorate.Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton has launched an investigation into WK Kellogg over claims that the company may be misleading consumers by advertising some of its cereals as “healthy.” The probe focuses on popular products like Froot Loops, Apple Jacks, and Frosted Flakes, which the state alleges contain petroleum-based artificial colorings linked to health issues such as hyperactivity and obesity. Paxton criticized the company for continuing to use these dyes in U.S. products while removing them from versions sold in Canada and Europe. He argued that it is deceptive to market cereals containing such ingredients as healthy. WK Kellogg has not yet commented on the investigation.Texas opens probe into WK Kellogg over health claims | ReutersPresident Donald Trump has asked the U.S. Supreme Court to pause a federal judge's order requiring the return of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, a legally present Salvadoran man who was wrongfully deported to El Salvador. The Justice Department argued that the lower court overstepped its authority and that the U.S. cannot guarantee swift results in international negotiations, especially under tight deadlines. U.S. District Judge Paula Xinis had found no legal basis for Abrego Garcia's arrest or removal and ordered his return by 11:59 p.m. Monday, calling his deportation "wholly lawless."Abrego Garcia had previously won a 2019 court order protecting him from deportation due to threats from gangs in El Salvador. Despite this, he was deported on March 15 after being stopped and questioned by ICE. The administration claims he is affiliated with MS-13, but no charges have been filed, and his attorneys deny the allegation. The Supreme Court filing contends that while deporting him to El Salvador was a procedural error, the removal itself was lawful. The case is part of broader legal challenges to the Trump administration's aggressive immigration tactics and its attempts to sidestep judicial checks on deportation practices.Trump asks US Supreme Court to pause order to return man deported to El Salvador in error | ReutersA U.S. appeals court has blocked President Donald Trump from removing two Democratic members of federal labor boards, reversing a previous decision and restoring legal protections for their positions. The D.C. Circuit Court, in a 7-4 vote, reinstated lower court rulings that barred Trump from firing Gwynne Wilcox of the National Labor Relations Board and Cathy Harris of the Merit Systems Protection Board. The court reaffirmed long-standing laws that only allow such removals for neglect, malfeasance, or inefficiency—not at-will.Trump's administration argued that these protections infringe on presidential authority, and plans to appeal, potentially setting up a Supreme Court showdown. If the high court agrees to hear the case, it could revisit decades-old precedent that preserves agency independence, with potential ripple effects on bodies like the Federal Reserve and Federal Trade Commission.The judges noted that Wilcox and Harris's roles primarily involve adjudicating individual cases, not shaping executive policy, making them constitutionally protected from political dismissal. Without them, the boards would be paralyzed, with thousands of pending employee appeals left unresolved. This legal fight is part of Trump's broader effort to exert more control over independent federal agencies, a push that critics say threatens the checks and balances built into administrative law.US appeals court blocks Trump from removing Democrats from labor boards | Reuters This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.minimumcomp.com/subscribe

On this special 8th Anniversary Pledge Drive edition of the Access Hour, we bring you a very special community conversation about "Black Cyclists: The Race for Inclusion," featuring author Robert J. Turpin, Director of Honors Program, Faculty Athletic Representative, Professor of History at Lees-McRae College in North Carolina. He was hosted by the Filson Historical Society in Old Louisville on February 6, 2025. Watch the full recording and see the slides at https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y-bYcFc3s5c Cycling emerged as a sport in the late 1870s, and from the beginning, Black Americans rode alongside and raced against white competitors. Robert J. Turpin sheds light on the contributions of Black cyclists from the sport's early days through the cementing of Jim Crow laws during the Progressive Era. As Turpin shows, Black cyclists used the bicycle not only as a vehicle but as a means of social mobility–a mobility that attracted white ire. Prominent Black cyclists like Marshall “Major” Taylor and Kitty Knox fought for equality amidst racist and increasingly pervasive restrictions. But Turpin also tells the stories of lesser-known athletes like Melvin Dove, whose actions spoke volumes about his opposition to the color line, and Hardy Jackson, a skilled racer forced to turn to stunt riding in vaudeville after Taylor became the only non-white permitted to race professionally in the United States. Eye-opening and long overdue, Black Cyclists uses race, technology, and mobility to explore a forgotten chapter in cycling history. Learn more about Rober Turpin at https://www.lmc.edu/directory/employee/turpin-robert.htm The Access Hour airs on Forward Radio, 106.5fm, WFMP-LP Louisville, every Wednesday at 2pm and repeats Thursdays at 11am and Fridays at 1pm. Find us and please donate to support this work at https:/forwardradio.org If you've got something you'd like to share on community radio through the Access Hour, whether it's a recording you made or a show you'd like to do on a particular topic, community, artistic creation, or program that is under-represented in Louisville's media landscape, just go to https:/forwardradio.org, click on Participate and pitch us your idea. The Access Hour is your opportunity to take over the air waves to share your passion.

Subscribe on Patreon and hear this week's full patron-exclusive episode here: https://www.patreon.com/posts/124584385 Hi listeners — Beatrice and Artie are currently on parental leave. (We were planning to be able to telegraph the announcement more this week, but "baby death panel" had other plans, and came early!). While we're away, we'll still have episodes in the feed, like today's episode; a mix of some old favorites we haven't revisited in a while and some unlocks. We'll be back as soon as it's safe and reasonable for us to do so, because with everything going on right now we want to make sure we're here for everyone. We also want to thank each and every one of you, because without support from our patrons it wouldn't be possible for us to take this kind of time. So if you can, now is a great time to support the show at patreon.com/deathpanelpod — either by becoming a patron or increasing your membership. Original episode description: In today's episode, Beatrice and Phil speak with Nate Holdren about his book Injury Impoverished: Workplace Accidents, Capitalism, and Law in the Progressive Era, the history of worker's compensation reforms, and the tensions surrounding disablement and the working class. Find Nate's book here: https://www.cambridge.org/us/universitypress/subjects/history/twentieth-century-american-history/injury-impoverished-workplace-accidents-capitalism-and-law-progressive-era?format=HB&isbn=9781108488709 Runtime 1:34:41

On January 20th, Donald Trump issued an executive order entitled “Defending Women from Gender Ideology Extremism and Restoring Biological Truth to the Federal Government.” The order announced that “It is the policy of the United States to recognize two sexes, male and female. These sexes are not changeable and are grounded in fundamental and incontrovertible reality. Under my direction, the Executive Branch will enforce all sex-protective laws to promote this reality...” The enforcement of this executive order has rippled through the United States – and has included removing words and images from websites and papering over interpretive panels in museums. For example, material related to the Enola Gay -- a WWII Boeing B-29 Superfortress bomber, named after Enola Gay Tibbets, the mother of the pilot, Colonel Paul Tibbets – was removed because it contained the word “gay.” As a new joint statement from the American Historical Association and Organization of American Historians recounts, “Some alterations, such as those related to topics like the Tuskegee Airmen and the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, have been hurriedly reversed in response to public outcry. Others remain. The scrubbing of words and acronyms from the Stonewall National Monument webpage, for instance, distorts the site's history by denying the roles of transgender and queer people in movements for rights and liberation. This distortion of history renders the past unrecognizable to the people who lived it and useless to those who seek to learn from the past.” To discuss how – and why – the Trump administration is censoring and removing historical materials, my guest is Dr. Wendy L. Rouse, Professor of History at San Jose State University where she is the program coordinator for the History/Social Science Teacher Preparation Program. Her research focuses on the history of gender and sexuality in the Progressive Era – and her publication for the National Park Service was changed after the executive order. She is the author of books and articles, including Public Faces, Secret Lives: A Queer History of the Women's Suffrage Movement published by NYU Press in 2022. Susan's NBN conversation with Wendy about the book is here. Mentioned in the Podcast: Organization of American Historians (OAH)'s Records at Risk Data Collection Initiative for individuals to report removed or changed material Reports by AP about scrubbing military websites and NPR on removal of photographs and mentions of trans and queer on National Park Service websites LBGTQ Historian statements and articles including letter signed by 360 historians Wendy's blogposts on OutHistory and the NYU Press blog 5calls ap for connecting with senators and representatives GLBT Historical Association Multiple LGBTQ organizations, represented by Lambda Legal, have filed a lawsuit challenging the Trump Administration's executive orders attempting to erase transgender people and deny them access to services Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

Watch The X22 Report On Video No videos found Click On Picture To See Larger PictureThe fake news makes fools of themselves when they try to fact check Lee Zeldin. Job market is looking worse because of Biden. Since Trump has taken office inflation has dropped. Schumer makes move to shutdown government, wait for it. Trump makes a move to reverse the [CB] policies, he begins by removing income tax for those who make less that $150k. The [DS] criminal syndicate is being exposed every step of the way, the more judges that try to stop Trump shows the people who was really running the country, the people see the criminal syndicate. The more they do the worse it gets. The cleaning crew is activate, agencies are now cleaning it all out. It's just a matter of time.   (function(w,d,s,i){w.ldAdInit=w.ldAdInit||[];w.ldAdInit.push({slot:13499335648425062,size:[0, 0],id:"ld-7164-1323"});if(!d.getElementById(i)){var j=d.createElement(s),p=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0];j.async=true;j.src="//cdn2.customads.co/_js/ajs.js";j.id=i;p.parentNode.insertBefore(j,p);}})(window,document,"script","ld-ajs"); Economy https://twitter.com/epaleezeldin/status/1900148992140345642 https://twitter.com/GlobalMktObserv/status/1899964805336703437 https://twitter.com/KobeissiLetter/status/1900163217822744835 https://twitter.com/EricLDaugh/status/1900192933829075199   https://twitter.com/WesleyHuntTX/status/1899940301898199188 https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1900179542771409389   https://twitter.com/KatiePavlich/status/1899940663799496967  https://twitter.com/MJTruthUltra/status/1899925243189170457 citizens —— “People are so use to paying taxes, it's like we have Stockholm syndrome…” BAM  The 2023 CPS data shows the median household income was $74,580 in 2022. The distribution indicates that about 75% of households earned less than $125,000, and roughly 85% earned less than $150,000 (extrapolating from quintiles and income brackets). The top 10% of households start around $212,000 (per DQYDJ's 2024 calculator), so 85-90% of households earn $150,000 or less. Were the Rich Taxed First After 1913? Yes, when the federal income tax was implemented in 1913 under the Revenue Act of 1913, it was designed to primarily tax the wealthy. Here's why and how: The Setup in 1913 Income Thresholds: The tax applied only to taxable income above a personal exemption of $3,000 for single individuals or $4,000 for married couples. In 1913, $3,000 was a significant amount—roughly equivalent to $86,600 in 2025 dollars (as calculated earlier). The average annual income for a worker was around $700-$800, so most Americans earned far below the taxable threshold. Tax Rates: A base rate of 1% was levied on taxable income above the exemption. A progressive surtax kicked in for higher earners: 1% on income over $20,000 (about $577,000 in 2025 dollars) up to 6% on income over $500,000 (about $14.4 million in 2025 dollars). Impact: Only about 1-2% of the U.S. population paid income tax in 1913, as the exemptions excluded the vast majority. Those who did pay were disproportionately the rich—business owners, professionals, and the industrial elite. Why the Rich? Political Intent: The 16th Amendment and the 1913 tax were championed by Progressive Era reformers who aimed to shift the tax burden from regressive tariffs (which hit the poor harder) to a direct tax on high incomes. The idea was to make the wealthy shoulder more of the federal revenue load. Economic Context: The Gilded Age had created stark income inequality, with tycoons like Rockefeller and Carnegie amassing fortunes. The income tax was a response to calls for fairness and funding government without taxing consumption. Early Evidence In 1913, the top 1% of earners—those making above roughly $10,000-$20,000 annually (hundreds of thousands in today's dollars)—bore the brunt. For example,