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Quebec Premier Francois Legault expected to resign, ahead of provincial election in October. Foreign Ministers of Greenland and Denmark are meeting with US Vice President JD Vance in Washington as administration threatens to take over Danish territory. Organizers of the Arctic Winter Games say competition will go on despite tensions in the circumpolar region. Swedish firm Saab wants Canada to buy 72 Gripen fighter jets and 6 GlobalEyes surveillance aircraft to fulfill promise of 12,600 jobs. NGO Human Rights Activists in Iran documents dozens of cases of forced confessions, accuses the regime sentencing protesters to death at "show trials." At least 29 people dead after a construction crane crashed onto a moving passenger train in Thailand. Climate monitoring groups say 2025 was the third hottest year on record, despite cooling influence of La Niña phenomenon.

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Changkufeng. A 7–10 August clash near Changkufeng and Hill 52 saw a brutal, multi-front Soviet push against Japanese positions in the Changkufeng–Hill 52 complex and adjacent areas. The Korea Army and Imperial forces rapidly reinforced with artillery, long-range 15 cm and other pieces, to relieve pressure. By 7–8 August, Soviet assault waves, supported by tanks and aircraft, intensified but Japanese defenses, including engineers, machine-gun fire, and concentrated artillery, prevented a decisive breakthrough at key positions like Noguchi Hill and the Changkufeng spine.  By 9–10 August, continued Japanese counterfire, improved artillery neutralization, and renewed defenses kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese control, though at heavy cost. The frontline exhaustion and looming strategic concerns prompted calls for intensified replacements and potential diplomatic considerations. It seemed like the battle was coming to an end.   #184 The Lake Khasan Truce Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The casualties were atrocious for both sides, yet they continued to mobilize more forces to the conflict area. While the Russians appeared uninterested in all-out war, they were not rushing to settle the crisis through diplomacy and, at the front, were launching "reckless" counterattacks at inconvenient locations, presumably to occupy positions useful for bargaining. The local Soviet military, having ceded the hills at the outset, must also have been anxious about its prestige. The Kwantung Army's potential threat to the flank undoubtedly made the Russians nervous. Although the leading echelon of the 104th Division did not reach Hunchun until the evening of 13 August, Japanese intelligence heard that the Red Army Headquarters staff at Khabarovsk had detected movements of Kwantung Army elements around 10 August and had been compelled to take countermeasures: they reinforced positions along the eastern and northern Manchurian frontiers, concentrated the air force, ordered move-up preparations by ground forces in the Blagoveshchensk district, and commandeered most of the motor vehicles in the Amur Province. By shifting its main strength to the eastern front, the Kwantung Army exerted, as intended, a silent pressure. The covert objective was to restrain and divert the Russians and to assist Japanese diplomacy, not to provoke war. Nevertheless, an American correspondent who visited the Changkufeng area in mid-August privately reported that the Kwantung Army was massing large numbers of troops near the border and expected further trouble.  Toward its weak neighbor in Korea the Kwantung Army rendered every support. Apart from its major demonstration in eastern Manchuria, the Kwantung Army promptly sent whatever reinforcements of artillery, engineers, and other units that Seoul had desired. Being also intimately involved in anti-Soviet military preparations, the Kwantung Army understandably wanted the latest and most authentic information on Russian Army theory and practice. The Changkufeng Incident furnished such a firsthand opportunity, and the professional observers sent from Hsinking were well received at the front. Military classmate ties contributed to the working relationships between the armies. As one division officer put it, the teams from the Kwantung Army came as "friends," not only to study the battlefield by their respective branches of service but also to assist the front-line forces; "the Kwantung Army was increasingly helpful to us in settling the incident." Foreign Minister Ugaki felt that the pressure of troop movements in Manchuria played a major part in the Russians' eventual decision to conclude a cease-fire. From Inada's viewpoint, it had been a "fine and useful demonstration against the Soviet Union." Pinned at Changkufeng, the Russians did not or could not choose to react elsewhere, too. Army General Staff officers believed that clear and consistent operational guidance furnished by Tokyo produced good results, although the fighting had been very hard for the front-line Japanese troops because of the insistence on exclusive defense, the curbs on interference by the Kwantung Army, and the prohibition on the use of aircraft. It had been close, however. Only by conscious efforts at restraint had the small war at Changkufeng been kept from spilling over into neighboring areas. Escalation of combat in early August had caused the Japanese government to try to break the diplomatic impasse while localizing the conflict. On 2 August Premier Konoe assured the Emperor that he intended to leave matters for diplomacy and to suspend military operations as soon as possible, an approach with which the government concurred. The Changkufeng dispute had been accorded priority, preceding overall settlements and the creation of joint commissions to redefine the borders. On the 3rd, after coordinating with the military, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs advised Shigemitsu that the front-line situation had become "extremely critical" and that a quick suspension of fighting action should be proposed. Soviet and Japanese troops should be pulled back to the setup as of 30 July.  In the midst of the Changkufeng Incident, the USSR intensified harassing tactics against the last Japanese consulates located within the Soviet Union. Forty-eight hour ultimatums to quit the country were delivered to the consuls at Khabarovsk and Blagoveshchensk on 3 and 4 August, respectively. Although the Japanese government warned that it might retaliate, the Russians were unyielding. The foreign ambassadors, Mamoru Shigemitsu and Maxim Litvinov met on August 4th, whereupon Shigemitsu argued, the best procedure would be to suspend military operations on both sides and to restore the status quo. Litvinov in a long manner explained the stance of the USSR as Shigemitsu put it "the Soviet side had a disposition to cease fighting, provided that conditions were satisfactory."  The Russians were stalling at the very time the Red Army was bending every effort to retake Changkufeng. Coordination between the Army, Navy, and Foreign Ministers produced cease-fire conditions which were rushed to the Japanese ambassador on 6 August. Two alternate lines were proposed, to which both armies would pull back. After the creation of a buffer zone, discussions could begin concerning delineation of boundaries in the region of the incident. The Hunchun pact could be the basis for deliberations, demarcation to be effected by joint investigations on the spot in consultation with documents in the possession of Manchukuo and the USSR; the Japanese would serve only as observers. Shigemitsu conferred once more with Litvinov for three and a half hours on 7 August, but no progress was made. Litvinov insisted that a clash could be averted only if Japanese forces pulled However Litvinov's positive reaction to the idea of a demarcation commission was seen as a good sign.  On August the 10th, both sides seemed to have reached a similar conclusion that a cease-fire needed to rapidly be implemented. At 11pm that night Litvinov called the embassy, asking for Shigemitus to see him as fast as possible. Shigemitsu arrived around midnight whereupon Litvinov showed him a draft of a final accord: 1. Japanese and Soviet forces shall cease all military activities on 11 August at noon local time. Instructions to that effect are to be issued immediately by the governments of the USSR and Japan.  2. Japanese as well as Soviet troops shall remain on those lines which they occupied at midnight local time on 10 August.  3. For redemarcation of the portion of frontier in dispute, there shall be created a mixed commission of two representatives from the USSR and two representatives from the Japanese-Manchurian side, with an umpire selected by agreement of both parties from among citizens of a third state.  4. The commission for redemarcation shall work on the basis of agreements and maps bearing the signatures of plenipotentiary representatives of Russia and China. Shigemitsu agreed to the inclusion of a Japanese commissioner on the Manchukuoan delegation, but he could not assent to the addition of a neutral umpire. Moscow received the news of the truce with gratification mingled with surprise. Few realized that the USSR had taken the step of appeasing or at least saving face for the Japanese even after Shigemitsu had pleaded for and won a cease-fire. The world was told by the Russians only that specific overtures for cessation of hostilities had originated with the Soviet authorities. In general, it was not difficult to guess why the Russian government, distracted by the European political scene and apprehensive about a two-front war, agreed to a cease-fire at Changkufeng.  The slowness of communication across the many miles between Moscow and Tokyo did nothing to alleviate nervousness in the Japanese capital during the night of 10–11 August. Ugaki wrote in his diary that, "after ten days of tension, the struggle between the Japanese and Soviet armies on the USSR–Manchukuo border had reached the decisive brink". Complicating the situation was the fact that, late on 10 August, the president of Domei News Agency conveyed to Konoe a message from one of his Moscow correspondents. Purporting to sum up Shigemitsu's latest outlook, the report stated that success in the negotiations seemed unlikely. The contents of the message were transmitted to Ugaki and Itagaki. Consequently, Konoe and his associates spent a fearful and depressed night. Shigemitsu's own report, sent by telegram, arrived frustratingly slowly.  After definite information had been received from Shigemitsu, Harada happily called Kazami Akira, the prime minister's chief secretary, and Konoe himself. "Until the accord was implemented," Kazami had said, "we would have to be on the alert all day today." Konoe and Kazami seemed "a little relaxed anyhow." Inada had finally retired past midnight on 10–11 August, "agreement or no agreement. I must have been dozing from fatigue when the jangle of the phone got me up. It was a message saying that a truce had been concluded the preceding midnight. Just as I had been expecting, I said to myself, but I felt empty inside, as if it were an anticlimax." The call had to have been an unofficial communication, perhaps the latest Domei news, since the records showed that definitive word from the embassy in Moscow did not reach Tokyo until after 10:00. Attache Doi's report to the Army General Staff came at about 11:00. This was extremely late in terms of getting Japanese troops to cease operations at 13:00 Tokyo time (or noon on the spot); a tardy imperial order might undo the Moscow accord. Complicating this matter of split-second timing was the fact that the first official telegram from Shigemitsu referred to unilateral Japanese withdrawal by one kilometer. At the Japanese high command level, there was agitated discussion when initial word of these arrangements arrived. Inada speculated that on 10 August the Russians had staged persistent close-quarter assaults against Changkufeng and seized the southern edge eventually, although repulsed at all other points. Moscow may have agreed to a truce at that midnight because they expected that the crest of Changkufeng would be in their hands by then and that a fait accompli would have been achieved. Some officers argued that the Russian forces were suffering "quite badly and this caused the authorities' agreeability to a cease-fire." Most exasperating, however, was the provision stipulating a one-sided military withdrawal. Admittedly, such action had been under discussion by the Army General Staff itself, particularly after Terada's sobering appeal of 10 August. It was another matter to have a Japanese withdrawal dictated by the USSR while Russian troops did not have to budge. Initial puzzlement and chagrin began to yield to rationalization. The Japanese side seemed to have made a concession in the negotiations, but there must have been significance to the phrase which said, "the line occupied by Japanese forces has been taken into due consideration." Japanese troops had presumably advanced to the edge of the frontier, while Russian soldiers had not come even close. Thus, it must have been necessary to have the Japanese units withdraw first, to fix the boundaries, since it had been the Japanese who had done the greater advancing. One Japanese office remarked "A pull-back was a pull-back, no matter how you looked at things—and we were the ones who had to do it. But the atmosphere in the command had been far from optimistic on 10 August; so we decided that it was unnecessary to complain about this issue and we approved the agreement in general. Both the senior and junior staff levels seemed to be quite relieved." The 11th of August had been an awkward day to conduct liaison between the Foreign Ministry, the Army, and the Throne, since the Emperor was leaving Hayama to visit naval installations in the Yokosuka area and the navy air unit in Chiba from morning. By the time a conclusive report on the cease-fire could be conveyed to the monarch, he was aboard the destroyer Natsugumo at Kisarazu. Naval wireless facilities in Tokyo had to be used to transmit coded messages to Admiral Yonai, the Navy Minister, for delivery to the Emperor. This was done shortly before 14:45 According to Yonai, the Emperor "was very pleased and relieved when I reported to him… about the conclusion of the truce accord." The appropriate Imperial order was approved promptly. But not until 15:00, two hours after cease-fire time at Changkufeng, did word of Imperial sanction reach the high command.  Japanese soldiers in the lines recalled nothing special on 11 August. "We didn't hear about the truce till the last minute," said one, "and we had become so inured to enemy artillery we hardly noticed any 'last salute.' From Tokyo, on 11 August, it was reported that the Japanese side had suspended operations promptly at noon, as agreed, but that sporadic bursts of fire had continued to come from the Soviet side. Colonel Grebennik, when asked after the war whether the combat did end at noon, replied petulantly: "Yes, but not quite so. The fighting actually ceased at 12:05." According to him, the tardiness was the Japanese side's fault.  The Japanese press told readers that "the cease-fire bugle has sounded—the frontier is cheerful now, 14 days after the shooting began." All was quiet in the area of Changkufeng, where the sounds of firing ceased at noon "as if erased." The most intense period of stillness lasted only a few minutes and was followed by the excited chattering of soldiers, audible on both sides. Korea Army Headquarters spoke of the "lifting of dark clouds [and] return of the rays of peace." In Hongui, a Japanese combat officer told a Japanese correspondent: "Suddenly we noticed the insects making noise; the soldiers were delighted. Once the fighting stopped, Japanese national flags were hoisted here and there along our front. … After the Russians observed what we had done, they broke out red flags also, at various points in their trenches." Some Japanese soldiers were given cookies by Soviet medical corpsmen. At Hill 52, an infantryman remembered, the Japanese and the Russians were facing each other, 50 meters apart, that afternoon. "We just lay there and stared at each other for two hours, waiting grimly. But it was well past cease-fire now, and those same Russians finally started to wave at us. Later that day, when Soviet troops came to salvage their KO'd tanks, we 'chatted' in sign language." After the cease-fire, Ichimoto, whose battalion had seen the most difficult fighting, stuck his head above the trench and waved hello to some Soviet officers. "They waved back. It gave me an odd sensation, for during the furious struggle I had considered them to be barbarians. Now I was surprised to see that they were civilized after all!" A rifleman at Changkufeng remembered swapping watches with an unarmed Russian across the peak. The Japanese front-line troops stayed in their positions confronting the Russians and conducted preparations for further combat while cleaning up the battlefield. Soviet troops also remained deployed as of the time of the cease-fire and vigorously carried out their own construction. The day after the cease-fire went into effect, Suetaka escorted an American reporter to the front. At Changkufeng:  "carpenters were making wooden receptacles for the ashes of the Japanese dead. Funeral pyres still were smoldering. . . . From our vantage point the lieutenant general pointed out long lines of Soviet trucks coming up in clouds of dust [which] apparently were made deliberately in an effort to conceal the trucks' movements, [probably designed] to haul supplies from the front. Soviet boats were pushing across [Khasan] . . . and Soviet soldiers were towing smashed tanks back from no-man'sland. On the Japanese side there was a pronounced holiday spirit. Soldiers, emerging from dugouts, were drying white undershirts on near-by brush and bathing in the Tumen River. The soldiers were laughing heartily. A few were trying to ride a Korean donkey near Changkufeng's scarred slope. The general pointed out three Soviet tanks behind the Japanese advance lines east of Changkufeng. He said the Russians had hauled back seventy others [on the night of 11 August]. . . . The writer was shown a barbed wire fence immediately behind a wrecked village on the west slope of Changkufeng which the general said the Soviet troops built at the beginning of the fighting. Possiet Bay also was pointed out, clearly visible across the swamp." Soviet losses for what became known as the battle of Lake Khasan for the Russians and the Changkufeng incident for the Japanese, totaled 792 killed or missing and 3,279 wounded or sick, according to Soviet records. The Japanese claimed to have destroyed or immobilized 96 enemy tanks and 30 guns. Soviet armored losses were significant, with dozens of tanks knocked out or destroyed and hundreds of "tank troops" becoming casualties. Japanese casualties, as revealed by secret Army General Staff statistics, were 1,439 casualties, 526 killed or missing, 913 wounded; the Soviets claimed Japanese losses of 3,100, with 600 killed and 2,500 wounded. The Soviets concluded that these losses were due in part to poor communications infrastructure and roads, as well as the loss of unit coherence caused by weak organization, headquarters, commanders, and a lack of combat-support units. The faults in the Soviet army and leadership at Khasan were blamed on the incompetence of Blyukher. In addition to leading the troops into action at Khasan, Blyukher was also supposed to oversee the trans-Baikal Military District's and the Far Eastern fronts' move to combat readiness, using an administrative apparatus that delivered army group, army, and corps-level instructions to the 40th Rifle Division by accident. On 22 October, he was arrested by the NKVD and is thought to have been tortured to death. At 15:35 on 11 August, in the Hill 52 sector, high-ranking military delegates bearing a white flag emerged from the Soviet lines and proceeded to Akahage Hill, about 100 meters from the Japanese positions. Cho, as right sector chief, was notified. He sent three lieutenants to converse with the Russians; they learned that the Soviets wanted the Japanese to designate a time and place for a conference. This word was conveyed to Suetaka, who had already dispatched Lieutenant Kozuki to the heights east of Shachaofeng to contact the Russians. Around 4:20, the commander canceled Kozuki's mission and instructed Cho to reply that the delegation ought to convene near the peak of Changkufeng at 18:00 Cho set out promptly with several subordinates; they reached the Changkufeng crest a little before 6. The Russians then said they wanted to meet the Japanese near the Crestline southeast of Changkufeng, the excuse being that the peak was too far for them to go and that they could not arrive by the designated time. Cho took his team to the location requested by the Russians. There, the Japanese found 13 Soviet soldiers and a heavy machine gun on guard, but the Russian delegates had not arrived, although it was 6:18. The irked Japanese clocked a further delay of two minutes before the Russian truce chief, Gen. Grigory M. Shtern, rode up on horseback with a party of eight. Both delegations saluted, the chiefs and team members identified themselves, and all shook hands. The Soviet team was made up of Corps General 3rd rank Shtern, 38, chief of staff, Far East area army; Brigade Commissar Semenovsky political major general, 37 or 38; Colonel Fedotev, 42; and Major Wabilev, about 30. Interpreting for the Russians was Alexei Kim. In Colonel Cho's opinion, "It was always necessary to take the initiative in dealing with the Soviets. So, even in such matters as shaking hands or conversing, he always did things first." During the exchange of greetings, Cho teased Shtern about his bandaged forehead. "A Japanese artillery shell got you, didn't it?" he asked. But Cho began formal discussions on a more dignified note: "Cho: It is very much to be regretted that the Japanese and Soviet armies had to get involved in combat around Changkufeng. Nevertheless, I laud the consummation of the Mos­cow accord on the part of both governments. And, I must say, your forces were quite brave and patriotic. Shtern: I agree with you. The Japanese Army, too, was courageous and strong." Negotiations would go on at the local level and diplomatic level for many days. In Tokyo, on the morning of 13 August, Ugaki had gone to the Meiji shrine to "report" on the cease-fire and to express his gratitude. At 10:00, when received in Imperial audience, he discussed the Changkufeng Incident. "I humbly regret to have troubled Your Majesty so unduly in connection with an unimportant affair on the Soviet-Manchurian frontier" at a time when the monarch was confronted by grave national problems. A long and winding road lay ahead before the incident as a whole was settled, but a good start had been made and "we are going to be even more careful in handling matters, although the Soviet regime  consists of devious, vicious scoundrels." Recognition of the Japanese Army's performance was accorded by the highest authorities in the homeland. As soon as the fighting ceased, Kan'in transmitted a message of appreciation. The day after the cease-fire, the command in North Korea issued a generous communique: "We pay homage to the Japanese for defending themselves against 100 planes, 200 tanks, and 60 pieces of heavy artillery. Our admiration for the bravery of both armies is of the highest." At 14:00 on the 15th, Kan'in was received in audience and reported on the settlement of the crisis. Said the Emperor: "We are gratified by the fact that, during this incident at Changkufeng, Our officers and men achieved their mission fully and manifested prudence and forbearance while confronting difficult circumstances with small forces. Our profound condolences to the casualties. Convey this message to the officers and men." A wire was dispatched promptly to Nakamura. With Imperial use of the wording "Changkufeng Incident," the nomenclature for the affair was fixed in Japan. When the cabinet met on 16 August, the decision was reached officially. After the Changkufeng affair, Japanese officers claimed that the Soviets had dispatched tactical experts "to ascertain why their elite Far Eastern forces had not been able to achieve satisfactory results. They realize the urgency of this investigation in preparation for any great war." Specifically, the AGS heard that on the day of the cease-fire, Blyukher had sent an investigative team of commissars under Romanovsky to the scene. Japanese experts on the USSR speculated that the experience at Changkufeng ought indeed to have impressed the Red Army: "Our forces did seize the hill and hold it. After comparing the strengths involved ... the Russians may well have had to modify their estimates." According to one Japanese commentator, improvements in political leadership were judged imperative by the USSR, gainsaying claims that the Soviet Army had been strengthened through the purge of alleged Japanese tools. Soviet authorities would conclude "As a test of doctrine, the fighting had confirmed the correctness of the basic principles embodied in the 1936 Field Service Regulations." The Soviet infantry had paid dearly for this, as well as for the deficiencies in tactical training. Defense Commissar Voroshilov admitted, "We were not sufficiently quick in our tactics, and particularly in joint operations in dealing the enemy a concentrated blow." In the view of historian Mackintosh: "The Soviet success at Lake Khasan was bought at the cost of heavy casualties and exposed serious defects in the mobilization machinery and the training of troops. There can be little doubt that these factors checked to some extent the Soviet Government's overoptimistic estimate of its own military strength and cast doubt on the effectiveness of its policy of expansion in all fields of military organization". Writing a year and a half after Changkufeng, an Mainichi reporter observed that the greatest harvest from the incident was tangible Japanese experience in determining the fighting strength of the Russians. Purchased with blood, this knowledge could provide valuable evidence for future combat operations. It was a question whether Changkufeng really possessed such strategic significance as was claimed for it, but the Soviet policy of bluff could be interpreted as substantiating the weakness of the defenses of Vladivostok. "The Russians used all kinds of new weapons at Changkufeng and tipped their whole hand. But although mechanization of the Red Army had attained high levels with respect to quantity, their weaknesses in technique and quality were laid bare." Imaoka observed that since the Changkufeng Incident marked the first time that the Japanese and Soviet armies engaged each other in combat involving large strategic elements, divisional and above, Russian fighting strength was studied with keen interest. The Japanese did not rate the capacity of the officers or Soviet quality, in general, as especially high. Still, the Russians did possess quantitative abundance, and Japanese losses had been heavy because the enemy had fired masses of ammunition against fixed targets. Suetaka seemed to have comprehended the scope of tangible Soviet strength in equipment and materiel, as shown by his comment: "I felt deeply that if the gap in manpower went beyond limits, it would be inevitable for our casualties to increase tremendously; this might even cause us danger in specific local areas." Few Japanese officers saw anything new in Soviet tactical methods, although considerations of mass were ever-present. Not only intelligence experts but the whole army worked on ways of coping with Soviet forces that would have the numerical advantage by 3:1. Most awesome was the "fantastic abundance" of hostile materiel, although the Russians could not deploy to surround the Japanese because of the geography. An AGS expert on the USSR summed it up: "We learned that Soviet strength was up to expectations, whereas Japanese arms and equipment had to be improved and reinforced." Worded in a multiplicity of ways, the Japanese conclusion was that patient imperial forces had won a great victory by defending the contested border with flesh vs. steel and by limiting the Changkufeng Incident, till the end, against enemy hordes supported exclusively by planes and tanks. Japanese infantrymen admit that the combat soldiers did not savor their disadvantages. "All our materiel was inferior in quality and particularly in quantity. We had the impression that whereas we relied on muscle power, the enemy used engines. This rendered our fighting particularly hard, but we had full confidence in our spiritual strength [i.e., superiority]."  Nevertheless, the Japanese mode of tactical operation, asserted Iwasaki, the Korea Army senior staff officer, was "the worst possible: fighting with hands tied." This meant that the Russians could fight "to their hearts' content," committing tanks and planes, and striking from all directions. A front-line infantry commander commented: "One's troops ought to be provided meaningful reasons for fighting and for dying happily. It is cruel to ask officers and men to meet masses of steel and to shed their blood without visible cause, and apparently because of inadequate combat preparations." The cease-fire agreement was concluded "at just the right time," General Morimoto admitted. A secret report prepared by AGS analysts sheds light on the larger question of what the army thought it had learned about itself and the Soviet enemy: "In studying Changkufeng, one ought to bear a number of cautions in mind: (1) The incident broke out when we were concentrating on the holy war against China; severe limitations on combat operations were imposed by the necessity to adhere to a policy of nonenlargement. (2) Apparently, the enemy also adopted a policy of localization while continuously attempting to recapture the high ground in the Changkufeng area. (3) Our forces employed units which were on Phase-1 alert from beginning to end; in terms of quality, the personnel were excellent—mainly active-duty types, from key men down. But our numbers were far inferior, and our organization and equipment were not of the best. In addition, we committed no planes or tanks, whereas the enemy used plenty. (4) The 19th Division was thorough, rigorous, and realistic in its combat training prior to the engagement. (5) Battlefield terrain seriously limited the enemy's attacks, especially tank action. But while the Tumen restricted assaults against our flanks and rear, it hampered our own services of supply, notably the provision of position construction materials." The Japanese learned few or erroneous lessons from the Changkufeng affair; the Kwantung Army, for example, was convinced that everything had been handled badly in 1938 by the Korea Army and the high command. When a dispute arose in 1939 at Nomonhan on another border lying between Outer Mongolia and Manchukuo, the staff in Hsinking fostered escalating measures. The USSR, however, learned in 1937 and 1938 that the Japanese Army seemed to respect only force.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Changkufeng incident or battle of Lake Khasan clash saw a fierce Soviet push against Japanese positions around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The cease-fire ended the incident, but not the conflict. Despite the brutal lessons learned by both sides, a much larger conflict would explode the next year that would alter both nations throughout WW2.   

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Foreign ministers from seven countries have met in Istanbul to discuss efforts to uphold the Gaza ceasefire and plan for the enclave's future.

OCHA Spokesperson in Gaza Olga Cherevko said that since the ceasefire took effect, the United Nations and partners have moved swiftly to scale up the delivery of humanitarian assistance across Gaza. “It's all hands on deck,” she said. Olga Cherevko, OCHA Spokesperson in Gaza spoke to reporters via video link. She said, “after months of devastation and suffering, the bombs have stopped falling. And with that silence came an opportunity and a responsibility to act.” “We have wasted no time,” the OCHA Spokesperson said, highlighting that the UN's scale up plan for the first 60 days tested and proven to work, “is in full motion.” Cherevko said, “In the past three days, thousands of tons of humanitarian aid and other supplies have entered Gaza, including cooking gas, which entered on Sunday for the first time in over seven months.” “We're offloading and collecting critical supplies and accessing areas which we weren't able to reach for months. With 190,000 metric tons of assistance in our cleared pipeline,” she added. The OCHA Spokesperson also said, “Our medical teams are resupplying hospitals and field clinics that have been running on empty. We're delivering fuel to power by bakeries, desalination plants and hospitals again. We're repairing roads and checking them for explosive risks and helping displaced families prepare for the winter months.” “Every truck, every piece of bread, every box of medicine that crosses into Gaza carries with it a message of hope for a better tomorrow,” Olga stressed. She reiterated that the humanitarian needs “remain immense.” “The ceasefire has ended the fighting, but it hasn't ended the crisis,” the OCHA Spokesperson said, explaining, “displacement, destroyed infrastructure, lawlessness, damaged roads, unexploded ordnance and the collapse of basic services are just some of the challenges.” She said, “Scaling up response is not just about logistics and more trucks. It's about restoring humanity and dignity to a shattered population.” Olga also said that the UN is working around the clock with all parties to ensure predictable, safe and sustained access. “But let me be clear,” she said, “Humanitarian aid alone will not be a substitute for peace. The ceasefire must hold. It must become the basis for a broader political effort that brings the end of cycles of violence and despair.” Asked about the danger of unexploded ordnance, the OCHA Spokesperson said, “We have, of course, our teams on the ground who do assessments, and they assess the various roads, the locations, and they go to make sure that the ordnance is clearly marked and that they're also awareness for the communities to make sure that they know not to touch them and not to be around them and so forth.” Asked reports of delaying the scaling up of humanitarian aid coming into Gaza, Olga said, “We have received this is communication from the Israeli authorities. And of course, we continue to encourage the parties to adhere to the agreements that have been set out in the ceasefire parameters. And we certainly very much hope that, the bodies of the hostages are handed over and that the ceasefire continues to, to be implemented.” Honourable Anita Anand, Minister of Foreign Affairs, and India's Minister of External Affairs, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, issued this joint statement: “At the invitation of the Minister for External Affairs, Dr. S. Jaishankar, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Canada, Ms. Anita Anand, undertook, an official visit to India from October 12 to 14, 2025. “The meeting in New Delhi is a follow up to the guidance provided by the Prime Ministers of the 2 countries during their meeting on the sidelines of the G7 Summit in Kananaskis, Canada, to take calibrated measures to restore stability in the relationship and to pursue a constructive and balanced partnership grounded in respect for each other's concerns and sensitivities, strong people-to-people ties, and growing economic complementarities. “Pursuant to this guidance, both sides initiated several steps, including the joint announcement of reinstatement of High Commissioners on August 28, 2025, meeting between the National Security Advisers of the 2 countries on advancing Canada-India security cooperation in New Delhi on September 18, 2025, and the agreement to continue senior official-level discussions on security and law enforcement cooperation, pre-Foreign Office Consultations between Secretary (East) and Canada's Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs in New Delhi on September 19,2025, and a meeting between the 2 Foreign Ministers on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly high-level week in New York on September 29, 2025.Become a supporter of this podcast: https://www.spreaker.com/podcast/policy-and-rights--3339563/support.

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has held talks with his Spanish counterpart Jose Manuel Albares in Hangzhou, with both sides pledging to expand cooperation in economy, education, culture, tourism and other fields.

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The Chinese foreign minister has reaffirmed the country's commitment to consolidating and developing relations with North Korea, saying it's a strategic decision by the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government.

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Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube

A round-up of the main headlines in Sweden on August 19th, 2025. You can hear more reports on our homepage www.radiosweden.se, or in the app Sveriges Radio. Presenter/Producer: Kris Boswell

Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi will chair the tenth Lancang-Mekong Cooperation Foreign Ministers' Meeting in southwest China. The Chinese Foreign Ministry says Beijing hopes the main meeting will help enhance regional stability.

We examine the potential impact as 25 countries call for an end to the war in Gaza, accusing Israel of the inhumane killing of civilians.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Chinese President Xi Jinping has described relations with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a priority in China's neighborhood diplomacy.

Today, EU foreign ministers are gathering in Brussels for their final meeting before the summer recess. The main item on the agenda is of course the EU's association agreement with Israel, and whether Israel is living up to its human rights obligations under that deal. Following weeks of mounting pressure over the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas has presented a list of options that range from suspending trade with Israel to halting student exchanges. All because an EU review found Israel falling short of the human rights standards required by the agreement, while the latest reports are showing attacks on civilians at aid distribution centres. So, will the EU take concrete action under Article 2 of the agreement, or settle for monitoring Israel's promises on humanitarian aid?Join us on our journey through the events that shape the European continent and the European Union.Production: By Europod, in co production with Sphera Network.Follow us on:LinkedInInstagram Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Can the EU strike a trade agreement with the Trump administration? Israel’s ultra-orthodox jews are drafted to fight, ASEAN foreign ministers meet in Malaysia and the global race to build more icebreakers.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Supreme Court rules that individual judges do not have the power to block a president's policies across the country, known as nationwide injunctions. The underlying case, whose merits have not been decided yet, involves President Donald Trump's Executive Order restricting birthright citizenship; Supreme Court also handed down other closely-watched decisions today, including in favor of Maryland parents who want to have their children opt-out of a curriculum with LGBTQ books and upholding a Texas law requiring age-verification for adult websites; Senate Republicans look to have their first vote on the tax cut & spending cut budget reconciliation bill on Saturday; House members get a classified briefing on the U.S. bombing of Iranian nuclear site; Foreign Ministers of Rwanda & the Democratic Republic of Congo meet in Washington to sign a peace agreement brokered by the White House; Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R-VA) talks about this year's Virginia governor election between Winsome Earle-Sears (R) and Abigail Spanberger (D). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Threads and YouTube.

Tony Connelly, Europe Editor, reports on the EU Foreign Ministers meeting in Brussels today.

jQuery(document).ready(function(){ cab.clickify(); }); Original Podcast with clickable words https://tinyurl.com/2azv975v Contact: irishlingos@gmail.com Talks in Geneva about Iran's nuclear program. Comhráite sa Ghinéiv faoi chlár núicléach na hIaráine. Israeli military forces say they carried out further bombing raids on various locations in Iran overnight. Deir fórsaí míleata Iosrael go ndearna siad tuilleadh ruathar buamála ar áiteanna éagsúla san Iaráin i gcaitheamh na hoíche. Among the locations hit, the Israelis say, was a center linked to Iran's nuclear development program in the capital, Tehran, as well as a missile manufacturing center. I measc na n-áiteanna a buaileadh, a deir na hIosraelaigh, bhí ionad atá bainteach le clár forbartha núicléiche na hIaráine sa phríomhchathair, Tehran, chomh maith le hionad déantúsaíochta diúracán. This is the eighth consecutive night that the Israelis have attacked locations in Iran, aiming, they say, to prevent the Iranians from developing nuclear weapons. Sin an t-ochtú hoíche as a chéile ag na hIosraelaigh áiteanna san Iaráin a ionsaí agus é mar aidhm acu, a deir siad, bac a chur ar na hIaránaigh airm núicléacha a fhorbairt. The Iranians say they are not developing any nuclear weapons and are enriching uranium solely as a source of energy. Deir na hIaránaigh nach bhfuil aon airm núicléacha á bhforbairt acu agus gur mar fhoinse fuinnimh amháin atá úráiniam á shaibhriú acu. It is also reported that seven people were injured when an Iranian missile hit the city of Beersheba in southern Israel last night, the second night in a row that the city has been attacked. Tuairiscítear freisin gur gortaíodh seachtar nuair a bhuail diuracán ón Iaráin cathair Beersheba i ndeisceart Iosrael aréir, an dara hoíche as a chéile a ionsaíodh an chathair sin. European Foreign Ministers will meet today with Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi as part of ongoing efforts to reach a compromise on Iran's nuclear program and end the hostilities. Beidh cruinniu inniu ag Airí Gnóthaí Eachtracha ón Eoraip le hAire Gnóthaí Eachtracha na hIaráine, Abbas Araqchi, mar chuid de na hiarrachtaí atá ar bun teacht ar chomhréiteach faoi chlár núicléach na hIaráine agus deireadh a chur leis an gcogaíocht. The Foreign Ministers of Britain, France and Germany had telephone conversations with the Iranian leader earlier this week and the two sides agreed to meet in Geneva today. Bhí comhráite teileafóin níos túisce an tseachtain seo ag Airí Gnóthaí Eachtracha na Breataine, na Fraince agus na Gearmáine le fear na hIaráine agus shocraigh an dá thaobh teacht le chéile sa Ghinéiv inniu. It is understood that a report was provided to US Secretary of State Marco Rubio following the telephone conversations. Tuigtear gur cuireadh tuairisc ar fáil do Rúnaí Stáit Mheiriceá Marco Rubio i ndiaidh na gcomhráite teileafóin. RTÉ News and Current Affairs Nuacht agus Cúrsaí Reatha RTÉ

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Foreign Ministers of BRICS member countries have concluded a two-day high-level meeting in Rio de Janeiro.

The second China-Kazakhstan Foreign Ministers' strategic dialogue has taken place in Almaty.

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Constitutional Deep Dives with Eric! Article 2 - Section 3 - Clause 3! Ambassadors and Foreign Ministers Conversations centered around the American Experiment and our Constitution and Bill of Rights! Our goal is to provide different perspectives - give historical context - model how to talk with those whom we may disagree with - tie foundational principals to today's headlines - PLUS, have some fun along the way. Please leave us a review and share with your friends! (A PODCAST PROVIDED AND OWNED BY DURING THE BREAK PODCASTS) Brought to you by Eric Buchanan and Associates: www.buchanandisability.com This podcast is hosted by ZenCast.fm

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, Threads and YouTube

Foreign Ministers from the EU discuss what to do next about the war in Ukraine, Environment group gives the Coalition a 'fail', Celebrations continue after Rory McIlroy makes golfing history.

A round-up of the main headlines in Sweden on April 4th, 2025. You can hear more reports on our homepage www.radiosweden.se, or in the app Sveriges Radio Play. Presenter/Producer: Kris Boswell

Foreign Ministers of China, Japan and South Korea have vowed to advance trilateral cooperation. They attended the 11th China-Japan-South Korea Trilateral Foreign Ministers' Meeting on Saturday.

As tensions rise in the region, foreign ministers meet in Brussels to discuss the future of Ahmed al-Sharaa’s Syria. Plus: Mark Carney snubs the US on his first international trip, why Leipzig is Germany’s fastest growing city, the new Everest restrictions and why Nasa’s stuck astronauts might finally be coming home.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Politico's Suzanne Lynch discusses today's European foreign ministers meeting that is set to focus on military spending.

Tony Connelly, Europe Editor, reports from Brussels as Tánaiste Simon Harris attends his first EU summit as Minister for Foreign Affairs.

In a bilateral meeting between the Foreign Affairs Ministers of the Philippines and Japan, Japan's Foreign Minister Takeshi Iwaya expressed his country's strong condemnation of any actions that exacerbate tensions in the West Philippine Sea. Get the full story and other top headlines from the Philippines in this report. - Mariing kinondena ng Foreign Minister ng Japan na si Takeshi Iwaya ang anumang hakbang na magpapalala ng tensyon sa West Philippine Sea sa naganap na bilateral meeting kasama si Philippine Foreign Affairs Secretary Enrique Manalo. Pakinggan ang buong detalye at iba pang balita mula sa Pilipinas.

Foreign ministers descend on Rome to align on the bloc’s future relations with Syria. Plus, Nicolás Maduro is inaugurated in Venezuela for the third time despite a widespread belief that he stole the election. Then: how to save the rave.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Chinese foreign minister has called for closer cooperation with Iran, saying it will benefit people of the two countries and contribute to regional and world peace and development.

Tony Connelly, Europe Editor, reports from Brussels as Tánaiste Micheál Martin - ahead of a meeting with EU Foreign Affairs ministers - reacts to Israel's decision to close its embassy in Dublin.

Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook

In our news wrap Tuesday, G7 foreign ministers renewed their "unwavering" support for Ukraine, at least six people have died in Pakistan during violent clashes between security forces and protesters who are seeking the release of former Prime Minister Imran Khan from prison and a new Biden administration proposal would cover the cost of popular weight-loss drugs through Medicare or Medicaid. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

In our news wrap Tuesday, G7 foreign ministers renewed their "unwavering" support for Ukraine, at least six people have died in Pakistan during violent clashes between security forces and protesters who are seeking the release of former Prime Minister Imran Khan from prison and a new Biden administration proposal would cover the cost of popular weight-loss drugs through Medicare or Medicaid. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders

AP correspondent Charles de Ledesma reports G7 foreign ministers gather at small town near Rome to discuss complicated diplomatic questions.