Podcasts about AGS

Listen to Serena talk about how she went from a non-spanko to a pro disciplinarian, as well as plenty of other spanking conversation.

Meta settled the state lawsuits over teen harm for $12.6 billion, spread across ten years. Its outside lawyers get roughly $10 billion. On a present-value basis, the law firms collect more than the states do. A month earlier, the states behind the case sought permission to ask a jury for $1.4 trillion in damages. The final deal admits no wrongdoing, keeps Mark Zuckerberg off the witness stand, and sunsets its safety commitments after five years. Florida refused to sign. Peter Schweizer and Eric Eggers break down what Meta bought, what the trial would have exposed, and why the attorneys general folded. A former Meta engineer testified he sent Zuckerberg internal data showing teens encountered violent or graphic content at rates up to 400 times higher than the company admitted publicly. None of it reached a jury. Then follow the money. OpenAI, Google, Meta, and Amazon have given more than $2 million to attorney general campaigns since the start of last year, including $200,000 from Meta to each party's AG association in a single quarter. Meta is spending an estimated $65 million this year to back state politicians friendly to its industry. Compare it to tobacco. In 1998, 47 states won $200 billion. Meta pays 12 to 18 billion, admits nothing, and gets a clause raising its payment if YouTube, TikTok, and Snapchat make their own products less attractive to kids. (00:00) Two quotes about lawyers (01:33) What Meta agreed to pay (01:56) CNBC reacts: the lawyers beat the states (04:05) From $1.4 trillion to $18 billion (05:15) How this compares to Big Tobacco (07:26) Zuckerberg avoids the witness stand (09:52) Under oath: correlation is not causation (13:17) The algorithm concession, and what it sidesteps (15:46) AI companies fund the AGs investigating them (20:07) Big government and big business as collaborators

Tim Cook sent Apple staff a farewell memo on his last day as CEO, the FTC sued Amazon over $20B in hidden ad surcharges, Starman Optical bought GoPro for $285M, Waymo hit three cities, and Dyson made an AI toothbrush. On his last day as CEO, Tim Cook sends a memo to Apple employees reflecting on his time and says he takes "enormous comfort in handing the helm" to John Ternus (9to5Mac) John Ternus became Apple's CEO on Tuesday, succeeding Tim Cook after 15 years; he'll have to navigate leadership churn, stem a talent exodus to OpenAI, and unveil a foldable iPhone this month (The New York Times) The US FTC and 22 state AGs sue Amazon, alleging it overcharged advertisers by $20B+ since 2019 via hidden surcharges, with costs largely passed on to consumers (CNBC) Starman Optical agrees to acquire GoPro in an all-cash deal valued at $285M, a premium of 29.5% to GPRO's last close; GoPro hit a market cap of $4B in 2014 (Reuters) Starman Optical will pay GoPro shareholders $1.14 per share and leave them with ~10% of the combined company, which stays public; the deal wipes out GoPro's $92M debt and is expected to close by year end (TechCrunch) Waymo starts offering driverless rides to customers in San Diego, Tampa, Florida, and Denver; Amazon's Zoox plans to start testing in Houston and San Diego (CNBC) PSI, which aims to use AI "to industrialize the discovery of new physics" including cracking interstellar travel, emerges from stealth with a $58M seed (The Deep View) Dyson unveils the $499 CameraJet, an AI-powered toothbrush with a 100K-pixel macro lens that scans at 28 images per second and is trained on nearly 470K images (Bloomberg) Subscribe to the ad-free feed.

Paramount is weighing a full relocation to Texas or Tennessee as its legal war with Warner Bros. reaches a boiling point — and California's own attorney general may be the one who drove them to the door. Left-leaning state AGs piling on with antitrust suits are learning the hard way that you can harass a studio right out of Hollywood.Governor Gavin Newsom is quietly urging Paramount to settle before the unemployment numbers get ugly, which is a tacit admission that California's legal crusade is doing real economic damage. Meanwhile Texas's SB22 film incentives and Nashville's growing creative sector are looking more attractive by the day. The Oracle precedent is already set — the exits are marked and the road signs point east.This is the California pattern on repeat. Pass the laws, file the suits, impose the taxes, then act shocked when the businesses leave. AG Bonta is playing hardball on a deal that federal DOJ and the Trump administration already cleared. The cost of doing business in a blue state now includes surviving your own government's lawfare.Subscribe to @reasonablenews for daily commentary on the stories the mainstream media won't give you a straight take on.#NFRP #California #NewsomGO PREMIUM WITH REASONABLE+ FOR UNCENSORED ACCESS

After Meta's landmark settlement with state AGs, legal headaches remain. Kim Kommando talks about who owns the data from Flock cameras. People from more than 30 countries are missing after the flash floods in Nepal and China. Tim Curry, 'The Rocky Horror Picture Show' actor, dead at 80. FDA approves landmark pancreatic cancer drug that's shown to improve survival. Zach Abraham, Bulwark Capital, talks market trends. 

AlabamaSen. Tuberville says crime in Montgomery is impeding its economic growthMeta Tech company settles with AGs in lawsuit over lax safety measures on social mediaCongresswoman Sewell says Trump EO on mail in ballots is attack on democracyAL Dept. of Revenue changes taxation policy on non resident workersRanchers in Mobile County push back at Trump's decision to import foreign beefNationalHorrific natural disaster in Nepal and Tibet wipes out entire villagesFederal judge lifts injunction on Trump order on mail in ballotsUS Pentagon finds more documents on Afghanistan withdrawal of 2021Three Secret Service agents under investigation for misconductFederal judge says TX does not have to extradite ICE agent to MN for chargesBlood Moon Eclipse to happen this Thursday night

The American Radicals Podcast covers weaponized prosecutions, medical tyranny, Planned Parenthood collusion with state AGs, US Capitol Police intrusion on the 1st Amendment, and Florida's recent child recovery operation. Check us out on Spotify! ⁠⁠https://open.spotify.com/show/09AZ2WuYnWbZ2941wsb6jW?si=76c005605dc64dc1 https://x.com/ed_rosenberg/article/2056054864879509579  https://www.250pardons.com/  https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/justice-department/judge-shows-signs-frustration-doj-attorneys-handling-epstein-files-rcna592418  https://nataliegwinters.substack.com/p/revealed-the-government-paid-hundreds  https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC9673890/  https://www.dailywire.com/news/josh-shapiro-arms-himself-with-draconian-police-powers-amid-re-election-fight https://www.washingtonpost.com/weather/2026/08/25/fema-crew-broke-law-by-skipping-homes-with-trump-signs-federal-watchdog-says/  https://www.uscp.gov/media-center/press-releases/uscp-arrests-driver-guillotine-truckbed https://www.oyez.org/cases/1988/88-155  https://www.police1.com/police-administration/articles/us-capitol-police-to-open-field-offices-in-tampa-san-francisco-UwLq1FnxAivig6aq/  https://newsfire.gr/en/us-taxpayers-fund-230m-in-woke-intersectionality-grants/ https://www.dailysignal.com/2026/08/23/exclusive-records-reveal-planned-parenthoods-14-point-post-dobbs-strategy-for-state-ags-to-target-pro-lifers/ https://ctmirror.org/2026/07/07/planned-parenthood-regains-federal-funding/  https://www.fox13news.com/news/163-missing-florida-kids-rescued-3-arrested-operation-statewide-shield https://x.com/FBI_Response/status/2092350837674725479 

Meta settles landmark teen safety case; YouTube redefines "Qualified Views"; Instagram tests AI First Draft editor; TikTok rates strategy hacks. Meta agrees to a historic $17 billion child safety settlement with US attorneys general, forcing major changes for teen accounts on Instagram and Facebook. In this episode of The Instagram Stories - Social Media News, host Daniel Hill breaks down Meta's new 2-hour daily time limits, non-personalized feed toggles, and nighttime app locks. Plus, we examine YouTube's new exposure-based view model and how Creator Insider's René Ritchie defines "engaged views" versus standard impressions. We also cover Instagram's new iOS editing tool "First Draft" and break down TikTok's "Tok or Flop" strategy tips. Podcast Movement NYC - September 17th/18th (Registration) Key Topics Covered in This Episode: Meta Child Safety Settlement & Teen Account Restrictions: Meta's agreement with state AGs introduces 2-hour daily usage caps, compulsory non-personalized feeds, age verification rules, and late-night (midnight–6 AM) account lockouts on Instagram and Facebook. YouTube View Count Update: René Ritchie explains YouTube's shift to exposure-based views from the first frame, detailing the exact difference between a view, an engaged view, and a thumbnail impression for long-form and Shorts. Instagram Reels "First Draft" Feature: How Instagram's new iOS editing tool automatically cuts pauses and trims raw video clips to accelerate your Reels workflow. TikTok "Talk or Flop" Strategy: Ratings from the TikTok UK/Ireland team on using #FYP, post-publishing comment engagement, the TikTok Creative Center, boosting posts, and deleting old videos. Podcast Industry Events: Details on Podcast Movement at Terminal 5 in New York City (Sept 17–18). Links: Meta: All the ways Instagram and Facebook are changing for teens (The Verge) YouTube: New! Updates to Public View Counts & Engaged Views Explained (YouTube) Instagram: First Draft on Instagram App (Instagram) TikTok: Hacks from the TikTok team - Tok or Flop (TikTok) Podcast Movement NYC - September 17th/18th (Registration) Leave a Review of the Podcast: Apple Podcasts Connect with me on Instagram: @danielhillmedia Connect with me on Threads: @danielhillmedia Connect with me on YouTube: @danielhill_media The Equipment I Use: Microphone: Shure MV7+ USB-C & XLR Podcast Dynamic Mic with Stand (Amazon) Headphones: Samsung Galaxy Buds 3 Wireless Bluetooth Earbuds (Amazon) Laptop: Dell Latitude 7320 Detachable Detachable 2-in-1 Laptop Tablet Touch | 13" (Amazon) Phone: Samsung S25 Ultra with S-Pen included (Amazon) Podcast Movement NYC - September 17th/18th (Registration) Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Deep groin pain in the anterior hip on hip flexion may be AGS and the problem is not in the front of the hip. It's in the back of the hip!     Online Courses: https://richardhazel.podia.com Instagram: @richhazel   If you are watching on YouTube please Like Share and Subscribe to the Channel.  

Hayden Panettiere worked in Hollywood since she was 11 months old, and by the time Heroes made her a household name at 16, she was already navigating the darker side of child stardom. The Wall Street Journal‘s Esther Zuckerman joins Elaine Low to reflect on Panettiere's life, career and exploitation — including a top NBC exec kissing her on the lips when she was a teenager, and an Oscar winner who exposed himself — and the extreme emotional toll of growing up in front of the camera. Then, California Attorney General Rob Bonta tells Elaine he is ready to talk to Paramount, a slight shift from his earlier hard-line posture. “Let there be no doubt here, now, or anywhere for any time. It has always been our position that coming to the table is always on the table,” he says, adding, “We prefer to resolve cases in the boardroom instead of the courtroom.” So what's stopping them? Bonta accuses Paramount of “playing cute” and mounting a PR campaign instead of offering the structural remedies the state AGs want. He's equally dismissive of Paramount's threat to move and request for a $1.9 billion bond: His argument is that Paramount voluntarily agreed to the ticking fee it faces — and now wants California taxpayers to pick up the tab for a problem it created for itself. “It's revealing the weakness of their position. It looks desperate,” Bonta says. Elaine and Sean McNulty break down her chat with the California AG, as Hollywood guilds plead for resolution and the town lingers in uncertainty. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

OpenAI paused training and rewrote its Preparedness Framework after Astra flirted with a critical cyber threshold. Leaked numbers showed Anthropic out-earning OpenAI nearly two to one, Anthropic prepped supervoting shares, Amazon expanded drone delivery, and Meta's addiction trial opened. Links OpenAI changed safety practices and paused RL training for two weeks after the Hugging Face breach and evidence Astra may have met a critical cyber threshold (Axios) Sources: OpenAI's Q2 sales grew 18% QoQ to $6.7B as its losses widened from $9.3B to $12.3B; Anthropic's sales grew 2x+ to $11.6B, with a small operating profit (The Wall Street Journal) Sources: Anthropic's revenue run rate reached $65B by the end of July, up from $47B in May 2026, $19B in March 2026, $9B in December 2025, and $4B in July 2025 (Bloomberg) Sources: Anthropic prepares to give its co-founders shares with extra voting power to help insulate them from outside pressure; Amodei owns ~2% of Anthropic (The Information) Amazon plans to expand Prime Air drone deliveries to cities in at least five more US states in the coming months, including Chicago and Atlanta by 2026's end (Bloomberg) In opening arguments, US state AGs say that Meta intentionally sought to addict children to Facebook and Instagram in pursuit of profit; Meta rejects the claims (Reuters) Subscribe to the ad-free feed.

Snorri Másson og Diljá Mist Einarsdóttir mæta í líflegt spjall um heitustu málin í pólitíkinni og efnahagslífinu. Við ræðum um komandi viðburði Þjóðmála á Selfossi og í Háskólabíói, rýnt er í væntanlega stýrivaxtaákvörðun Seðlabankans og svartsýna spá AGS um að hallalaus fjárlög verði ekki að veruleika fyrr en árið 2031 — sem stangast á við bjartsýni forsætisráðherra um að hlutirnir stefni í rétta átt. Þá er rætt um ESB-atkvæðagreiðsluna, viðhorf ungs fólks til ESB, örvæntingu þeirra sem vilja ganga í ESB og fleira í þeim dúr. Loks eru fastir liðir á sínum stað; Hrós vikunnar, hraðaspurningar, bókameðmæli og nýr liður þar sem viðmælendur velja sér þjóðarleiðtoga til að taka með í frí. Við minnum síðan á miðasöluna á Þjóðfund Þjóðmála inn á Tix.

当ポッドキャストでは現在1ヶ月間毎日ショートエピソードを公開していく、自滅行為の（笑）1ヶ月ポッドキャストチャンレンジを実施中です！第29回目となる今回は、AGSが選ぶ最強チームベスト5です。1998年以降（しばしば「AGS Era」と呼ばせてもらってます笑）のカレッジフットボールを代表する"最強チーム"をランキング形式で振り返ります。戦績やチーム力、対戦相手のレベル、そして歴史に残したインパクトをもとに、現代カレッジフットボール史を彩った5つの伝説的チームをご紹介。あなたなら、どのチームを史上最強に選びますか？===================================◆⁠ウェイブサイト「Any Given Saturday」⁠アメリカにおいてアマチュアスポーツながら絶大なる人気を誇るカレッジフットボール（大学アメフト）の様々な情報を紹介するサイト。カレッジフットボールを楽しむための基礎知識からシーズン中の試合分析、スコア、ランキングなどの紹介。加えて大学選手がプロ入りするために避けて通れないNFLドラフトの情報も。◆⁠インスタグラム⁠◆⁠フェイスブック⁠◆⁠スタンドFM主にライブ配信形式でカレッジフットボールの事をフリースタイルで話しています。そのアーカイブ音源を試聴していただけます。◆匿名で質問したい方はこちらの⁠Google Forms⁠でどうぞ◆素材提供MaxKoMusic | https://maxkomusic.com/Chosic | https://www.chosic.com/free-music/all/MusMus | https://musmus.main/jp/Pixabay | https://pixabay.com/music/#カレッジフットボール#アメリカンフットボール#アメフト

Sometimes life finds a way... to keep Eitan and Carl from recording consistently in the summer. But we're back!They break down the incredible box office performance of everyone's favorite friendly neighborhood superhero, the latest delay in the Warner Bros. Discovery–Paramount merger driven by the state AGs' lawsuit, and finally share some unlikely predictions for this weekend's D23.Join us!

In this high-stakes episode, Joe fires on all cylinders from the standard-setting open, issuing an urgent wake-up call to the American public and delivering a direct, uncompromising message to President Trump. Stripping away the establishment noise, Joe dives headfirst into new evidence surrounding election integrity, highlighting the raw revelations from the Bernstein–Benny Johnson interview alongside explosive commentary from Patrick Byrne. Byrne breaks down critical allegations concerning Eric Coomer and Dominion Voting Systems, detailing hidden email trails and exposing institutional cover-ups. With battle lines clearly drawn, Joe challenges leadership to listen to the people who continue to stand and fight for the nation.Geopolitical expert and commentator Halsey English joins the show for a deep dive into the crumbling foreign policy consensus in Washington. As American voters shift decisively toward protectionism and domestic priorities, English examines how long the political establishment can sustain overseas commitments without suffering a total collapse of authority. From the escalating risks of military overextension in the Middle East to balancing the dual threats of Russia and China, the discussion zeroes in on the sharpest fault lines within the conservative movement. English and Joe dissect the fierce internal battles over government spending, surveillance, and foreign aid—asking whether these factional splits, along with nascent third-party efforts like those backed by Thomas Massie, could permanently fracture the party.Joe confronts institutional malfeasance and the battle over life with relentless focus. The show unpacks newly exposed text messages released by Senator Ron Johnson, revealing that Dr. Anthony Fauci was privately tracking evidence linking COVID-19 vaccines to miscarriages in early 2021. Demanding immediate legal accountability from state AGs and federal prosecutors, Joe contrasts this bureaucratic deceit with the radical policy push out of Massachusetts, where Governor Maura Healey signed legislation eliminating gestational limits on abortion up to birth. Joining a growing roster of jurisdictions without time cutoffs, the move serves as a stark reminder of the cultural and moral battles defining today's political landscape.

Jury selection begins Wednesday in Oakland in a federal trial pitting four state attorneys general, including California's, against Meta. The AGs argue the company deliberately engineered addiction into Facebook and Instagram, aimed them at children, and lied to the public about the risks. Guest: Rachael Myrow, KQED Cases of the foodborne cyclospora parasite have risen sharply in California. But officials say the rise is still not linked to the major national outbreak. The parasite has not been detected on produce grown in California. But local farmers here are still feeling the effects of the outbreak. Reporter: Erin Malsbury, KAZU A Shasta County judge has blocked a number of controversial changes to the elections system that voters approved earlier this year. Reporter: Roman Battaglia, Jefferson Public Radio Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

What are state attorneys general preparing to tackle next—and what should businesses be watching? In this episode, we recap key takeaways from the 2026 Attorneys General Alliance Annual Meeting, where state AGs, regulators, and industry leaders focused on the rapid evolution of AI, privacy, pricing, child safety, and public-private partnerships. From growing scrutiny of algorithmic and surveillance pricing to expanding expectations around AI governance, data practices, online child protection, and collaboration between government and industry, the meeting underscored that state AGs are continuing to expand their influence across emerging technologies and consumer protection. For companies, the message was clear: proactive engagement, strong compliance programs, and a clear understanding of evolving state priorities will be essential as enforcement continues to accelerate. Hosted by Simone Roach. Based on a blog post by Paul L. Singer, Abigail Stempson, Beth Bolen Chun, and Andrea deLorimier.

On this, our 337th Evolutionary Lens livestream, we discuss how Western society is treating its children. First, the good news: the Department of Justice, working with AGs in Texas and Ohio, have effectively shuttered two major “gender care” clinics, and extracted promises to create clinics to support people in detransitioning. It's about time. But: why is there a Trump banner on the DoJ? This is not typically how Americans do things, for good reason. Add the Trump branded passport, and $1 coin, and there's a definite Dear Leader vibe going on. Politics has taken over analytical thought—today, all you have to do is know who stands for a thing, and you know whether you do or do not agree. (See the protein panic currently taking blue-media outlets by storm.) Then: a Yale law professor says the insane part out loud. Finally, a guy caught taking out Flock cameras suddenly has a lot of friends, at least on-line.*****Our sponsors:Timeline: Accelerate the clearing of damaged mitochondria to improve strength and endurance: Go to http://www.timeline.com/darkhorse and use code darkhorse for 20% off your first order.ARMRA Colostrum is an ancient bioactive whole food that can strengthen your immune system. Go to http://www.tryarmra.com/DARKHORSE to get 30% off your first subscription order.Caraway: Non-toxic, highly functional & beautiful cookware and bakeware. Save up to $230 on their 12 piece cookware set, and visit http://Carawayhome.com/DarkHorse for an additional 10% off your next purchase. Add their minis duo, and save up to $350.*****Join us on Locals! Get access to our Discord server, exclusive live streams, live chats for all streams, and early access to many podcasts: https://darkhorse.locals.comHeather's newsletter, Natural Selections (subscribe to get free weekly essays in your inbox): https://naturalselections.substack.comOur book, A Hunter-Gatherer's Guide to the 21st Century, is available everywhere books are sold, including from Amazon: https://amzn.to/3AGANGg (commission earned)Check out our store! Epic tabby, digital book burning, saddle up the dire wolves, and more: https://darkhorsestore.orgMusic: "Marble Machine" by WintergatanThis track can be downloaded for free at www.wintergatan.netFree License to use this track in your video can be downloaded at www.wintergatan.net*****Mentioned in this episode:Press release from Texas AG: https://www.texasattorneygeneral.gov/news/releases/attorney-general-paxton-makes-history-securing-landmark-healthcare-fraud-settlement-creates-nationsThe Epoch Times on detransitioning: https://www.theepochtimes.com/article/clinics-to-begin-offering-restorative-care-for-detransitioners-6065754Trump $1 coin: https://www.usmint.gov/campaigns/donald-trump-coinTrump passport: https://truthsocial.com/@realDonaldTrump/posts/116818397307589675The Malones on the protein panic: https://www.malone.news/p/the-protein-panic-how-a-review-paperJillian Michaels on children's programming: https://x.com/jillianmichaels/status/2084783188715676079Yale law professor Samuel Moyn: https://x.com/aaronkheriatymd/status/2084832267713851654?s=46Wesley Jackson and the Flock cameras: https://x.com/mattvanswol/status/2085002106046492858Support the show

I talk spanking with Sassy and discuss all aspects of her spanko life.

What a difference a month makes. With Paramount's bid to buy Warner Bros. Discovery now in limbo, 35,000 Warners staffers have plenty of time to reconsider their options. Could HBO chief Casey Bloys or WBTV head Channing Dungey be tempted by more stable pastures? Is Warners still a haven for top showrunners? As confidence in the deal crumbles, Hollywood is taking sides. (Case in point: Ari Emanuel‘s WSJ op-ed dismissing the state AGs' lawsuit as “trash.”) The Ankler's Lesley Goldberg joins Elaine Low and Sean McNulty to break down the quiet panic inside WBD, and why anyone senior at the company who hasn't spoken with David Ellison yet might want to be looking for a new job. Then, Degen Pener pops by to talk about the 4,000 newly minted SpaceX millionaires in L.A. and the luxury real estate they are about to snap up. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

DOCKET ALERTS:   The Paramount-Warner Bros. merger is on hold well into next year. The parties stipulated that the merger would not go through pending trial in the antitrust case brought by twelve state AGs, despite massive financial penalties for Paramount if the deal is delayed. Meanwhile, the Writers Guild of America has filed a similar antitrust action, which has also been assigned to Judge Araceli Martínez-Olguín.   Trump's newest tariff scheme, based on findings of anticompetitive use of forced labor by our trade competitors, drew multiple legal challenges. Learning Resources v. US, Take 3!    Fired US Attorney for the Western District of Washington, Roger Rogoff, is suing to get his job back.   MAIN SHOW:   In March, Trump put out an executive order instructing DHS to compile a list of voters. The states would then be forced to submit all mail-in ballot recipients to a portal and supply each with an individual bar code. The Post Office was instructed to refuse to deliver ballots to anyone not on the list. That order is now being litigated in the US District Court for the District of Columbia, the DC Circuit, the US District for Massachusetts, the First Circuit and, as of today, the Supreme Court.   James Comey has moved to dismiss the two-count federal indictment against him for posting an instagram photo of seashells that spelled out "8647." We discuss the "true threat" doctrine and the administration's larger war on freedom of speech when it comes to his critics and journalists.   Speaking of which, in the subscriber bonus, we discuss the case of Atlanta "Stop Cop City" protester Sam Tunick, who was charged with destroying evidence when he tricked CBP agents into bricking his phone. California v. Paramount-Skydance https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73606877/the-state-of-california-v-paramount-skydance-corporation/   Writers Guild of America, West, Inc. v. Paramount Skydance Corporation https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73614167/writers-guild-of-america-west-inc-v-paramount-skydance-corporation/   Fact Sheet: USTR Section 301 Action in Response to the Failure of 60 Economies to Ban Imports Produced with Forced Labor https://ustr.gov/about/policy-offices/press-office/fact-sheets/2026/july/fact-sheet-ustr-section-301-action-response-failure-60-economies-ban-imports-produced-forced-labor   Learning Resources v. US [Section 301 tariffs] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73668290/learning-resources-inc-v-the-united-states-of-america/   Burlap and Barrel v. Greer [Section 301 tariffs] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73667352/burlap-and-barrel-inc-v-greer-in-his-official-capacity-as-united-states/   Rogoff v. Trump https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73647676/rogoff-v-trump   California v. Trump [Mail-in ballots, First Circuit] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73568304/state-of-california-v-trump/?order_by=desc   League of Women Voters v. Trump [Mail-in ballots, D. Mass.] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73133197/league-of-women-voters-of-massachusetts-v-trump   NAACP v. US [Mail-in ballots, D.D.C.] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/17461792/national-association-for-the-advancement-of-colored-people-v-united-states   NAACP v. USPS [Mail-in ballots, DC Circuit] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73595574/naacp-v-usps/   Trump v. California [Mail-in ballots, SCOTUS] https://www.supremecourt.gov/Search.aspx?FileName=/docket/docketfiles/html/public26a124.html   US v. Comey [North Carolina criminal indictment for 8647; docket via CourtListener] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/73256624/united-states-v-comey/?order_by=desc   US v. Tunick [Georgia criminal indictment for bricked phone; docket via CourtListener] https://www.courtlistener.com/docket/71998357/united-states-v-tunick/ Show Links: https://www.lawandchaospod.com/ BlueSky: @LawAndChaosPod Threads: @LawAndChaosPod Twitter: @LawAndChaosPod  

David Ellison may be calling Paramount's agreement to delay its $111 billion Warner Bros. Discovery acquisition a “significant win.” Wall Street appears less convinced. Paramount Skydance shares sank to a new low after the company agreed Friday not to close the deal until the antitrust lawsuits brought by 12 state attorneys general and the Writers Guild of America are resolved — or until next June, whichever comes first. The delay starts an expensive clock. Beginning in October, Paramount must pay WBD shareholders roughly $7 million a day, or about $650 million per quarter, while the acquisition remains unfinished. Even a resolution early next year could cost close to $1 billion. A fight stretching to June would push the bill toward $2 billion — on top of the nearly $80 billion in debt the combined company is already expected to carry. “The state AGs are clearly making a lot more noise than they probably were expecting,” MoffettNathanson senior analyst Robert Fishman tells Sean McNulty on a special bonus episode of Ankler Agenda. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

当ポッドキャストでは現在1ヶ月間毎日ショートエピソードを公開していく、自滅行為の（笑）1ヶ月ポッドキャストチャンレンジを実施中です！第19回目の今回は、カレッジフットボール界で有名な選手入場シーントップ5。キックオフ前からボルテージマックスとなる演出の中から、AGSが独断で選んだ5つのチームの入場シーンをご紹介します。===================================クレムソン大バージニア工科大サウスカロライナ大ペンシルバニア州立大フロリダ州立大===================================◆⁠ウェイブサイト「Any Given Saturday」⁠アメリカにおいてアマチュアスポーツながら絶大なる人気を誇るカレッジフットボール（大学アメフト）の様々な情報を紹介するサイト。カレッジフットボールを楽しむための基礎知識からシーズン中の試合分析、スコア、ランキングなどの紹介。加えて大学選手がプロ入りするために避けて通れないNFLドラフトの情報も。◆⁠インスタグラム⁠◆⁠フェイスブック⁠◆⁠スタンドFM主にライブ配信形式でカレッジフットボールの事をフリースタイルで話しています。そのアーカイブ音源を試聴していただけます。◆匿名で質問したい方はこちらの⁠Google Forms⁠でどうぞ◆素材提供MaxKoMusic | https://maxkomusic.com/Chosic | https://www.chosic.com/free-music/all/MusMus | https://musmus.main/jp/Pixabay | https://pixabay.com/music/#カレッジフットボール#アメリカンフットボール#アメフト

Mike sits down with outgoing AGS president Alexis Padis and incoming president Bryan Moeller to talk about what a smooth leadership handoff really takes and why education, ethics, and consumer protection keep the organization aligned. We also discuss the upcoming AGS Conclave, the pressures reshaping jewelry retail, and how independent jewelers can earn trust with today's hyper-informed customers. Send us Fan Mail Send feedback or learn more about the podcast: punchmark.com/loupe Learn about Punchmark's website platform: punchmark.com Inquire about sponsoring In the Loupe and showcase your business on our next episode: podcast@punchmark.com

Governor Lamont says Connecticut's voting systems are safe amid claims of foreign interference. The LIRR station in Yaphank is now operational. AGs from our region are leading the case against a Warner Brothers-Paramount merger. Plus, the latest from WSHU's Good at Heart.

当ポッドキャストでは現在1ヶ月間毎日ショートエピソードを公開していく、自滅行為の（笑）1ヶ月ポッドキャストチャンレンジを実施中です！第16回目となる今回は、世間を驚愕させた大逆転劇トップ5。数あるカムバックゲームから、点差、ドラマ性、そしてインパクトの度合いを考慮してAGSが独断で選んだ5試合をカウントダウン形式でご紹介します。===================================◆⁠ウェイブサイト「Any Given Saturday」⁠アメリカにおいてアマチュアスポーツながら絶大なる人気を誇るカレッジフットボール（大学アメフト）の様々な情報を紹介するサイト。カレッジフットボールを楽しむための基礎知識からシーズン中の試合分析、スコア、ランキングなどの紹介。加えて大学選手がプロ入りするために避けて通れないNFLドラフトの情報も。◆⁠インスタグラム⁠◆⁠フェイスブック⁠◆⁠スタンドFM主にライブ配信形式でカレッジフットボールの事をフリースタイルで話しています。そのアーカイブ音源を試聴していただけます。◆匿名で質問したい方はこちらの⁠Google Forms⁠でどうぞ◆素材提供MaxKoMusic | https://maxkomusic.com/Chosic | https://www.chosic.com/free-music/all/MusMus | https://musmus.main/jp/Pixabay | https://pixabay.com/music/#カレッジフットボール#アメリカンフットボール#アメフト

Ralph welcomes back his old running mate, Native American activist, Winona LaDuke, who has devoted her life to advocating for Indigenous control of their homelands, natural resources, and cultural practices to talk about her latest incarnation: hemp farmer. Then, we'll speak to Hal Weitzman, from the University of Chicago's Booth School of Business, about how Elon Musk's feud with Delaware may transform corporate America. Plus, we tick off Robert Reich's ten policy prescriptions the Democratic Party should fight for to beat the GOP in the upcoming midterms.Winona LaDuke is an activist, economist, and author, who has devoted her life to advocating for Indigenous control of their homelands, natural resources, and cultural practices. She is also a two-time vice-presidential candidate with Ralph Nader. Ms. LaDuke lives and works on the White Earth Ojibwe reservation in northern Minnesota, where she runs Winona's Hemp & Heritage Farm. She is also a member of the Indigenous Hemp & Cannabis Farmer's Cooperative.I'm looking first at seed sovereignty. We're growing [European hemp] varieties and then we're growing these feral hemp varieties. They're called feral varieties (which of course, that's something that I love) which means that when they eradicated hemp in the 1930s with the Marijuana Prohibition Act—well, they missed some spots. And those guys kept growing. And so 80 years of being illegal—isn't that great? Something that's illegal for 80 years is still with us, rocking out. And so I figure if you grew illegally for 80 years, you are really a tough hemp plant…And so we are growing out these hemp varieties and built a cooperative because we want to own the seeds and we want to own the technology (the value-added processing), and we want to use this hemp as a part of our future as tribes.Winona LaDukeMy grandsons are farming. I don't know who else can say their grandchildren are farming—let me know. My grandchildren are farming. They're running the horses. They're running the farms. You know, that's a retirement plan. My 401k will be worth nothing, but my grandchildren will feed me. This is my strategy.Winona LaDukeHal Weitzman is Executive Director for Intellectual Capital at the University of Chicago Booth School of Business, editor-in-chief of Chicago Booth Review, and host of The Chicago Booth Review podcast. A former Financial Times editor and foreign correspondent, he is the author of Latin Lessons: How South America Stopped Listening to the United States and Started Prospering and What's the Matter with Delaware?: How the First State Has Favored the Rich, Powerful, and Criminal—and How It Costs Us All.There is a race to the bottom. There's been a race to the bottom for many decades. That's not new. I think it's accelerated somewhat. Delaware has joined that race from having been something of a “premium product” in terms of incorporating companies—Delaware has become a bit more “cut-price” I would say, and in that sense has followed Texas and Nevada. So the conclusion that we have a race to the bottom and it may be worse than Delaware—actually I think Delaware's already there. So it's not that it's getting worse outside of Delaware, it's getting worse including Delaware.Hal WeitzmanThe trend I think we're seeing is the exclusion of small shareholders completely—regardless of the status of your shares, this is about how big you are. And if you're a small shareholder there is no corporate democracy for you… It was practice in the past for activist groups, campaigning groups, to buy one share of a company and then to go to the shareholder meeting so they could make the point that they wanted to make. Now that kind of shareholder democracy is being encroached on. And the extent now is to say: unless you have a large position (regardless of the size of the company and the cost of the shares), you will not be allowed to bring suits against the executives for the correct running of the company.Hal WeitzmanNews 7/17/26* Our top story this week is New York Governor Kathy Hochul's decision to impose a one-year “pause” on the construction of AI data centers across the state. ABC7 reports that this is the first such moratorium in the nation, despite similar attempts in several states, most notably Maine where Governor Janet Mills vetoed a bill to this effect. Hochul argues that the pause is necessary so lawmakers and regulators can formulate “Guardrails to reduce the risk to our energy grid, minimize land disruption, noise pollution, and protect our natural resources, especially our water supply.” Hochul's move comes amidst a broader push against AI data centers from the left. Semafor reports Senator Bernie Sanders proposed a nationwide ban in March and many progressives running for state and local office in the midterms have made this a cornerstone of their campaigns. According to this piece, “In February, polling from Marquette Law School found 70% of all Wisconsinites agreeing that ‘the costs of the data centers outweigh the benefits.' Among Democrats, the number was 85%.”* Another progressive Member of Congress quite literally stepped into another hot-button political issue this week. While visiting a Palestinian village in the occupied West Bank Wednesday, Al Jazeera reports armed settlers stopped the van of Representative Ro Khanna and were “later joined by Israeli soldiers who continued to block the road.” In a video, Khanna points out, settlers can be seen “brandishing M4s [rifles], kicking the tyres of our van, laughing at us, mocking at us, videotaping us.” This continued for over an hour and was only resolved when he reached out to the American Embassy, according to Khanna. Israel has responded to this fiasco by blaming Khanna, accusing the congressman of failing to coordinate his trip with the Israeli government; Khanna retorted that “The [Israeli military] is lying” and called for the arrest of the violent settlers. Conservative political commentator Tucker Carlson excoriated U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee, writing “An American member of congress is threatened by foreign terrorists carrying American rifles, backed by a foreign military paid for by American taxpayers, and the US ambassador to that country says not a word in defense of his own countryman…It's too much, too insulting and humiliating to America.”* Following his return from occupied Palestine, Khanna again teamed up with Republican Congressman Thomas Massie of Kentucky to sponsor an amendment to the National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) which would have removed the “United States-Israel Defense Technology Cooperation Initiative” from the must-pass legislation. Responsible Statecraft describes the initiative as “an unprecedented integration of the U.S. and Israeli military industrial complexes,” by creating “an executive agent within the Department of Defense whose sole responsibility is furthering U.S. and Israeli military tech integration across nearly every facet of the defense process.” This article also notes that “Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has described this shift in the U.S.-Israel relationship as ‘my plan.'” However, House leadership is not backing this commonsense, bipartisan amendment. In a letter, Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries said he would vote against the amendment, calling it “overly broad” and claiming the amendment would “restrict our country's ability to confront Hamas, Hezbollah and other terrorist organizations in the region who are sworn enemies of both the United States and Israel,” per the Times of Israel. However, Jeffries pledged not to whip votes against the amendment and indeed the House Minority Whip, Congresswoman Katherine Clark, voted for the amendment as did Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi, despite the opposition of Jeffries and House Democratic Caucus Chair Pete Aguilar. The Congressional Progressive Caucus reportedly whipped votes in favor of the amendment.* In more Israel-related news, this week Marco Rubio – who serves as Secretary of State as well as the acting National Security Advisor – announced that the State Department will launch a “sweeping campaign to dismantle…the International Criminal Court.” CNN observes that “The administration's ire against the ICC goes back to President Donald Trump's first term, when it targeted the ICC for seeking to investigate alleged war crimes committed by US forces in Afghanistan,” and that since taking office for the second time, the Trump administration has “imposed a slew of sanctions against ICC officials for their attempts to investigate the US and Israel.” CNN also quotes a State Department official who said that top officials, including Secretary Rubio and US ambassadors, “are calling countries as part of a campaign to diplomatically isolate the International Criminal Court.” It is worth noting that “all American presidents since the ICC's ratification have maintained that the ICC does not have jurisdiction over Americans,” and that Congress even passed a law calling for an invasion and occupation of the Hague if any American serviceman was ever prosecuted by the ICC, implying that this crackdown on the court is not about American sovereignty at all but rather the prosecution of Israeli officials for their war crimes in Gaza.* In another stunning story starring Marco Rubio, the New York Times reports the Secretary of State is functionally “running Venezuela from afar.” The Times story characterizes Rubio's position as the “de facto viceroy of Venezuela,” effectively controlling the country's “finances, the distribution of its natural resources and its government.” This story makes clear that while Delcy Rodríguez, the former Vice President of Venezuela under Nicolás Maduro, nominally occupies the presidency, Rubio is the one really calling the shots, with Rubio setting the conditions on what Venezuela's export revenue “can be spent on, and by whom,” and having the authority to approve or deny key governmental appointments in the country, such as the minister of defense. In short, the United States has established a shocking explicitly neo-colonial regime in the country, fulfilling the gravest prognostications of anti-imperialist critics of American intervention in the Bolivarian Republic.* Closer to home, Bloomberg reports the federal government has officially launched a grand jury investigation into the United Auto Workers and the union's outspoken president, Shawn Fain. The investigation stems from accusations made by the union's Vice President, Rich Boyer, who alleged that Fain used his position to secure benefits for his fiancée and her sister – and when Boyer refused to approve the benefits, Fain retaliated by stripping Boyer of his duties as chief negotiator with Stellantis NV. Fain has called the allegations “false” and is accusing Boyer of seeking to influence the upcoming UAW leadership election. Fain also claims that Boyer is the one retaliating after Fain “refused the vice president's request to hire family members to positions in the union.” Fain has long maintained that the Justice Department, and specifically the DOJ-appointed monitor, Neil Barofsky, has a political grudge against him because “the UAW took an anti-war stance about what was happening in Gaza.” According to Bloomberg, “Both Fain and Boyer have slates running and each is accusing the other of attempting to abuse their positions to benefit family.”* This week, another victim of harassment by the federal government, student activist Mahmoud Khalil, filed a landmark civil rights suit alleging that the government conspired with a number of private groups – including the Heritage Foundation, Betar, and Canary Mission – to “suppress criticism of Israel through a coordinated campaign to dox, jail and ultimately deport student activists.” According to the lawsuit, said activists were “nearly automatically targeted by the Federal Defendants for arrest and removal.” Khalil's lawyers argue that this “public-private partnership” could violate the “Ku Klux Klan Act, a Reconstruction-era law that sought to restrict government coordination with vigilante groups.” The suit is led by the Center for Constitutional Rights. The AP reports “Soon after his arrest, both Canary Mission and Betar boasted of their role in flagging Khalil's noncitizen status to the government.” Since Khalil's arrest, Betar has agreed to “dissolve its nonprofit status,” following a lawsuit filed by New York Attorney General Letitia James accusing Betar's members of harassing Palestinians.* Turning to the state level, this week 12 state attorneys general, led by California's Rob Bonta, filed an antitrust lawsuit seeking to block the acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery by Paramount Skydance, controlled by the Trump-aligned David Ellison. The proposed, $110 billion merger was approved by the Antitrust Division of the Justice Department last month, which reached the dubious conclusion that the merger is “not likely to result in harm to competition or American consumers.” In the filing, Bonta and the state AGs for Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, and Washington allege that the merger “would extinguish competition between Paramount and Warner Bros. and inflict substantial harm on movie theatres, basic cable distributors, and, ultimately, audiences nationwide.” This from Reason.* In the world of philanthropy, CNBC reports Warren Buffett, the billionaire chairman of Berkshire Hathaway, has “excluded the Gates Foundation from his sizable annual charitable donations.” As this report notes, the Gates Foundation has been among the top recipients of his annual Berkshire donations, totaling $47 billion worth of Berkshire stock since 2006. The reason for the exclusion of the Gates Foundation has been much speculated upon, in particular, whether it was due to the recent revelations about Gates' relationship with Jeffrey Epstein. Asked about this, Buffett said that he had “read a great deal…in terms of what happened, with Bill and Epstein,” calling their relationship “distasteful,” but also saying that he “found nothing in there that was beyond what [he] could picture [himself] doing.” Instead of the Gates Foundation, all of this year's donations will go to foundations linked to the Buffett family.* Finally, British multinational diamond conglomerate De Beers, famous for coining the “A Diamond is Forever” tagline in 1947, reported this week that they plan to halt work at their “flagship” Venetia mine in South Africa as demand for the stones wanes. The BBC highlights both slackening consumer demand as well as competition from lab-grown diamonds, particularly those produced in China. That said, the closing of the Venetia mine – the biggest in South Africa, accounting for over 40% of the country's diamond production – will send shockwaves through that country's already shaky economy. That mine alone employs more than 4,000 people, while the mining sector employs nearly half a million. De Beers said they plan to reopen the mine in two years; in the meantime, they are looking to expand copper mining to keep up with demand from AI data centers.This has been Francesco DeSantis, with In Case You Haven't Heard. Get full access to Ralph Nader Radio Hour at www.ralphnaderradiohour.com/subscribe

What should food delivery apps tell you before you click “place order”? In this episode, we unpack a bipartisan coalition of 16 state attorneys general urging the FTC to adopt sweeping new rules governing food delivery platform fees, with a focus on drip pricing, service fees, menu markups, tipping transparency, and personalized pricing. The AGs argue that consumers deserve clearer disclosures about how fees are calculated, whether menu prices differ from in-store prices, and when personal data is being used to tailor prices or discounts. As state and federal regulators increasingly align around pricing transparency, the proposal signals that food delivery platforms—and potentially other industries using similar pricing models—should prepare for heightened scrutiny of fees, disclosures, and data-driven pricing practices. Hosted by Simone Roach. Based on a blog post by Paul L. Singer, Abigail Stempson, Beth Bolen Chun, and Andrea deLorimier.

当ポッドキャストでは現在1ヶ月間毎日ショートエピソードを公開していく、自滅行為の（笑）1ヶ月ポッドキャストチャンレンジを実施中です！第9回目となる今回は、AGSが選ぶベストマスコットトップ5：動物編です。歴史、人気、インパクトすべてにおいて群を抜いている「生きた動物マスコット・ベスト5」を私が独断で選び、知られざる裏話や逸話とともにカウントダウン形式でご紹介します！===================================◆⁠ウェイブサイト「Any Given Saturday」⁠アメリカにおいてアマチュアスポーツながら絶大なる人気を誇るカレッジフットボール（大学アメフト）の様々な情報を紹介するサイト。カレッジフットボールを楽しむための基礎知識からシーズン中の試合分析、スコア、ランキングなどの紹介。加えて大学選手がプロ入りするために避けて通れないNFLドラフトの情報も。◆⁠インスタグラム⁠◆⁠フェイスブック⁠◆⁠スタンドFM主にライブ配信形式でカレッジフットボールの事をフリースタイルで話しています。そのアーカイブ音源を試聴していただけます。◆匿名で質問したい方はこちらの⁠Google Forms⁠でどうぞ◆素材提供MaxKoMusic | https://maxkomusic.com/Chosic | https://www.chosic.com/free-music/all/MusMus | https://musmus.main/jp/Pixabay | https://pixabay.com/music/#カレッジフットボール#アメリカンフットボール#アメフト

当ポッドキャストでは現在1ヶ月間毎日ショートエピソードを公開していく、自滅行為の（笑）1ヶ月ポッドキャストチャンレンジを実施中です！第8回目となる今回は、AGSが選ぶベストマスコットトップ5：着ぐるみ編です。各大学にはそれぞれユニークなマスコットが存在します。その中から着ぐるみのマスコットに絞って、AGSの独断と偏見選んだベスト5マスコットをご紹介します。===================================◆⁠ウェイブサイト「Any Given Saturday」⁠アメリカにおいてアマチュアスポーツながら絶大なる人気を誇るカレッジフットボール（大学アメフト）の様々な情報を紹介するサイト。カレッジフットボールを楽しむための基礎知識からシーズン中の試合分析、スコア、ランキングなどの紹介。加えて大学選手がプロ入りするために避けて通れないNFLドラフトの情報も。◆⁠インスタグラム⁠◆⁠フェイスブック⁠◆⁠スタンドFM主にライブ配信形式でカレッジフットボールの事をフリースタイルで話しています。そのアーカイブ音源を試聴していただけます。◆匿名で質問したい方はこちらの⁠Google Forms⁠でどうぞ◆素材提供MaxKoMusic | https://maxkomusic.com/Chosic | https://www.chosic.com/free-music/all/MusMus | https://musmus.main/jp/Pixabay | https://pixabay.com/music/#カレッジフットボール#アメリカンフットボール#アメフト

New York environmental advocates assess this year's wins and losses. Our region's AGs look to crack down on spam calls. A handful of Connecticut beaches are closed for swimming due to high bacteria levels. Plus, Broadway comes to Norwalk!

Listen to Scarlet talk about spanking and navigating around being married to a non-spanko.

As tick populations grow and their ranges expand, the number of people being diagnosed with alpha-gal syndrome (AGS) is rising. So what is alpha gal syndrome? Today I want to dive into this serious, potentially life-threatening type of food allergy that is associated with the bite of a tick. Joining me today is Cara Martone, Cara is a doctoral student at Tufts University who is currently doing her research on AGS.

To have Dr. Morse answer a question, visit: https://drmorses.tv/ask/ All of Dr. Morse's and his son's websites under one roof: https://handcrafted.health/ Facebook Page: https://www.facebook.com/handcrafted.health 00:00:00 - Intro - Mangoes - Comfrey - Spirituality  00:14:13 - Benign Parotid Tumor (Left) - Trigeminal Neuralgia - Food Cravings - Diet Question  00:27:45 - Tinnitus - Brittle nails - Canker sores - Depression - Anxiety 01:12:22 - Bloating - Gas - Erratic fast Heart Rate 01:23:30 - Aicardi-Goutières syndrome (AGS) 00:14:13 - Benign Parotid Tumor (Left) - Trigeminal Neuralgia - Food Cravings - Diet Question  Question from previous eye pictures analysis on Q&A #856 00:27:45 - Tinnitus - Brittle nails - Canker sores - Depression - Anxiety I've had persistent ringing in my left ear for about 4 years.  01:12:22 - Bloating - Gas - Erratic fast Heart Rate I have a huge buildup of gas, causing my heart to go very fast and out of rhythm. 01:23:30 - Aicardi-Goutières syndrome (AGS) I wanted to ask about my baby who has Aicardi-Goutiéres syndrome.

The Department of Justice just approved the Paramount and Warner Bros. Discovery deal, and it is the biggest media story of the week. In this quick hit episode of Geek Freaks Headlines, Frank breaks down what the $111 billion sign-off actually means, which regulators are still standing in the way, and why he believes this merger is bad news for fans, creators, and the entertainment industry as a whole.This is the largest federal hurdle the deal had to clear, and now that Washington has stepped aside, the conversation shifts to the state attorneys general and overseas regulators who could still slow it down. Frank also lays out exactly which franchises and brands would end up under the same corporate umbrella, from DC and Harry Potter to Star Trek and Top Gun, and makes the case for why all of that consolidation should worry you.0:00 DOJ Approves the $111 Billion Paramount and Warner Bros Deal0:16 The Studios and Franchises Being Combined0:25 Why Frank Thinks This Deal Should Be Stopped0:33 What Comes Next and Final ThoughtsThe DOJ has approved the Paramount and Warner Bros. Discovery deal valued at $111 billion, clearing the biggest federal antitrust hurdle the merger faced.The fight is not over. The California AG, New York, and nearly a dozen other states are still reviewing the deal, along with regulators in the UK and EU.Australia cleared the deal on June 9 and Germany cleared it earlier this year, so international approvals are starting to stack up.The combined company would unite DC, Harry Potter, Looney Tunes, and CNN with Paramount franchises like Star Trek, Top Gun, and Mission: Impossible.Frank's take is that this consolidation hampers creativity and leads to job losses, making it a win for the Ellisons and wealthy investors but a bad deal for everyone else."The DOJ just approved the Paramount and Warner Brothers deal for $111 billion. This clears the federal antitrust hurdle.""In my opinion, this deal has to be stopped. It will hamper creativity. It will be job losses.""This is a big win for them. As we get more information, I'll make sure to share it."For the full breakdown and all our latest coverage, head to GeekFreaksPodcast.com, your home for geek culture news.Follow us and join the conversation:Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/thegeekfreakspodcastThreads: https://www.threads.net/@geekfreakspodcastPatreon: https://www.patreon.com/GeekFreakspodcastWhere do you land on this one? Do you think the state AGs can actually stop the merger, or is this deal already a done deal? Send us your questions and hot takes and we may read them on a future episode.If you enjoyed this episode, subscribe wherever you get your podcasts, leave us a rating and review, and share it with a fellow geek using #Hollywood so more people can join the discussion.Paramount, Warner Bros, WBD merger, DOJ approval, Paramount Skydance, David Ellison, Hollywood mergers, antitrust, media consolidation, Star Trek, DC, Harry Potter, Top Gun, entertainment news, streaming wars, geek culture, film news, Geek Freaks HeadlinesTimestampsKey TakeawaysMemorable QuotesStay ConnectedJoin the ConversationSupport the Show

Lyme disease is a real lemon. Despite mainstream medicine building a consensus about Lyme Disease and Alpha-Gal Syndrome, and despite conspiracies surrounding the rejection of that consensus in favor of laboratory experiments gone wrong (or as planned), these "diseases" work on assumption and statical fraud: Lyme is caused by the Deer Tick, which is associated in general with the disease, and a set of symptoms that are the body's reaction to nearly every potential hazard; AGS is caused by the Lone Star Tick, which is associated in general with an allergic reaction. In both cases, only a percentage of the people “infected” come down symptoms that could also be the result of poor dietary and lifestyle habits — see fatigue and bodily pain. The fact is, visit the doctor with the symptoms in 2021, you have COVID; visit the doctor today and you have Lyme or AGS. As for red meat allergies caused by ticks, the case by case reporting is hype and assumption/association. Are there weaponized ticks being dropped off in boxes in the woods? Probably not, considering “tick boxes” are very real preventative measures that can be purchased to attract the bugs for extermination. While we are busy arguing and calling each other names, a whole other reality awaits. *The is the FREE archive, which includes advertisements. If you want an ad-free experience, you can subscribe below underneath the show description.

Mina joins me for some talk about our favorite topic... SPANKING!

Cue Michael Jackson's Man in the Mirror for this hour of leftist rubbish as democrats reveal their mid-term strategy to flip Texas blue: Claim you have the moral high ground. The deep state claims Trump's moves to secure the midterms and prevent illegals from voting are really his play to steal the election. JD Vance asks all 50 state attorneys general to attend a fraud roundtable but the democrat party no shows, save for the AGs of Colorado and Utah. New polling shows democrats facing a big uphill battle to retake the Senate.  

Iowa Attorney General BRENNA BIRD was at the White House today meeting with Vice President JD Vance and other state AGs to discuss halting rampant fraud. Together they will be forming a joint task force between states and federal government to stop fraud and protect tax payers.

You could be waking up at 3am with severe stomach pain, hives, or worse, and your doctor might have no idea why. In this episode of the Gut Check Project, Dr. Kenneth Brown and Eric Rieger break down one of the most under-diagnosed conditions in America: Alpha-Gal Syndrome (AGS), a red meat allergy triggered not by the meat itself, but by a single tick bite.They're joined by Dr. Bryan Allgire, a board-certified ER physician from East Texas who has AGS himself. He shares a firsthand account of how three tick bites quietly rewired his immune system and what happened the night his mother-in-law's beef stew sent him into the worst pain of his life.If you spend any time outdoors east of the Rockies, this episode could change how you think about your gut symptoms forever.Topics covered:What alpha-gal syndrome actually is and why it's the only known sugar allergen. Why your blood type determines your risk (type B? You're probably safe). The Lone Star tick larvae you can't see that can still bite you. Why AGS is likely behind thousands of mystery GI cases going undiagnosed. Hidden sources of alpha-gal including porcine heart valves, Armour Thyroid, and pancreatic enzymes. Emerging treatments including acupuncture protocols and hyperbaric oxygen therapy. The shocking 12.8x increased risk of coronary artery disease linked to AGS.

OA1258 - The Social Media Victims Law Center just made history in a Los Angeles courtroom by holding Meta and Google accountable for mental health harms which they successfully argued to a jury knowingly caused harm to children. In a novel legal theory, these plaintiffs argued that they were harmed not through a lack of content moderation or other editorial choices which might otherwise be protected by Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, but by the fundamental design of platforms like Facebook, Instagram, TikTok, and Youtube. SMVLC founder Matthew Bergman joins to share how his decades of litigating on behalf of people harmed by asbestos brought him to this groundbreaking lawsuit and what it might mean for the thousands of other actions the SMVLC has brought around the US, as well as the upcoming claims which will be litigated by state AGs later this year. Where do the immunities guaranteed by Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act end and the harmful and potentially addicting features which social media platforms have knowingly baked into the design of their platforms begin? Is “social media addiction” a demonstrable mental health issue or just a way to pathologize a bad habit? And could these well-meaning suits pose any threats to our privacy and civil liberties in the name of protecting children? We take on these and many more of the questions raised by some of the most fascinating and controversial civil litigation of the 21st century so far. Attorney Matthew Bergman's bio from Lewis & Clark Law's website Social Media Victims Law Center website Addiction By Design, Natasha Dow Shull, Princeton University Press (2014) Lemmon v. Snap, Inc., 995 F.3d 1085 (9th Cir. 2021) Check out the OA Linktree for all the places to go and things to do!

What happens when a spike in gas prices crosses the legal line from market fluctuation to potential price gouging? In this episode, we unpack Connecticut Attorney General William Tong's declaration of an “abnormal market disruption,” a move that triggers the state's price gouging protections and makes it unlawful for anyone in the fuel supply chain to charge “unconscionably excessive” prices during the disruption period. With the announcement tied to rapidly rising wholesale gas prices amid an international crisis—and backed by coordinated monitoring and enforcement from multiple state agencies—the episode explores how these laws work in practice, why businesses across the distribution chain should take notice, and how state AGs may take an increasingly expansive view of pricing enforcement in volatile markets. Hosted by Simone Roach. Based on a blog post by Paul L. Singer, Beth Bolen Chun, Abigail Stempson, and Andrea deLorimier.

Transition Talks from the Farm Forward ConferenceAt the Farm Forward Conference, Uplevel Dairy Podcast host Peggy Coffeen interviews Steve Bodart of AgriGrowth Solutions about the financial side of family farm transition. Bodart explains his accrual-based financial consulting approach that connects production decisions to financial outcomes, benchmarks performance, and evaluates what both outgoing and incoming generations need and can afford. He emphasizes financial transparency so everyone hears the same message at the same time, and says succession is a journey requiring room for growth, disciplined debt payments, and honest discussions about cost of production, capital spending, and competitiveness.Steve notes failures often stem from resisting change and poor communication without a facilitator. He advocates involving owners and capable mid-managers and giving younger generations responsibility for financial projects, such as analyzing how a transition barn can improve profitability.AgriGrowth Solutions is a team of financial consultants with strong dairy backgrounds which represent and work for the best interests of dairy producers. The AGS team guides clients through their business' financial position and assists in planning for their continued and future success.Contact Steve Bodart, AgriGrowth Solutions: SteveBodart@agrigrowthsolutions.comVisit: https://agrigrowthsolutions.com/01:10 Meet Steve Bodart01:50 What Steve Does03:21 Financial Transparency05:56 Planning for Growth07:00 Building a Win Win Plan09:42 Who Belongs in Meetings11:20 Why Transitions Fail14:44 Bringing Next Gen In17:23 Real World Project Example

Bob and Eric discuss Pam Bondi, possible new AGs, and whether America should remain in NATO?Follow Eric Matheny on Pickax - https://pickax.com/ericmmathenyFollow Bob Dunlap on Pickax - https://pickax.com/robertdunlap947

Max and 99 kick things off revisiting old predictions and check how they're holding up. They hit the headlines: billionaires breaking records, geopolitical conflict threatening economic stability, and monopoly concerns in the music industry. Listener emails cover politics, financial industry backdoors, and navigating complicity. They rank their Top 5 historical figures to reclaim, do some movie talk, and member shoutouts round it out. Enjoy! Chapters Intro: 00:00:18 Housekeeping: 00:00:34 Headlines: 00:21:13 Emails: 00:48:54 Top 5: 01:00:23 Beyond the Bullshit: 01:19:35 Outro: 01:43:27 Resources Acquired: Epic Systems (MyChart) Bloomberg: Europe Rushes to Contain Price Fallout From War in Middle East Foreign Policy: The Iran War Is Jeopardizing the Entire Global Economy Forbes: World’s Billionaires List The Cut: ‘My Friends Live in a Bubble. Should I Dump Them?’ NPR: Live Nation and Justice Department reach settlement in antitrust case Reuters: Judge tells Live Nation, state AGs to negotiate potential deal Straight White American Jesus Podcast John Fugelsang: Separation of Church and Hate: A Sane Person's Guide to Taking Back the Bible from Fundamentalists Margin Call Inside Job Forbes: AI Minted More Than 50 New Billionaires In 2025 Matt Taibbi: Griftopia: A Story of Bankers, Politicians, and the Most Audacious Power Grab in American History Kanopy UNFTR Resources The End of the American Experiment. The Clinton Series. Phone A Friend: Zohran Mamdani. -- If you like #UNFTR, please leave us a rating and review on Apple Podcasts and Spotify: unftr.com/rate and follow us on Facebook, Bluesky, and Instagram at @UNFTRpod. Visit us online at unftr.com. Become a member at unftr.com/memberships. Buy yourself some Unf*cking Coffee at shop.unftr.com. Visit our bookshop.org page at bookshop.org/shop/UNFTRpod to find the full UNFTR book list, and find book recommendations from our Unf*ckers at bookshop.org/lists/unf-cker-book-recommendations. Access the UNFTR Musicless feed by following the instructions at unftr.com/accessibility.Support the show: https://www.unftr.com/membershipsSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

It's an era of breakthroughs in Alzheimer's research, yet for many clinicians, it's also a time of profound uncertainty. We are currently navigating competing definitions of the disease, multiple new biomarkers coming on market seemingly every week, and the clinical rollout of new amyloid antibodies. How do we translate this rapid-fire science into daily practice? On this week's GeriPal podcast, we sit down with dementia experts Halima Amjad, Barak Gaster, and Heather Whitson. We dive deep into: The evolving definitions of Alzheimer's disease.  Does someone have Alzheimer's disease if you have only an abnormal biomarker as defined by the Alzheimer's Association, or is amyloid pathology necessary but not sufficient to define Alzheimer's as per the International Working Group (IWG) recommendations? Where do blood-based biomarkers for Alzheimer's fit into the diagnostic workup, and should they be used at all in primary care?  FYI - here is my take on that question in a recent JAMA IM article titled "The Limited Role of Alzheimer's Disease Blood-Based Biomarkers in Primary Care." What's the role of amyloid antibodies in the care of individuals with Alzheimer's disease, including who to use them on? We covered a lot and discussed some of these resources that you can do a deeper dive on: Blood-based biomarker resources JAMA article on Blood-Based Biomarkers for Alzheimer's Disease: Preventing Unintended Consequences  Alzheimer's Dementia article on Blood-based biomarkers for detecting Alzheimer's disease pathology in cognitively impaired individuals within specialized care settings: A systematic review and meta-analysis JAMA IM article on The Limited Role of Alzheimer Disease Blood-Based Biomarkers in Primary Care Appropriate use recommendations for amyloid antibodies Donanemab: Appropriate use recommendations  Lecanemab: Appropriate Use Recommendations Primary Care Resources Cognition in Primary Care program A JAGS article on "Large Health System Quality Improvement Intervention Providing Training and Tools to Improve Detection of Cognitive Impairment in Primary Care" Other resources AGS's new online curriculum for Alzheimer's Disease By Eric Widera  

Last time we spoke about the end of the battle of khalkin gol. In the summer of 1939, the Nomonhan Incident escalated into a major border conflict between Soviet-Mongolian forces and Japan's Kwantung Army along the Halha River. Despite Japanese successes in July, Zhukov launched a decisive offensive on August 20. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the river, unleashing over 200 bombers and intense artillery barrages that devastated Japanese positions. Zhukov's northern, central, and southern forces encircled General Komatsubara's 23rd Division, supported by Manchukuoan units. Fierce fighting ensued: the southern flank collapsed under Colonel Potapov's armor, while the northern Fui Heights held briefly before falling to relentless assaults, including flame-throwing tanks. Failed Japanese counterattacks on August 24 resulted in heavy losses, with regiments shattered by superior Soviet firepower and tactics. By August 25, encircled pockets were systematically eliminated, leading to the annihilation of the Japanese 6th Army. The defeat, coinciding with the Hitler-Stalin Pact, forced Japan to negotiate a ceasefire on September 15-16, redrawing borders. Zhukov's victory exposed Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare, influencing future strategies and deterring further northern expansion.   #192 The Soviet–Japanese Neutrality Pact Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. Despite the fact this technically will go into future events, I thought it was important we talk about a key moment in Sino history. Even though the battle of changkufeng and khalkin gol were not part of the second sino-Japanese war, their outcomes certainly would affect it.  Policymaking by the Soviet Union alone was not the primary factor in ending Moscow's diplomatic isolation in the late 1930s. After the Munich Conference signaled the failure of the popular front/united front approach, Neville Chamberlain, Adolf Hitler, and Poland's Józef Beck unintentionally strengthened Joseph Stalin's position in early 1939. Once the strategic cards were in his hands, Stalin capitalized on them. His handling of negotiations with Britain and France, as well as with Germany, from April to August was deft and effective. The spring and summer negotiations among the European powers are well documented and have been examined from many angles. In May 1939, while Stalin seemed to have the upper hand in Europe, yet before Hitler had signaled that a German–Soviet agreement might be possible, the Nomonhan incident erupted, a conflict initiated and escalated by the Kwantung Army. For a few months, the prospect of a Soviet–Japanese war revived concerns in Moscow about a two-front conflict. Reviewing Soviet talks with Britain, France, and Germany in the spring and summer of 1939 from an East Asian perspective sheds fresh light on the events that led to the German–Soviet Nonaggression Pact and, more broadly, to the outbreak of World War II. The second week of May marked the start of fighting at Nomonhan, during which negotiations between Germany and the USSR barely advanced beyond mutual scrutiny. Moscow signaled that an understanding with Nazi Germany might be possible. Notably, on May 4, the removal of Maksim Litvinov as foreign commissar and his replacement by Vyacheslav Molotov suggested a shift in approach. Litvinov, an urbane diplomat of Jewish origin and married to an Englishwoman, had been the leading Soviet proponent of the united-front policy and a steadfast critic of Nazi Germany. If a settlement with Hitler was sought, Litvinov was an unsuitable figure to lead the effort. Molotov, though with limited international experience, carried weight as chairman of the Council of Ministers and, more importantly, as one of Stalin's closest lieutenants. This personnel change seemed to accomplish its aim in Berlin, where the press was instructed on May 5 to halt polemical attacks on the Soviet Union and Bolshevism. On the same day, Karl Schnurre, head of the German Foreign Ministry's East European trade section, told Soviet chargé d'affaires Georgi Astakhov that Skoda, the German-controlled Czech arms manufacturer, would honor existing arms contracts with Russia. Astakhov asked whether, with Litvinov's departure, Germany might resume negotiations for a trade treaty Berlin had halted months earlier. By May 17, during discussions with Schnurre, Astakhov asserted that "there were no conflicts in foreign policy between Germany and the Soviet Union and that there was no reason for enmity between the two countries," and that Britain and France's negotiations appeared unpromising. The next day, Ribbentrop personally instructed Schulenburg to green-light trade talks. Molotov, however, insisted that a "political basis" for economic negotiations had to be established first. Suspicion remained high on both sides. Stalin feared Berlin might use reports of German–Soviet talks to destabilize a potential triple alliance with Britain and France; Hitler feared Stalin might use such reports to entice Tokyo away from an anti-German pact. The attempt to form a tripartite military alliance among Germany, Italy, and Japan foundered over divergent aims: Berlin targeted Britain and France; Tokyo aimed at the Soviet Union. Yet talks persisted through August 1939, with Japanese efforts to draw Germany into an anti-Soviet alignment continually reported to Moscow by Richard Sorge. Hitler and Mussolini, frustrated by Japanese objections, first concluded the bilateral Pact of Steel on May 22. The next day, Hitler, addressing his generals, stressed the inevitability of war with Poland and warned that opposition from Britain would be crushed militarily. He then hinted that Russia might "prove disinterested in the destruction of Poland," suggesting closer ties with Japan if Moscow opposed Germany. The exchange was quickly leaked to the press. Five days later, the first pitched battle of the Nomonhan campaign began. Although Hitler's timing with the Yamagata detachment's foray was coincidental, Moscow may have found the coincidence ominous. Despite the inducement of Molotov's call for a political basis before economic talks, Hitler and Ribbentrop did not immediately respond. On June 14, Astakhov signaled to Parvan Draganov, Bulgaria's ambassador in Berlin, that the USSR faced three options: ally with Britain and France, continue inconclusive talks with them, or align with Germany, the latter being closest to Soviet desires. Draganov relayed to the German Foreign Ministry that Moscow preferred a non-aggression agreement if Germany would pledge not to attack the Soviet Union. Two days later, Schulenburg told Astakhov that Germany recognized the link between economic and political relations and was prepared for far-reaching talks, a view echoed by Ribbentrop. The situation remained tangled: the Soviets pursued overt talks with Britain and France, while Stalin sought to maximize Soviet leverage. Chamberlain's stance toward Moscow remained wary but recognized a "psychological value" to an Anglo–Soviet rapprochement, tempered by his insistence on a hard bargain. American ambassador William C. Bullitt urged London to avoid the appearance of pursuing the Soviets, a view that resonated with Chamberlain's own distrust. Public confidence in a real Anglo–Soviet alliance remained low. By July 19, cabinet minutes show Chamberlain could not quite believe a genuine Russia–Germany alliance was possible, though he recognized the necessity of negotiations with Moscow to deter Hitler and to mollify an increasingly skeptical British public. Despite reservations, both sides kept the talks alive. Stalin's own bargaining style, with swift Soviet replies but frequent questions and demands, often produced delays. Molotov pressed on questions such as whether Britain and France would pledge to defend the Baltic states, intervene if Japan attacked the USSR, or join in opposing Germany if Hitler pressured Poland or Romania. These considerations were not trivial; they produced extended deliberations. On July 23, Molotov demanded that plans for coordinated military action among the three powers be fleshed out before a political pact. Britain and France accepted most political terms, and an Anglo-French military mission arrived in Moscow on August 11. The British commander, Admiral Sir Reginald Plunket-Ernle-Erle-Drax, conducted staff talks but could not conclude a military agreement. The French counterpart, General Joseph Doumenc, could sign but not bind his government. By then, Hitler had set August 26 as the date for war with Poland. With that looming, Hitler pressed for Soviet neutrality, or closer cooperation. In July and August, secret German–Soviet negotiations favored the Germans, who pressed for a rapid settlement and made most concessions. Yet Stalin benefited from keeping the British and French engaged, creating leverage against Hitler and safeguarding a potential Anglo–Soviet option as a fallback. To lengthen the talks and avoid immediate resolution, Moscow emphasized the Polish issue. Voroshilov demanded the Red Army be allowed to operate through Polish territory to defend Poland, a demand Warsaw would never accept. Moscow even floated a provocative plan: if Britain and France could compel Poland to permit Baltic State naval operations, the Western fleets would occupy Baltic ports, an idea that would have been militarily perilous and diplomatically explosive. Despite this, Stalin sought an agreement with Germany. Through Richard Sorge's intelligence, Moscow knew Tokyo aimed to avoid large-scale war with the USSR, and Moscow pressed for a German–Soviet settlement, including a nonaggression pact and measures to influence Japan to ease Sino–Japanese tensions. On August 16, Ribbentrop instructed Schulenburg to urge Molotov and Stalin toward a nonaggression pact and to coordinate with Japan. Stalin signaled willingness, and August 23–24 saw the drafting of the pact and the collapse of the Soviet and Japanese resistance elsewhere. That night, in a memorandum of Ribbentrop's staff, seven topics were summarized, with Soviet–Japanese relations and Molotov's insistence that Berlin demonstrate good faith standing out. Ribbentrop reiterated his willingness to influence Japan for a more favorable Soviet–Japanese relationship, and Stalin's reply indicated a path toward a détente in the East alongside the European agreement: "M. Stalin replied that the Soviet Union indeed desired an improvement in its relations with Japan, but that there were limits to its patience with regard to Japanese provocations. If Japan desired war she could have it. The Soviet Union was not afraid of it and was prepared for it. If Japan desired peace—so much the better! M. Stalin considered the assistance of Germany in bringing about an improvement in Soviet-Japanese relations as useful, but he did not want the Japanese to get the impression that the initiative in this direction had been taken by the Soviet Union."  Second, the assertion that the Soviet Union was prepared for and unafraid of war with Japan is an overstatement, though Stalin certainly had grounds for optimism regarding the battlefield situation and the broader East Asian strategic balance. It is notable that, despite the USSR's immediate diplomatic and military gains against Japan, Stalin remained anxious to conceal from Tokyo any peace initiative that originated in Moscow. That stance suggests that Tokyo or Hsinking might read such openness as a sign of Soviet weakness or confidence overextended. The Japanese danger, it would seem, did not disappear from Stalin's mind. Even at the height of his diplomatic coup, Stalin was determined not to burn bridges prematurely. On August 21, while he urged Hitler to send Ribbentrop to Moscow, he did not sever talks with Britain and France. Voroshilov requested a temporary postponement on the grounds that Soviet delegation officers were needed for autumn maneuvers. It was not until August 25, after Britain reiterated its resolve to stand by Poland despite the German–Soviet pact, that Stalin sent the Anglo–French military mission home. Fortified by the nonaggression pact, which he hoped would deter Britain and France from action, Hitler unleashed his army on Poland on September 1. Two days later, as Zhukov's First Army Group was completing its operations at Nomonhan, Hitler faced a setback when Britain and France declared war. Hitler had hoped to finish Poland quickly in 1939 and avoid fighting Britain and France until 1940. World War II in Europe had begun. The Soviet–Japanese conflict at Nomonhan was not the sole, nor even the principal, factor prompting Stalin to conclude an alliance with Hitler. Standing aside from a European war that could fracture the major capitalist powers might have been reason enough. Yet the conflict with Japan in the East was also a factor in Stalin's calculations, a dimension that has received relatively little attention in standard accounts of the outbreak of the war. This East Asian focus seeks to clarify the record without proposing a revolutionary reinterpretation of Soviet foreign policy; rather, it adds an important piece often overlooked in the "origins of the Second World War" puzzle, helping to reduce the overall confusion. The German–Soviet agreement provided for the Soviet occupation of the eastern half of Poland soon after Germany's invasion. On September 3, just forty-eight hours after the invasion and on the day Britain and France declared war, Ribbentrop urged Moscow to invade Poland from the east. Yet, for two more weeks, Poland's eastern frontier remained inviolate; Soviet divisions waited at the border, as most Polish forces were engaged against Germany. The German inquiries about the timing of the Soviet invasion continued, but the Red Army did not move. This inactivity is often attributed to Stalin's caution and suspicion, but that caution extended beyond Europe. Throughout early September, sporadic ground and air combat continued at Nomonhan, including significant activity by Kwantung Army forces on September 8–9, and large-scale air engagements on September 1–2, 4–5, and 14–15. Not until September 15 was the Molotov–Togo cease-fire arrangement finalized, to take effect on September 16. The very next morning, September 17, the Red Army crossed the Polish frontier into a country collapsed at its feet. It appears that Stalin wanted to ensure that fighting on his eastern flank had concluded before engaging in Western battles, avoiding a two-front war. Through such policies, Stalin avoided the disaster of a two-front war. Each principal in the 1939 diplomatic maneuvering pursued distinct objectives. The British sought an arrangement with the USSR that would deter Hitler from attacking Poland and, if deterred, bind Moscow to the Anglo–French alliance. Hitler sought an alliance with the USSR to deter Britain and France from aiding Poland and, if they did aid Poland, to secure Soviet neutrality. Japan sought a military alliance with Germany against the USSR, or failing that, stronger Anti-Comintern ties. Stalin aimed for an outcome in which Germany would fight the Western democracies, leaving him freedom to operate in both the West and East; failing that, he sought military reassurance from Britain and France in case he had to confront Germany. Of the four, only Stalin achieved his primary objective. Hitler secured his secondary objective; the British and Japanese failed to realize theirs. Stalin won the diplomatic contest in 1939. Yet, as diplomats gave way to generals, the display of German military power in Poland and in Western Europe soon eclipsed Stalin's diplomatic triumph. By playing Germany against Britain and France, Stalin gained leverage and a potential fallback, but at the cost of unleashing a devastating European war. As with the aftermath of the Portsmouth Treaty in 1905, Russo-Japanese relations improved rapidly after hostilities ceased at Nomonhan. The Molotov–Togo agreement of September 15 and the local truces arranged around Nomonhan on September 19 were observed scrupulously by both sides. On October 27, the two nations settled another long-standing dispute by agreeing to mutual release of fishing boats detained on charges of illegal fishing in each other's territorial waters. On November 6, the USSR appointed Konstantin Smetanin as ambassador to Tokyo, replacing the previous fourteen-month tenure of a chargé d'affaires. Smetanin's first meeting with the new Japanese foreign minister, Nomura Kichisaburö, in November 1939 attracted broad, favorable coverage in the Japanese press. In a break with routine diplomatic practice, Nomura delivered a draft proposal for a new fisheries agreement and a memo outlining the functioning of the joint border commission to be established in the Nomonhan area before Smetanin presented his credentials. On December 31, an agreement finalizing Manchukuo's payment to the USSR for the sale of the Chinese Eastern Railway was reached, and the Soviet–Japanese Fisheries Convention was renewed for 1940. In due course, the boundary near Nomonhan was formally redefined. A November 1939 agreement between Molotov and Togo established a mixed border commission representing the four parties to the dispute. After protracted negotiations, the border commission completed its redemarcation on June 14, 1941, with new border markers erected in August 1941. The resulting boundary largely followed the Soviet–MPR position, lying ten to twelve miles east of the Halha River. With that, the Nomonhan incident was officially closed.  Kwantung Army and Red Army leaders alike sought to "teach a lesson" to their foe at Nomonhan. The refrain recurs in documents and memoirs from both sides, "we must teach them a lesson." The incident provided lessons for both sides, but not all were well learned. For the Red Army, the lessons of Nomonhan intertwined with the laurels of victory, gratifying but sometimes distracting. Georgy Zhukov grasped the experience of modern warfare that summer, gaining more than a raised profile: command experience, confidence, and a set of hallmarks he would employ later. He demonstrated the ability to grasp complex strategic problems quickly, decisive crisis leadership, meticulous attention to logistics and deception, patience in building superior strength before striking at the enemy's weakest point, and the coordination of massed artillery, tanks, mechanized infantry, and tactical air power in large-scale double envelopment. These capabilities informed his actions at Moscow, Stalingrad, Kursk, and ultimately Berlin. It is tempting to wonder how Zhukov might have fared in the crucial autumn and winter of 1941 without Nomonhan, or whether he would have been entrusted with the Moscow front in 1941 had he not distinguished himself at Nomonhan. Yet the Soviet High Command overlooked an important lesson. Despite Zhukov's successes with independent tank formations and mechanized infantry, the command misapplied Spanish Civil War-era experience by disbanding armored divisions and redistributing tanks to infantry units to serve as support. It was not until after Germany demonstrated tank warfare in 1940 that the Soviets began reconstituting armored divisions and corps, a process still incomplete when the 1941 invasion began. The Red Army's performance at Nomonhan went largely unseen in the West. Western intelligence and military establishments largely believed the Red Army was fundamentally rotten, a view reinforced by the battlefield's remoteness and by both sides' reluctance to publicize the defeat. The Polish crisis and the outbreak of war in Europe drew attention away from Nomonhan, and the later Finnish Winter War reinforced negative Western judgments of Soviet military capability. U.S. military attaché Raymond Faymonville observed that the Soviets, anticipating a quick victory over Finland, relied on hastily summoned reserves ill-suited for winter fighting—an assessment that led some to judge the Red Army by its performance at Nomonhan. Even in Washington, this view persisted; Hitler reportedly called the Red Army "a paralytic on crutches" after Finland and then ordered invasion planning in 1941. Defeat can be a stronger teacher than victory. Because Nomonhan was a limited war, Japan's defeat was likewise limited, and its impact on Tokyo did not immediately recalibrate Japanese assessments. Yet Nomonhan did force Japan to revise its estimation of Soviet strength: the Imperial Army abandoned its strategic Plan Eight-B and adopted a more defensive posture toward the Soviet Union. An official inquiry into the debacle, submitted November 29, 1939, recognized Soviet superiority in materiel and firepower and urged Japan to bolster its own capabilities. The Kwantung Army's leadership, chastened, returned to the frontier with a more realistic sense of capability, even as the Army Ministry and AGS failed to translate lessons into policy. The enduring tendency toward gekokujo, the dominance of local and mid-level officers over central authority, remained persistent, and Tokyo did not fully purge it after Nomonhan. The Kwantung Army's operatives who helped drive the Nomonhan episode resurfaced in key posts at Imperial General Headquarters, contributing to Japan's 1941 decision to go to war. The defeat of the Kwantung Army at Nomonhan, together with the Stalin–Hitler pact and the outbreak of war in Europe, triggered a reorientation of Japanese strategy and foreign policy. The new government, led by the politically inexperienced and cautious General Abe Nobuyuki, pursued a conservative foreign policy. Chiang Kai-shek's retreat to Chongqing left the Chinese war at a stalemate: the Japanese Expeditionary Army could still inflict defeats on Chinese nationalist forces, but it had no viable path to a decisive victory. China remained Japan's principal focus. Still, the option of cutting Soviet aid to China and of moving north into Outer Mongolia and Siberia was discredited in Tokyo by the August 1939 double defeat. Northward expansion never again regained its ascendancy, though it briefly resurfaced in mid-1941 after Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union. Germany's alliance with the USSR during Nomonhan was viewed by Tokyo as a betrayal, cooling German–Japanese relations. Japan also stepped back from its confrontation with Britain over Tientsin. Tokyo recognized that the European war represented a momentous development that could reshape East Asia, as World War I had reshaped it before. The short-lived Abe government (September–December 1939) and its successor under Admiral Yonai Mitsumasa (December 1939–July 1940) adopted a cautious wait-and-see attitude toward the European war. That stance shifted in the summer of 1940, however, after Germany's successes in the West. With Germany's conquest of France and the Low Countries and Britain's fight for survival, Tokyo reassessed the global balance of power. Less than a year after Zhukov had effectively blocked further Japanese expansion northward, Hitler's victories seemed to open a southern expansion path. The prospect of seizing the resource-rich colonies in Southeast Asia, Dutch, French, and British and, more importantly, resolving the China problem in Japan's favor, tempted many in Tokyo. If Western aid to Chiang Kai-shek, channeled through Hong Kong, French Indochina, and Burma could be cut off, some in Tokyo believed Chiang might abandon resistance. If not, Japan could launch new operations against Chiang from Indochina and Burma, effectively turning China's southern flank. To facilitate a southward advance, Japan sought closer alignment with Germany and the USSR. Foreign Minister Yosuke Matsuoka brought Japan into the Tripartite Pact with Germany and Italy, in the hope of neutralizing the United States, and concluded a neutrality pact with the Soviet Union to secure calm in the north. Because of the European military situation, only the United States could check Japan's southward expansion. President Franklin D. Roosevelt appeared determined to do so and confident that he could. If the Manchurian incident and the Stimson Doctrine strained U.S.–Japanese relations, and the China War and U.S. aid to Chiang Kai-shek deepened mutual resentment, it was Japan's decision to press south against French, British, and Dutch colonies, and Roosevelt's resolve to prevent such a move, that put the two nations on a collision course. The dust had barely settled on the Mongolian plains following the Nomonhan ceasefire when the ripples of that distant conflict began to reshape the broader theater of the Second Sino-Japanese War. The defeat at Nomonhan in August 1939, coupled with the shocking revelation of the German-Soviet Nonaggression Pact, delivered a profound strategic blow to Japan's imperial ambitions. No longer could Tokyo entertain serious notions of a "northern advance" into Soviet territory, a strategy that had long tantalized military planners as a means to secure resources and buffer against communism. Instead, the Kwantung Army's humiliation exposed glaring deficiencies in Japanese mechanized warfare, logistics, and intelligence, forcing a pivot southward. This reorientation not only cooled tensions with the Soviet Union but also allowed Japan to redirect its military focus toward the protracted stalemate in China. As we transition from the border clashes of the north to the heartland tensions in central China, it's essential to trace how these events propelled Japan toward the brink of a major offensive in Hunan Province, setting the stage for what would become a critical confrontation. In the immediate aftermath of Nomonhan, Japan's military high command grappled with the implications of their setback. The Kwantung Army, once a symbol of unchecked aggression, was compelled to adopt a defensive posture along the Manchurian-Soviet border. The ceasefire agreement, formalized on September 15-16, 1939, effectively neutralized the northern front, freeing up significant resources and manpower that had been tied down in the escalating border skirmishes. This was no small relief; the Nomonhan campaign had drained Japanese forces, with estimates of over 18,000 casualties and the near-total annihilation of the 23rd Division. The psychological impact was equally severe, shattering the myth of Japanese invincibility against a modern, mechanized opponent. Georgy Zhukov's masterful use of combined arms—tanks, artillery, and air power—highlighted Japan's vulnerabilities, prompting internal reviews that urged reforms in tank production, artillery doctrine, and supply chains. Yet, these lessons were slow to implement, and in the short term, the primary benefit was the opportunity to consolidate efforts elsewhere. For Japan, "elsewhere" meant China, where the war had devolved into a grinding attrition since the fall of Wuhan in October 1938. The capture of Wuhan, a major transportation hub and temporary capital of the Nationalist government under Chiang Kai-shek, had been hailed as a turning point. Japanese forces, under the command of General Shunroku Hata, had pushed deep into central China, aiming to decapitate Chinese resistance. However, Chiang's strategic retreat to Chongqing transformed the conflict into a war of endurance. Nationalist forces, bolstered by guerrilla tactics and international aid, harassed Japanese supply lines and prevented a decisive knockout blow. By mid-1939, Japan controlled vast swaths of eastern and northern China, including key cities like Beijing, Shanghai, and Nanjing, but the cost was immense: stretched logistics, mounting casualties, and an inability to fully pacify occupied territories. The Nomonhan defeat exacerbated these issues by underscoring the limits of Japan's military overextension. With the northern threat abated, Tokyo's Army General Staff saw an opening to intensify operations in China, hoping to force Chiang to the negotiating table before global events further complicated the picture. The diplomatic fallout from Nomonhan and the Hitler-Stalin Pact further influenced this shift. Japan's betrayal by Germany, its nominal ally under the Anti-Comintern Pact—fostered distrust and isolation. Tokyo's flirtations with a full Axis alliance stalled, as the pact with Moscow revealed Hitler's willingness to prioritize European gains over Asian solidarity. This isolation prompted Japan to reassess its priorities, emphasizing self-reliance in China while eyeing opportunistic expansions elsewhere. Domestically, the Hiranuma cabinet collapsed in August 1939 amid the diplomatic shock, paving the way for the more cautious Abe Nobuyuki government. Abe's administration, though short-lived, signaled a temporary de-escalation in aggressive posturing, but the underlying imperative to resolve the "China Incident" persisted. Japanese strategists believed that capturing additional strategic points in central China could sever Chiang's lifelines, particularly the routes funneling aid from the Soviet Union and the West via Burma and Indochina. The seismic shifts triggered by Nomonhan compelled Japan to fundamentally readjust its China policy and war plans, marking a pivotal transition from overambitious northern dreams to a more focused, albeit desperate, campaign in the south. With the Kwantung Army's defeat fresh in mind, Tokyo's Imperial General Headquarters initiated a comprehensive strategic review in late August 1939. The once-dominant "Northern Advance" doctrine, which envisioned rapid conquests into Siberia for resources like oil and minerals, was officially shelved. In its place emerged a "Southern Advance" framework, prioritizing the consolidation of gains in China and potential expansions into Southeast Asia. This pivot was not merely tactical; it reflected a profound policy recalibration aimed at ending the quagmire in China, where two years of war had yielded territorial control but no decisive victory over Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalists. Central to this readjustment was a renewed emphasis on economic and military self-sufficiency. The Nomonhan debacle had exposed Japan's vulnerabilities in mechanized warfare, leading to urgent reforms in industrial production. Tank manufacturing was ramped up, with designs influenced by observed Soviet models, and artillery stockpiles were bolstered to match the firepower discrepancies seen on the Mongolian steppes. Logistically, the Army General Staff prioritized streamlining supply lines in China, recognizing that prolonged engagements demanded better resource allocation. Politically, the Abe Nobuyuki cabinet, installed in September 1939, adopted a "wait-and-see" approach toward Europe but aggressively pursued diplomatic maneuvers to isolate China. Efforts to negotiate with Wang Jingwei's puppet regime in Nanjing intensified, aiming to undermine Chiang's legitimacy and splinter Chinese resistance. Japan also pressured Vichy France for concessions in Indochina, seeking to choke off aid routes to Chongqing. War plans evolved accordingly, shifting from broad-front offensives to targeted strikes designed to disrupt Chinese command and supply networks. The China Expeditionary Army, under General Yasuji Okamura, was restructured to emphasize mobility and combined arms operations, drawing partial lessons from Zhukov's tactics. Intelligence operations were enhanced, with greater focus on infiltrating Nationalist strongholds in central provinces. By early September, plans coalesced around a major push into Hunan Province, a vital crossroads linking northern and southern China. Hunan's river systems and rail lines made it a linchpin for Chinese logistics, funneling men and materiel to the front lines. Japanese strategists identified key urban centers in the region as critical objectives, believing their capture could sever Chiang's western supply corridors and force a strategic retreat. This readjustment was not without internal friction. Hardliners in the military lamented the abandonment of northern ambitions, but the reality of Soviet strength—and the neutrality pacts that followed—left little room for debate. Economically, Japan ramped up exploitation of occupied Chinese territories, extracting coal, iron, and rice to fuel the war machine. Diplomatically, Tokyo sought to mend fences with the Soviets through the 1941 Neutrality Pact, ensuring northern security while eyes turned south. Yet, these changes brewed tension with the United States, whose embargoes on scrap metal and oil threatened to cripple Japan's ambitions. As autumn approached, the stage was set for a bold gambit in central China. Japanese divisions massed along the Yangtze River, poised to strike at the heart of Hunan's defenses. Intelligence reports hinted at Chinese preparations, with Xue Yue's forces fortifying positions around a major provincial hub. The air thickened with anticipation of a clash that could tip the balance in the interminable war—a test of Japan's revamped strategies against a resilient foe determined to hold the line. What unfolded would reveal whether Tokyo's post-Nomonhan pivot could deliver the breakthrough so desperately needed, or if it would merely prolong the bloody stalemate. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In 1939, the Nomonhan Incident saw Soviet forces under Georgy Zhukov decisively defeat Japan's Kwantung Army at Khalkin Gol, exposing Japanese weaknesses in mechanized warfare. This setback, coupled with the Hitler-Stalin Nonaggression Pact, shattered Japan's northern expansion plans and prompted a strategic pivot southward. Diplomatic maneuvers involving Stalin, Hitler, Britain, France, and Japan reshaped alliances, leading to the Soviet-Japanese Neutrality Pact in 1941. Japan refocused on China, intensifying operations in Hunan Province to isolate Chiang Kai-shek.   

Last time we spoke about General Zhukov's armor offensives at Nomohan. Following heavy Japanese losses in May and June, General Georgy Zhukov arrives in June, reorganizes the Soviet 1st Army Group, and bolsters it with tanks, artillery, and reinforcements. The July offensive sees General Komatsubara's forces cross the Halha River undetected, achieving initial surprise. However, General Yasuoka's tank assault falters due to muddy terrain, inadequate infantry support, and superior Soviet firepower, resulting in heavy losses. Japanese doctrine emphasizing spiritual superiority clashes with material realities, undermining morale as intelligence underestimates Soviet strength. Zhukov learns key lessons in armored warfare, adapting tactics despite high casualties. Reinforcements pour in via massive truck convoys. Japanese night attacks and artillery duels fail, exposing logistical weaknesses. Internal command tensions, including gekokujo defiance, hinder responses. By August, Stalin, buoyed by European diplomacy and Sorge's intel, greenlights a major offensive. Zhukov employs deception for surprise. Warnings of Soviet buildup are ignored, setting the stage for a climactic encirclement on August 20.   #191 Zhukov Steel Ring of Fire at Nomohan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. On the night of August 19–20, under cover of darkness, the bulk of the Soviet 1st Army Group crossed the Halha River into the expanded Soviet enclave on the east bank. Two weeks of nightly Soviet sound effects had paid off: Japanese perimeter troops failed to distinguish the real deployment from the frequently heard simulations. Zhukov's order of battle was as follows: "Northern force, commanded by Colonel Alekseenko—6th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 601st Infantry Regiment (82nd Division), 7th Armored Brigade, 2 battalions of the 11th Tank Brigade, 82nd Artillery Regiment, and 87th Anti-tank Brigade. Central force, where Zhukov was located, commanded by his deputy, Colonel Petrov—36th Motorized Infantry Division, 82nd Infantry Division (less one regiment), 5th Infantry Machine Gun Brigade. Southern force, commanded by Colonel Potapov—8th Mongolian Cavalry Division, 57th Infantry Division, 8th Armored Brigade, 6th Tank Brigade, 11th Tank Brigade (less two battalions), 185th Artillery Regiment, 37th Anti-tank Brigade, one independent tank company. A mobile strategic reserve built around the 212th Airborne Regiment, the 9th Mechanized Brigade, and a battalion of the 6th Tank Brigade was held west of the Halha River." The Soviet offensive was supported by massed artillery, a hallmark of Zhukov's operations in the war against Germany. In addition to nearly 300 antitank and rapid-fire guns, Zhukov deployed over 200 field and heavy artillery pieces on both sides of the Halha. Specific artillery batteries were assigned to provide supporting fire for each attacking infantry and armored unit at the battalion level and higher. In the early hours of August 20, the sky began to lighten over the semiarid plain, with the false promise of a quiet Sunday morning. The air was clear as the sun warmed the ground that had been chilled overnight. General Komatsubara's troops were in no special state of readiness when the first wave of more than 200 Soviet bombers crossed the Halha River at 5:45 a.m. and began pounding their positions. When the bombers withdrew, a thunderous artillery barrage began, continuing for 2 hours and 45 minutes. That was precisely the time needed for the bombers to refuel, rearm, and return for a second run over the Japanese positions. Finally, all the Soviet artillery unleashed an intensive 15-minute barrage at the forwardmost Japanese positions. Komatsubara's men huddled in their trenches under the heaviest bombardment to which they or any other Japanese force had ever been subjected. The devastation, both physical and psychological, was tremendous, especially in the forward positions. The shock and vibration of incoming bombs and artillery rounds also caused their radiotelegraph keys to chatter so uncontrollably that frontline troops could not communicate with the rear, compounding their confusion and helplessness. At 9:00 a.m., Soviet armor and infantry began to move out along the line while their cover fire continued. A dense morning fog near the river helped conceal their approach, bringing them in some sectors to within small-arms range before they were sighted by the enemy. The surprise and disarray on the Japanese side was so complete, and their communications so badly disrupted, that Japanese artillery did not begin firing in support of their frontline troops until about 10:15 a.m. By then, many forward positions were overrun. Japanese resistance stiffened at many points by midday, and fierce combat raged along the front, roughly 40 miles long. In the day's fighting, Colonel M. I. Potapov's southern force achieved the most striking success. The 8th MPR Cavalry Division routed the Manchukuoan cavalry holding Komatsubara's southern flank, and Potapov's armor and mechanized infantry bent the entire southern segment of the Japanese front inward by about 8 miles in a northwesterly direction. Zhukov's central force advanced only 500–1,500 yards in the face of furious resistance, but the frontal assault engaged the center of the Japanese line so heavily that Komatsubara could not reinforce his flanks. Two MPR cavalry regiments and supporting armor and mechanized infantry from Colonel Ilya Alekseenko's northern force easily overran two Manchukuoan cavalry units guarding the northern flank of the Japanese line, about 2 miles north of the Fui Heights. But the heights themselves formed a natural strong point, and Alekseenko's advance was halted at what became the northern anchor of the Japanese line. As the first phase of the Soviet offensive gathered momentum, General Ogisu, the 6th Army's new commander, assessed the situation. Still unaware of Zhukov's strength, he reassured KwAHQ that "the enemy intends to envelop us from our flanks, but his offensive effectiveness is weak… Our positions in other areas are being strengthened. Set your mind at ease." This optimistic report contributed to Kwantung Army's delay in reinforcing the 23rd Division. Some at KwAHQ suspected this might be another limited Soviet push, like Aug 7–8, that would soon end. Others worried it was a diversion prior to a larger offensive and were concerned but not alarmed about Komatsubara's position. On Aug 21–22, Potapov's southern force pierced the Japanese main defense line at several points, breaking the southern sector into segments that the attackers sealed off, encircled, and ground down. Soviet armor, mechanized infantry, and artillery moved swiftly and with deadly efficiency. Survivors described how each pocket of resistance experienced its own hellish period. After the Japanese heavy weapons in a pocket were neutralized, Soviet artillery and tanks gradually tightened the ring, firing at point-blank range over open sights. Flame-throwing tanks incinerated hastily constructed fortifications and underground shelters. Infantry mopped up with grenades, small arms, and bayonets. By the end of Aug 23, Potapov had dismembered the entire Japanese defensive position south of the Holsten River. Only one significant pocket of resistance remained. Meanwhile, Potapov's 8th Armored Brigade looped behind the Japanese, reaching southeast of Nomonhan, some 11 miles east of the river junction, on the boundary claimed by the MPR, and took up a blocking position there athwart the most likely line of retreat for Japanese units south of the Holsten. In those two days, the Japanese center yielded only a few yards, while the northern flank anchored at Fui Heights held firm. Air combat raged over the battlefield. Soviet air units provided tactical support for their armor and infantry, while Kwantung Army's 2nd Air Group strove to thwart that effort and hit the Soviet ground forces. Before Nomonhan, the Japanese air force had not faced a modern opponent. Japanese fliers had roamed largely unchallenged in Manchuria and China from 1931 to 1939. At Nomonhan, the Soviets enjoyed an advantage of roughly 2:1 in aircraft and pilots. This placed an increasingly heavy burden on Japanese air squadrons, which had to fly incessantly, often against heavy odds. Fatigue took its toll and losses mounted. Soviet and Japanese accounts give wildly different tallies of air victories and losses, but an official Japanese assessment after the battle stated, "Nomonhan brought out the bitter truths of the phenomenal rate at which war potential is sapped in the face of superior opposition." As with tank combat, the Soviet air superiority was qualitative as well as quantitative. In June–early July, the Soviet I-16 fighters did not fare well against the Japanese Type 97 fighter. However, in the lull before the August offensive, the Soviets introduced an improved I-16 with armor-plated fuselage and windshield, making it virtually impervious to the Type 97's light 7.7-mm guns. The Japanese countered by arming some planes with heavier 12.7-mm guns, which were somewhat more effective against the new I-16s. But the Soviet pilots discovered that the Type-97's unprotected fuel tank was an easy mark, and Japanese planes began to burn with horrendous regularity. On Aug 23, as Ribbentrop arrived in Moscow to seal the pact that would doom Poland and unleash war in Europe, the situation at Nomonhan was deemed serious enough by Kwantung Army to transfer the 7th Division to Hailar for support. Tsuji volunteered to fly to Nomonhan for a firsthand assessment. This move came too late, as Aug 23–24 proved the crucial phase of the battle. On Tue night, Aug 22, at Japanese 6th Army HQ, General Ogisu ordered a counterattack to push back the Soviet forces enveloping and crushing the Japanese southern flank. Komatsubara planned the counterattack in minute detail and entrusted its execution to his 71st and 72nd Regiments, led by General Kobayashi Koichi, and the 26th and 28th Regiments of the 7th Division, commanded by General Morita Norimasa. On paper this force looked like two infantry brigades. Only the 28th Regiment, however, was near full strength, though its troops were tired after marching about 25 miles to the front the day before. This regiment's peerless commander was Colonel Morita Toru (unrelated to General Morita). The chief kendo fencing master of the Imperial Army, Morita claimed to be invulnerable to bullets. The other three regiments were seriously understrength, partly due to combat attrition and partly because several of their battalions were deployed elsewhere on the front. The forces Kobayashi and Morita commanded that day totaled less than one regiment each. It was not until the night of Aug 23 that deployment and attack orders filtered down to the Japanese regiment, battalion, and company commanders. Due to insufficient truck transport and the trackless terrain, units were delayed reaching their assigned positions in the early morning of Aug 24, and some did not arrive at all. Two battalions of the 71st Regiment did not reach Kobayashi in time; his attack force that morning consisted of two battalions of the 72nd Regiment. Colonel Sumi's depleted 26th Regiment did not arrive in time, and General Morita's assault force consisted of two battalions of the 28th Regiment and a battalion-equivalent independent garrison unit newly arrived at the front. Because of these delays, the Japanese could not reconnoiter enemy positions adequately before the attack. What had been planned as a dawn assault would begin between 9:30 and 10:00 a.m. in broad daylight. The light plane carrying Tsuji on the final leg of his flight from Hsinking-Hailar-Nomonhan was attacked by Soviet fighters and forced to land behind the 72nd Regiment's staging area. Tsuji managed to reach General Kobayashi's command post by truck and on foot, placing him closer to the fighting than he anticipated. Just before the counterattack began, a dense fog drifted across part of the battlefield, obscuring visibility and limiting artillery effectiveness. Using the fog to mask their movement, lead elements of the 72nd Regiment moved toward a distant stand of scrub pines. As they approached, the trees began to move away—the stand was a well-camouflaged Soviet tank force. The tanks then maneuvered to the south, jeopardizing further Japanese advance. As the fog cleared, the Japanese found themselves facing a much larger enemy force. A vastly heavier Soviet barrage answered their renewed artillery fire. Kobayashi and Morita discovered too late that their counterattack had walked into the teeth of far stronger Soviet forces. One account calls it "The Charge of Two Light Brigades."   Kobayashi's 72nd Regiment encountered the Soviet T-34, with its thick sloped armor and 76-mm gun—the most powerful tank in 1939. In addition, the improved Soviet BT-5/7 tanks, powered by diesel, were less prone to ignition. On gasoline-powered vehicles, the Soviets added wire netting over the ventilation grill and exhaust manifold, reducing the effectiveness of hand-thrown gasoline bombs. Japanese infantry regiments suffered near 50% casualties that day. Nearly every battalion and company commander was lost. Kobayashi was gravely wounded by a tank shell fragment and nearly trampled by fleeing troops. He survived the battle and the Pacific War but died in a Soviet POW camp in 1950. Morita's 28th Regiment fared little better. It was pinned down about 500 yards from the Soviet front lines by intense artillery. Unable to advance and not permitted to retreat, Morita's men dug into the loose sand and withstood the bombardment, but were cut to pieces. Shortly after sunset, the remnants were ordered to withdraw, but both regiments were shattered. Tsuji, a survivor, rejoined Komatsubara at his command post. Upon receiving combat reports from the 72nd and 28th Regiments, General Komatsubara "evinced deep anxiety." 6th Army chief of staff Major General Fujimoto Tetsukuma, at Komatsubara's command post, "appeared bewildered," and announced he was returning to headquarters, asking if Tsuji would accompany him. The major declined and later recalled that he and Komatsubara could barely conceal their astonishment at Fujimoto's abrupt departure at such a time. Meanwhile, at the northern end of the line, Colonel Alekseenko's force had been hammering at Fui Heights for 3 days without success. The position was held by about 800 defenders under Lieutenant Colonel Ioki Eiichiro, consisting of two infantry companies; one company each of cavalry, armored reconnaissance, and combat engineers; and three artillery batteries (37-mm and 75-mm guns). The defenders clung tenaciously to the strongpoint created by the heights and their bunkers, inflicting heavy losses on Alekseenko's force. The unexpectedly strong defense disrupted the timing of the entire Soviet offensive. By Aug 23, Zhukov was exasperated and losing patience with the pace in the north. Some of Zhukov's comrades recall a personable chief who played the accordion and urged singing during happier times. Under stress, his harshness and temper surfaced. Zhukov summoned Alekseenko to the telephone. When the northern commander expressed doubt about storming the heights immediately, Zhukov berated him, relieved him on the spot, and entrusted the attack to Alekseenko's chief of staff. After a few hours, Zhukov called again and, finding that the new commander was slow, fired him as well and sent a staff member to take charge. Accounts record that his tirades sometimes included the phrase "useless bag of shit," though others note harsher language was used toward generals who did not meet expectations. That night, reinforced by the 212th Airborne Regiment, heavier artillery, and a detachment of flame-throwing tanks, the northern force renewed its assault on Fui Heights. The battered Japanese defenders were thoroughly overmatched. Soviet artillery fired at two rounds per second. When the last Japanese artillery was knocked out, they no longer could defend against flame-throwing tanks. From several miles away, Colonel Sumi could see the heights shrouded in black smoke and red flames "spitting like the tongues of snakes."  After Aug 22, supply trucks could no longer reach Fui Heights. The next afternoon, Colonel Ioki's radio—the last link to the 23rd Division—was destroyed. His surviving men fought on with small arms and grenades, repelling Soviet infantry with bayonet charges that night. By the morning of Aug 24, Ioki had about 200 able-bodied men left of his original 800. Soviet tanks and infantry had penetrated defenses at several points, forcing him to constrict his perimeter. Red flags flew on the eastern edge of the heights. Ioki gathered his remaining officers to discuss last measures. With little ammunition and almost no food or water, their situation seemed hopeless. But Ioki insisted on holding Fui Heights to the last man, arguing that the defense should not be abandoned and that orders to break out should come only with reinforcements and supplies. Some subordinates urged retreat. Faced with two dire options, Ioki drew his pistol and attempted suicide, but a fellow officer restrained him. Rather than see his men blown to bits, Ioki decided to abandon Fui Heights and retreat east. Those unable to walk received hand grenades with the injunction to blow themselves up rather than be captured. On the night of Aug 24–25, after moonrise, the remaining resistance at the heights was quelled, and Soviet attention shifted south. Ioki's battered remnant slipped out and, the next morning, encountered a Manchukuoan cavalry patrol that summoned trucks to take them to Chaingchunmiao, forty miles away. Russians occupying Fui Heights on Aug 25 counted the corpses of over 600 Japanese officers and men. After securing Fui Heights, the Soviet northern force began to roll up the Japanese northern flank in a wide arc toward Nomonhan. A day after the fall of Fui Heights, elements of the northern force's 11th Tank Brigade linked up with the southern force's 8th Armored Brigade near Nomonhan. A steel ring had been forged around the Japanese 6th Army. As the Japanese northern and southern flanks dissolved under Zhukov's relentless assaults, Komatsubara's command ceased to exist as an integrated force. By Aug 25 the Japanese lines were completely cut, with resistance remaining only in three encircled pockets. The remnants of two battalions of General Morita's "brigade" attempted a renewed offensive on Aug 25, advancing about 150 yards before being hammered by Soviet artillery and tanks, suffering heavier casualties than the day before. The only hope for the surrounded Japanese troops lay in a relief force breaking through the Soviet encirclement from the outside. However, Kwantung Army was spread thin in Manchuria and, due to a truck shortage, could not transport the 7th Division from Hailar to the combat zone in time. By Aug 26 the encirclement had thickened, with three main pockets tightly invested, making a large-scale breakout nearly impossible. Potapov unleashed a two-pronged assault with his 6th Tank Brigade and 80th Infantry Regiment. Japanese artillery from the 28th Regiment temporarily checked the left wing of the armored attack, but the Soviet right wing overran elements of Sumi's 26th Regiment, forcing the Japanese to retreat into a tighter enclave. Morita, the fencing-master commander who claimed to be immune to bullets, was killed by machine-gun fire while standing atop a trench encouraging his men. The Japanese 120-mm howitzers overheated under the August sun; their breech mechanisms swelled and refused to eject spent casings. Gunners had to leap from behind shelter to ram wooden rods down the barrels, drastically reducing rate of fire and life expectancy. Komatsubara's artillery units suffered a bitter fate. Most were deployed well behind the front lines with their guns facing west toward the Halha. As the offensive developed, attackers often struck the batteries from the east, behind them. Even when crews could turn some guns to face east, they had not preregistered fields of fire there and were not very effective. Supporting infantry had already been drawn off for counterattacks and perimeter defense. One by one, Japanese batteries were smashed by Soviet artillery and tanks. Crews were expected to defend their guns to the last man; the guns themselves were treated as the unit's soul, to be destroyed if captured. In extremis, crews were to destroy sensitive parts like optics. Few survived. Among those who did was a PFC from an annihilated howitzer unit, ordered to drive one of the few surviving vehicles, a Dodge sedan loaded with seriously wounded men, eastward to safety during the night. Near a Holsten River bridge he encountered Soviet sentries. The driver hesitated, then honked his horn, and the guards saluted as the sedan sped past. With water supplies exhausted and unable to reach the Halha or Holsten Rivers, the commander of the easternmost enclave ordered his men to drain radiator water from their vehicles. Drinking the foul liquid, at the cost of immobilizing their remaining transport, signaled that the defenders believed their situation was hopeless. On Aug 27 the rest of the Japanese 7th Division, two fresh infantry regiments, an artillery regiment, and support units totaling barely 5,000 men—reached the northeastern segment of the ring around Komatsubara. One day of hard fighting revealed they lacked the strength to break the encirclement. General Ogisu ordered the 7th Division to pull back and redeploy near his own 6th Army headquarters, about 4 miles east of Nomonhan and the border claimed by the enemy. There would be no outside relief for Komatsubara's forces. Throughout Aug 27–28, Soviet aircraft, artillery, armor, and infantry pounded the three Japanese pockets, compressing them into ever-smaller pockets and grinding them down. The surrounded Japanese fought fiercely and inflicted heavy casualties, but the outcome was inevitable. After the remaining Japanese artillery batteries were silenced, Soviet tanks ruled the battlefield. One by one, major pockets were overrun. Some smaller groups managed to slip through Soviet lines and reach safety east of the border claimed by the MPR, where they were left unmolested by the Red Army. Elements of Potapov's 57th and 82nd Divisions eliminated the last remnants of resistance south of the Holsten by the evening of Aug 27. North of the Holsten, during the night of Aug 28–29, a group of about 400 Japanese tried to slip east through the Soviet lines along the riverbank. They were spotted by the 293rd Regiment (57th Division), which struck them. The fleeing Japanese refused to surrender and were wiped out attempting to recross the Holsten.   Japanese soldiers' refusal to surrender is well documented. Surrender was considered dishonorable; the Army Field Manual was silent on surrender. For officers, death was not merely preferable to surrender; it was expected, and in some cases required. The penal code (1908, not revised until 1942) stated that surrender was dereliction of duty; if a commander did his best to resist, imprisonment could follow; if not, death. Stemming from Bushido, regimental colors were treated as sacred. On the afternoon of Aug 28, with much of his 64th Regiment destroyed, Colonel Yamagata saw no alternative but to burn the regimental colors and then commit suicide. Part of the flagpole had been shattered; the chrysanthemum crest damaged. Yamagata, Colonel Ise (artillery regimental commander), an infantry captain, a medical lieutenant, and a foot soldier—the last survivors of the headquarters unit—faced east, shouted "banzai" for the emperor, drenched the pennant in gasoline, and lit it. Yamagata, Ise, and the captain then shot themselves. The flag and crest were not entirely consumed, and the unburned remnants were buried beneath Yamagata's unmarked body. The medical officer and the soldier escaped and reported these rites to 6th Army HQ, where the deaths of the two colonels were mourned, but there was concern over whether the regimental colors had been entirely destroyed. On Aug 29, Lieutenant Colonel Higashi Muneharu, who had taken command of the 71st Regiment, faced the same dilemma. The regimental standard was broken into four pieces and, with the flag and chrysanthemum crest, drenched with fuel and set on fire. The fire kept going out, and the tassels were especially hard to burn. It took 45 minutes to finish the job, all under enemy fire. Afterward, Higashi urged all able to join him in a suicide charge, and the severely wounded to "kill themselves bravely when the enemy approached." Soviet machine-gun fire and grenades felled Higashi and his followers within moments. When it became clear on Aug 29 that all hope was lost, Komatsubara resolved to share the fate of his 23rd Division. He prepared to commit suicide, entrusted his will to his aide, removed his epaulets, and burned his code books. General Ogisu ordered Komatsubara to save himself and lead as many of his men as possible out of the encirclement. Shortly before midnight on Aug 30, the bulk of the Soviet armor briefly pulled back to refuel and resupply. Some of the Soviet infantry also pulled back. Komatsubara and about 400 survivors of his command used the opportunity to slip through the Soviet lines, guiding wounded by starlight to safety at Chiangchunmiao on the morning of Aug 31. Tsuji was among the survivors. In transit, Komatsubara was so distraught he needed to be restrained from taking his own life. A fellow officer took his pistol, and two sturdy corporals helped to support him, preventing him from drawing his sword. On August 31, Zhukov declared the disputed territory between the Halha River and the boundary line through Nomonhan cleared of enemy troops. The Sixth Army had been annihilated, with between 18,000 and 23,000 men killed or wounded from May to September (not counting Manchukuoan losses). The casualty rate in Komatsubara's 23rd Division reached 76%, and Sumi's 26th Regiment (7th Division) suffered 91% casualties. Kwantung Army lost many of its tanks and heavy guns and nearly 150 aircraft. It was the worst military defeat in modern Japanese history up to that time. Soviet claims later put total Japanese casualties at over 50,000, though this figure is widely regarded as inflated. For years, Soviet-MPR authorities claimed 9,284 casualties, surely an underestimate. A detailed unit-by-unit accounting published in Moscow in 2002 put Soviet losses at 25,655 (9,703 killed, 15,952 wounded), plus 556 MPR casualties. While Soviet casualties may have exceeded Japanese losses, this reflects the fierceness of Japanese defense and questions Zhukov's expenditutre of blood. There was no denying, however, that the Red Army demonstrated substantial strength and that Kwantung Army suffered a serious defeat. Knowledgeable Japanese and Soviet sources agree that given the annihilation of Komatsubara's forces and the dominance of Soviet air power, if Zhukov had pressed beyond Nomonhan toward Hailar, local Japanese forces would have fallen into chaos, Hailar would have fallen, and western Manchuria would have been gravely threatened. But while that might have been militarily possible, Moscow did not intend it. Zhukov's First Army Group halted at the boundary line claimed by the MPR. A Japanese military historian notes that "Kwantung Army completely lost its head." KwAHQ was enraged by the battlefield developments. Beyond the mauling of the Sixth Army at Nomonhan, there was anxiety over regimental colors. It was feared that Colonel Yamagata might not have had time to destroy the imperial crest of the 64th Regiment's colors, which could have fallen into Soviet hands. Thousands of dead and wounded littered the field. To preserve "face" and regain leverage, a swift, decisive counterstroke was deemed necessary. At Hsinking, they decided on an all-out war against the USSR. They planned to throw the 7th, 2nd, 4th, and 8th Divisions into the Sixth Army, along with all heavy artillery in Manchukuo, to crush the enemy. Acknowledging shortages in armor, artillery, and air power, they drafted a plan for a series of successive night offenses beginning on September 10. This was viewed as ill-advised for several reasons: September 10 was an unrealistic target given Kwantung Army's limited logistical capacity; it was unclear what the Red Army would be doing by day, given its superiority in tanks, artillery, and air power; autumn would bring extreme cold that could immobilize forces; and Germany's alliance with the Soviet Union isolated Japan diplomatically. These factors were known at KwAHQ, yet the plan proceeded. Kwantung Army notified AGS to "utilize the winter months well," aiming to mobilize the entire Japanese Army for a decisive spring confrontation. However, the Nomonhan defeat coincided with the Hitler-Stalin pact's diplomatic fallout. The push for close military cooperation with Germany against the Soviet Union was discredited in a single week. Defeated and abandoned by Hitler, pro-German, anti-Soviet policy advocates in Tokyo were furious. Premier Hiranuma Kiichiro's government resigned on August 28. In response, more cautious voices in Tokyo asserted control. General Nakajima, deputy chief of AGS, went to Hsinking with Imperial Order 343, directing Kwantung Army to hold near the disputed frontier with "minimal strength" to enable a quick end to hostilities and a diplomatic settlement. But at KwAHQ, the staff pressed their case, and Nakajima eventually approved a general offensive to begin on September 10. The mood at KwAHQ was ebullient. Upon returning to Tokyo, Nakajima was sternly rebuked and ordered to stand down. General Ueda appealed to higher authority, requesting permission to clear the battlefield and recover the bodies of fallen soldiers. He was denied and later relieved of command on September 6. A reshuffle followed at KwAHQ, with several senior officers reassigned. The Japanese Foreign Ministry directed Ambassador Togo Shigenori to negotiate a settlement in Moscow. The Molotov-Togo agreement was reached on September 15–16, establishing a temporary frontier and a commission to redemarcate the boundary. The local cease-fire arrangements were formalized on September 18–19, and both sides agreed to exchange prisoners and corpses. In the aftermath, Kwantung Army leadership and the Red Army leadership maintained tight control over communications about the conflict. News of the defeat spread through Manchuria and Japan, but the scale of the battle was not fully suppressed. The Kwantung Army's reputation suffered further from subsequent punishments of officers deemed to have mishandled the Nomonhan engagement. Several officers were compelled to retire or commit suicide under pressure, and Ioki's fate became a particular symbol of the army's dishonor and the heavy costs of the campaign. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. In August 1939, Soviet General Georgy Zhukov launched a decisive offensive against Japanese forces at Nomonhan. Under cover of darkness, Soviet troops crossed the Halha River, unleashing massive air and artillery barrages on August 20. Fierce fighting ensued, with failed Japanese counterattacks, the fall of Fui Heights, and annihilation of encircled pockets by Soviet tanks and infantry. 

The David Pakman Show’s David Pakman stops by to talk about Trump’s Epstein cover-up.Then we’ll speak with New Mexico Attorney General Raúl Torrez about how state AGs regulate Big Tech and the investigation into Epstein’s Zorro Ranch.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Watch The X22 Report On Video No videos found (function(w,d,s,i){w.ldAdInit=w.ldAdInit||[];w.ldAdInit.push({slot:17532056201798502,size:[0, 0],id:"ld-9437-3289"});if(!d.getElementById(i)){var j=d.createElement(s),p=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0];j.async=true;j.src="https://cdn2.decide.dev/_js/ajs.js";j.id=i;p.parentNode.insertBefore(j,p);}})(window,document,"script","ld-ajs");pt> Click On Picture To See Larger PictureChina & Canada are trying to bypass Trump trade tariffs. This has already failed, and Trump calls out Carney.EU economy is weak and it is getting weaker, there are two paths, one that follows the [CB] agenda the other is Trump economic agenda. Inflation declines again, Gold and Silver are up, Trump’s plan is working, its time to end the endless.The [DS] is now calling for the insurgency to accelerate. Clinton and Obama are now calling on their foot soldiers to push the insurrection against Trump. Trump has put a message to all D’s, lets work together, the optics are very good, the D’s will do this for a short period of time but in the end they will push the insurrection. Once they do this, they lost the people. Timing and optics are very important.   Economy  Carney Cracks: Canada Has ‘No Intention’ Of Pursuing Free Trade Deal With China After Trump Threatens 100% Tariffs To review: right before Davos, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney returned from a trip to Beijing and announced a new 5-point ‘strategic partnership’ to ‘diversify our trade partnerships.’ The agreements included slashing tariffs on Chinese EV imports from 100 percent to 6.1 percent for the first 49,000 units, in exchange for China cutting tariffs on Canadian canola from 85 percent to 15 percent until at least the end of the year. Other exports, including Canadian canola meal, lobsters, crabs, and peas will also not be subject to Chinese anti-discrimination tariffs until at least the end of 2026. A week later, Carney told the global elite at Davos resort that the “rules-based order” established by the United States and its allies following WW2 was fraying amid the current rivalry between China and America, so the “middle powers must act together because if we’re not on the table, we’re on the menu.”  Carney said that for their survival, nations should no longer “go along to get along” with Trump.   Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney says Canada has “no intention” of pursuing a free trade deal with China, after Donald Trump threatened to slap a 100% tariff on Canadian exports if Ottawa “makes a deal” with Beijing.   Source: zerohedge.com Trump Is Right About Europe's Weak Economy: U.S. vs. EU Compared  President Trump argued that Europe's economic stagnation is the result of a self-inflicted “civilizational erasure” driven by reliance on what he calls the “Green New Scam,” which he says has replaced affordable energy with costly and unreliable wind power. He further asserted that unchecked mass migration has strained social infrastructure and altered the continent's cultural identity, while a stifling regulatory environment and excessive government spending have suppressed the innovation needed to compete with the United States. Finally, he accused European nations of freeloading on American security, arguing that their failure to meet NATO defense spending targets over the past 70 years has allowed them to avoid the true costs of national sovereignty at the expense of the American taxpayer. Based on current economic data as of January 2026, the comparison supports Trump's critique. While the United States is experiencing aggressive growth alongside widespread deregulation, Europe remains mired in what can best be described as stabilized stagnation. The United States enters 2026 with inflation at 2.7%, steadily returning toward the 2% target. As in President Trump's first term, strong GDP growth has been paired with relatively modest inflation. Fourth-quarter GDP growth is projected at 5.4%, dwarfing Europe's stagnant 0.2%. For the full year, U.S. growth is expected to reach between 4.3% and 5%, while Europe is projected to manage only about 1.3% to 1.6%. On the labor front, the United States maintains its historical advantage, with unemployment at 4.4% compared to 6.3% in the Eurozone. This low level of unemployment has been achieved despite deep government job cuts that reduced taxpayer costs. While the United States reduced federal spending by $100 billion, European fiscal policy has moved in the opposite direction. The U.S. has moved 1.2 million people off food stamps, while European social safety nets are coming under increased strain from rising living costs. In 2024, the most recent data available, EU social protection spending rose by 7%, far outpacing nominal GDP growth. This imbalance pushed the social expenditure-to-GDP ratio to 27.3% across the bloc, with countries such as France and Austria exceeding 31%, reinforcing the strain caused by rising demand for social welfare. Energy remains far cheaper in the United States, particularly electricity and natural gas, due to abundant domestic production, lower taxes and levies, and reduced reliance on imports, with overall prices about half of Europe's and industrial electricity often as little as one-third. Source: thegatewaypundit.com (function(w,d,s,i){w.ldAdInit=w.ldAdInit||[];w.ldAdInit.push({slot:18510697282300316,size:[0, 0],id:"ld-8599-9832"});if(!d.getElementById(i)){var j=d.createElement(s),p=d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0];j.async=true;j.src="https://cdn2.decide.dev/_js/ajs.js";j.id=i;p.parentNode.insertBefore(j,p);}})(window,document,"script","ld-ajs"); https://twitter.com/profstonge/status/2015764155580756471?s=20 https://twitter.com/truflation/status/2015770236105138602?s=20 https://twitter.com/WallStreetMav/status/2015647917441183786?s=20 spending problems. Gold is at record highs against every currency, not just the dollar Political/Rights DOGE https://twitter.com/WallStreetMav/status/2015553600106164548?s=20 Geopolitical https://twitter.com/MarioNawfal/status/2015729194270154997?s=20   supply before then. More LNG, more U.S. gas, more renewables… Higher costs baked in. For Brussels this is an irreversible line. After 2027, there's no “going back to normal.” The EU has indeed been importing refined petroleum products from India that originate from Russian crude oil, creating an indirect pathway for Russian oil to enter the European market despite sanctions on direct imports from Russia since December 2022.  This circumvention became prominent after the EU and G7 imposed a price cap on Russian oil, prompting Russia to redirect exports to countries like India and China, where the crude is refined and then resold.    EU officials and analysts have long acknowledged the loophole, which is why recent sanctions packages have targeted it directly. For instance, the EU’s 18th sanctions package in July 2025 banned the import of petroleum products derived from Russian crude processed in third countries, and specifically sanctioned Nayara Energy, an Indian refinery partly owned by Russia’s Rosneft.  The 19th package in October 2025 further tightened measures by sanctioning additional third-country entities, including three in India, for supporting Russia’s circumvention efforts. As a result, major Indian refiners like Reliance Industries have stopped importing Russian crude for certain facilities to comply with these rules and maintain access to EU markets. Russia, meanwhile, continues to adapt by using new middlemen exporters to supply India, aiming to sustain the flow despite the crackdown.  India has not fully stopped importing Russian oil since then, but imports have significantly declined. In 2025, Russia’s share of India’s crude oil imports fell to 33.3% from 36% the previous year, while OPEC’s share rose slightly to 50%.  By December 2025, India dropped to the third-largest buyer of Russian fossil fuels overall, importing €2.3 billion worth that month, with major refiners like Reliance Industries scaling back or halting purchases.    This reduction appears driven by a mix of U.S. tariff pressures, steeper discounts on Russian crude drawing buyers back selectively, and India’s strategic diversification to ensure energy security without fully alienating Russia—a key defense and trade partner. https://twitter.com/KobeissiLetter/status/2015527595975033161?s=20   the CMC Joint Staff Dept: Under investigation for violations 5. Director of CMC Political Work Dept: Removed in 2025 over corruption The US-China rivalry has gone well beyond trade.   The purges depicted in the image of China’s Central Military Commission (CMC) stem from an escalating anti-corruption campaign under Xi Jinping, which has targeted the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) extensively since 2023. This drive is officially framed as rooting out graft, bribery, and disciplinary violations, but analysts widely interpret it as a mechanism for Xi to consolidate power, enforce unwavering loyalty among military leaders, and address systemic issues like incompetence or factional rivalries that could undermine PLA readiness.  The campaign has intensified in 2025-2026, affecting nearly the entire top echelon of the CMC—China’s highest military decision-making body, chaired by Xi himself—leaving it in significant disarray  War/Peace Report: Iran's Khamenei Flees to ‘Fortified' Bunker, Fearing U.S. Strike Following rising concerns over a possible U.S. military strike, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has relocated to a heavily fortified underground compound in Tehran, according to reports, which cited sources close to the regime who revealed his son now oversees day-to-day operations. Source: breitbart.com https://twitter.com/amuse/status/2015828196273303756?s=20 calling it a dream disconnected from reality. The US covers about 68% of NATO defense spending while Europe still misses its 2% commitments. Medical/False Flags [DS] Agenda https://twitter.com/libsoftiktok/status/2015559098847428717?s=20 https://twitter.com/JoeConchaTV/status/2015519543846703552?s=20 If you are preparing a city for an insurrection is this what you do to lower morale, have police quit and this way there is no one to stop the insurgency     In 2024 Minnesota AG Keith Ellison Argued No Right to Carry a Gun at ‘Political Rallies and Protests' In 2024, Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison (D) was among 17 AGs who contended there is no right to carry a gun at “political rallies and protests.” The AGs did this in a January 26, 2024, filing in support of upholding California's gun controls for “sensitive places” in a Ninth Circuit case. In the filing, Ellison and the other AGs expressed support for banning the possession of firearms “in crowded places.” The AGs wrote: “Without the power to institute such restrictions, California and other states would be left unable effectively to prevent gun violence in crowded places, around vulnerable populations, or where individuals are exercising other constitutionally protected rights, putting the public at risk.” They emphasized, “Even the perceived risk of gun violence could cause repercussions, as individuals may be discouraged from visiting crowded or confined locations where they know others may be armed.” Source: breitbart.com https://twitter.com/BillClinton/status/2015562744993350135?s=20 Didn’t Bill and Hiliary Violate a Supeona to testify in front of congress, they broke the law, shouldn’t he be in jail. Barack Obama Urges More Street Protests, Blames Trump for Minneapolis Shooting https://twitter.com/BarackObama/status/2015479691147149747?s=20 4700 Q !!Hs1Jq13jV6 ID: a54ff9 No.10644532 Sep 14 2020 11:34:31 (EST) Worth remembering [think what you see today]. https://2009-2017.state.gov/documents/organization/119629.pdf