Podcasts about Cho

Cuddle up at Madam Puddifoot's for a change today, grab a tea and watch the rose petals fall! Join as Ev, Irvin, Karoline, and our very special guest Grace Candido-Beecher look for the best romantic match for Harry. Join the discussion on our website In this episode: You want big sails and a sturdy frame in a ship! What is the monster in Harry's chest? Michael Corner's got the rizz Cho and Harry's couples therapist needs a raise Draco is self-actualizing Harry, if you know what I mean Draco's wand works for Harry Krum is the shark that sinks all the ships Harry time travels to seduce his foes A wholesome pairing in the prefects bathroom For more from our guest Grace: gracevictoriaarts on Instagram Voldemort: The Definitive Study of Tom Riddle-the Man Who Would Become "He Who Must Not Be Named" by Grace Candido-Beecher (available April 28th in all* bookstores) voldemortbook on Instagram voldemortbook on Tumblr Resources: H/Hr: Who Does Hermione Love? by Turambar Anti-H/Hr: D'you Really Think They're Suited? Why Hermione is Not the Right Girl for Harry by Angua  H/R: Heated Wizardry by SNL H/G: Why Harry Picked Ginny, Rather Than Hermione, As A Romantic Partner by Gowdie H/L: Why I Became a Harry/Luna Shipper by Jenna The Twilight video from Contrapoints Pub's Jukebox: The Human Hose Pipe by Harry and the Potters Prelude by Ministry of Magic Honorable mention: Ginny's Song by Team StarKid   Contact: Website: https://threebroomstickspod.com/ Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/threebroomstickspod/ Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/threebroomstickspodcast/ Twitter: https://twitter.com/threebroompod Email: 3broomstickspod@gmail.com Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/3broomsticks 

In this Episode Dr Diane interviews Dr Fred Cho, Travel Optometrist, Speaker and Blogger, as well as co-host of the 20/Happy Podcast. Dr Cho shares his experience of quiet burnout and what he did to redesign his life and work to make space for more creativity, flexibility and passion projects.    Read more about Dr Cho's work here: https://www.fredhcho.com/  Join the Pivot Crash Course and start building your career with clarity and confidence

5.Mojžišova 27,11-26 11 V ten deň prikázal Mojžiš ľudu: 12 „Keď prejdete cez Jordán, nech sa Šimeón, Lévi, Júda, Jissachár, Jozef a Benjamín postavia na vrchu Gerizím a nech žehnajú ľud. 13 Nech sa Rúben, Gád, Ašér, Zebulún, Dán a Naftali postavia na vrchu Ebál a nech preklínajú. 14 Leviti nech zvýšeným hlasom oznámia všetkým izraelským mužom: 15 ‚Prekliaty muž, ktorý si zhotoví vyrezávanú alebo liatu modlu, ohavnosť pred Hospodinom, dielo rúk remeselníka, a tajne si ju postaví!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 16 ‚Prekliaty, kto zneuctí svojho otca alebo svoju matku!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 17 ‚Prekliaty, kto posunie medzu svojho blížneho!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 18 ‚Prekliaty, kto pomýli slepého na ceste!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 19 ‚Prekliaty, kto prekrúti právo cudzinca, siroty a vdovy!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 20 ‚Prekliaty, kto bude obcovať so ženou svojho otca, pretože odkryje prikrývku svojho otca!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 21 ‚Prekliaty, kto bude obcovať s ktorýmkoľvek zvieraťom!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 22 ‚Prekliaty, kto bude obcovať so svojou sestrou, dcérou svojho otca alebo s dcérou svojej matky!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 23 ‚Prekliaty, kto bude obcovať so svojou svokrou!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 24 ‚Prekliaty, kto tajne zabije svojho blížneho!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 25 ‚Prekliaty, kto vezme úplatok za zabitie nevinnej osoby!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ 26 ‚Prekliaty, kto nebude zachovávať slová tohto zákona a neuskutoční ich!‘ Všetok ľud nech povie: ‚Amen!‘ Požehnanie aj kliatba. Silné slová pre dnešného čitateľa – veď kto by chcel byť prekliaty? No rovnako ako požehnanie, aj kliatba je súčasťou zmluvy s Hospodinom. Izraelci po každom výroku jednomyseľne vyhlasujú: „Amen, nech sa tak stane!“, čím potvrdzujú, že prijímajú Božiu zmluvu so všetkými jej požehnaniami aj kliatbami. – – Podobne ako Izraelci, aj my sme súčasťou tejto zmluvy. A rovnako ako oni, aj my sme pod kliatbou, pretože nedokážeme dodržať Boží zákon bez prestúpenia. No ako píše apoštol Pavol (Gal 3,13): „Kristus nás vykúpil z kliatby zákona tým, že sám sa stal kliatbou za nás“ a ďalej dodáva: „aby v Kristovi Ježišovi prišlo Abrahámovo požehnanie na pohanov.“ Božie požehnanie si nikto nikdy nezaslúžil – vždy to bol dar. To, čo si skutočne zaslúžime, je smrť. No Ježiš nás z nej vykúpil a skrze Jeho obeť máme prístup k Božiemu požehnaniu. Premýšľajme dnes nad tým, aká nesmierna milosť a vzácny dar nám bol v Kristovi daný! Aké nesmierne každodenné požehnanie! Modlitba: Bože, ďakujeme Ti, že si spravodlivý a dávaš nám na výber! Odpusť, že si často vyberám zlo, a potom padám do kliatby! Ďakujem, že sa Pán Ježiš stal kliatbou miesto nás a nemusím trpieť, pokiaľ som v Ňom. Drž ma v Kristovi, prosím! Amen. Pieseň: ES 234 Autor: Marianna Kuchariková Hospodin rozrieši spor biedneho, chudobným vymôže právo. Žalm 140,13 Ak brat alebo sestra sú nahí a chýba im denný pokrm, čo im osoží, ak im niekto z vás povie: „Choďte v pokoji, zohrejte sa a najedzte sa“, no nedáte im, čo potrebujú pre telo? Jakub 2,15-16 Jób 1,1-22 •  Modlíme sa za: Málinec (NoS) Otázky na rozjímanie: Ako dnes hovorím „Amen!“ Božím požehnaniam aj kliatbam, vediac, že som pod kliatbou zákona? Čo pre mňa znamená, že Kristus sa stal kliatbou za mňa, aby Abrahámovo požehnanie prišlo aj na mňa? Ako môžem dnes žiť v Kristovej milosti, ktorá ma vykúpila z kliatby a priviedla k Božiemu požehnaniu? Dnes som vďačný za tieto 3 veci: _________________________________ _________________________________ _________________________________ Viac o vďačnosti, čo to je, prečo je dôležité byť vďačný, ako praktizovať vďačnosť nájdeš na blogu

Problem tzw. nadmiernej szczekliwości dotyczy wielu psów. O ile samo szczekanie jest jednym z najbardziej naturalnych psich zachowań, to wielogodzinne szczekanie lub szczekanie w reakcji na każdy najmniejszy bodziec z otoczenia może być uciążliwe zarówno dla rodziny psa, jak też dla sąsiadów, ale i samego czworonoga. Choć pies wcale tak swojego szczekania, rzecz jasna, nie postrzega. Jest to bowiem często zachowanie samonagradzające.Jeśli mamy w domu tak "wyszczekanego" czworonoga i chcemy nieco obniżyć poziom jego szczekliwości, musimy - przede wszystkim - zrozumieć, jakie podłoże ma jego zachowanie. Korygowanie, zwalczanie (czasem w sposób drastyczny, o czym również opowiem Wam w tym odcinku), tłumienie szczekania psa to tylko gaszenie objawów, a nie rozwiązanie problemu. Spróbujmy zatem przyjrzeć się temu, jakie mogą być przyczyny nadmiernej szczekliwości naszego psa. Oczywiście, parę pomysłów na rozwiązanie tego problemu również znajdziecie w tym odcinku.Serdecznie Was zapraszam do posłuchania.

Ref.: Heejin und Cho, Christen in Nordkorea In Nordkorea gilt jeder Christ als Staatsfeind. Schon der Besitz einer Bibel kann zur Deportation oder Hinrichtung führen, denn das Regime erlaubt keinerlei Religionsfreiheit. Im Kurs 0 erzählen Christen aus Nordkorea ihre Geschichte - von heimlichem Gottesdienst, Flucht, Folter und Arbeitslager. Und sie erzählen, wie in allem Schmerz der Glaube an Christus ihnen die Kraft zum Durchhalten gegeben hat.

Witam Państwa, nazywam się Jarosław Drożdż, pracuję w Centralnym Szpitalu Klinicznym Uniwersytetu Medycznego w Łodzi, skąd nagrywam podcast Kardio Know-How. W tym odcinku omawiam najnowsze statystyki kardiologiczne z AHA. Jak co roku pod koniec stycznia analizuję najnowsze dane dotyczące chorób sercowo-naczyniowych, które omawiam także w podcaście Kardio-Know-How. Do 2016 r. korzystałem głównie z amerykańskiego raportu publikowanego w Circulation, a od kilku lat, jako konsultant wojewódzki, współtworzę również polskie zestawienia. W 2024 r. pod kierunkiem prof. Waldemara Banasiaka opublikowaliśmy pierwszy ogólnopolski raport konsultantów obejmujący dane za cały rok – dostępny tutaj: https://journals.viamedica.pl/polish_heart_journal/article/view/108435https://journals.viamedica.pl/polish_heart_journal/article/view/108484Tegoroczny raport amerykański pokazuje spadek liczby zgonów sercowo-naczyniowych do 916 tys., czyli o 26 tys. mniej niż rok wcześniej. Dla porównania: nowotwory odpowiadają za 680 tys. zgonów rocznie w USA, wypadki za 200 tys., udary za 160 tys., a przewlekłe choroby płuc za 145 tys. Umieralność kobiet i mężczyzn spadła w podobnym stopniu – uratowano około 15 tys. osób z każdej grupy w ciągu jednego roku. Jednocześnie tylko 1/4 dorosłych Amerykanów ma wystarczającą aktywność fizyczną, połowa ma nadciśnienie, a 90% spełnia kryteria zespołu sercowo-nerkowo-metabolicznego. Choć hospitalizacje z powodu choroby wieńcowej spadły dwukrotnie w ciągu 20 lat, liczba zgonów z powodu niewydolności serca wzrosła o 33%.Pełny raport AHA dostępny jest tutaj: https://www.ahajournals.org/doi/10.1161/CIR.0000000000001412, a dodatkowe dane (także europejskie) tutaj: https://www.heart.org/en/about-us/heart-and-stroke-association-statisticsSzczegółowy TRANSKRYPT do odcinka.Podcast jest przeznaczony wyłącznie dla osób z profesjonalnym wykształceniem medycznym.

5.Mojžišova 26,1-15 1 Keď prídeš do krajiny, ktorú ti dáva Hospodin, tvoj Boh, do vlastníctva, obsadíš ju a budeš v nej bývať, 2 vezmi prvotiny zo všetkých plodín, ktoré poznášaš zo zeme, ktorú ti dáva Hospodin, tvoj Boh, vlož ich do koša a choď na miesto, ktoré si vyvolí Hospodin, tvoj Boh, aby tam prebývalo jeho meno. 3 Choď ku kňazovi, ktorý tam práve bude, a povedz mu: ‚Dnes vyhlasujem pred Hospodinom, svojím Bohom, že som prišiel do krajiny, o ktorej Hospodin našim otcom pod prísahou sľúbil, že nám ju dá.‘ 4 Potom kňaz vezme kôš z tvojej ruky a položí ho pred oltár Hospodina, tvojho Boha. 5 Ty však pred Hospodinom, svojím Bohom, povieš: ‚Môj otec bol blúdiaci Aramejčan. S malým počtom ľudí zostúpil do Egypta a tam žil ako cudzinec. Tam sa stal veľkým, mocným a početným národom. 6 Egypťania však s nami zle zaobchádzali, trýznili nás a kruto zotročovali. 7 Volali sme k Hospodinovi, Bohu našich otcov, Hospodin nás vypočul, pozrel na naše poníženie, námahu a útlak. 8 Hospodin nás vyviedol z Egypta mocnou rukou a vystretým ramenom, veľkou hrôzou, znameniami a zázrakmi. 9 Priviedol nás na toto miesto a dal nám túto krajinu, krajinu oplývajúcu mliekom a medom. 10 Teraz som teda priniesol prvotiny plodín zeme, ktorú si mi, Hospodin, dal!‘ Polož to pred Hospodina, svojho Boha, a pokloň sa pred Hospodinom, svojím Bohom. 11 Raduj sa zo všetkého dobrého, čo Hospodin, tvoj Boh, dal tebe a tvojmu domu. Raduj sa spolu s levitom a s cudzincom, ktorí bývajú v tvojom kraji. 12 Keď v treťom roku, v roku desiatkov, úplne odovzdáš všetky desiatky zo svojej úrody a dáš levitovi, cudzincovi, sirote a vdove, aby jedli v tvojich bránach a nasýtili sa, 13 povieš pred Hospodinom, svojím Bohom: ‚Vyniesol som z domu, čo bolo posvätné a dal som to levitovi, cudzincovi, sirote a vdove celkom tak, ako si mi prikázal. Neprestúpil som ani jedno z tvojich prikázaní, ani som naň nezabudol. 14 Počas smútku som z toho nejedol a ani počas svojej nečistoty som z toho neodložil, ani som z toho neobetoval mŕtvemu. Poslúchol som hlas Hospodina, svojho Boha, a urobil som všetko tak, ako si mi prikázal. 15 Zhliadni zo svojho svätého príbytku, z nebies, a požehnaj svoj ľud, Izrael, aj zem, krajinu oplývajúcu mliekom a medom, ktorú si nám dal, ako si prisahal našim otcom.‘ Dávanie rozväzuje radosť. Aký ľahký recept na radostný život! Keď Izraelci prvýkrát vstúpili do zasľúbenej zeme a začali sa v nej usídľovať, zo všetkého priniesli Hospodinovi prvé výsledky svojej úrody. Ich srdce naplnila radosť, keď si uvedomili, že ešte kedysi boli ich otcovia otrokmi v Egypte a oni majú teraz svoje vlastné ovocie a obilie. Predstavila som si malé dieťa, ktoré s hrdosťou a radosťou prináša rodičovi svoju prvú kresbičku. Ibaže toto robili dospelí ľudia s plnou vážnosťou preto, že Boh bol pre nich nesmiernym Darcom. A takto v tom pokračovali aj ďalej, aby nezabudli… A aby im Jeho požehnanie nezovšednelo. Tak sa radosť z dávania, z podelenia sa s inými a z poslušnosti voči Hospodinovi šírila ďalej. – – Ak by si dnes mal/a opísať svoj život, čo by to bolo? Prúdiaca vďačnosť z toho, že až dodnes ťa viedol, chránil a požehnával Pán Boh, alebo by to bola iná „melódia“? Radosť má heslo: vďačnosť. A na prvom mieste – vďačnosť Bohu. A dávať z toho, čo máme, druhým. Aj na Božie dielo. Možno je práve dnes čas vyniesť to „niečo“ zo svojej domácnosti a podeliť sa s ľuďmi, ktorých máme vo svojom okolí, aby sa radosť z mnohého, čo máme, znova rozhorela. Modlitba: Pane Ježišu, ďakujeme Ti za naše začiatky, pri ktorých si stál. Za Tvoje požehnanie, ktoré nás sprevádza celé tie roky nášho života. Ďakujeme za obdarovanie mnohými možnosťami, ľuďmi, priateľmi, vecami. Nech cez naše dávanie a ochotu podeliť sa môžeme spoločne zažívať realitu Tvojho požehnania medzi nami. Amen. Pieseň: ES 552 Autor: Lenka Janotková Nespomínajte predchádzajúce veci a o dávnych nerozmýšľajte. Hľa, robím čosi nové, teraz to klíči, či to nebadáte? Izaiáš 43,18-19 Pavol píše: „Ak je niekto v Kristovi, je novým stvorením. Staré veci pominuli, nastali nové.“ 2.Korinťanom 5,17 Daniel 5,1-7.17-30 •  Modlíme sa za: Malá Čalomija (NoS) Otázky na rozjímanie: Ako dnes prinášam Hospodinovi prvé ovocie svojej práce s vďačnosťou za cestu z otroctva do zasľúbenej krajiny? Čo pre mňa znamená vyznávať pred Bohom: „Môj otec bol blúdiaci Aramejčan“, aby som nezabudol svoje korene? Ako môžem dnes šíriť radosť dávania s levitmi, cudzincom, sirotou a vdovou, aby som žil v Božom požehnaní? Dnes som vďačný za tieto 3 veci: _________________________________ _________________________________ _________________________________ Viac o vďačnosti, čo to je, prečo je dôležité byť vďačný, ako praktizovať vďačnosť nájdeš na blogu

Listen without ads at www.patreon.com/dopeypodcast Today on Dopey's Greatest Hits!! Confessions of a Fentanyl Dealer! Jay opens up about his wild past: seventh-grade turkey scam hustle for his first ounce of weed, early fights and assaults building a violent rep, slug life gang brawls, first juvie (Westbury JDC horrors: Jenny Craig food theft, toothbrush shank), group home connects, escalating from weed to major coke dealing (quarter keys, cut with lidocaine/Nestlé), crooked cop stories, body brokering in Florida/California (paying addicts thousands to hit private detoxes for insurance cash), fentanyl pill empire (3k pills + loose quarter kilo hauls), Arizona Mexi connects, Ohio traffic stop bust (canine, massive fentanyl load), and rock-bottom overdose in Jamaica, Queens. Dave reflects on J's talent/magnetism, never giving up hope, current jail status, and pulls for him hard. Spotify comments read (Philip your dad on WTF nostalgia/tear-up banjo cover, Ray warning on free-lapsing/nitrous danger, Minnesota Matt praising persistence/family rebuild, Upyar questioning socks gimmick, Sean/Shawna/Kirby/Mr. Jason shoutouts), Dopeywood 2026 plug (April 12 Comedy Store LA — Maron, Bobby Lee, Cho, Hammond, No Towers, Makovsky, Miller — tickets flying), Patreon ad-free love, Nora's 16th birthday emotional spoil, and "Good So Bad" close.AND MORE!  Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

VOV1 - Mặt hàng xăng sinh học E10 sẽ được kinh doanh trên toàn quốc từ 01/6/2026. Người tiêu dùng có thể lựa chọn cây xăng có giá rẻ hơn, chất lượng phục vụ tốt hơn để mua thay vì "một giá" như hiện nay. Đó là những điểm mới được cho là "cách mạng” trong hoạt động kinh doanh xăng dầu năm 2026.Nghị định mới của Chính phủ về kinh doanh xăng dầu dự kiến sẽ được ban hành trong tháng 2/2026 và có hiệu lực trong tháng 4/2026. Nghị định này sẽ thay thế các Nghị định 80/2023/NĐ-CP, Nghị định 95/2021/NĐ-CP, Nghị định số 83/2014/NĐ-CP) và sẽ có nhiều điểm mới đáng chú ý. Trong đó, điểm thay đổi lớn nhất trong nghị định mới về kinh doanh xăng dầu chính là cơ chế giá.Theo ông Trần Hữu Linh - Cục trưởng Cục Quản lý và Phát triển thị trường trong nước (Bộ Công Thương), doanh nghiệp là các thương nhân đầu mối, thương nhân phân phối sẽ được trao quyền tự quyết giá xăng dầu trong một số trường hợp, vì thế vai trò của cơ quan quản lý nhà nước tại các địa phương (là các Sở Công Thương) đóng vai trò hết sức quan trọng:"Tại thời điểm Nghị định mới có hiệu lực, thị trường (có thể) chưa ổn định, giá là do thương nhân đầu mối, do cửa hàng quy định - có cây xăng giá bán cao hơn, nhưng có nơi/cây xăng giá sẽ thấp hơn. Như vậy, theo tâm lý của người mua hàng là cây nào rẻ thì người ta sẽ tập trung vào cây đấy người ta đổ cho nên có thể sẽ xảy ra tình trạng thời gian đầu như thế. Cho nên các Sở Công thương cũng nên lường trước những việc như thế này. Thứ hai là phải giám sát, theo dõi sát cung - cầu trên địa bàn, và đặc biệt là việc tuần thủ của các cây xăng, các cửa hàng bán lẻ - là đối tượng mà Sở Công Thương đang cấp phép; Chúng ta bây giờ là xăng dầu là giá thị trường, sẽ chấp nhận là trong một thành phố (như Hà Nội chẳng hạn) nơi thì cây xăng có giá thấp nơi cây xăng nó cao, đấy là chuyện bình thường của cơ chế thị trường. Và đôi khi người tiêu dùng người ta vẫn đến cây xăng giá cao hơn một chút nhưng dịch vụ nó tốt hơn..." - ông Trần Hữu Linh thông tin.Xăng E10 được phối trộn từ 90% xăng khoáng với 10% nhiên liệu sinh học ethanol (ảnh minh hoạ)

Wykład dr Marty Obary-Michlewskiej w ramach Festiwalu Nauki w Warszawie [27 września 2025 r.]Depresja, najczęstsza choroba psychiczna na świecie, jest na tyle złożona, że jej mechanizmy wciąż nie są w pełni poznane. W badaniach nad jej przyczynami i skutecznymi terapiami istotną rolę odgrywają modele zwierzęce, zwłaszcza myszy i szczury. Dzięki nim naukowcy mogą analizować wpływ czynników genetycznych i środowiskowych oraz leków na funkcjonowanie układu nerwowego. Choć nie mamy pełnego wglądu w to, jak zwierzęta odczuwają stres i depresję, to wiele objawów można odnosić do odczuwanych przez ludzi.Wykład przybliży, jak wygląda praca w laboratorium i jakie odkrycia zawdzięczamy "smutnym myszom".dr hab. Marta Obara-Michlewska - Instytut Medycyny Doświadczalnej i Klinicznej im. Mirosława Mossakowskiego PANJeśli chcesz wspierać Wszechnicę w dalszym tworzeniu treści, organizowaniu kolejnych #rozmówWszechnicy, możesz:1. Zostać Patronem Wszechnicy FWW w serwisie https://patronite.pl/wszechnicafwwPrzez portal Patronite możesz wesprzeć tworzenie cyklu #rozmowyWszechnicy nie tylko dobrym słowem, ale i finansowo. Będąc Patronką/Patronem wpłacasz regularne, comiesięczne kwoty na konto Wszechnicy, a my dzięki Twojemu wsparciu możemy dalej rozwijać naszą działalność. W ramach podziękowania mamy dla Was drobne nagrody.2. Możesz wspierać nas, robiąc zakupy za pomocą serwisu Fanimani.pl - https://tiny.pl/wkwpkJeżeli robisz zakupy w internecie, możesz nas bezpłatnie wspierać. Z każdego Twojego zakupu średnio 2,5% jego wartości trafi do Wszechnicy, jeśli zaczniesz korzystać z serwisu FaniMani.pl Ty nic nie dopłacasz!3. Możesz przekazać nam darowiznę na cele statutowe tradycyjnym przelewemDarowizny dla Fundacji Wspomagania Wsi można przekazywać na konto nr:33 1600 1462 1808 7033 4000 0001Fundacja Wspomagania WsiZnajdź nas: https://www.youtube.com/c/WszechnicaFWW/https://www.facebook.com/WszechnicaFWW1/https://anchor.fm/wszechnicaorgpl---historiahttps://anchor.fm/wszechnica-fww-naukahttps://wszechnica.org.pl/#depresja #psychika #mysz #nauka #choroba #zdrowie #festiwalnauki #psychologia #psychiatria

What happens when your body is slowly losing its ability to breathe, but your brain is busy building the future of technology? This week, the fellas (and a very helpful Brock) sit down with Chouaieb (Cho), an AI Black Belt at Google who is quite literally using technology as a personal savior. Cho lives with Ulrich Congenital Muscular Dystrophy (UCMD), a rare condition that has left his diaphragm functioning at just 16% capacity. For Cho, the "AI revolution" isn't about deepfakes or taking jobs - it's about cloning his own voice so he can keep telling stories to his three kids after his inevitable tracheostomy. We dive into the raw logistics of "engineering a life": from why he has to basically dehydrate himself just to sit through a podcast, to the nightmare of calling 50 hotels just to find one with a bed that fits a medical lift. It's a conversation about "Career Pivots," the BS "Saint or Pity" binary society forces on disabled people, and why Cho identifies more as an entrepreneur than a patient.Connect with Cho:LinkedIn: https://linkedin.com/in/nemriInstagram: @choe_nemriMentorship & Advocacy:FREE Mentorship (Disabled in Tech): https://cal.com/nemri/disabilityProfessional Paid Mentorship: https://mentorcruise.com/mentor/chouaiebnemri/Cho's Accessibility Projects:* Airbnb Accessibility Analyzer: https://github.com/cnemri/airaccess* WheelAir: A repository of airline wheelchair policies: https://wheelair.netlify.app/You can watch this entire episode over on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL0EVgIbBQOxtKJ4qjAlfeutzZRfCGV8nbFollow Sickboy: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/sickboypodcastTiktok: https://www.tiktok.com/@sickboypodcastDiscord: https://discord.gg/expeUDN

What happens when your body is slowly losing its ability to breathe, but your brain is busy building the future of technology? This week, the fellas (and a very helpful Brock) sit down with Chouaieb (Cho), an AI Black Belt at Google who is quite literally using technology as a personal savior. Cho lives with Ulrich Congenital Muscular Dystrophy (UCMD), a rare condition that has left his diaphragm functioning at just 16% capacity. For Cho, the "AI revolution" isn't about deepfakes or taking jobs - it's about cloning his own voice so he can keep telling stories to his three kids after his inevitable tracheostomy. We dive into the raw logistics of "engineering a life": from why he has to basically dehydrate himself just to sit through a podcast, to the nightmare of calling 50 hotels just to find one with a bed that fits a medical lift. It's a conversation about "Career Pivots," the BS "Saint or Pity" binary society forces on disabled people, and why Cho identifies more as an entrepreneur than a patient.Connect with Cho:LinkedIn: https://linkedin.com/in/nemriInstagram: @choe_nemriMentorship & Advocacy:FREE Mentorship (Disabled in Tech): https://cal.com/nemri/disabilityProfessional Paid Mentorship: https://mentorcruise.com/mentor/chouaiebnemri/Cho's Accessibility Projects:* Airbnb Accessibility Analyzer: https://github.com/cnemri/airaccess* WheelAir: A repository of airline wheelchair policies: https://wheelair.netlify.app/You can watch this entire episode over on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PL0EVgIbBQOxtKJ4qjAlfeutzZRfCGV8nbFollow Sickboy: Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/sickboypodcastTiktok: https://www.tiktok.com/@sickboypodcastDiscord: https://discord.gg/expeUDN

W kolejnym odcinku uSawickich odbiegamy nieco od tematu edukacji… ale tylko z pozoru.Filmy, kino, mecze i wspólne oglądanie różnych gatunków z dziećmi to dla nas coś więcej niż rozrywka. To często punkt wyjścia do ciekawych rozmów, inspirujących przemyśleń i budowania relacji. A czasem – przynajmniej w teorii – także chwila odpoczynku. Choć z tym bywa coraz trudniej.Niedawno trafiliśmy na artykuł analizujący, dlaczego popularne serwisy streamingowe tworzą coraz słabsze produkcje – bardziej schematyczne, przewidywalne, z uproszczonymi dialogami i mniejszą głębią. Czy to kwestia algorytmów? Presji oglądalności? Masowej produkcji treści? Dzisiaj chcielibyśmy Wam przedstawić zatrważające faktyZachęcamy do słuchania i – jak zawsze – do pełnej uwagi Dajcie znać w komentarzu: czy też macie wrażenie, że filmy i seriale „kiedyś były lepsze”?

 Rozłam w ugrupowaniu założonym przez Szymona Hołownię stał się faktem. Część parlamentarzystów utworzyła nowy klub „Centrum”, a reszta pozostaje w okrojonym klubie Polska 2050. Choć formalnie większość rządowa nie jest dziś zagrożona, sytuacja znacząco komplikuje pozycję premiera.Prof. Norbert Maliszewski w Popołudniu Radia Wnet nie pozostawia złudzeń co do skutków politycznego przesilenia.„Dla Donalda Tuska rozpad Polski 2050 oznacza ogromne problemy, chaos i coraz trudniejsze warunki do rządzenia”Jego zdaniem pojawienie się nowej, kilkunastoosobowej grupy parlamentarzystów oznacza dodatkowy ośrodek negocjacyjny wewnątrz koalicji.„Pojawia się duża grupa posłów, która może negocjować, która będzie starała się pokazać w kontrze do Donalda Tuska, po to, żeby zachować swoją tożsamość”Maliszewski ocenia, że projekt Polska 2050 w wymiarze społecznym jest już mocno osłabiony.„Jeżeli chodzi o poparcie społeczne, to Polski 2050 praktycznie już nie ma i nie wydaje się, żeby ten projekt miał szansę na to, żeby był realizowany” Jednocześnie zaznacza, że realna siła ugrupowania wciąż wynika z liczby mandatów w Sejmie, a nie z notowań sondażowych.„Ta Polska 2050 istnieje jako siła w parlamencie i bardziej się liczy, jeżeli chodzi o posłów, niż jeżeli chodzi o poparcie społeczne”Nowy pomnijeszony klub może – zdaniem profesora – budować swoją tożsamość wokół postulatów ważnych dla klasy średniej.„Na pewno Katarzyna Pełczyńska-Nałęcz będzie odwoływać się do kwestii związanych z polityką mieszkaniową (…) będzie krytykiem rządu Donalda Tuska w tych kwestiach, które mogą być niepopularne” Wśród tematów wymienia m.in. ceny energii i podwyższenie kwoty wolnej od podatku.Najmocniejsza teza rozmowy dotyczy jednak strategii premiera.„Wydaje się, że Donald Tusk to, co zrobił, to dokonał swoistego rozbioru Polski 2050”Według niego premier kalkuluje, że projekt Hołowni nie ma przyszłości i może próbować stworzyć „koncesjonowaną” formę polityczną w centrum sceny, która zbierze liberalnych wyborców niezadowolonych z rządu, ale nieprzechodzących do opozycji.„Ten klub oczywiście czeka taki swoisty czyściec (…) Donald Tusk będzie musiał szachować niejako te dwa kluby” Ekspert podkreśla, że do wyborów pozostaje około półtora roku, a w tym czasie może dojść do dalszych przetasowań. Każde głosowanie będzie wymagało dodatkowych negocjacji, a proces rządzenia stanie się bardziej skomplikowany./fa

5.Mojžišova 24,6-22 6 Nikto nesmie vziať do zálohu ani spodný, ani vrchný kameň ručného mlyna, lebo tým by bral do zálohu sám život. 7 Ak sa zistí, že niekto uniesol niektorého zo svojich bratov Izraelitov, že s ním zaobchádzal ako s otrokom a predal ho, únosca nech zomrie. Tak odstrániš zlo spomedzi seba. 8 V prípade malomocenstva dbaj, aby si veľmi pozorne zachovával všetko, o čom vás poučia léviovskí kňazi. Starostlivo dodržiavajte všetko, čo som im prikázal. 9 Pamätaj, čo urobil Hospodin, tvoj Boh, Mirjam, keď ste vychádzali z Egypta. 10 Keď svojmu blížnemu niečo požičiaš, nechoď do jeho domu vymáhať záloh. 11 Zostaň vonku a muž, ktorému si niečo požičal, ti vynesie záloh von. 12 Ak je ten muž chudobný, nenecháš si cez noc jeho záloh. 13 Pri západe slnka mu jeho záloh vráť, aby si mohol ľahnúť vo svojom plášti a dobrorečil ti. To bude tvoja spravodlivosť pred Hospodinom, tvojím Bohom. 14 Neutláčaj chudobného a núdzneho, nádenníka, či je to brat alebo cudzinec, ktorý býva v tvojej krajine a podlieha súdu v tvojich bránach. 15 Mzdu mu vyplať ešte v ten deň pred západom slnka, lebo je núdzny a jeho život závisí od nej, aby nevolal proti tebe k Hospodinovi a tak neostal na tebe hriech. 16 Nech netrestajú otcov smrťou pre synov a ani synov nech netrestajú smrťou pre otcov. Nech je každý usmrtený za vlastný hriech! 17 Neprekrúcaj právo cudzinca ani siroty a od vdovy neber šaty do zálohu! 18 Pamätaj, že si bol otrokom v Egypte a že ťa odtiaľ vykúpil Hospodin, tvoj Boh. Preto ti prikazujem, aby si to dodržiaval. 19 Keď budeš žať obilie na svojom poli a zabudneš tam snop, nevracaj sa poň. Nech zostane cudzincovi, sirote alebo vdove, aby ťa požehnal Hospodin, tvoj Boh, pri každom diele tvojich rúk. 20 Pri zbere olív nestriasaj po sebe konáre, nech niečo zostane cudzincovi, sirote a vdove. 21 Pri oberačke hrozna vo svojej vinici nepaberkuj za sebou, nech zostane niečo cudzincovi, sirote a vdove. 22 Pamätaj, že si bol otrokom v Egypte. Preto ti prikazujem, aby si to dodržiaval. Pamätaj, že si bol otrokom v Egypte! Toto napomenutie máme v prečítanom texte dvakrát. Izraelci zažili v otroctve veľa príkoria, potupy, ponižovania, hrubého zaobchádzania, nepekných slov, a tak by sme mohli pokračovať. Hospodin im to pripomína preto, aby sa k nikomu, ani k otrokom, nesprávali rovnako hrubo a necitlivo. Sirota, vdova, otrok – aj to je tvoj blížny. Káže im neprekrúcať právo ani cudzincovi – ani pri výplate mzdy, ktorú bolo treba vyplatiť. V Matúšovom evanjeliu (v. 9,13) čítame, čo povedal Pán Ježiš: „Choďte, teda, a naučte sa, čo znamenajú slová: Milosrdenstvo chcem, a nie obeť; lebo neprišiel som volať spravodlivých, ale hriešnikov.“ Ako kresťan mám denne príležitosť prejavovať lásku, ktorú do môjho života priniesol Pán Ježiš. Mám množstvo dobrých možností prejavovať milosrdenstvo, lebo aj mne dobre padne, keď niekto prejaví súcit voči mne, alebo keď pochopí moju situáciu. Aj dnes mám skvelú šancu nekonať krivdu, nespravodlivosť. Veď aj mne zle padlo, keď mi niekto spôsobil krivdu a falošne ma obvinil. „Pamätaj!“ Čo ti to dnes pripomína? Keď v Pána Ježiša veríš, tak aj prejavuj Jeho lásku! Ži, konaj a používaj Jeho slová a spôsoby! S pomocou Pánovou sa o to usiluj aj dnes! Modlitba: Bože, ďakujeme Ti, že si v našom živote urobil toľko dobrého. Odpusť, že si to málo pamätám a pripomínam! Obnovuj moju pamäť! Daj, nech sa tak radujem z Tvojich skutkov, aby ma napĺňali hlbokou úctou k Tebe! Amen. Pieseň: ES 470 Autor: Ján Jančo Národy, velebte nášho Boha, nech o ňom zaznie hlasný chválospev! On nás zachoval pri živote, nedopustil, aby sa nám nohy klátili. Žalm 66,8-9 Nech vám Boh trpezlivosti a útechy dá o sebe navzájom zmýšľať podľa Krista Ježiša, aby ste jednomyseľne, jednými ústami oslavovali Boha a Otca nášho Pána Ježiša Krista. Rimanom 15,5-6 Kološanom 3,(5-7)8-11 •  Modlíme sa za: Ľuboreč (NoS) Otázky na rozjímanie: Ako dnes pamätám, že som bol otrokom hriechu v „Egypte“, aby som neprekrúcal právo cudzinca, siroty a vdovy? Čo pre mňa znamená vyplácať mzdu núdznemu pred západom slnka, aby som neostal v hriechu pred Hospodinom? Ako môžem dnes nechávať snop, olivy a hrozno pre núdnych, aby Hospodin požehnal dielo mojich rúk? Dnes som vďačný za tieto 3 veci: _________________________________ _________________________________ _________________________________ Viac o vďačnosti, čo to je, prečo je dôležité byť vďačný, ako praktizovať vďačnosť nájdeš na blogu

As biologics grow more complex, cell line development remains a key driver of speed, yield, and manufacturability. What was once a technical milestone is now a competitive differentiator, directly impacting time to Investigational New Drug (IND), cost of goods, and long-term scalability. In this episode of Off Script, we spoke with Brett Verstak, director of cell line development at Abzena, to discuss how advanced Chinese hamster ovary (CHO)-based platforms, glutamine synthetase (GS) knockout systems, automation, and AI-driven workflows are accelerating clone selection and reducing downstream risk. The conversation explores persistent bottlenecks in hard-to-express proteins, the value of integrated upstream development models, and how smarter platform design is helping drug developers move complex biologics to the clinic faster.

Choć przez wielu traktowany jest jako domownik, to wciąż czuje się gościem w świecie MMA. W świecie, w którym są bardzo duże pieniądze, a on rzuca konkretnymi kwotami. 300 tysięcy? Za tyle nie zawalczy w KSW. Walka z Mamedem? To już wypłata rzędu miliona złotych. Ale jak sam twierdzi, pieniądze to nie wszystko. Ma za co żyć i nie zamierza dla zasięgów i kasy robić z siebie małpy w internecie. Kolejnym gościem Łukasza Kadziewicza w podcaście "W cieniu sportu" jest Szymon Kołecki.

THE MYSTERY I'm reading the first two verses from our discussion group Scripture reading last week. Ephesians 1:9-10 making known to us the mystery (Mysterion – not just hidden but unuttered [mu??] or not spoken until its prepared or set time) of his will, according to his purpose, which he set forth in Christ 10. A plan for the fullness of time, to unite all things in him, things in heaven and things on earth. (also expounded in Colossians 1.15-21) Some scholars think Paul wrote Ephesians and not Colossians and some think he wrote Colossians and not Ephesians. However, Paul's account of the ‘mystery' and the Plan in both epistles is identical. 3 questions  1. What is the mystery? The ‘Mystery made known' is the life of Jesus living and speaking God's will in us and through us.  2. What is the Plan to unite all things in Christ? The plan of uniting every created thing in Christ is God joining himself to his own creation through Jesus. Jesus entered into to our humanity and we enter into his divinity. Heaven and earth are joined together forever in him 3. What is the Gospel? Ephesians 3:3 by revelation He made known to me the mystery, as I have briefly written already [CH.1]... that the Nations (Ethnos-all ethnic groups, cultures, mankind) should be fellow heirs, of the same body, and partakers of His promise in Christ - through the gospel. THAT IS THE GOSPEL. THE MYSTERY Paul's revelation of this mystery which is the life of Jesus living and speaking God's will in us and through us by the Holy Spirit was spoken to the Ephesians and the Colossians and then written in 62 AD as his epistles to them from prison in Rome.  Colossians 1:26-29 the mystery (mysterion) which has been hidden from ages and from generations but now has been revealed to His saints - To them God willed to make known what are the riches of the glory of this mystery among the Gentiles (or Nations ‘Ethnos' - all ethnic groups, cultures, mankind) which is Christ in you, the hope of glory THE PLAN What is the plan of uniting all of creation together in Christ?  The love between Father Son and Holy Spirit in Heaven before the time of creation was perfect and complete and They agreed together in all things in perfect truth (1John 5:7KJV). And that love and truth was compelled of itself (2 Corinthians 5:14) to overflow into the lives of all created beings to bless them. Firstly, the angels were created as pure spirit beings, spiritually higher than our physically limited humanity, (Hebrews 2:7). And no created being, angelic or human, possessed God's perfect capacity of this divine love and truth. But angels could come before the face of God and communicate and hear God speak, and that is why one imperfect angel called Lucifer fell in his pride and deception, and also why he tempted imperfect Adam and Eve to fall. The angels would have heard God say ‘Let us make man in our own image and let them have dominion over every living creature and over all the earth… So God created man in His own image… male and female He created them.' (Genesis 1:26,27).  The angels saw and celebrated the material creation from beginning to end (Job 38:4) and for Lucifer, this privileged dominion over everything in creation being given to these puny humans was too much for his pride and ego to accept, and he was outraged – No! That's my inheritance! And he took many other angels into his rebellion And the Bible records God's verdict upon his unjust claims. Isaiah 14:1-15 How you are fallen from heaven, O Lucifer, son of the morning! How you are cut down to the ground, You who weakened the nations! For you have said in your heart: I will ascend into heaven, I will exalt my throne above the stars of God; I will also sit on the mount of the congregation On the farthest sides of the north; I will ascend above the heights of the clouds, I will be like the Most High.' Yet you shall be brought down to Sheol,To the lowest depths of the Pit.  (5 I wills + 5 Your will be done wounds of Jesus on the cross) And so Lucifer decided in his darkness and deception to prevent puny mortals from laying claim to their just inheritance. He provoked these lesser beings - Adam and Eve into a presumptuous rebellion against a perfect God, tempting them to disobey God and inciting them to resent God for not allowing them to eat of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil - believing that God was selfishly afraid that they would become like God if they did. So they ate the fruit and they took the darkness and deception into their souls, and from then on, our human souls were destined to live out from our discontented vulnerability, and to defend ourselves and justify ourselves and war against ourselves and other people. Human relationships drastically damaged But God had foreseen all of this, and he had planned a perfect plan before creation even began. He had decided to join himself as God, pure Spirit being, to his creation, by coming as Jesus the Son of the Father to live within puny vulnerable human form upon the earth. The Bible calls this astounding truth Reconciliation, which is translated from the Greek word katalasso, a “mutual transformation” of God and humanity into an entirely New Creation. And God took the first step to reconcile humanity in this cosmic merging of Being through the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, overcoming the distrust and separation and hostility in us to God that was caused by sin.  Paul is the only one who explains Reconciliation in this way in verses like 2 Corinthians 5:18-2 ‘God was in Christ, reconciling the world to himself. And Romans 5:10 about Jesus' death on the cross and his resurrection. The Holy Spirit gives us grace and faith to accept and live in that reconciliation, enabling us to overcome sin and a self-centered mindset. The Holy Spirit infuses divine love and truth into our hearts and minds, and giving us the gift of a New Heart and a renewed mind to know the truth of who God is and who we are. This is our salvation – the healing of our soul, and this is what God desires for all of us. God desires all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth (1Timothy 2:4).     THE GOSPEL The Gospel is the Plan of that mystery being declared to all the world as The Good News, as we read earlier in Ephesians 3.  Paul never preached the bad news The bad news often shared as being the gospel. IE. if you repent from your sins and ask God for forgiveness you won't go to hell.  I went to a church growth conference in Seoul Korea in the 1990's at Yonggi Cho's church. There were 700 of us pastors attending his 500,000 strong church. Cho was a former Buddhist and a very disciplined man of great influence in South Korea. He told us that many Christian authors including Peter Wagner and others you would know had interviewed him to write their books on church growth. He said they asked how it started and he'd tell them 'I prayed to God ' and they would write that down. Then they'd say, ‘what then?' and he'd say ‘I taught the people in small groups to study the word carefully and obey it' This was all written down. Then he said ‘the authors have sold a lot of books, writing down the principles and enlarging each principle, but they are not going to give you church growth because even though the principles are good that wasn't the way the church growth happened. What happened was God touched my life. God had given me some signs and wonders in my ministry especially in the villages, so I often preached out there and many people came to my meetings. They knew my discipline and zeal and I wanted to see them getting to know God. But something had to change in me for me to reach their hearts.  Cho told us what happened. He said he went out one day to a village and saw people on the side of the road and he said ‘are you coming to the meeting tonight?' They lifted their weary heads up and said no Pastor Cho, we are miserable enough - And when you preach you make it worse for us because we feel so condemned. You are so strict and holy, and you tell us what sinners we are, and we feel too unworthy to get close to God. Cho then told us – that was when he realised he was preaching the bad news of what they must do to be worthy – he was preaching discipline and zeal, and not God's goodness and grace. God changed him that day and everything else changed for him and for Seoul Korea.' So the mystery of his will is to lovingly unfold to us his plan to join us to his divine life – and that is the gospel. Once we know it and believe it we cannot unbelieve it, because when we pursue that truth with our full heart and all our mind it pursues us into every corner of our lives. As we now partake of our communion – the communion of the Body of Christ, remember how Paul admonished the Corinthian church because of internal factional disputing and judging of one another which finally created 36,000 denominations. Paul said they were holding their communion services in an unworthy manner. For he who eats and drinks in an unworthy manner eats and drinks judgment to himself, not discerning the Lord's body. For this reason many are weak and sick among you, and many sleep. For if we would judge ourselves, we would not be judged Rather than judge one another judge ourselves. (1Corinthians 13:30) We can be discerning of doubtful doctrinal emphases but not judge harshly. We can pray for more love and agreement and mercy, and pray for the Gospel of reconciliation, ‘Christ in us the hope of glory', be preached in all the world for a witness. Amen.

"Even now, many patients remain misunderstood and mislabelled by their clinician and their family, and even by our society." In this instalment of the ERS Monograph podcast, Guido Marchi (Early Career Member representative for the Monograph) meets with the Guest Editors of Chronic Cough: Woo-Jung Song, Lorcan McGarvey, Peter S.P. Cho and Kian Fan Chung. They reflect on the way in which chronic cough has evolved from being just a symptom of other diseases to an independent condition recognised for its complexity. In a lively and informative discussion, they cover topics such as antitussive development, the key tools and methods of chronic cough assessment, and the importance of a multidisciplinary team in the cough clinic.

W rozmowie na antenie prof. Maria Jolanta Olszewska podkreślała, że wizerunek Kazimierz Przerwa-Tetmajer jako poety schyłku i melancholii jest dziś zbyt jednostronny. – „Kazimierz Przerwa-Tetmajer został wpisany w taki schemat poety dekadenta, schyłkowca, którego wiersze są przepełnione melancholią. A w rzeczywistości można powiedzieć, że Kazimierz Przerwa-Tetmajer czeka na swoje odkrycie” – zaznaczyła literaturoznawczyni.Nie tylko „Koniec wieku XIX”Tetmajer urodził się w 1865 roku w Ludźmierzu, w rodzinie o silnych tradycjach patriotycznych. Był absolwentem Liceum św. Anny w Krakowie i Wydziału Filozoficznego Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego. – „To nie był dyletant. Był człowiekiem oczytanym, znającym języki, związanym z Wiedniem” – przypomniała profesor.Choć powszechnie kojarzony jest z dekadenckim manifestem „Koniec wieku XIX”, jego dorobek obejmuje osiem serii poetyckich, a także prozę, dramat i eseistykę. Wśród najważniejszych utworów Olszewska wymieniła m.in. „Melodię mgieł nocnych”, „Widok ze Świnicy do Doliny Wierchcichej” czy „Anioł Pański”.– „W te tomy wchodzą te najważniejsze wiersze, jak ‘Koniec wieku', dzisiaj znany jako ‘Koniec wieku XIX', manifest dekadentyzmu. (…) Ale też przecież mamy wiersze, które wchodzą w krąg poezji tatrzańskiej” – podkreśliła.Poeta Tatr i wielkiej miłościSilny związek z Tatrami był jednym z najważniejszych doświadczeń pisarza. Tetmajer był aktywnym taternikiem, zdobywał szczyty i wędrował z Klimkiem Bachledą. Jego nazwisko nosi nawet przełęcz pomiędzy Gerlachem a Zachodnim Gerlachem.Owocem tej fascynacji były m.in. „Na skalnym Podhalu” oraz „Legenda Tatr”. Profesor przypomniała również o jego liryce miłosnej: – „Nikt tak chyba od takiej strony erotycznej nie ujął tych wątków. (…) ‘Lubię, kiedy kobieta' to jest taki wręcz wiersz kultowy”.Dramaturg i satyrykTetmajer był także autorem dramatów, m.in. „Zawiszy Czarnego”, który wywarł wpływ na Stanisława Wyspiańskiego. – „Ten Zawisza Czarny, czyli rycerz i ta scena z poetą, to jest scena inspirowana dramatem Kazimierza Przerwy-Tetmajera” – zaznaczyła Olszewska.W jego dorobku znalazły się również powieści, w tym „Koniec epopei” oraz satyryczny „Romans Panny Opolskiej z Panem Główniakiem”, który – jak mówiła profesor – „nie ustępuje powieściom Gombrowicza”.Tragiczny finałOstatnie lata życia poety naznaczone były chorobą i biedą. – „Zmarł na raka przysadki mózgowej. Zmarł właściwie z nędzy, w opuszczeniu. I gdyby nie dobra wola społeczeństwa polskiego, on by umarł z głodu” – mówiła profesor.Początkowo pochowany na Powązkach, dziś spoczywa na zakopiańskim Cmentarzu Zasłużonych na Pęksowym Brzyzku – symbolicznie w miejscu, które ukochał najbardziej.Na zakończenie rozmowy prof. Olszewska wyznała. – „Chyba tym moim jednak ulubionym wierszem jest ‘Widok ze Świnicy do Doliny Wierch Cichej'” – przyznała.

Filary zdrowia? Zbilansowana dieta, ruch i… sen. Eksperci różnych dziedzin coraz częściej podkreślają rolę tego ostatniego dla naszego organizmu. Tymczasem nawet połowa Polaków deklaruje trudności ze snem a ponad 10% mierzy się z bezsennością. A jaki sen to dobry sen? Okazuje się, że to wcale nie czas decyduje o jego jakości, nie istnieje też idealna pora, kiedy najlepiej położyć się spać. Kluczem jest wsłuchanie się w rytm swojego organizmu oraz jego potrzeby, a także odpowiednia organizacja. Choć w przypadku bezsenności konieczne jest wdrożenie kierunkowego leczenia, to czasowe zaburzenia snu, można próbować niwelować wprowadzeniem prostych rozwiązań, takich jak organizacja sypialni czy odpowiednie wyciszenie. O czym mogą świadczyć trudności z zasypianiem, jaki sen niesie ze sobą najwięcej korzyści i jak dzięki kilku prostym krokom zacząć cieszyć się nim cieszyć, opowiedział w Drogowskazach Michał Skalski, psychiatra specjalizujący się w medycynie snu, pionier nowoczesnego i nieuzależniającego leczenia zaburzeń snu. Do wysłuchania rozmowy zaprasza Aleksandra Galant.

Snape's worst memory is that he regrets betraying Lily by referring to her hunted status and reinforcing it. That supports the notion that Hermione did a sort of favor for Marietta by preventing her from having the same guilt on her conscience. If Marietta later had to think about her murdered friend Cho and exactly what it was that led Cho to be found and punished, this stopping people from going there is a form of protectiveness without affection. For full show notes, transcripts, ways to contact the hosts or support the show, and more, visit hpafter2020.com.

Sons Of Liberty Radio with Bradlee Dean Bradlee Dean's "MY WAR" - Part 2 My War: Reclaiming the Moral Compass of American Education MY WAR: The Battle for the American Mind A critical analysis of educational indoctrination, pharmaceutical influence, and moral erosion. Key Arguments & Evidence •The Pharmaceutical Link: Argues ADHD is a "fraud" to justify drug addiction. Lists multiple school shooters (Kinkel, Harris, Cho) and their specific prescriptions (Prozac, Luvox) as evidence of adverse behavioral reactions. •Secular Humanism vs. Faith: Identifies John Dewey and the NEA as drivers of a "new faith" intended to replace Christianity in the classroom with humanism and globalist agendas. •Law vs. Anarchy: Proposes that removing the Ten Commandments from schools turns "lawbreakers into sick people," leading to the necessity of "bayonets" (armed guards and metal detectors). The 12-Point Indoctrination Agenda 1. Earth Worship 7. Reproductive Health 2. Evolution 8. Legal Abortions 3. Socialized Medicine 9. Debt Forgiveness 4. World Government 10. Gay Rights Agenda 5. Animal Rights 11. End Gun Rights 6. Wealth Redistribution 12. Private Land Bans Core Philosophy "Freedom is not given to do what you want to do. Freedom is given to do what you ought to do." Ivy League Origins Harvard: "For Christ and the Church" Yale: "Saving knowledge of God" Princeton: "Promoting true religion" Keywords #Constitution #Education #BigPharma#Indoctrination#Liberty Speaker: Bradlee Dean | Sons of Liberty Radio Runtime: 71 min | Theme: Moral Responsibility This documentary segment by Bradlee Dean explores the ideological battle within the American public school system, arguing that secular humanism and pharmaceutical reliance have replaced traditional moral discipline. Through personal anecdotes, historical analysis, and tragic case studies, Dean advocates for a return to the biblical and constitutional foundations that once defined American education. The Shift from Discipline to Medicalization The program argues that modern education has traded moral discipline for a "false peace" rooted in counseling and medication. Dean posits that the rise of ADHD diagnoses and the prescription of antidepressants are not based on proven science but are instead a "fraud" designed to justify drug addiction in children. He contrasts this with a project in Wisconsin where improving school nutrition led to a total elimination of expulsions and drug use, suggesting that behavioral issues are often rooted in physical health or a lack of discipline rather than mental illness. The Pharmaceutical Link to School Violence The documentary lists several high-profile school shootings and the specific antidepressants the perpetrators were prescribed: Kip Kinkel (Oregon): Prozac Jeff Wiese (Minnesota): Prozac Eric Harris (Columbine): Luvox TJ Solomon (Georgia): Ritalin Cho Seung-Hui (Virginia Tech): Prozac Source: Sons of Liberty Radio Dean further criticizes the pharmaceutical industry, noting that in 2004, companies spent nearly twice as much on drug promotion (24.4% of sales) as they did on research and development (13.4%). He claims that these companies are aware of adverse reactions—including hostility, hallucinations, and suicidal ideation—but continue to market these drugs for profit. Ideological Transformation and the "New Faith" The narrative shifts to the curriculum of public schools, which Dean describes as an "indoctrination scheme" involving earth worship, evolution, and the promotion of global government. He cites the influence of "secular humanism" and the Humanist Manifesto, claiming that the National Education Association (NEA) has adopted a "new faith" that seeks to replace traditional Christianity in the classroom. This includes the promotion of LGBTQ+ agendas and a perceived failure to protect students from sexual misconduct by teachers. The 12 Pillars of "Global Education" Dean identifies 12 themes he claims are being integrated into public schools via programs like GLOBE and UNESCO: 1. Earth Worship 2. Evolution 3. Socialized Medicine 4. World Government 5. Animal Rights 6. Wealth Redistribution 7. Reproductive Health 8. Legal Abortions 9. Debt Forgiveness 10. Gay Rights Agenda 11. Gun Control 12. Private Land Restrictions "No Child Left Behind should be called No Child Left Unindoctrinated." 10:28-13:40 The documentary also highlights a perceived double standard in religious education, alleging that while Christian principles are suppressed, Islamic teachings are being introduced through historical errors in textbooks and courses that require students to "become a Muslim" for short periods. The Law of the Harvest: Personal and Societal Consequences A significant portion of the documentary is dedicated to the principle that "you reap what you sow." Dean shares his own history of drug overdoses, violence, and jail time as the result of a "rebellious" lifestyle. This is followed by the tragic story of Jackie Saburido, who was severely burned and disfigured in a head-on collision caused by a drunk driver, Reggie Steffy. Dean uses this to argue that "soft judges only produce hardened criminals" and that the removal of moral "warning signs" (the Ten Commandments) leads to societal anarchy. Historical Foundations and the Call to Action Dean concludes by contrasting modern secular colleges with the founding of Harvard, Yale, and Princeton, which were originally established to train Christian ministers and required students to know Jesus Christ as the foundation of all knowledge. He recounts a recent confrontation in Arkansas where his school assembly was halted by administrators, an act he characterizes as a violation of free speech and a desperate attempt to hide hypocrisy from the youth. Key Data Outreach Impact: Bradlee Dean has conducted assemblies at over 331 high schools across 22 states. Pharmaceutical Spending: In 2004, the US pharmaceutical industry spent 24.4% of sales on promotion versus 13.4% on R&D. DWI Statistics: In 2006, 1,460,000 people were caught drinking and driving; on average, someone is killed every 45 minutes by a drunk driver. Judicial Outcomes: Only 17% of DWIs result in conviction, while 72% are never charged. To-Do / Next Steps Replace local judges who fail to enforce the laws of the land to ensure the "establishment of righteousness." Watch Part 3 of the documentary series to learn about the "distinction between newer and older generations." Investigate the sexual indoctrination and "Cosmo and condoms" curriculum being introduced to the youth. Review the "Ever Wonder Why" series and old videos from Junkyard Prophet for further context on these issues. Conclusion The documentary serves as a stark warning that the abandonment of biblical morality and constitutional law in the education system has led to a generation "lost as could be." Dean calls for a rejection of "false peace" and a return to the "stones" of truth and discipline to reclaim the future of the nation.

Một số tin tức chú ý: Xử phạt một công ty tại TP.HCM vì 'ém' loạt tài liệu, báo cáo; Eximbank sắp thay cả 6/7 sếp ở hội đồng quản trị? Chuỗi nướng A Choén tăng vốn gấp đôi sau ầm ĩ vụ 'rau hữu cơ'; Cần Thơ thông qua 7 dự án thí điểm nhà ở thương mại.

When your biosimilar analytical data shows 1.4% high mannose against a 6% reference product specification, you face limited options: process temperature shifts that compromise titer, kifunensine supplementation that requires extensive regulatory justification, or 12-18 months to reclone and revalidate. Media supplementation offers an alternative pathway—tuning glycan profiles through formulation adjustments rather than cell line or process re-engineering.In this episode, David Brühlmann presents the experimental development of a media supplementation strategy that achieved 2.8-fold increases in high mannose glycans across multiple CHO cell lines. Drawing from research published in the Journal of Biotechnology (2017, 252:32-42), the discussion covers the mechanism of raffinose-mediated glycan processing arrest, the experimental variables that initially obscured the effect, and the process development considerations for implementing media-based glycan tuning.The episode examines N-glycan biosynthesis in CHO cells, regulatory comparability requirements for biosimilar glycosylation profiles, and the experimental framework for evaluating media supplementation as a glycan control strategy.Highlights from the episode:The unexpected link between dietary raffinose and reduced athletic performance, and its connection to bioprocessing (01:11)A clear primer on the importance of glycosylation for biosimilar drugs and regulatory approval (02:43)Common challenges when glycan profiles don't match reference products, and why high mannose glycans matter (04:19)A review of industry strategies (temperature shifts, enzyme inhibitors, cell line reengineering) and their pitfalls (05:33)Mechanistic insights into how raffinose alters glycan processing in CHO cells (07:05)Key experimental findings on raffinose concentration, osmolality control, and practical lab troubleshooting (09:48)Application stories and regulatory considerations for implementing raffinose-based media adjustments (13:47)Closing thoughts on process optimization, regulatory impact, and what to expect in Part 2 (15:11)Strategic insight:Implementing raffinose as a media supplement is straightforward, regulatory-friendly, and cost-effective. It does not involve genetic engineering or enzyme inhibitors and is easily sourced as a GMP-grade material. For programs approaching submission with glycan comparability gaps, media-based tuning offers a process optimization pathway that maintains existing cell lines and manufacturing platforms while addressing critical quality attribute specifications.Listen to this episode of the Smart Biotech Scientist Podcast to learn David's best strategies for rapid, regulatory-friendly glycosylation control.If you want to transform your glycoengineering workflow, keep an eye (and ear) out for the next episode of the Smart Biotech Scientist Podcast. Your path to regulatory success might be as simple as a pinch of raffinose.Resources: Journal of Biotechnology, 2017, volume 252, pages 32 to 42Next step:Need fast CMC guidance? → Get rapid CMC decision support hereSupport the show

Jeśli i Wy uważacie, że wisienką na torcie w procesie odchudzania i dbania o zdrową sylwetkę jest wspierająca Was aplikacja AI, to nasza rozmowa z Łukaszem Pełką zaspokoi Wasz apetyt.Aby pozostać przy kuchennej retoryce, przez ponad 20 minut grillujemy Łukasza i Dianę, czyli wirtualną dietetyczkę opracowaną przez naszego rozmówcę. Interesuje nas wszystko, co związane z działaniem Fitachio i perspektywami startupu na sukces.Łukasz Pełka to programista i twórca własnych produktów technologicznych. Programowaniem zajmuje się od około 10 lat, początkowo hobbystycznie, a w ostatnich latach w pełni skupiając się na rozwoju własnych projektów i startupów. Pomysł na jego flagowy projekt, Fitachio, wyrósł z osobistego doświadczenia. W trakcie kilku lat schudł ponad 40 kg, korzystając z popularnych aplikacji dietetycznych. Choć skuteczne, okazały się czasochłonne i frustrujące w codziennym użyciu. To skłoniło go do stworzenia inteligentnego dietetyka AI, który upraszcza proces dbania o dietę do naturalnej rozmowy.

Afera Jeffreya Epsteina to jeden z największych skandali obyczajowych i kryminalnych XXI wieku. Epstein – amerykański finansista i skazany za wykorzystywanie seksualne nieletnich – zmarł w 2019 roku w więzieniu, gdzie czekał na proces za handel ludźmi i przestępstwa na tle seksualnym.W ostatnich dniach Departament Sprawiedliwości USA opublikował ponad trzy miliony nowych stron akt na mocy Epstein Files Transparency Act, podpisanej przez Donalda Trumpa. Ujawnione materiały – obejmujące dokumenty, nagrania i zdjęcia z postępowań FBI oraz spraw Epsteina i Ghislaine Maxwell – nie anonimizują osób publicznych, ale mogą zawierać treści fałszywe lub niezweryfikowane, przekazane do śledczych przez osoby trzecie.W rozmowie na antenie Radia Wnet sprawę komentował Adam Gniewecki, który konsekwentnie odcina się od uproszczonej narracji, według której Epstein był wyłącznie „potworem z Nowego Jorku”, działającym w pojedynkę.„Jeżeli spojrzymy na jego życiorys, majątek i relacje, to nie da się utrzymać tezy, że był samotnym przestępcą. To była dobrze zorganizowana operacja, wymagająca zaplecza finansowego, logistycznego i ochrony na najwyższym poziomie”.Gniewecki przypomina, że Epstein – syn nauczycielki i miejskiego urzędnika – zrobił oszałamiającą karierę mimo braku ukończonych studiów. Kluczowa okazała się sieć kontaktów oraz relacja z miliarderem Lesem Wexnerem, jedynym klientem jego funduszu hedgingowego i faktycznym źródłem ogromnego majątku.„Mówimy o rezydencji na Manhattanie wartej dziesiątki milionów dolarów, prywatnym Boeingu 727 nazwanym Lolita Express oraz dwóch wyspach na Karaibach. Tego nie buduje się bez parasola ochronnego”.„Honey trap” dla możnych tego świataZdaniem publicysty Epstein i jego najbliższa współpracowniczka Ghislaine Maxwell stworzyli klasyczny mechanizm znany służbom specjalnym jako honey trap – pułapkę opartą na seksie, kompromitujących nagraniach i zależnościach.„To była fabryka kompromatów. Dziewczęta, loty prywatnym samolotem, luksusowe rezydencje i wyspy – wszystko po to, by wpływowe osoby same wchodziły w sytuacje bez wyjścia”.Gniewecki podkreśla, że w opublikowanych aktach i materiałach śledczych przewijają się nazwiska polityków, dyplomatów, członków rodzin królewskich i ludzi świata finansów. Choć formalnie wielu z nich nie usłyszało zarzutów, skala kontaktów – jego zdaniem – nie może być przypadkowa.„Jeżeli ktoś pojawia się dziesiątki razy w rezydencji Epsteina, lata jego samolotem i korzysta z gościnności na wyspach, to nie jest to zwykła znajomość towarzyska”.Śmierć, która rodzi więcej pytań niż odpowiedziKulminacyjnym momentem afery była śmierć Epsteina w nowojorskim areszcie w sierpniu 2019 roku. Oficjalnie – samobójstwo. Jednak okoliczności zdarzenia do dziś budzą wątpliwości.„Nie działał monitoring, strażnicy nie wykonali obchodu, a Epstein – jako więzień wysokiego ryzyka – przebywał sam w celi. Do tego złamana kość gnykowa, typowa raczej dla uduszenia niż powieszenia”.Gniewecki przypomina, że zaledwie dwa dni przed śmiercią Epstein sporządził testament, przekazując majątek funduszowi powierniczemu z utajnionymi beneficjentami.„To wygląda jak zamknięcie sprawy zanim ruszyłby proces, który mógłby pociągnąć za sobą zbyt wielu wpływowych ludzi”.Szczególne miejsce w tej historii zajmuje Ghislaine Maxwell, córka brytyjskiego magnata prasowego Roberta Maxwella. Według Gnieweckiego to ona była architektką zaplecza operacyjnego Epsteina.„Ona stała w cieniu, rzadko pojawia się w dokumentach, ale bez niej ten mechanizm by nie działał. Rekrutacja dziewcząt, logistyka, kontakty – to była praca wymagająca ogromnej dyskrecji”.Publicysta przypomina, że Robert Maxwell był przez lata powiązany z izraelskimi służbami, a jego państwowy pogrzeb w Jerozolimie tylko wzmocnił spekulacje o głębszym tle całej historii.Sprawa zamknięta? Tylko formalnieChoć Ghislaine Maxwell odsiaduje wieloletni wyrok, a Epstein nie żyje, Gniewecki nie ma wątpliwości, że sprawa została zamknięta jedynie na poziomie formalnym.„My znamy ułamek prawdy. Mechanizm kompromitacji elit był zbyt rozbudowany, by wszystko miało skończyć się na jednej osobie i jednym procesie”.Rozmowa w Radiu Wnet pokazuje, że afera Epsteina to nie tylko kryminalna historia, ale opowieść o władzy, pieniądzach i bezkarności. I – jak sugeruje Gniewecki – o systemie, który nadal funkcjonuje, choć zmienił nazwiska i miejsca./fahttps://wnet.fm/2026/02/02/miliony-dokumentow-i-chaos-informacyjny-co-wynika-z-akt-epsteina/

 Afera Jeffreya Epsteina to jeden z największych skandali obyczajowych i kryminalnych XXI wieku. Epstein – amerykański finansista i skazany za wykorzystywanie seksualne nieletnich – zmarł w 2019 roku w więzieniu, gdzie czekał na proces za handel ludźmi i przestępstwa na tle seksualnym.W ostatnich dniach Departament Sprawiedliwości USA opublikował ponad trzy miliony nowych stron akt na mocy Epstein Files Transparency Act, podpisanej przez Donalda Trumpa. Ujawnione materiały – obejmujące dokumenty, nagrania i zdjęcia z postępowań FBI oraz spraw Epsteina i Ghislaine Maxwell – nie anonimizują osób publicznych, ale mogą zawierać treści fałszywe lub niezweryfikowane, przekazane do śledczych przez osoby trzecie.W rozmowie na antenie Radia Wnet sprawę komentował Adam Gniewecki, który konsekwentnie odcina się od uproszczonej narracji, według której Epstein był wyłącznie „potworem z Nowego Jorku”, działającym w pojedynkę.„Jeżeli spojrzymy na jego życiorys, majątek i relacje, to nie da się utrzymać tezy, że był samotnym przestępcą. To była dobrze zorganizowana operacja, wymagająca zaplecza finansowego, logistycznego i ochrony na najwyższym poziomie”.Gniewecki przypomina, że Epstein – syn nauczycielki i miejskiego urzędnika – zrobił oszałamiającą karierę mimo braku ukończonych studiów. Kluczowa okazała się sieć kontaktów oraz relacja z miliarderem Lesem Wexnerem, jedynym klientem jego funduszu hedgingowego i faktycznym źródłem ogromnego majątku.„Mówimy o rezydencji na Manhattanie wartej dziesiątki milionów dolarów, prywatnym Boeingu 727 nazwanym Lolita Express oraz dwóch wyspach na Karaibach. Tego nie buduje się bez parasola ochronnego”.„Honey trap” dla możnych tego świataZdaniem publicysty Epstein i jego najbliższa współpracowniczka Ghislaine Maxwell stworzyli klasyczny mechanizm znany służbom specjalnym jako honey trap – pułapkę opartą na seksie, kompromitujących nagraniach i zależnościach.„To była fabryka kompromatów. Dziewczęta, loty prywatnym samolotem, luksusowe rezydencje i wyspy – wszystko po to, by wpływowe osoby same wchodziły w sytuacje bez wyjścia”.Gniewecki podkreśla, że w opublikowanych aktach i materiałach śledczych przewijają się nazwiska polityków, dyplomatów, członków rodzin królewskich i ludzi świata finansów. Choć formalnie wielu z nich nie usłyszało zarzutów, skala kontaktów – jego zdaniem – nie może być przypadkowa.„Jeżeli ktoś pojawia się dziesiątki razy w rezydencji Epsteina, lata jego samolotem i korzysta z gościnności na wyspach, to nie jest to zwykła znajomość towarzyska”.Śmierć, która rodzi więcej pytań niż odpowiedziKulminacyjnym momentem afery była śmierć Epsteina w nowojorskim areszcie w sierpniu 2019 roku. Oficjalnie – samobójstwo. Jednak okoliczności zdarzenia do dziś budzą wątpliwości.„Nie działał monitoring, strażnicy nie wykonali obchodu, a Epstein – jako więzień wysokiego ryzyka – przebywał sam w celi. Do tego złamana kość gnykowa, typowa raczej dla uduszenia niż powieszenia”.Gniewecki przypomina, że zaledwie dwa dni przed śmiercią Epstein sporządził testament, przekazując majątek funduszowi powierniczemu z utajnionymi beneficjentami.„To wygląda jak zamknięcie sprawy zanim ruszyłby proces, który mógłby pociągnąć za sobą zbyt wielu wpływowych ludzi”.Szczególne miejsce w tej historii zajmuje Ghislaine Maxwell, córka brytyjskiego magnata prasowego Roberta Maxwella. Według Gnieweckiego to ona była architektką zaplecza operacyjnego Epsteina.„Ona stała w cieniu, rzadko pojawia się w dokumentach, ale bez niej ten mechanizm by nie działał. Rekrutacja dziewcząt, logistyka, kontakty – to była praca wymagająca ogromnej dyskrecji”.Publicysta przypomina, że Robert Maxwell był przez lata powiązany z izraelskimi służbami, a jego państwowy pogrzeb w Jerozolimie tylko wzmocnił spekulacje o głębszym tle całej historii.Sprawa zamknięta? Tylko formalnieChoć Ghislaine Maxwell odsiaduje wieloletni wyrok, a Epstein nie żyje, Gniewecki nie ma wątpliwości, że sprawa została zamknięta jedynie na poziomie formalnym.„My znamy ułamek prawdy. Mechanizm kompromitacji elit był zbyt rozbudowany, by wszystko miało skończyć się na jednej osobie i jednym procesie”.Rozmowa w Radiu Wnet pokazuje, że afera Epsteina to nie tylko kryminalna historia, ale opowieść o władzy, pieniądzach i bezkarności. I – jak sugeruje Gniewecki – o systemie, który nadal funkcjonuje, choć zmienił nazwiska i miejsca./fahttps://wnet.fm/2026/02/02/miliony-dokumentow-i-chaos-informacyjny-co-wynika-z-akt-epsteina/

 W rozmowie w Poranku Wnet Jan Krzysztof Ardanowski, były minister rolnictwa, odniósł się do informacji o pierwszym transporcie wołowiny z Ameryki Południowej do Europy drogą lotniczą. Choć chodziło o cztery tony mięsa, poseł podkreślał, że znaczenie tego wydarzenia jest symboliczne.„Nie chodzi o te cztery tony wołowiny, tylko o to, że umowa już zaczyna działać.”Zdaniem Ardanowskiego to potwierdza wcześniejsze ostrzeżenia, że nawet bez pełnej ratyfikacji porozumienie handlowe między Unią Europejską a krajami Mercosur jest stopniowo wdrażane.Komisja Europejska i „rozwiązania tymczasowe”Były minister zwracał uwagę na rolę Komisji Europejskiej i naciski największych państw UE.„Pomimo tego, że Parlament Europejski skierował sprawę do Trybunału Sprawiedliwości Unii Europejskiej, pani von der Leyen i Niemcy chcą wprowadzić rozwiązania tymczasowe. Umowa ma działać, a handel ma dalej trwać.”Ardanowski podkreślał, że takie rozwiązania mogą obowiązywać miesiącami, a nawet latami, zanim TSUE wyda rozstrzygnięcie, co w praktyce oznacza otwarcie rynku na import z Ameryki Południowej.Jednym z kluczowych problemów – według rozmówcy Radia Wnet – jest brak tzw. klauzul lustrzanych, czyli wymogu stosowania przez producentów z Mercosur tych samych standardów, które obowiązują rolników w UE.„Kraje Ameryki Południowej jednoznacznie stwierdziły, że żadnych klauzul lustrzanych nie będzie. One mają swoją politykę rolną i nie zamierzają realizować tego, czego Europa by oczekiwała.”Ardanowski przytoczył dane, które – jego zdaniem – pokazują skalę nierównej konkurencji.„Grunty w krajach Mercosur stanowią 7% użytków rolnych świata, a zużycie pestycydów 28%. Sześćdziesiąt procent pestycydów stosowanych w Ameryce Południowej to są te, które są zabronione w Unii Europejskiej.”Najostrzejsza krytyka dotyczy struktury importu wołowiny. Były minister podkreślał, że do Europy nie trafią odpady produkcyjne, lecz najbardziej wartościowe elementy tuszy.„Nie będą wpływały gorsze wyręby czy żołądki krowie. Będą wpływały te najlepsze wyręby – polędwica, rostbef, antrykot.”To właśnie sprzedaż tych części – jak zaznaczał – decyduje o opłacalności hodowli bydła mięsnego w Polsce i innych krajach UE.„Jeżeli te najlepsze wyręby będą wpływały do Europy, zniszczą hodowlę bydła mięsnego w Europie.”Ardanowski odniósł się także do kwestii logistyki, która jeszcze kilka lat temu wydawała się barierą ekonomiczną.„Transport lotniczy się opłaca, choć kiedyś wydawało się, że jest bardzo kosztowny.”Po odprawie celnej w portach i hubach logistycznych mięso – jak podkreślał – staje się produktem europejskim i może swobodnie krążyć po całym rynku UE, również trafiając do Polski.Były minister wskazał, że istnieje jeszcze możliwość formalnej reakcji ze strony państw członkowskich.„Można te warunki tymczasowe powstrzymać, ale muszą wystąpić rządy poszczególnych krajów. Termin jest coraz krótszy – do początku marca.”Jego zdaniem odpowiedzialność spoczywa na całym rządzie, a nie na pojedynczych ministrach.„To jest kwestia determinacji, a nie opowiadania bajek. Rząd to jest premier i ministrowie. Rząd in gremio występuje.”Na zakończenie Ardanowski nie krył emocji, wzywając do szybkiej decyzji.„Rząd Polski ma pewną szansę, ale na Boga – zacznijcie działać, a nie tylko opowiadać banialuki.”/fa

 Gościem poranka Radia Wnet był Piotr Bartosz, działacz Konfederacja i Ruch Narodowy, zaangażowany w zbiórkę podpisów pod referendum w sprawie odwołania prezydenta Krakowa Aleksander Miszalski.Bartosz podkreślał, że zaangażowanie Konfederacji i środowisk narodowych było naturalną konsekwencją wcześniejszej krytyki polityki miejskiej. Choć nie podał oficjalnej liczby zebranych podpisów, zapewniał, że akcja przebiega sprawnie.„Podpisów jest zebrane naprawdę dużo. Z nieoficjalnych źródeł wiem, że zbiórka idzie bardzo dobrze i podpisów jest wiele”.Jak zaznaczył, sam aktywnie uczestniczył w zbiórce — m.in. na Placu Imbramowskim — a reakcje mieszkańców były zaskakująco szerokie politycznie.„Osoby, które podpisują karty referendalne, są od prawa do lewa. Do mnie podchodziły osoby, które głosowały na pana Aleksandra Miszalskiego, ale po prawie dwóch latach jego rządów ogromnie się zawiodły”.Zdaniem Bartosza, inicjatywa nie wymagała aktywnego „nagabywania” przechodniów.„Nie musimy podchodzić do ludzi. Sami podchodzą i dopytują. Na Placu Imbramowskim udało się zebrać prawie 500 podpisów w cztery godziny”.W rozmowie wskazał trzy główne zarzuty, które — według relacji zbierających podpisy — najczęściej podnoszą mieszkańcy Krakowa. Pierwszym jest obsadzanie stanowisk w spółkach miejskich osobami powiązanymi politycznie.„Zatrudnianie partyjnych kolegów w spółkach miejskich to argument, który mieszkańców najbardziej oburza”.Drugim kluczowym problemem jest sposób wprowadzania Strefy Czystego Transportu, przeciwko której — jak przypominał — protestowały różne środowiska obywatelskie.„Procedura była skandaliczna. Ten temat bardzo mocno zdenerwował nie tylko mieszkańców Krakowa, ale też okolicznych miejscowości”.Trzecim zarzutem są premie wypłacane w spółkach miejskich, które — zdaniem Bartosza — stały się dodatkowym impulsem do poparcia referendum. W dalszej części rozmowy polityk krytykował również kierunek światopoglądowy władz miasta.„Widzimy zblatowanie się ze światopoglądową lewicą: patronaty, stanowiska, finansowanie organizacji promujących rozwiązania, z którymi jako środowisko narodowe i Konfederacja się nie zgadzamy”.Na zakończenie rozmowy Bartosz zapowiedział dalsze zaangażowanie w akcję referendalną, podkreślając, że inicjatywa ma charakter oddolny i ponadpartyjny. 

Minster skarbu Dr Chalmers twierdzi, że krytyka wydatków rządowych i ich roli w napędzaniu inflacji jest motywowana polityką, a nie faktami. Choć przyznaje, że stopy procentowe wzrosły bardziej, niż rząd się spodziewał, dr Chalmers podkreśla pilną potrzebę zajęcia się kwestią inflacji i reformy produktywności w obliczu narastającej globalnej niepewności gospodarczej

In this episode, I sit down with a Chicago-based art therapist Elizabeth Yoo-lae Cho to explore why creative expression can unlock what words sometimes can't. She explains how she uses clients' artwork to track therapeutic progress over time in ways traditional talk therapy can't capture. We also dive into her experience as a Korean American woman whose training environment was white-dominated—navigating boundary challenges with middle-aged white men while learning to find her voice. Now working primarily with Asian American clients, she shares how she's learned to bring her full, authentic self into the room. This conversation offers both practical tools and real inspiration for new therapists.Elizabeth Yoo-lae Cho:⁠https://www.elizabethyoolaecho.comNew Therapist FAQ on Instagram:⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.instagram.com/newtherapistfaq/⁠⁠⁠⁠New Therapist FAQ on Facebook:⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.facebook.com/ntfaqpodcast⁠⁠⁠⁠

When should you attempt to save the root filled molar that everyone else thinks is doomed? What are the key steps to safely remove, treat, and replant a tooth without causing fractures or resorption? And how do you manage patient expectations and post-op care to maximize success? In this episode, Dr. Samuel Kratchman and Dr. Shivakar join Jaz to explore intentional tooth replantation—a procedure that rarely gets the spotlight but can completely change treatment options for challenging cases. They cover everything from case selection and imaging, to managing crowns and fragile teeth, to simple tools and techniques that make this procedure predictable and accessible. They also dive into patient communication, consent, and how to include this procedure as part of your everyday dental armamentarium, giving you the confidence to consider it when the right case comes along. https://youtu.be/SjJTzbJ_AXs Watch PDP256 on YouTube Key Takeaways: Intentional replantation is a viable alternative to extraction. The success rate of intentional replantation is documented at 88-89%. Patient education is crucial for successful treatment outcomes. The periodontal ligament must be kept moist during the procedure. Imaging is essential for understanding tooth anatomy before replantation. The procedure can be performed atraumatically with proper technique. Replantation can be a last chance for teeth that are difficult to replace with implants. A mindset shift is needed in dentistry to prioritize saving natural teeth. Apical infections are often linked to the root tip and surrounding tissue. A good coronal seal is essential before any restorative work. Common complications include ankylosis and resorption. Inflammation can aid in the extraction process by serving the ligament. Post-operative care is vital for successful recovery. Highlights: 00:00 Teaser 00:48 Introduction 03:27 Pearl: PDL is everything  04:54 Interview with Dr. Shivakar Mehrotra 07:03 Interview with Dr. Samuel Kratchman 11:01 Terminologies and Success Rates of Replantation 16:03 Indications of Replantation 22:29 Evaluating Radiographs and Clinical Factors 28:48 Case Studies and Practical Applications 30:51 Midroll 34:12 Case Studies and Practical Applications 38:08 Management of Apical Infection 40:35 Curveball Scenario: Combined Endodontic and Restorative Challenge 45:57 Replantation Success Rates and Complications 51:06 Radiographic Signs and Extraction Techniques 56:03 Postoperative Care and Instructions 59:49 Final Thoughts and Resources 01:02:14 Outro

Một trận bão tuyết mùa đông dữ dội, đã quét qua nhiều vùng rộng lớn của Hoa Kỳ, mang theo tuyết rơi dày đặc, băng giá và nhiệt độ lạnh nguy hiểm, đến các tiểu bang từ Texas đến New England. Cho đến nay, cơn bão đã khiến hơn một triệu người mất điện và hàng ngàn chuyến bay bị hủy. Gần 20 tiểu bang đã tuyên bố tình trạng khẩn cấp về thời tiết, khi Cơ quan Dự báo Thời tiết Quốc gia, cảnh báo về điều kiện nguy hiểm, tiếp tục diễn ra trong những ngày tới.

  «¿Hay alguien entre ustedes que esté afligido (maltratado, sufriendo calamidad)? Que ore a Dios» (Santiago 5:13, AMP) La palabra griega traducida como afligido no se refiere al padecimiento de la enfermedad y la muerte; su traducción literal es "atribulado". Si tienes tribulaciones, debes orar. Eso es lo que dice la Palabra. Observa: no dice que los que deban orar sean tu pastor o tus amigos. Dice que tú debes hacerlo. Por lo general, buscamos la manera más fácil de solucionar nuestros problemas al pedirle a otros que oren por nosotros. No hay nada malo en eso, pero nunca alcanzarás la victoria total en tu vida hasta que empieces a hacerlo tú mismo. La iglesia más grande del mundo se encuentra en Seúl, Corea. El pastor es el Dr. David Cho y la última información que recibí reportaba unos 700.000 miembros. ¿Cómo creció tanto? Acorde al Dr. Cho, la clave está en la oración; no sólo su oración, sino también la de los miembros de la iglesia. La oración es un estilo de vida en esa iglesia. Ellos tienen un lugar denominado Montaña de Oración, donde miles de personas llegan a orar todos los días. Una vez vi por televisión a la suegra del Dr. Cho hablar sobre el énfasis que ellos ponen en la oración. Mencionaba que cuando los miembros de la iglesia atraviesan por situaciones difíciles en sus matrimonios o en sus vidas personales, antes de hacer cualquier cosa, se les pide que ayunen y oren por 24 horas. Necesitamos imitar esas cosas en nuestras iglesias. Debemos dejar de enseñarles a nuestros miembros que pidan por oración y, por el contrario, debemos enseñarles a que oren por sí mismos. Si yo oro para que Dios te resuelva un problema, quizás disfrutes del éxito temporario; luego vendrá un nuevo problema porque cometerás los mismos errores que la primera vez. Pero si tú mismo empiezas a orar y a escudriñar las cosas del Espíritu, recibirás respuestas permanentes. Podrás hacer los cambios en tu vida para evitar que esos problemas vuelvan a surgir. Si has recibido a Jesús como tú Señor, tienes acceso al trono del Dios Todopoderoso. Él tiene todas las soluciones para cualquier problema que puedas enfrenar, y sólo está esperando que te acerques a Él para darte la respuesta. Quizás necesites invertir un buen tiempo con Él para que puedas escucharlo, pero valdrá la pena; Dios nunca te dejará sin la respuesta. No dependas de otros para que hagan la oración que a ti te corresponde hacer. Acércate personalmente al trono de Dios hoy mismo. Lectura bíblica: Salmo 5   © 1997 – 2019 Eagle Mountain International Church Inc., también conocida como Ministerios Kenneth Copeland / Kenneth Copeland Ministries. Todos los derechos reservados.

This week it was our absolute pleasure to once again pay a visit to our absolute favorite Lorewalker, Cho himself! That's right it's time for another installment of Lorewalking with Cho, so strap on your walkin' shoes or whatever and lets dive into the Lore of the Blood Elves as told by Cho! Support us on Patreon! https://www.patreon.com/livelaughlore Follow us! Blue Sky: https://bsky.app/profile/livelaughlore.com  TikTok = https://www.tiktok.com/@livelaughlorecast  Instagram = https://www.instagram.com/livelaughlorecast/  YouTube = https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCawbWDBP7qEl24CZ2GUoSGg 

“Carboidrato engorda?” “É melhor treinar em jejum?” “Dá pra performar comendo pouco carbo? Qual a diferença entre baixa ingesta de CHO e baixa ingesta de calorias?No episódio de hoje, a nutricionista @fepalma entra de cabeça nos mitos, verdades e estratégias sobre alimentação no endurance.Falamos sobre train low x eat smart, aporte energético para performance real e como usar a nutrição como treino invisível.Pegue seu pãozinho...opsss...Pegue seu café… e vem com a gente! ☕

Celé PREMIUM VIDEO nájdeš tu

Đại hội đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam lần thứ XIV diễn ra từ ngày 19 đến 25/01/2026 được nhấn mạnh là "Đại hội tiến vào kỷ nguyên mới". Những định hướng chính trị chính cho 5 năm tới được thông qua trong dịp này. Nhưng vấn đề được quan tâm nhất : Ai sẽ là tổng bí thư ? Tổng bí thư Tô Lâm, 68 tuổi, được cho là sẽ tiếp tục giữ chức vụ cao nhất trong Đảng thêm một nhiệm kỳ. Thậm chí, có thông tin tổng bí thư sẽ kiêm nhiệm chức chủ tịch nước, như mô hình của Trung Quốc, Bắc Triều Tiên… Trong trường hợp đó, mối quan hệ với bên quân đội sẽ như thế nào vì chủ tịch nước hiện nay là đại tướng quân đội Lương Cường ? Các nhà tân lãnh đạo Việt Nam sẽ phải đối mặt với những thách thức như thế nào trong bối cảnh chính trường quốc tế đầy biến động ? Giám đốc nghiên cứu Benoît de Tréglodé, Viện Nghiên cứu Chiến lược (IRSEM), Trường Quân sự Pháp, trả lời một số câu hỏi của RFI Tiếng Việt. RFI : Ngoại trưởng Lê Hoài Trung nhấn mạnh Đại hội Đảng lần thứ XIV là "sự kiện mang ý nghĩa bước ngoặt, là dấu mốc đặc biệt quan trọng trong quá trình phát triển đất nước". Vậy thách thức trong 5 năm tới đối với ban lãnh đạo mới là gì ?  Benoît de Tréglodé : Nói là "Thời điểm bước ngoặt" ư ? Đời sống chính trị của chế độ Việt Nam được chi phối bởi chu kỳ các Đại hội đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam. Thời điểm năm 2026 này cũng không then chốt hơn thời điểm cách đây 5 năm, vào năm 2021. Rõ ràng đây là những mốc thời gian, lần nào cũng thực sự quan trọng khi đưa đời sống chính trị Việt Nam trở lại chu trình liên tục, không gián đoạn. Đây là những yếu tố giữ cân bằng đời sống chính trị Việt Nam. Đọc thêmViệt Nam trước Đại hội Đảng: Yếu tố Trung Quốc và lá bài Hoa Kỳ Điều thú vị là trong nhiệm kỳ này có hai ngày trọng đại, đánh dấu khởi đầu và gần như kết thúc nhiệm kỳ. Những ngày kỷ niệm luôn rất quan trọng để hiểu được vị trí trung tâm của một chế độ và các nhà lãnh đạo. Việt Nam của nhiệm kỳ thứ XIV sẽ bắt đầu bằng sự kiện kỷ niệm có ý nghĩa nền tảng đối với ông Tô Lâm, cũng như với toàn bộ giới lãnh đạo chính trị đất nước : Đó là kỷ niệm 40 năm Đổi Mới. Khẳng định nền tảng và định hướng kinh tế của đất nước thông qua một lễ kỷ niệm đánh dấu thời kỳ mở cửa kinh tế là một biểu tượng không thể quan trọng hơn đối với một đất nước đang đặt việc theo đuổi phát triển và tăng trưởng kinh tế làm trọng tâm trong mọi tham vọng và dự án của mình. Lễ kỷ niệm thứ hai, rất quan trọng, đánh dấu cho nhiệm kỳ này, đó là việc tổ chức kỷ niệm 100 năm ngày thành lập Đảng 1930-2030. Và đây cũng là trách nhiệm của ban lãnh đạo sẽ được bầu chọn vào cuối tuần. Trong cả hai trường hợp, chúng ta đều đề cập tới hai trụ cột, hai nền tảng cơ bản của hệ thống Việt Nam hiện nay. Đó là sự tiếp nối của chính sách kinh tế đầy tham vọng về tăng trưởng và mở cửa. Ở điểm này, tôi tin là sẽ không có bất kỳ sự thay đổi hay điều chỉnh nào. Việt Nam đã khẳng định vị thế vững chắc trong khu vực và trên trường quốc tế. Việc này phụ thuộc rất nhiều vào sự phát triển kinh tế của đất nước. Và Đảng lại tìm thấy ở đó cơ sở cho tính hợp pháp và duy trì thế độc quyền của mình. Việc một nước Việt Nam có mức tăng trưởng 8% hàng năm củng cố đáng kể vị thế của Đảng trong xã hội Việt Nam và trên trường quốc tế. Đọc thêmMột mình tiếp tổng thống Mỹ, tổng bí thư Nguyễn Phú Trọng khẳng định vai trò lãnh đạo của đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam Về trụ cột thứ hai, đội ngũ lãnh đạo mới, được lựa chọn vào cuối kỳ Đại hội, sẽ nhắc lại hơn bao giờ hết rằng vai trò của người tổ chức, của người lãnh đạo tối cao của đảng Cộng Sản Việt Nam, sẽ tuyệt đối không được thay đổi và phải bằng mọi giá củng cố chiến lược thực dụng, thực tế về kinh tế của đất nước. RFI : Chúng ta đã nhắc đến những thách thức, những tham vọng về kinh tế, và trong bối cảnh những thay đổi toàn cầu, các nhà tân lãnh đạo của đất nước, đặc biệt là tổng bí thư cần phải có những kỹ năng, phẩm chất nào và phải đáp ứng những điều kiện gì để có thể thành công ? Benoît de Tréglodé : Câu hỏi này khá phức tạp, không thể tóm gọn trong vài điểm. Phẩm chất quan trọng nhất của một tổng bí thư đảng là từng giữ chức tổng bí thư và sở hữu kiến ​​thức cũng như mạng lưới quan hệ cần thiết để duy trì vị trí, và từ vị trí đó có thể bảo đảm sự liên tục của chính sách quốc gia. Vào đúng ngày khai mạc Đại hội Đảng XIV và chỉ bốn đến năm ngày trước khi diễn ra các phiên thảo luận cuối cùng, thì cũng không phải là không thể đưa ra một số giả định. Các nhà phân tích đã bàn luận về vấn đề này trong vài tuần qua. Rất có thể tổng bí thư đương nhiệm muốn tiếp tục tại vị. Và tin đồn còn đi xa hơn khi cho rằng ông Tô Lâm dường như muốn mở rộng vai trò và phạm vi chức năng bằng cách kiêm nhiệm thêm chức chủ tịch nước. Đây là điều không có gì đặc biệt ở Việt Nam, đã từng xảy ra và không phải là hiếm gặp ở các quốc gia khác có hệ thống chính trị tương tự. Ví dụ Trung Quốc và vai trò của Tập Cận Bình trong việc hoạch định cả chính sách đối nội lẫn đối ngoại. Đọc thêmViệt Nam : “Quốc tế hóa” vai trò của tổng bí thư đảng Cộng Sản Một điều thú vị khác cần lưu ý, cho dù không muốn đi trước thời gian biểu của đại hội cũng như thời điểm công bố các quyết định vào cuối tuần này, là trên thực tế, 18 tháng đầu cầm quyền của ông Tô Lâm cho thấy tổng bí thư đương nhiệm đã can thiệp rất tích cực và quyết liệt vào cả chính sách đối nội, lẫn đối ngoại. Do đó, có thể nói rằng phạm vi hoạt động của hai lĩnh vực này đã được cùng một cá nhân khai thác triệt để. Vì vậy, xin nhắc lại là không phải là không thể dự đoán được quyết định được đưa ra vào cuối tuần này. RFI : Nếu hai vị trí cao nhất được sáp nhập, việc này sẽ tác động như thế nào đối với bên quân đội trong “ngũ trụ”, sắp tới có thể là “tứ trụ” ? Benoît de Tréglodé : Điều đầu tiên tôi nghĩ đến là việc phân chia sẽ như thế nào. Nói một cách khái quát, ông Tô Lâm sẽ để lại chút ít gì cho quân đội nếu họ không muốn làm mất mặt quân đội. Nhưng tôi nghĩ quân đội sẽ mất khá nhiều ; họ đã mất khá nhiều nếu việc sáp nhập này diễn ra. Nhưng trong nội bộ Bộ Chính Trị, chuyện sẽ diễn ra như thế nào đối với bên quân đội ? Đây là việc rất quan trọng. Việc sáp nhập hai vị trí tổng bí thư và chủ tịch nước là một vấn đề rất phức tạp nhìn từ góc độ Hiến Pháp. Chủ tịch nước Việt Nam là người đứng đầu lực lượng vũ trang và, theo một cách nào đó, cũng là người đứng đầu Ủy ban Quốc phòng và An ninh. Vì vậy, từ góc độ đó, việc không còn trao chức chủ tịch nước cho một sĩ quan quân đội, mà lại tự cho mình nắm giữ chức vụ đó, đã đặt ra nhiều vấn đề gây khó khăn cho bộ trưởng Quốc Phòng đương nhiệm trong việc đàm phán. Xin nhắc lại là năm 2025, Hội nghị lần thứ 15 Ban Chấp hành Trung ương Đảng khóa XIII được khai mạc vào đúng ngày mang tính biểu tượng, ngày thành lập Quân đội Nhân dân Việt Nam 22/12. Đọc thêmHà Nội căng thẳng trước thềm đại hội đảng : Quân đội có cản bước cải cách của ông Tô Lâm? Vấn đề thực sự quan trọng trong đại hội lần này là nếu ông Tô Lâm quyết định giữ cả hai vị trí này thì ông cũng tránh gây tổn hại không đáng có cho Quân đội Việt Nam và các đại diện của Quân đội, trong trường hợp hiện nay là bộ trưởng bộ Quốc Phòng. Hiện tại vẫn còn hơi sớm để thảo luận về quyết định này vì chúng ta chưa biết kết quả, mà phải chờ tới cuối Đại hội Đảng XIV. Nhưng giả sử có sự phân bổ quyền lực này và nhìn từ quan điểm cá nhân, ông Tô Lâm với tư cách là tổng bí thư, người có thể nắm giữ cả hai vị trí, và ông Tô Lâm với tư cách là tướng Công an với bộ Công An cùng với mạng lưới đằng sau, chuyện này sẽ diễn ra như thế nào trong mối quan hệ với Quân đội và bộ Quốc Phòng, một trụ cột khác của bộ máy an ninh và quyền lực Việt Nam ? Sự cân bằng giữa hai chủ thể an ninh vô cùng lớn này, mà chúng ta không nên quên hiện đã trở thành các chủ thể chính trị và kinh tế, là cốt lõi của tương lai chế độ chính trị Việt Nam. RFI : Cuộc cải cách hành chính năm 2025 cũng có những tác động nhất định đến vai trò của tổng bí thư ? Benoît de Tréglodé : Tổng bí thư Tô Lâm - người biết rằng ông thực sự không có đối thủ nào trong bộ máy thể chế Việt Nam và cũng biết rằng sự nổi tiếng của ông có thể biến động theo thời gian và bằng cách cố nắm bắt, thực hiện một bước đi quan trọng để tận dụng lợi thế của việc sáp nhập tiềm năng và quyền lực gần như tùy ý trong bộ máy Nhà nước Việt Nam - sẽ cần các công cụ hiến pháp giúp ông tiến lên, cho phép ông thi hành các quyết định của mình. Trong một chế độ mà Việt Nam gọi là "nền dân chủ nhân dân", các quyết định không phải do một người đưa ra mà phải được một bộ máy phê chuẩn, trong trường hợp này là Quốc Hội và các cơ quan khác. Do đó, tự do của ông Tô Lâm cũng phụ thuộc vào đa số mà ông sẽ có trong bộ Chính Trị, và đa số này cũng phụ thuộc vào đa số mà ông sẽ có trong Ban Chấp hành Trung ương. Vì vậy nếu ông Tô Lâm thực sự theo đuổi hoạt động chính trị ở Việt Nam, ông cần có một Ban Chấp hành Trung ương ủng hộ ông, một Bộ Chính Trị ủng hộ ông và một Quốc Hội thông qua các quyết định của ông. Trong mọi trường hợp đó, cải cách hành chính đều có tác động, đều có những hệ quả đối với cơ cấu của các cơ quan ra quyết định quan trọng ở Việt Nam. Cho nên có thể hiểu rằng việc thực hiện cải cách hành chính năm 2025 cũng liên quan trực tiếp đến mong muốn của người khởi xướng là có được những cơ quan nắm giữ quyền lực chính trị quan trọng ở Việt Nam đứng sau ông và xác nhận các hành động của ông. Đọc thêmQuyền lực cá nhân tổng bí thư thông qua quá trình tinh giản bộ máy hành chính ở Việt Nam RFI : Sau Đại hội, công cuộc chiến chống tham nhũng sẽ được tiếp tục thực hiện ? Và liệu có quyết liệt như đang làm hiện nay không ? Benoît de Tréglodé : Cần phải nhắc lại rằng tham nhũng là một vấn đề còn lâu mới giải quyết được và không phụ thuộc vào chu kỳ 5 năm của các Đại hội Đảng. Tham nhũng gắn liền mật thiết với khái niệm phát triển kinh tế. Và tham nhũng cũng gắn liền mật thiết với cách hoạt động và tài trợ của bộ máy hành chính. Sự phát triển kinh tế ở hầu hết các nước châu Á đều bao gồm, hoặc đi kèm với sự gia tăng các hành vi tham nhũng khá phổ biến. Vì vậy, không nên cố gắng đưa việc chấm dứt, kết thúc hoặc tiếp tục các chiến dịch chống tham nhũng vào chương trình nghị sự của mỗi Đại hội Đảng. Đọc thêmChống tham nhũng thời hậu Nguyễn Phú Trọng: Sẽ vẫn "diệt chuột không để vỡ bình" Tham nhũng đã, đang và sẽ tiếp tục xảy ra, điều đó là chắc chắn. Và mọi chuyện sẽ không sớm dừng lại nay mai. Năm 2025 được đánh dấu bởi cuộc cải cách hành chính của ông Tô Lâm, với tham vọng đơn giản hóa và hiện đại hóa bộ máy Nhà nước, và cũng bao gồm cả tham vọng hạn chế số lượng các trung gian tại các cơ quan chính phủ, vốn luôn là cơ hội nảy sinh các hành vi tham nhũng ở Việt Nam. Bản thân cuộc cải cách hành chính này đã bao hàm mong muốn hạn chế những hành vi lạm dụng hoặc tham nhũng. Cải cách này lại cũng diễn ra vào thời điểm thuận lợi, chỉ một năm trước Đại hội Đảng, còn rõ ràng mang tham vọng tái xác định vị trí hoặc tái tập trung quyền lực chính trị ở Việt Nam xung quanh Đảng và người khởi xướng cải cách. Vì vậy, rõ ràng là nhìn từ góc độ này, cuộc cải cách hành chính còn mang một chiều hướng chính trị rất rõ rệt : vừa hiện đại hóa bộ máy về mặt chức năng, vừa thâu tóm bộ máy về mặt chính trị. RFI Tiếng Việt xin chân thành cảm ơn giám đốc nghiên cứu Benoît de Tréglodé, Viện Nghiên cứu Chiến lược (IRSEM), Trường Quân sự Pháp.

Ron welcomes comedy icon Margaret Cho for a wide-ranging, candid conversation about her Choligarchy tour, the risks of political comedy, and why speaking out feels more urgent than ever. Cho opens up about confronting threats, free speech, and using humor as resistance in anxious times. She also shares her emotions in seeing fellow comedians (Roseanna Barr, Bill Maher, Dave Chappelle) either going "full MAGA" or anti-trans / anti-woke."Later, comedian Sterling Thrill joins Ron for their weekly Friday segment, digging into headlines, late-night comedy, and how comedians try to make sense of a political moment that often feels stranger than satire.The show also features investigative reporter Laura Jedeed of Slate, discussing her firsthand experience applying for an ICE job and what it revealed about the system.Tune in to catch the Ron Show weekdays from 4-6pm Eastern time on Georgia NOW! Grab the app or listen online at heargeorgianow.com.#MargaretCho #SterlingThrill #LauraJadid #ComedyAndPolitics #ProgressiveVoices #ICE #PoliticalComedy #GeorgiaNOW #HearGeorgiaNow #TheRonShow

Donald Trump wraca do kontrowersyjnego pomysłu przejęcia Grenlandii. Choć wielu uznawało to za polityczny żart, sytuacja zaczyna wyglądać coraz poważniej. W Białym Domu odbyło się spotkanie z delegacją Danii i Grenlandii, a na wyspę trafiają kolejne wojska NATO – w tym Niemcy, Szwecja i Norwegia.

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Changkufeng. A 7–10 August clash near Changkufeng and Hill 52 saw a brutal, multi-front Soviet push against Japanese positions in the Changkufeng–Hill 52 complex and adjacent areas. The Korea Army and Imperial forces rapidly reinforced with artillery, long-range 15 cm and other pieces, to relieve pressure. By 7–8 August, Soviet assault waves, supported by tanks and aircraft, intensified but Japanese defenses, including engineers, machine-gun fire, and concentrated artillery, prevented a decisive breakthrough at key positions like Noguchi Hill and the Changkufeng spine.  By 9–10 August, continued Japanese counterfire, improved artillery neutralization, and renewed defenses kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese control, though at heavy cost. The frontline exhaustion and looming strategic concerns prompted calls for intensified replacements and potential diplomatic considerations. It seemed like the battle was coming to an end.   #184 The Lake Khasan Truce Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The casualties were atrocious for both sides, yet they continued to mobilize more forces to the conflict area. While the Russians appeared uninterested in all-out war, they were not rushing to settle the crisis through diplomacy and, at the front, were launching "reckless" counterattacks at inconvenient locations, presumably to occupy positions useful for bargaining. The local Soviet military, having ceded the hills at the outset, must also have been anxious about its prestige. The Kwantung Army's potential threat to the flank undoubtedly made the Russians nervous. Although the leading echelon of the 104th Division did not reach Hunchun until the evening of 13 August, Japanese intelligence heard that the Red Army Headquarters staff at Khabarovsk had detected movements of Kwantung Army elements around 10 August and had been compelled to take countermeasures: they reinforced positions along the eastern and northern Manchurian frontiers, concentrated the air force, ordered move-up preparations by ground forces in the Blagoveshchensk district, and commandeered most of the motor vehicles in the Amur Province. By shifting its main strength to the eastern front, the Kwantung Army exerted, as intended, a silent pressure. The covert objective was to restrain and divert the Russians and to assist Japanese diplomacy, not to provoke war. Nevertheless, an American correspondent who visited the Changkufeng area in mid-August privately reported that the Kwantung Army was massing large numbers of troops near the border and expected further trouble.  Toward its weak neighbor in Korea the Kwantung Army rendered every support. Apart from its major demonstration in eastern Manchuria, the Kwantung Army promptly sent whatever reinforcements of artillery, engineers, and other units that Seoul had desired. Being also intimately involved in anti-Soviet military preparations, the Kwantung Army understandably wanted the latest and most authentic information on Russian Army theory and practice. The Changkufeng Incident furnished such a firsthand opportunity, and the professional observers sent from Hsinking were well received at the front. Military classmate ties contributed to the working relationships between the armies. As one division officer put it, the teams from the Kwantung Army came as "friends," not only to study the battlefield by their respective branches of service but also to assist the front-line forces; "the Kwantung Army was increasingly helpful to us in settling the incident." Foreign Minister Ugaki felt that the pressure of troop movements in Manchuria played a major part in the Russians' eventual decision to conclude a cease-fire. From Inada's viewpoint, it had been a "fine and useful demonstration against the Soviet Union." Pinned at Changkufeng, the Russians did not or could not choose to react elsewhere, too. Army General Staff officers believed that clear and consistent operational guidance furnished by Tokyo produced good results, although the fighting had been very hard for the front-line Japanese troops because of the insistence on exclusive defense, the curbs on interference by the Kwantung Army, and the prohibition on the use of aircraft. It had been close, however. Only by conscious efforts at restraint had the small war at Changkufeng been kept from spilling over into neighboring areas. Escalation of combat in early August had caused the Japanese government to try to break the diplomatic impasse while localizing the conflict. On 2 August Premier Konoe assured the Emperor that he intended to leave matters for diplomacy and to suspend military operations as soon as possible, an approach with which the government concurred. The Changkufeng dispute had been accorded priority, preceding overall settlements and the creation of joint commissions to redefine the borders. On the 3rd, after coordinating with the military, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs advised Shigemitsu that the front-line situation had become "extremely critical" and that a quick suspension of fighting action should be proposed. Soviet and Japanese troops should be pulled back to the setup as of 30 July.  In the midst of the Changkufeng Incident, the USSR intensified harassing tactics against the last Japanese consulates located within the Soviet Union. Forty-eight hour ultimatums to quit the country were delivered to the consuls at Khabarovsk and Blagoveshchensk on 3 and 4 August, respectively. Although the Japanese government warned that it might retaliate, the Russians were unyielding. The foreign ambassadors, Mamoru Shigemitsu and Maxim Litvinov met on August 4th, whereupon Shigemitsu argued, the best procedure would be to suspend military operations on both sides and to restore the status quo. Litvinov in a long manner explained the stance of the USSR as Shigemitsu put it "the Soviet side had a disposition to cease fighting, provided that conditions were satisfactory."  The Russians were stalling at the very time the Red Army was bending every effort to retake Changkufeng. Coordination between the Army, Navy, and Foreign Ministers produced cease-fire conditions which were rushed to the Japanese ambassador on 6 August. Two alternate lines were proposed, to which both armies would pull back. After the creation of a buffer zone, discussions could begin concerning delineation of boundaries in the region of the incident. The Hunchun pact could be the basis for deliberations, demarcation to be effected by joint investigations on the spot in consultation with documents in the possession of Manchukuo and the USSR; the Japanese would serve only as observers. Shigemitsu conferred once more with Litvinov for three and a half hours on 7 August, but no progress was made. Litvinov insisted that a clash could be averted only if Japanese forces pulled However Litvinov's positive reaction to the idea of a demarcation commission was seen as a good sign.  On August the 10th, both sides seemed to have reached a similar conclusion that a cease-fire needed to rapidly be implemented. At 11pm that night Litvinov called the embassy, asking for Shigemitus to see him as fast as possible. Shigemitsu arrived around midnight whereupon Litvinov showed him a draft of a final accord: 1. Japanese and Soviet forces shall cease all military activities on 11 August at noon local time. Instructions to that effect are to be issued immediately by the governments of the USSR and Japan.  2. Japanese as well as Soviet troops shall remain on those lines which they occupied at midnight local time on 10 August.  3. For redemarcation of the portion of frontier in dispute, there shall be created a mixed commission of two representatives from the USSR and two representatives from the Japanese-Manchurian side, with an umpire selected by agreement of both parties from among citizens of a third state.  4. The commission for redemarcation shall work on the basis of agreements and maps bearing the signatures of plenipotentiary representatives of Russia and China. Shigemitsu agreed to the inclusion of a Japanese commissioner on the Manchukuoan delegation, but he could not assent to the addition of a neutral umpire. Moscow received the news of the truce with gratification mingled with surprise. Few realized that the USSR had taken the step of appeasing or at least saving face for the Japanese even after Shigemitsu had pleaded for and won a cease-fire. The world was told by the Russians only that specific overtures for cessation of hostilities had originated with the Soviet authorities. In general, it was not difficult to guess why the Russian government, distracted by the European political scene and apprehensive about a two-front war, agreed to a cease-fire at Changkufeng.  The slowness of communication across the many miles between Moscow and Tokyo did nothing to alleviate nervousness in the Japanese capital during the night of 10–11 August. Ugaki wrote in his diary that, "after ten days of tension, the struggle between the Japanese and Soviet armies on the USSR–Manchukuo border had reached the decisive brink". Complicating the situation was the fact that, late on 10 August, the president of Domei News Agency conveyed to Konoe a message from one of his Moscow correspondents. Purporting to sum up Shigemitsu's latest outlook, the report stated that success in the negotiations seemed unlikely. The contents of the message were transmitted to Ugaki and Itagaki. Consequently, Konoe and his associates spent a fearful and depressed night. Shigemitsu's own report, sent by telegram, arrived frustratingly slowly.  After definite information had been received from Shigemitsu, Harada happily called Kazami Akira, the prime minister's chief secretary, and Konoe himself. "Until the accord was implemented," Kazami had said, "we would have to be on the alert all day today." Konoe and Kazami seemed "a little relaxed anyhow." Inada had finally retired past midnight on 10–11 August, "agreement or no agreement. I must have been dozing from fatigue when the jangle of the phone got me up. It was a message saying that a truce had been concluded the preceding midnight. Just as I had been expecting, I said to myself, but I felt empty inside, as if it were an anticlimax." The call had to have been an unofficial communication, perhaps the latest Domei news, since the records showed that definitive word from the embassy in Moscow did not reach Tokyo until after 10:00. Attache Doi's report to the Army General Staff came at about 11:00. This was extremely late in terms of getting Japanese troops to cease operations at 13:00 Tokyo time (or noon on the spot); a tardy imperial order might undo the Moscow accord. Complicating this matter of split-second timing was the fact that the first official telegram from Shigemitsu referred to unilateral Japanese withdrawal by one kilometer. At the Japanese high command level, there was agitated discussion when initial word of these arrangements arrived. Inada speculated that on 10 August the Russians had staged persistent close-quarter assaults against Changkufeng and seized the southern edge eventually, although repulsed at all other points. Moscow may have agreed to a truce at that midnight because they expected that the crest of Changkufeng would be in their hands by then and that a fait accompli would have been achieved. Some officers argued that the Russian forces were suffering "quite badly and this caused the authorities' agreeability to a cease-fire." Most exasperating, however, was the provision stipulating a one-sided military withdrawal. Admittedly, such action had been under discussion by the Army General Staff itself, particularly after Terada's sobering appeal of 10 August. It was another matter to have a Japanese withdrawal dictated by the USSR while Russian troops did not have to budge. Initial puzzlement and chagrin began to yield to rationalization. The Japanese side seemed to have made a concession in the negotiations, but there must have been significance to the phrase which said, "the line occupied by Japanese forces has been taken into due consideration." Japanese troops had presumably advanced to the edge of the frontier, while Russian soldiers had not come even close. Thus, it must have been necessary to have the Japanese units withdraw first, to fix the boundaries, since it had been the Japanese who had done the greater advancing. One Japanese office remarked "A pull-back was a pull-back, no matter how you looked at things—and we were the ones who had to do it. But the atmosphere in the command had been far from optimistic on 10 August; so we decided that it was unnecessary to complain about this issue and we approved the agreement in general. Both the senior and junior staff levels seemed to be quite relieved." The 11th of August had been an awkward day to conduct liaison between the Foreign Ministry, the Army, and the Throne, since the Emperor was leaving Hayama to visit naval installations in the Yokosuka area and the navy air unit in Chiba from morning. By the time a conclusive report on the cease-fire could be conveyed to the monarch, he was aboard the destroyer Natsugumo at Kisarazu. Naval wireless facilities in Tokyo had to be used to transmit coded messages to Admiral Yonai, the Navy Minister, for delivery to the Emperor. This was done shortly before 14:45 According to Yonai, the Emperor "was very pleased and relieved when I reported to him… about the conclusion of the truce accord." The appropriate Imperial order was approved promptly. But not until 15:00, two hours after cease-fire time at Changkufeng, did word of Imperial sanction reach the high command.  Japanese soldiers in the lines recalled nothing special on 11 August. "We didn't hear about the truce till the last minute," said one, "and we had become so inured to enemy artillery we hardly noticed any 'last salute.' From Tokyo, on 11 August, it was reported that the Japanese side had suspended operations promptly at noon, as agreed, but that sporadic bursts of fire had continued to come from the Soviet side. Colonel Grebennik, when asked after the war whether the combat did end at noon, replied petulantly: "Yes, but not quite so. The fighting actually ceased at 12:05." According to him, the tardiness was the Japanese side's fault.  The Japanese press told readers that "the cease-fire bugle has sounded—the frontier is cheerful now, 14 days after the shooting began." All was quiet in the area of Changkufeng, where the sounds of firing ceased at noon "as if erased." The most intense period of stillness lasted only a few minutes and was followed by the excited chattering of soldiers, audible on both sides. Korea Army Headquarters spoke of the "lifting of dark clouds [and] return of the rays of peace." In Hongui, a Japanese combat officer told a Japanese correspondent: "Suddenly we noticed the insects making noise; the soldiers were delighted. Once the fighting stopped, Japanese national flags were hoisted here and there along our front. … After the Russians observed what we had done, they broke out red flags also, at various points in their trenches." Some Japanese soldiers were given cookies by Soviet medical corpsmen. At Hill 52, an infantryman remembered, the Japanese and the Russians were facing each other, 50 meters apart, that afternoon. "We just lay there and stared at each other for two hours, waiting grimly. But it was well past cease-fire now, and those same Russians finally started to wave at us. Later that day, when Soviet troops came to salvage their KO'd tanks, we 'chatted' in sign language." After the cease-fire, Ichimoto, whose battalion had seen the most difficult fighting, stuck his head above the trench and waved hello to some Soviet officers. "They waved back. It gave me an odd sensation, for during the furious struggle I had considered them to be barbarians. Now I was surprised to see that they were civilized after all!" A rifleman at Changkufeng remembered swapping watches with an unarmed Russian across the peak. The Japanese front-line troops stayed in their positions confronting the Russians and conducted preparations for further combat while cleaning up the battlefield. Soviet troops also remained deployed as of the time of the cease-fire and vigorously carried out their own construction. The day after the cease-fire went into effect, Suetaka escorted an American reporter to the front. At Changkufeng:  "carpenters were making wooden receptacles for the ashes of the Japanese dead. Funeral pyres still were smoldering. . . . From our vantage point the lieutenant general pointed out long lines of Soviet trucks coming up in clouds of dust [which] apparently were made deliberately in an effort to conceal the trucks' movements, [probably designed] to haul supplies from the front. Soviet boats were pushing across [Khasan] . . . and Soviet soldiers were towing smashed tanks back from no-man'sland. On the Japanese side there was a pronounced holiday spirit. Soldiers, emerging from dugouts, were drying white undershirts on near-by brush and bathing in the Tumen River. The soldiers were laughing heartily. A few were trying to ride a Korean donkey near Changkufeng's scarred slope. The general pointed out three Soviet tanks behind the Japanese advance lines east of Changkufeng. He said the Russians had hauled back seventy others [on the night of 11 August]. . . . The writer was shown a barbed wire fence immediately behind a wrecked village on the west slope of Changkufeng which the general said the Soviet troops built at the beginning of the fighting. Possiet Bay also was pointed out, clearly visible across the swamp." Soviet losses for what became known as the battle of Lake Khasan for the Russians and the Changkufeng incident for the Japanese, totaled 792 killed or missing and 3,279 wounded or sick, according to Soviet records. The Japanese claimed to have destroyed or immobilized 96 enemy tanks and 30 guns. Soviet armored losses were significant, with dozens of tanks knocked out or destroyed and hundreds of "tank troops" becoming casualties. Japanese casualties, as revealed by secret Army General Staff statistics, were 1,439 casualties, 526 killed or missing, 913 wounded; the Soviets claimed Japanese losses of 3,100, with 600 killed and 2,500 wounded. The Soviets concluded that these losses were due in part to poor communications infrastructure and roads, as well as the loss of unit coherence caused by weak organization, headquarters, commanders, and a lack of combat-support units. The faults in the Soviet army and leadership at Khasan were blamed on the incompetence of Blyukher. In addition to leading the troops into action at Khasan, Blyukher was also supposed to oversee the trans-Baikal Military District's and the Far Eastern fronts' move to combat readiness, using an administrative apparatus that delivered army group, army, and corps-level instructions to the 40th Rifle Division by accident. On 22 October, he was arrested by the NKVD and is thought to have been tortured to death. At 15:35 on 11 August, in the Hill 52 sector, high-ranking military delegates bearing a white flag emerged from the Soviet lines and proceeded to Akahage Hill, about 100 meters from the Japanese positions. Cho, as right sector chief, was notified. He sent three lieutenants to converse with the Russians; they learned that the Soviets wanted the Japanese to designate a time and place for a conference. This word was conveyed to Suetaka, who had already dispatched Lieutenant Kozuki to the heights east of Shachaofeng to contact the Russians. Around 4:20, the commander canceled Kozuki's mission and instructed Cho to reply that the delegation ought to convene near the peak of Changkufeng at 18:00 Cho set out promptly with several subordinates; they reached the Changkufeng crest a little before 6. The Russians then said they wanted to meet the Japanese near the Crestline southeast of Changkufeng, the excuse being that the peak was too far for them to go and that they could not arrive by the designated time. Cho took his team to the location requested by the Russians. There, the Japanese found 13 Soviet soldiers and a heavy machine gun on guard, but the Russian delegates had not arrived, although it was 6:18. The irked Japanese clocked a further delay of two minutes before the Russian truce chief, Gen. Grigory M. Shtern, rode up on horseback with a party of eight. Both delegations saluted, the chiefs and team members identified themselves, and all shook hands. The Soviet team was made up of Corps General 3rd rank Shtern, 38, chief of staff, Far East area army; Brigade Commissar Semenovsky political major general, 37 or 38; Colonel Fedotev, 42; and Major Wabilev, about 30. Interpreting for the Russians was Alexei Kim. In Colonel Cho's opinion, "It was always necessary to take the initiative in dealing with the Soviets. So, even in such matters as shaking hands or conversing, he always did things first." During the exchange of greetings, Cho teased Shtern about his bandaged forehead. "A Japanese artillery shell got you, didn't it?" he asked. But Cho began formal discussions on a more dignified note: "Cho: It is very much to be regretted that the Japanese and Soviet armies had to get involved in combat around Changkufeng. Nevertheless, I laud the consummation of the Mos­cow accord on the part of both governments. And, I must say, your forces were quite brave and patriotic. Shtern: I agree with you. The Japanese Army, too, was courageous and strong." Negotiations would go on at the local level and diplomatic level for many days. In Tokyo, on the morning of 13 August, Ugaki had gone to the Meiji shrine to "report" on the cease-fire and to express his gratitude. At 10:00, when received in Imperial audience, he discussed the Changkufeng Incident. "I humbly regret to have troubled Your Majesty so unduly in connection with an unimportant affair on the Soviet-Manchurian frontier" at a time when the monarch was confronted by grave national problems. A long and winding road lay ahead before the incident as a whole was settled, but a good start had been made and "we are going to be even more careful in handling matters, although the Soviet regime  consists of devious, vicious scoundrels." Recognition of the Japanese Army's performance was accorded by the highest authorities in the homeland. As soon as the fighting ceased, Kan'in transmitted a message of appreciation. The day after the cease-fire, the command in North Korea issued a generous communique: "We pay homage to the Japanese for defending themselves against 100 planes, 200 tanks, and 60 pieces of heavy artillery. Our admiration for the bravery of both armies is of the highest." At 14:00 on the 15th, Kan'in was received in audience and reported on the settlement of the crisis. Said the Emperor: "We are gratified by the fact that, during this incident at Changkufeng, Our officers and men achieved their mission fully and manifested prudence and forbearance while confronting difficult circumstances with small forces. Our profound condolences to the casualties. Convey this message to the officers and men." A wire was dispatched promptly to Nakamura. With Imperial use of the wording "Changkufeng Incident," the nomenclature for the affair was fixed in Japan. When the cabinet met on 16 August, the decision was reached officially. After the Changkufeng affair, Japanese officers claimed that the Soviets had dispatched tactical experts "to ascertain why their elite Far Eastern forces had not been able to achieve satisfactory results. They realize the urgency of this investigation in preparation for any great war." Specifically, the AGS heard that on the day of the cease-fire, Blyukher had sent an investigative team of commissars under Romanovsky to the scene. Japanese experts on the USSR speculated that the experience at Changkufeng ought indeed to have impressed the Red Army: "Our forces did seize the hill and hold it. After comparing the strengths involved ... the Russians may well have had to modify their estimates." According to one Japanese commentator, improvements in political leadership were judged imperative by the USSR, gainsaying claims that the Soviet Army had been strengthened through the purge of alleged Japanese tools. Soviet authorities would conclude "As a test of doctrine, the fighting had confirmed the correctness of the basic principles embodied in the 1936 Field Service Regulations." The Soviet infantry had paid dearly for this, as well as for the deficiencies in tactical training. Defense Commissar Voroshilov admitted, "We were not sufficiently quick in our tactics, and particularly in joint operations in dealing the enemy a concentrated blow." In the view of historian Mackintosh: "The Soviet success at Lake Khasan was bought at the cost of heavy casualties and exposed serious defects in the mobilization machinery and the training of troops. There can be little doubt that these factors checked to some extent the Soviet Government's overoptimistic estimate of its own military strength and cast doubt on the effectiveness of its policy of expansion in all fields of military organization". Writing a year and a half after Changkufeng, an Mainichi reporter observed that the greatest harvest from the incident was tangible Japanese experience in determining the fighting strength of the Russians. Purchased with blood, this knowledge could provide valuable evidence for future combat operations. It was a question whether Changkufeng really possessed such strategic significance as was claimed for it, but the Soviet policy of bluff could be interpreted as substantiating the weakness of the defenses of Vladivostok. "The Russians used all kinds of new weapons at Changkufeng and tipped their whole hand. But although mechanization of the Red Army had attained high levels with respect to quantity, their weaknesses in technique and quality were laid bare." Imaoka observed that since the Changkufeng Incident marked the first time that the Japanese and Soviet armies engaged each other in combat involving large strategic elements, divisional and above, Russian fighting strength was studied with keen interest. The Japanese did not rate the capacity of the officers or Soviet quality, in general, as especially high. Still, the Russians did possess quantitative abundance, and Japanese losses had been heavy because the enemy had fired masses of ammunition against fixed targets. Suetaka seemed to have comprehended the scope of tangible Soviet strength in equipment and materiel, as shown by his comment: "I felt deeply that if the gap in manpower went beyond limits, it would be inevitable for our casualties to increase tremendously; this might even cause us danger in specific local areas." Few Japanese officers saw anything new in Soviet tactical methods, although considerations of mass were ever-present. Not only intelligence experts but the whole army worked on ways of coping with Soviet forces that would have the numerical advantage by 3:1. Most awesome was the "fantastic abundance" of hostile materiel, although the Russians could not deploy to surround the Japanese because of the geography. An AGS expert on the USSR summed it up: "We learned that Soviet strength was up to expectations, whereas Japanese arms and equipment had to be improved and reinforced." Worded in a multiplicity of ways, the Japanese conclusion was that patient imperial forces had won a great victory by defending the contested border with flesh vs. steel and by limiting the Changkufeng Incident, till the end, against enemy hordes supported exclusively by planes and tanks. Japanese infantrymen admit that the combat soldiers did not savor their disadvantages. "All our materiel was inferior in quality and particularly in quantity. We had the impression that whereas we relied on muscle power, the enemy used engines. This rendered our fighting particularly hard, but we had full confidence in our spiritual strength [i.e., superiority]."  Nevertheless, the Japanese mode of tactical operation, asserted Iwasaki, the Korea Army senior staff officer, was "the worst possible: fighting with hands tied." This meant that the Russians could fight "to their hearts' content," committing tanks and planes, and striking from all directions. A front-line infantry commander commented: "One's troops ought to be provided meaningful reasons for fighting and for dying happily. It is cruel to ask officers and men to meet masses of steel and to shed their blood without visible cause, and apparently because of inadequate combat preparations." The cease-fire agreement was concluded "at just the right time," General Morimoto admitted. A secret report prepared by AGS analysts sheds light on the larger question of what the army thought it had learned about itself and the Soviet enemy: "In studying Changkufeng, one ought to bear a number of cautions in mind: (1) The incident broke out when we were concentrating on the holy war against China; severe limitations on combat operations were imposed by the necessity to adhere to a policy of nonenlargement. (2) Apparently, the enemy also adopted a policy of localization while continuously attempting to recapture the high ground in the Changkufeng area. (3) Our forces employed units which were on Phase-1 alert from beginning to end; in terms of quality, the personnel were excellent—mainly active-duty types, from key men down. But our numbers were far inferior, and our organization and equipment were not of the best. In addition, we committed no planes or tanks, whereas the enemy used plenty. (4) The 19th Division was thorough, rigorous, and realistic in its combat training prior to the engagement. (5) Battlefield terrain seriously limited the enemy's attacks, especially tank action. But while the Tumen restricted assaults against our flanks and rear, it hampered our own services of supply, notably the provision of position construction materials." The Japanese learned few or erroneous lessons from the Changkufeng affair; the Kwantung Army, for example, was convinced that everything had been handled badly in 1938 by the Korea Army and the high command. When a dispute arose in 1939 at Nomonhan on another border lying between Outer Mongolia and Manchukuo, the staff in Hsinking fostered escalating measures. The USSR, however, learned in 1937 and 1938 that the Japanese Army seemed to respect only force.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Changkufeng incident or battle of Lake Khasan clash saw a fierce Soviet push against Japanese positions around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The cease-fire ended the incident, but not the conflict. Despite the brutal lessons learned by both sides, a much larger conflict would explode the next year that would alter both nations throughout WW2.   

Nhu cầu tiêu thụ điện của ngành công nghiệp Việt Nam, nơi đặt cơ sở sản xuất của nhiều tập đoàn đa quốc gia như Samsung và Apple, thường xuyên vượt quá nguồn cung, vốn bị ảnh hưởng bởi thời tiết cực đoan ngày càng thường xuyên, như hạn hán và mưa bão. Trước tình hình này, Việt Nam muốn tăng sản lượng điện từ nhiều nguồn, chủ yếu là năng lượng tái tạo và khí đốt, nhưng các dự án đã bị chậm trễ và gặp trắc trở do các vấn đề quy định và giá cả, cho nên nay rất trông chờ vào điện hạt nhân. Sau khi quyết định khởi động lại chương trình năng lượng hạt nhân vào năm ngoái, Việt Nam đã giao cho Nga thực hiện dự án Ninh Thuận 1 và Nhật Bản thực hiện dự án Ninh Thuận 2. Vào đầu tháng 12 vừa qua, chính phủ Việt Nam vừa phê duyệt danh mục các công trình và dự án được xếp vào nhóm quan trọng quốc gia, trọng điểm của ngành năng lượng, trong đó có dự án điện hạt nhân Ninh Thuận 1, 2 tại Khánh Hòa. Theo lộ trình của chính phủ, 2 nhà máy điện hạt nhân Ninh Thuận 1 và 2 tại Khánh Hòa, công suất 2.000-3.200MW, dự kiến sẽ được đưa vào hoạt động trong giai đoạn 2030-2035. Thế nhưng, chỉ vài ngày sau, Nhật Bản, một trong hai đối tác mà Việt Nam đã chọn, lại thông báo rút khỏi dự án hạt nhân. Hôm 08/12/2025, đại sứ Nhật Bản tại Việt Nam Naoki Ito nói với hãng tin Anh Reuters rằng Nhật Bản đã rút khỏi kế hoạch xây dựng nhà máy điện hạt nhân quy mô lớn tại Việt Nam “vì thời gian quá gấp rút”. Trả lời phỏng vấn RFI Việt ngữ ngày 16/12/2025, giáo sư Phạm Duy Hiển, nguyên viện trưởng Viện Nghiên cứu Hạt nhân Đà Lạt, giải thích: "Thông tin mà đại sứ Nhật ở Việt Nam nêu ra tóm tắt là như thế này: Đấy là những  công trình rất là lớn và tiêu chuẩn an toàn của nó thì càng ngày càng cao, mà Việt Nam đặt thời hạn quá gấp, tức là muốn năm 2035 phải xong. Ông ấy cho là không khả thi. Tôi thấy cũng đúng thôi: Đấy là loại lò thế hệ III+, tức là có trang bị các thiết bị chống lại mất an toàn bằng phương pháp thụ động. Trong thời gian gần đây, các lò có công suất tương đương như thế được xây ở Mỹ , ở Phần Lan, ở Trung Quốc, đặc biệt ở Bangladesh, do Nga giúp xây dựng. Công trình rất lớn và rất phức tạp, đòi hỏi tiêu chuẩn an toàn cao, nhưng Việt Nam lại yêu cầu là năm 2035 phải xong, thậm chí Việt Nam còn có một yêu cầu khác, tức là trong quá trình xây dựng lò như thế thì phải có chuyển giao công nghệ. Những điều đó là Nhật không thể thực hiện được. Nhật còn nói thêm là bây giờ, sau vụ Fukushima, hiện nay là ở Nhật cũng có những đòi hỏi về xây các lò phản ứng mới. Do đó họ không đủ khả năng để làm theo yêu cầu của Việt Nam. Căn cứ trên kết quả xây các lò loại thế hệ III + ở các nước thì đều hoặc là trễ tiến độ, hoặc là đội giá thành lên gấp một vài lần. Ở Bangladesh chẳng hạn, công trình do Nga trực tiếp làm đáng lý ra phải được đưa vào vận hành năm 2023, nhưng đã trễ sang năm 2024, rồi lùi sang năm 2025 và bây giờ phải đến tháng 12/26 may ra mới có thể vận hành được. Như thế rõ ràng việc xây dựng các lò lớn như thế hiện nay là một vấn đề rất khó khăn." Quyết định của Tokyo có thể làm phức tạp thêm chiến lược dài hạn của Việt Nam phát triển điện hạt nhân nhằm tránh tình trạng thiếu điện. Nói cách khác, Việt Nam khó mà đạt mục tiêu về thời hạn đặt ra cho 2 dự án nhà máy hạt nhân Ninh Thuận 1 và Ninh Thuận 2:  "Bây giờ Nhật Bản từ chối, như thế là Việt Nam cũng sẽ gặp khó khăn trong việc thực hiện các mục tiêu lớn của Việt Nam: phải có điện là một, điện sạch là hai và ngoài ra đến năm 2050 phải đạt trung hòa carbon. Những mục tiêu đó là rất là khó đạt. Nhưng đại sứ Nhật cũng có nói Nhật mở ra một khả năng, tức là sẽ tham gia phát triển các công nghệ lò gọi là lò module, có thể lắp ghép được, gọi là SMR, công suất  khoảng vài trăm megawatt. Nhật Bản sẽ hợp tác với Việt Nam trong các dự án đó." Sau khi Nhật Bản rút khỏi dự án Ninh Thuận 2, phía Nga đã trấn an là họ sẽ không bỏ rơi Việt Nam. Theo báo chí trong nước, trong cuộc điện đàm ngày 11/12 với thủ tướng Phạm Minh Chính, tổng giám đốc Tập đoàn Rosatom của Nga đã cam kết hợp tác với Việt Nam "xây dựng nhà máy điện hạt nhân Ninh Thuận 1 theo công nghệ hiện đại nhất." Tuy nhiên, theo giáo sư Phạm Duy Hiển, cũng không chắc là Nga có thể làm theo đúng tiến độ như mục tiêu mà Việt Nam đề ra "Nga thì quyết tâm làm, khác với Nhật Bản. Họ còn có một chương trình hợp tác với Việt Nam rộng rãi hơn, bao gồm việc xây dựng trung tâm phát triển hạt nhân với lò phản ứng 10 MW và một số chuyện nữa liên quan đến nhiên liệu của trung tâm Đà Lạt. Đó là một dự án có thể nói là tổng hợp nhiều thứ và do đó việc họ phải làm dự án Ninh Thuận 1 là điều chắc chắn. Thế còn họ làm được đến mức nào thì như tôi nói khi nãy, căn cứ theo cái mà họ làm với Bangladesh thì thấy là trễ tiến độ khoảng hơn 7 năm. Cho nên nếu mà Việt Nam có làm, thì phải có những cọc mốc. Những cái cọc mốc đó rất là quan trọng, ví dụ như phải ký kết giữa hai bên, cam kết là nước Nga sẽ xây nhà máy điện hạt nhân Ninh Thuận 1 và cung cấp đủ tài chính để làm dự án. Cho đến bây giờ vẫn chưa thấy cọc mốc đó. Sau khi hai bên chính thức ký kết, có tiền bạc  đủ rồi, tôi nghĩ ít nhất phải hơn 10 năm thì mới có thể hoàn thành được. Cho nên khả năng hoàn tất dự án vào năm 2035 đối với Nga cũng là không dễ. Tuy Nga chưa nói cụ thể hạn định nào,ví dụ như là bao giờ đổ mẻ bê tông đầu tiên để mà xây nhà lò , sau đó ít nhất là 7 năm, 8 năm thì mới hoàn thành. Bây giờ cho đến lúc đổ bê tông đầu tiên chưa thấy con đường đi như thế nào cả. Các nhà lãnh đạo Việt Nam có những kế hoạch, có những mục tiêu muốn đặt ra. Đối với một số công trình cổ điển thì có thể đặt kế hoạch năm này năm khác được, còn loại công trình này Việt Nam chưa hề có những trải nghiệm nào cả. Với kinh nghiệm trong những năm gần đây về xây các lò công suất lớn ở nhiều nước, kể cả những nước tư bản hiện đại, tôi cho rằng con đường đó sẽ không tồn tại lâu được. Những lò công suất trung bình, công suất bé có thể là giải pháp tổng thể cho bài toán điện hạt nhân của nhiều nước. Và nó cũng thích hợp với Việt Nam trong nhiều mặt, tức là về vấn đề chọn địa điểm, vấn đề vốn, vân vân... Có điều hiện nay chưa có nước nào đưa ra một lò thương mại hóa cho toàn thế giới cả. Mọi người đều có ý kiến là có thể loại lò đó sẽ chỉ được thương mại hóa sau năm 2030. Tôi nghĩ cũng có lý." Với sự chậm trễ trong các dự án xây dựng nhà máy điện hạt nhân, Việt Nam đang đứng trước nguy cơ thiếu điện trầm trọng và phải gấp rút tìm những nguồn năng lượng bổ sung, theo giáo sư Phạm Duy Hiển: "Tôi nghĩ là điều đó cần phải đem ra bàn bạc và đó là một nguy cơ có thể có. Hai nhà máy điện Ninh Thuận 1 và Ninh Thuận 2 đóng góp công suất rất lớn, mà bây giờ một nhà máy dứt khoát là không có rồi, cho nên là Việt Nam trong tương lai cho đến những năm 2040 là sẽ thiếu điện. Bây giờ trở lại dùng than thì khó .May ra hiện nay có một triển vọng là phát triển một số mỏ khí. Có những thông tin như vậy và cũng khá chắc chắn, thậm chí người ta cũng đã nói đến đường dẫn ống khí về đất liền. Tôi hy vọng đó là một nguồn có thể thay thế, nhưng cũng phải chờ những thông báo chính thức. Nếu không có những nguồn khí như vậy thì rõ ràng là Việt Nam phải đặt vấn đề lấy đâu ra nguồn để thay thế ít nhất là một nhà máy của Nhật sẽ không đưa vào hoạt động." Theo nguồn tin mà giáo sư Phạm Duy Hiển có được, Hàn Quốc đã chính thức nhận xây nhà máy điện hạt nhân thứ hai, thay chỗ của Nhật Bản và hiện "đang vào cuộc nhanh chóng". Tuy nhiên, hiện thông tin này chưa được chính thức xác nhận.  Trong cuộc họp ngày 07/01 vừa qua, thủ tướng Việt Nam Phạm Minh Chính đã bày tỏ quan ngại về sự chậm trễ trong dự án nhà máy hạt nhân, "tiến độ công việc chưa được như mong muốn, có nhiều vướng mắc phải tháo gỡ ngay như công tác đàm phán hiệp định hợp tác còn chậm, phụ thuộc nhiều vào các đối tác nước ngoài; bố trí vốn cho giải phóng mặt bằng…" Ông Phạm Minh Chính giao cho bộ Công Thương và bộ Ngoại Giao trong tháng 1/2026 phải kết thúc đàm phán với phía Nga về hợp tác đầu tư xây dựng nhà máy điện hạt nhân Ninh Thuận 1. Đồng thời thủ tướng Việt Nam thúc giục tập đoàn Petrovietnam, bộ Công Thương, Bộ Ngoại Giao đề xuất lựa chọn thay thế Nhật Bản một đối tác mới "có công nghệ nguồn tiên tiến phù hợp với tình hình mới" để hợp tác đầu tư xây dựng nhà máy điện hạt nhân Ninh Thuận 2. Nhưng có vẻ như Việt Nam không có lựa chọn nào khác ngoài việc phát triển các lò phản ứng hạt nhân kiểu module. Theo Nghị quyết phát triển năng lượng quốc gia giai đoạn 2026 - 2030, được Quốc Hội Việt Nam thông qua, có hiệu lực từ ngày 1.3.2026, chính phủ được giao ban hành cơ chế đầu tư phát triển điện hạt nhân (ĐHN) module nhỏ (SMR) "theo từng thời kỳ, căn cứ nhu cầu và tình hình thương mại hóa công nghệ và đảm bảo an ninh, an toàn hạt nhân".

Last time we spoke about the second Russian Counter Offensive over the Heights. Night operations opened the action: scouts moved in darkness, wires were cut, and Hill 52 fell before dawn, followed by Shachaofeng as dawn pressed the front. The Russians responded with a heavy counterattack, tanks, aircraft, and sustained artillery, yet the Japanese adapted quickly, shifting guns and reinforcing sectors to hold the crest. By 3–5 August, Japanese and Soviet forces fought in a fragmented front across multiple sectors: Hill 52, Changkufeng, Shachaofeng, the lake. Japanese commanders coordinated between infantry, engineers, and mountain artillery, while seeking long-range support from Kwantung Army. Soviet artillery sought to disrupt lines of communication and press from the Crestline with massed tanks and air strikes. Despite intense bombardments and repeated tank assaults, Japanese regimental guns, antitank teams, and close-quarters defense bore the brunt of the defense, inflicting heavy Soviet losses. Yet in the end the Japanese had yet again repelled the enemy from the heights.   #183 The end was near for Changkufeng Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. While the front-line fighting raged on 6 August, Tokyo moved to supply the 19th Division with the coveted long-range artillery and antiaircraft support. In the evening, the Korea Army officially learned from the AGS that, by Imperial order, the Kwantung Army would add the strength already informally approved: four 7.5-centimeter field guns, two 15-centimeter cannons, two 10-centimeter railway guns, and two 7.5-centimeter antiaircraft guns. The North China Area Army would also provide mobile antiaircraft units. The Korea Army estimated that the field and heavy artillery reinforcements would reach the town of Tumen on 7–8 August. The new guns were expected to ease the division's pressure in due course. The fighting continued on the 7th. The 75th Infantry observed that, despite the Russians' vigorous attacks aimed at capturing Hill 52 and Changkufeng on 6 August, they failed at both objectives and were repelled with heavy losses. Because of the Soviets' ignominious defeat at Changkufeng, they seemed determined to seize Hill 52 on 7 August. Most of the shallow and isolated Japanese positions at Hill 52 had been shattered by bombardments. Some men retrieved Japanese corpses still piled atop one another; the wounded were to proceed to the rear by themselves. Many had not eaten since the morning of 6 August, yet morale remained high. It was decided to knock out the Soviets' advancing tanks under the cover of darkness, employing infantry and engineers. At 03:00, these elements moved against the armor 150 meters behind the Russian wire, killed some advancing infantry, and destroyed two tanks. The infantry platoon leader, Warrant Officer Kanaoka, jumped aboard a tank, pried open the turret, and fought with his blade as blood dripped from the blade. The eastern sky brightened as he stood there smiling and holding his bloodied sword; at that moment, Private First Class Kimura exploded a grenade inside the tank, which promptly blew up. The assault force returned safely at dawn. At dawn, from heavy-weapon positions 200–300 meters in front, the Soviets opened fire, exploiting gaps between the smashed armor. Since 04:00, sixty Russian tanks had been moving south on the far side of Khasan. By daybreak, more than ten machines could be seen in the dip northeast of Hill 52, with several dozen other tanks newly active along Hill 29 Crestline as infantry deployed in gullies. At 05:30, Russian artillery began firing from all directions. In addition to shelling from Gaho, Hill 29, and Maanshan, the Soviets directed flank fire against Hill 52, using two rapid-fire guns 700 meters northeast and three mountain guns on the slope of Changkufeng. As the works at Hill 52 were progressively pulverized, K. Sato dispatched reinforcements from the 76th Regiment there. Near 11:00, the Russian barrage intensified and became more accurate; positions were destroyed one by one, and casualties rose. A new apex of fury occurred between 13:30 and 14:30, when a pall of smoke blanketed the region, producing a ghastly impression. Russian planes bombed and strafed Hill 52 from 11:00; a raid by twelve bombers against the western slope at 13:30 was particularly fierce, though many bombs fell harmlessly into the Tumen. The Russian lines were built up gradually, and all types of Soviet weapons were employed. From 14:30, about 100 Russians approached, led by four tanks, and penetrated the defense positions. Close-quarter counterattacks were launched by elements of three Japanese infantry companies, a machine-gun platoon, and an engineer platoon. One officer recalled "It was tough and costly fighting. Men were overrun by tanks, some losing limbs." Nine engineers linked up with the infantry, placing explosives under tank turrets and blowing up two machines. During the crisis, with tanks and infantry overrunning his lines. From the right wing, in the Eleventh Company sector, the Japanese fought fiercely against Soviet heavy weapons and infantry who had advanced to point-blank range. Master Sergeant Suzuki, acting company commander, on his own initiative ordered the main force to counterattack. Through coordinated action, the Japanese knocked out four tanks that had penetrated their positions. Two enemy battalions that had "come close bravely" were nearly wiped out. Total Soviet strength committed in this sector amounted to three battalions and forty tanks. Japanese losses on the Hill 52 front were heavy indeed: seventy-four had been killed and eighty-five wounded, one hundred fifty-nine out of three hundred twenty-eight men in action. The remnants of one infantry company were commanded by a superior private; sergeants led two other infantry and two machine-gun companies. Seven of thirteen heavy weapons were inoperable.  Meanwhile 9th Company elements defended Noguchi Hill, 800 meters southeast of Changkufeng. By 05:00 on 7 August, Soviet troops facing the hill numbered 200 infantry, five tanks, and two rapid-fire guns. From positions set up the previous night along the lake, the Russians opened fire at dawn while 50 soldiers moved to attack with the tanks in support. Captain Noguchi's men poured fire on the enemy and inflicted heavy losses. But the Russians, who possessed superior supporting fire, fought their way forward until, after 40 minutes, they got within 70 meters. The Soviet tanks disappeared into a dead angle near the lakeshore. When the fog lifted at 06:00, the Russians on the southeast slope of Changkufeng fired down at Noguchi Hill with four heavy machine guns. Seven tanks, advancing anew from the gully northeast of Hill 52, came as close as 80 to 200 meters, deployed to encircle, and opened fire. By now, eight Japanese had been killed and five wounded; most of the light machine guns and grenade dischargers had been crippled and all three heavy weapons were out of action. The Russians attacked again at 08:00, hurling grenades and shouting. A dozen tanks operated in support of two infantry companies. The Japanese responded with grenades; yellow and black smoke masked the heights, and the scene was extremely impressive. Desperate hand-to-hand combat raged along the sector for a half-hour until the Soviets fell back after suffering enormous losses.  At 10:40, the Russians assaulted with infantry from the southeast front and from the Changkufeng direction, aided by tanks from the zone between. Captain Noguchi sortied with his remnant, charged the Russians, and drove them off. In this fighting, however, he was shot in the chest and most of his subordinates were killed or wounded. Somehow the captain stayed on his feet. He and six survivors threw grenades at the Russians, who were now behind the Japanese, and then he led a last charge back to the highest positions. Once the enemy had been evicted, Captain Noguchi collapsed. Only three or four soldiers were in fighting condition. The captain begged them to report to Sato, but, refusing to abandon him, the men managed to help him down to the rear. It was 11:30. Captain Noguchi's unit, which had fought bravely since the first combat on 6 August, had been destroyed. Of 78 officers and men, 40 lay killed and another 31 wounded. The hill had been lost. Meanwhile, Soviet bombardment of the Hill 52 district had been heavy, and phone contact with the regiment was severed. Suddenly, the indomitable Captain Noguchi appeared at headquarters, and the regiment finally learned that the foe had penetrated the defenses. The bleeding captain pleaded for a counterattack and kept trying to return to the fight; K. Sato had to restrain him by ordering him to leave for the rear. It was true that the position Captain Noguchi had occupied was the key point connecting Hill 52 and Changkufeng. But Sato reasoned that if they held solidly to the latter hills, their defenses would never be in danger, and it would be easy to retake Noguchi Hill at any time by concentrating fire from all the high ground and by employing artillery, once strength could be spared. Around sunset, however, Sato received an order from the brigade, and a report came from Changkufeng that "our troops' brave fighting has tied us over the crisis." Reassured, Sato proceeded to Hill 52, cheered on Kojima and the soldiers, and examined the condition of the wounded and the heaped-up corpses.  The 75th Infantry estimated that there had been 900 Russian casualties in the right sector and that more than ten tanks and three heavy machine guns had been put out of action. The regiment itself had lost four officers killed and had four wounded. In the entire right sector which included 1,332 men in action, 140 had been killed and 180 wounded. Seven soldiers of the 75th Infantry were also listed as missing in action but presumed dead. Total casualties including the missing, as a percentage of those listed as engaged, amounted to 25 percent for the right sector unit. On the 7th, the unit had lost 19 machine guns and 11 grenade dischargers. As of 18:00 on 7 August, Japanese intelligence estimated that the Russians had committed a grand total of 25 infantry battalions, up six from 6 August, 80 artillery pieces, up 10, and 200 tanks . Situation maps showed one Soviet infantry battalion east of Changkufeng, another north of Hill 52, armor and infantry in unknown strength east of that hill, and artillery positions from northeast to southeast of Khasan. On the 7th, spotters also observed seven large steamers entering Posyet and Khansi, as well as one 10,000-ton vessel at Yangomudy. At least 200 or 300 enemy soldiers in the Karanchin sector were working to strengthen positions. Units moving south from Novokievsk included 350 trucks, 60 tanks, and 400 troops. Heading north from the region of the battlefield were 100 trucks and 150 horsemen. Meanwhile, on the front in eastern Manchuria, elements of the Kwantung Army's 8th Division had forcibly ousted a small party of Soviet border trespassers. The "punch" had gone out of the Russians in the Hill 52 sector after their thorough defeat on 6 and 7 August, but they continued to build up firepower, deploying heavy weapons and artillery observation posts. The bombardments grew more accurate; even regiment and brigade headquarters lost their last dead angles. By daylight on the 8th, two Soviet infantry battalions plus tanks were deployed on the Hill 52 front. Their main forces were distributed along a line 800 meters from the Japanese, and snipers and machine gunners held positions 200 to 300 meters away. "Each time they detected movement, they sniped at us and interfered with our observation." From 09:00, the Japanese sustained scattered artillery fire. At 13:30 there was a bombing raid by 15 planes, but no casualties were incurred. Soviet guns pounded Hill 52 around 18:30, and the Japanese suffered four or five casualties, but morale was generally high, and they sought to strengthen and repair their positions throughout the night. On the Changkufeng front, which had drawn rather serious attention, Russian heavy guns opened slow fire after 05:00 from east of Khasan and from Maanshan. Through the night of 7–8 August, Soviet infantry had assembled near the lake crossing. Russian troop strength increased beyond one-and-a-half battalions. The defenders ran out of grenades and had to resort to rocks, but by 10:00 the Soviet assault waves began to weaken after five hours of fierce resistance. Supporting the Japanese lines had been barrages by grenade launchers, flank fire by a heavy-machine-gun platoon at Chiangchunfeng, and supported by the mountain artillery. Around 10:30, the attackers fled to Khasan. The battlefield quieted, but enemy snipers dug foxholes 300 meters away and kept up persistent fire, and infantry mounted repeated attacks in varying strength.    Since morning, the mountain gun and the two battalion guns at Fangchuanting had engaged infantry and machine guns that appeared on the middle of the Changkufeng crest as well as in the Hill 52 area. The timely fire from these guns caused severe losses, especially to Russian observation posts. But Lieutenant Maeoka, who commanded the mountain platoon from Changkufeng, was wounded badly at 10:30. The mountain battalion also fired at targets in the Changkufeng sector from the Korean side of the Tumen. At 13:20, the Russians pressed new attacks against Changkufeng from three sides, using a total of two companies and three tanks. Although they got close and attacked persistently, they were driven off each time; these afternoon efforts were not very vigorous. Fighters strafed at low altitude and more than ten bombers attacked near 15:00, igniting fires in the village of Fangchuanting. The raids by planes and guns caused frequent cuts in signal lines again. At 06:50 on the 8th, Soviet forces in the left sector resumed their efforts until they were pinned down at 100 meters and had to dig in. Excepting spotter posts, everyone must enter shelters from warning till all-clear. Meanwhile, T. Sato estimated that although enemy attacks were aimed mainly against Changkufeng, there existed some danger that hostile forces would cross the Tumen near Yangkuanping and launch a sudden attack against our left rear, as actions in that area had become pronounced. He accordingly issued an order at 17:00: all of us, superiors as well as subordinates, must overcome exhaustion, make nighttime guardings rigorous, and leave the foe not the slightest opening between friendly battalions or from the shores of the Tumen River.  Suetaka estimated in the morning of the 8th that the Russians were trying to generate propaganda advantageous to them at home and abroad by staking their honor and seizing Changkufeng quickly. From the standpoint of overall political tactics, it was imperative to thwart their intentions. The enemy relied consistently on elements that remained on the Crestline southeast of Changkufeng and served as a base; they must be deprived of that attack base. If his assault plans were to be successful, the 37th Brigade would require reinforcement. The first battalion-size elements of Cho's infantry were arriving. As an initial step, Hanyu's battalion should cross the Tumen and join the brigade, while the main body of the regiment, due that afternoon, should be ready to enter the lines. The division chief of staff issued an order in the name of Suetaka, stipulating that the division would secure its positions while adhering to the great policy of nonexpansion. At 22:30 Morimoto speculated that the Russians were hoping for the good fortune of retaking Changkufeng. Strict guard measures were enjoined. Eventually, before midnight, Suetaka met Cho at Seikaku station. To implement Suetaka's request that the Russian foothold southeast of Changkufeng be wiped out soon, Morimoto decided in the morning to employ the new battalion from Cho's regiment. But since Hanyu's unit was delayed by enemy fire, Morimoto had to turn to the reserve 76th Regiment. At 16:00 Okido was told to prepare an attack, using one infantry battalion and an engineer squad. The mission was to take advantage of darkness to expel the foe remaining on Changkufeng, secure the heights in concert with the elements on the hill, and smash any serious attack at night. At 17:00 Okido issued his detailed order. Enemy elements were located near the cliff close to the northern top of Changkufeng. Apparently hostile bases existed in scattered fashion on the southern slopes as well, as well as a rather large base on the middle of Akahage "Red Bald" Hill, formerly held by Captain Noguchi's company. The regiment was to drive those forces north of Hill 52. The 3rd Battalion commander, Major Hashimoto Seishiro, was to direct both companies' assaults, and, once the foe had been ousted, secure the locations until dawn, after which he would return to the reserve unit.  On the 8th, at 19:30, Hashimoto proceeded with his battalion staff to the foot of Changkufeng and conferred with Major Sato and Captain Shimomura, the majors commanding the units with which he was to cooperate. The assault units moved out from Chiangchunfeng, but their timing was thrown off by a half-hour of artillery checking fire from northeast of the lake. At 20:50, Captain Iwai's 10th Company, supported by a machine-gun platoon, attacked the rock corner on the east side of Changkufeng. After cutting down Soviet sentries, the Japanese rushed in; 40–50 Russian soldiers retreated toward Akahage. On that hill there had been only 20–30 Soviet troops to begin with, but their strength had been built up to two companies plus tanks and infantry guns. The Russians laid down violent small-arms fire, causing 17 Japanese casualties in a short period, after which 30–40 enemy soldiers sought to counterattack. The Japanese drove back this effort, readied their own offensive, and continued to launch close assaults against the heavy-machine-gun nest at the rock corner. Simultaneously, Captain Shidara's 7th Company jumped off with five attached demolition engineers. The 1st Platoon broke through the entanglements and cut down lookouts while the 2nd Platoon proceeded to mop up footholds on the north side—about ten Russian soldiers who dotted the slope at four locations. In the process, the company ran into the positions Iwai had been attacking. Terrain and enemy fire dictated a detour south of the ridgeline. Shidara's men moved up behind Iwai on the right, joining Hashimoto's command. The battalion commander consolidated his lines and directed reconnaissance preparatory to an attack against Akahage. Hours passed; Okido, at the command post, decided it might be wiser to wait till daybreak and call for artillery support. Hashimoto then issued his own instructions from the eastern salient, cautioning his men to dig in well. Near 04:00 the redeployments were completed, but construction did not progress due to the rocky terrain; soldiers were barely able to scoop knee-high firing trenches by daybreak. Total Russian losses on the 8th were estimated to exceed 1,500. More than 100 tanks were claimed publicly, and it was "confirmed" that since the 1st, six planes had been shot down, two of which had fallen behind Japanese lines. In Tokyo, the war ministry and the Gaimusho denied categorically that the Russians had retaken Changkufeng. Soviet troops had attempted to rush positions 600 feet from the crest at 1400 hours; after two and a half hours of furious hand-to-hand fighting, they were beaten off with presumably heavy casualties on both sides. Soviet tanks were reported moving north from Posyet Bay, though it remained unclear whether this indicated withdrawal or strategic movement. Right sector casualties were relatively light on 8 August: eight killed and 41 wounded, the 75th Infantry suffering five and 38 of these respectively. Officer casualties were proportionately high: two wounded in the 75th Regiment, one in the 76th Regiment, and a fourth in the mountain artillery. Personnel rosters of the 75th Regiment, as of 30 July and 8 August, showed a reduction from 1,403 to 826, down 41 percent. The cumulative effect of Japanese losses and the scale of Soviet commitment troubled the Korea Army. Suetaka reported Japanese casualties as: through 2 August, 45 killed, 120 wounded; from 3-5 August, 25 killed, 60 wounded; since 6 August, killed unknown, 200 wounded. Remarkably, the same casualty totals were released publicly by the war ministry on the night of the 8th. Throughout 9 August at 15:20 the Japanese were hit by a very intense barrage from Hill 29. The mountain gun was damaged by shellfire and had to be moved to the foot of Fangchuanting. Tanaka had ordered his artillery to conduct long-range artillery neutralization and communications-cutoff fire, and short-range neutralization as well as checking fire. The accuracy of our artillery elements had improved, and the power of our guns had been enhanced greatly. On the left, from 05:30, T. Sato dispatched an antitank platoon, under cover of mist, to finish off immobilized Soviet tanks whose main armament was still operational and which had done some severe firing the day before. As the day wore on, spirits rose, for the men heard the roar of friendly 15-cm cannon laying down mighty neutralization fire against enemy artillery. Near 14:15, Russian troops were detected creeping forward in the woods 400 meters away on the right. Supporting mountain artillery wiped out this threat in short order. Suetaka decided to move his division headquarters to Seikaku and his combat command post to the Matsu'otsuho message center. Anxiety about the Wuchiatzu sector to the north had diminished greatly; in addition, the entire strength of the division had already been brought to the front. Lastly, dealings with the Seoul and Tokyo levels had by now become rather secondary in importance. Suetaka could discern the steady, disturbing exhaustion of his front-line troops. On the other hand, newly arrived Cho was raring to go. After receiving authorization from Suetaka, Cho allowed Nakajima's battalion to cross the river at Matsu'otsuho but kept Osuga's battalion on the Korean bank as division reserve. Since Tanaka had surmised that the Russians' intention was to direct their main offensive effort against the Japanese right wing, it seemed best to transfer the mountain guns to strengthen the right sector positions. The brigade order of 17:30 endorsed Tanaka's shift of defensive emphasis, particularly with regard to the artillery and the new elements from Cho's regiment. Morimoto added that the core of the Soviet assault force southeast of Changkufeng amounted to two infantry battalions. T. Sato accordingly ordered Obo's battalion to integrate its heavy firepower and deliver swift fire in timely fashion. Soon afterward, Obo discerned a massed battalion of Russian infantry, who had been hauled up by trucks, on the northeastern skirt of Changkufeng. He unleashed every available weapon, organic and attached, at 19:30. The Soviets seemed taken completely by surprise; they showed extreme bewilderment and dispersed in an instant. The right sector unit estimated that on 9 August it had caused 450 casualties, stopped five tanks, and knocked out one light artillery piece and seven heavy machine guns. Japanese casualties in the right sector had amounted to 28 killed and 43 wounded. Ammunition expenditures were considerably higher than on the 8th.  During the night of 9–10 August, the 74th Infantry reinforcements crossed the Tumen steadily. In the early hours, Okido concluded that Soviet attack designs had been frustrated for the time being. The Hill 52 front was relatively calm. Soviet automatic weapons and riflemen were still deployed 200 to 300 meters from Japanese positions, where they sniped selectively. Russian artillery was quiet, apparently as the result of the movement of the main Japanese artillery force to the right wing and the arrival of long-range guns. The 75th Regiment command post at Fangchuanting was the focal point of Japanese artillery activity. Firing began at 07:10, when four battalion guns engaged and smashed two Soviet mountain pieces.  As for Soviet ground assaults, one company attacked at Changkufeng as early as 05:20 under cover of fog but was driven off after 40 minutes. The Russians struck again from three directions in formidable strength between 09:00 and 10:00. Morimoto, growing concerned about the danger of irruptions through gaps between Changkufeng and Shachaofeng, sent elements of Nakajima's battalion to Chiangchunfeng. Since the right wing of the Russians atop Changkufeng was spilling onto the western slopes, at 10:30 Nakajima had his heavy machine guns and battalion guns lay down strong fire from the peak of Chiangchunfeng. Meanwhile, heavy weapons from the left sector were also contributing to the repulse of the morning assaults. A battalion of Soviet infantry attacked Changkufeng all afternoon. Fierce gunfire by the 75th Regiment at 14:00 routed troops massing on the slopes facing the red flag. Considerable losses were inflicted on 75 Russians sighted northeast of Hill 52. An enemy company on the Khasan shore and another two east of Akahage Hill were attempting to occupy positions from which to strike Fangchuanting with the support of two rapid-fire guns. By 17:00 the Russians had been repulsed by the energetic fire of Japanese small arms, battalion guns, and artillery. Soviet forces dispersed toward the lakeshore and Hill 52, leaving many corpses behind. The last important firing by Japanese battalion guns at Fangchuanting on the 10th was a mission against the eastern slopes of Changkufeng at 18:00. Thereafter, the battle zone grew still.  In the left sector, T. Sato concluded that, to secure Changkufeng, it would be best to reinforce flank fire instead of concentrating on the direct attack or defense of the Changkufeng district. He therefore made arrangements with Okido to borrow one machine-gun platoon and assign it to Obo. As of 05:30, enemy troops were still holding a line 300 meters from the positions of Obo's right battalion and 800 to 1,000 meters ahead of Takenouchi's left battalion. Shortly afterward, good news was received at the left sector command post: the last battalion of the 73rd Regiment was to have left Nanam at 16:00 on 9 August and would arrive in the near future. On the right wing of the left sector, the Russians facing Kadokura's company began to operate energetically from 09:00, advancing in two lines, 150 meters apart, with a total strength of one company: two platoons up, one platoon back. They were supported by forces on the high ground north of Khasan and on Akahage. Kadokura waited for the enemy to close to 200 meters before ordering his men to open fire; particularly effective was the flanking fire by the machine-gun company and by elements of Okuda's company. Many heavy artillery shells were hitting the Japanese lines now, but defensive fire pinned down the attacking infantry for a while, 100 meters from the breastworks. Then 30 or 40 Soviet soldiers, covered by firepower, worked forward as close as 30 meters, hurling grenades and giving every indication of mounting a charge. The Japanese responded with grenades. At the same time, the left-flank squad of Kadokura's company was being annihilated. Thus encouraged, Russian assault troops plunged close, whereupon Kadokura assembled his available men, a dozen or so, from the command teams and runners—and grappled with the foe at point-blank range. An ammunition man joined in the melee and broke up the Soviet assault by expert use of hand grenades. The second echelon gradually fell back around 10:30, in the face of heavy fire laid down by the machine guns and Okuda's company. The Russians appeared to be adjusting their deployment but made no further efforts to close. At Changkufeng, meanwhile, two or three enemy companies were approaching the crest. Left sector raiding fire caused the Russians to flee. Japanese casualties in the old right sector had been nine killed and 22 wounded on 10 August. It was estimated that Soviet casualties amounted to 600 killed or wounded, with five heavy machine guns knocked out. By this time, the Soviets had committed their maximum infantry and artillery strength: 27 battalions and 100 guns, the same as on 9 August but up 17 battalions and 60 units since 3 August. Higher headquarters reported no tanks at the front, though 75th Infantry situation maps indicated some Soviet armor still faced Hill 52 sector. Although Japanese officers insisted that Changkufeng Hill remained in Japanese possession, they acknowledged increased casualties due to the accuracy of Soviet shelling. Losses were not as severe as might have been expected because the enemy did not time their charges with their bombardments; Japanese troops lay in trenches and met the attackers with grenades. Every combat unit of the 19th Division had been committed. Nevertheless, the maimed and the fresh battalions had amounted to a combined maximum strength of only 12 infantry battalions and 37 artillery pieces, primarily 75-mm mountain guns, without armor or aircraft. These forces had to cope with 27 enemy infantry battalions and 100 artillery pieces, including many long-range guns, as well as sizable tank and aerial units. Every echelon, regiment, division, and army, had voiced the need for troop replacements and reinforcements.  By evening of 10 August, the situation had deteriorated to the point that the division chief of staff sent Seoul a very long and painful message that ended with: "There is danger of radical change in combat situation in few days if matters go on. It is estimated that this division has only one or two days left in which it can retain definite freedom of action,initiative to advance or retreat. Even if overall situation should develop to our advantage in next three or four days, we ought to be patient from broader standpoint, and be satisfied with our achievement, that Japanese Army has manifested its strength against enemy till now. While we do retain freedom of action, it would be appropriate to solve incident now through speedy diplomatic negotiations. Such measures are entirely up to Korea Army and high command but, so far as division is concerned, there is no other way except of course to make desperate efforts to maintain occupation line for sake of mission. Please take these matters into sympathetic consideration and conduct appropriate measures urgently". I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Night raids and artillery opened the fight, with Hill 52 and Changkufeng changing hands amid intense Soviet tank and air assaults. Japanese forces, aided by engineers, infantry, and mountain guns, mounted tenacious defense, repelling repeated Soviet breakthroughs though suffering heavy casualties. By August 10, Japanese divisions faced mounting exhaustion and warnings of potential strategic shifts, while both sides suffered substantial casualties and material losses.

W sylwestrową noc z 31 grudnia 2020 na 1 stycznia 2021 roku grupa młodych osób świętowała Nowy Rok w hotelu na Filipinach. Wśród nich była 23-letnia stewardesa Christine Dacera. Choć zabawa trwała do rana, to początek nowego roku miał okazać się tragiczny. 1 stycznia Christina została znaleziona w stanie krytycznym w pokoju hotelowym i tego samego dnia zmarła w szpitalu. Okoliczności jej śmierci miały być znacznie trudniejsze do ustalenia niżpoczątkowo zakładano.

‘Being born in America, feeling American, but having people treat me like I'm not.'Chi Chi Izundu speaks to Korean American actor Arden Cho, star of the hit Netflix film KPop Demon Hunters, about her life and career. Cho is the voice of Rumi, a leading character who must come to terms with her own identity as part-human, part-demon.It's a duality that resonated powerfully with her, as the daughter of Korean immigrants who struggled for acceptance, and faced racism while growing up in America.Now, Korean culture is increasingly popular worldwide, and she has become a leading role model for Asian American children, the kind she says she lacked when she was young.And despite KPop Demon Hunters being crowned as Netflix's most-watched film ever, Cho warns that Asian-led film projects are still seen as a risk. The Interview brings you conversations with people shaping our world, from all over the world. The best interviews from the BBC. You can listen on the BBC World Service on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays at 0800 GMT. Or you can listen to The Interview as a podcast, out three times a week on BBC Sounds or wherever you get your podcasts.Presenter: Chi Chi Izundu Producers: Lucy Sheppard, Clare Williamson and Rebecca Thorn Editor: Nick HollandGet in touch with us on email TheInterview@bbc.co.uk and use the hashtag #TheInterviewBBC on social media.(Image: Arden Cho. Credit: Jerod Harris/Getty Images)

W przedświątecznym odcinku Raportu o książkach spotykamy się z filozofem i pisarzem, dlatego rozpiętość lektur będzie bardzo szeroka: od Heraklita, przez Brunona Schulza, Bolesława Leśmiana, Denisa Johnsona, Platona… po Wita Szostaka.W centrum naszej rozmowy będzie jednak znakomity esej filozoficzny, który jest odbiciem spotkania filozofa z pisarzem. Pyta bowiem o związek myślenia z opowieścią. W tej historii metaforą myślenia jest morze, a metaforą opowieści – rzeka.„Dorzecza i dociekania” Dobrosława Kota to fascynująca lektura, w której rzeka nie jest tylko punktem wyjścia, ale też przedmiotem rozmyślań. Choć „przedmiot” to słowo niefortunne w odniesieniu do rzeki, bo rzeka – jak pisze filozof – to czasownik, a nie rzeczownik.Rzeki umykają językowi, a język broni się przed rzecznym żywiołem, tworząc metafory.Rzeka, która jest wiecznym ruchem i zmiennością, jest zresztą być może najlepszą metaforą literatury.Bo czy podobnie jak nie można dwa razy wejść do tej samej rzeki, tak samo nie można dwa razy przeczytać tej samej książki?To jedno z wielu pytań literacko-filozoficznych, które – mam nadzieję – porwą Państwa niczym nurt rzeki w ten świąteczno-noworoczny czas.Prowadzenie: Agata KasprolewiczGoście: Dobrosław Kot/Wit SzostakKsiążka: „Dorzecza i dociekania” – Dobrosław Kot; Wydawnictwo słowo/obraz terytoria---------------------------------------------Raport o stanie świata to audycja, która istnieje dzięki naszym Patronom, dołącz się do zbiórki ➡️ ⁠https://patronite.pl/DariuszRosiak⁠Subskrybuj newsletter Raportu o stanie świata ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠➡️ ⁠https://dariuszrosiak.substack.com⁠Koszulki i kubki Raportu ➡️ ⁠https://patronite-sklep.pl/kolekcja/raport-o-stanie-swiata/⁠ [Autopromocja]

Politics of Tranquility: The Material and Mundane Lives of Buddhist Nuns in Post-Mao Tibet (Cornell University Press, 2025) concerns the Tibetan Buddhist revival in China, illustrating the lives of Tibetan Buddhist nuns and exploring the political effects that arise from their nonpolitical daily engagements in the remote, mega-sized Tibetan Buddhist encampment of Yachen Gar. Yasmin Cho's book challenges two assumptions about Tibetan Buddhist communities in China. First, against the assumption that a Buddhist monastic community is best understood in terms of its esoteric qualities, Cho focuses on the material and mundane daily practices that are indispensable to the existence and persistence of such a community and shows how deeply gendered these practices are. Second, against the assumption that Tibetan politics toward the Chinese state is best understood as rebellious, incendiary, and centered upon Tibetan victimhood, the nuns demonstrate how it can be otherwise. Tibetan politics can be unassuming, calm, and self-contained and yet still have substantial political effects. As Politics of Tranquility shows, the nuns in Yachen Gar have called forth an alternative way of living and expressing themselves as Tibetans and as female monastics despite a repressive context. ------------------ Jing Li teaches Chinese language, literature, and cinema. Her research focuses on rural China, independent filmmaking, and digital media cultures. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/east-asian-studies

Last time we spoke about the beginning of the battle of lake Khasan. On a frost-bitten dawn by the Chaun and Tumen, two empires, Soviet and Japanese, stared at Changkufeng, each certain the ridge would decide their fate. Diplomats urged restraint, but Tokyo's generals plotted a bold gamble: seize the hill with a surprise strike and bargain afterward. In the Japanese camp, a flurry of trains, orders, and plans moved in the night. Officers like Sato and Suetaka debated danger and responsibility, balancing "dokudan senko", independent action with disciplined restraint. As rain hammered the earth, they contemplated a night assault: cross the Tumen, occupy Hill 52, and strike Changkufeng with coordinated dawn and night attacks. Engineers, artillery, and infantry rehearsed their movements in near-poetic precision, while the 19th Engineers stitched crossings and bridges into a fragile path forward. Across the river, Soviet scouts and border guards held their nerve, counting enemy shadows and watching for a break in the line. The clash at Shachaofeng became a lightning rod: a small force crossed into Manchurian soil in the restless dark, provoking a broader crisis just as diplomacy teetered.   #179 From Darkness to Crest: The Changkufeng Battle Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. As remarked in the 19th division's war journal "With sunset on the 30th, the numbers of enemy soldiers increased steadily. Many motor vehicles, and even tanks, appear to have moved up. The whole front has become tense. Hostile patrols came across the border frequently, even in front of Chiangchunfeng. Tank-supported infantry units were apparently performing offensive deployment on the high ground south of Shachaofeng." Situation maps from the evening indicated Soviet patrol activity approaching the staging area of Nakano's unit near the Tumen, moving toward Noguchi's company to the left of Chiangchunfeng, and advancing toward Matsunobe's unit southwest of Shachaofeng. Russian vessels were depicted ferrying across Khasan, directly behind Changkufeng, while tanks moved south from Shachaofeng along the western shores of the lake. The 19th division's war journal states "Then it was ascertained that these attack forces had gone into action. All of our own units quietly commenced counteraction from late that night, as scheduled, after having systematically completed preparations since nightfall." Meanwhile, to the north, the Hunchun garrison reinforced the border with a battalion and tightened security. All evidence supported the view that Suetaka "in concept" and Sato"(in tactics" played the main part in the night-attack planning and decisions. Sato was the only infantry regimental commander at the front on 30 July. One division staff officer went so far as to say that Suetaka alone exerted the major influence, that Sato merely worked out details, including the type of attack and the timing. Intertwined with the decision to attack Changkufeng was the choice of an infantry regiment. The 76th Regiment was responsible for the defense of the sector through its Border Garrison Unit; but the latter had no more than two companies to guard a 40-mile border extending almost to Hunchun, and Okido's regimental headquarters was 75 miles to the rear at Nanam. T. Sato's 73rd Regiment was also at Nanam, while Cho's 74th Regiment was stationed another 175 miles southwest at Hamhung. Thus, the regiment nearest to Changkufeng was K. Sato's 75th, 50 miles away at Hoeryong. Although Suetaka had had time to shuffle units if he desired, Sasai suggested that troop movements from Nanam could not be concealed; from Hoeryong they might be termed maneuvers. Suetaka undoubtedly had favorites in terms of units as well as chiefs. K. Sato had served longest as regimental commander, since October 1937; Okido's date of rank preceded K. Sato's, but Okido had not taken command until 1938. He and Cho were able enough, but they were unknown quantities; T. Sato and Cho were brand-new colonels.  Thus, K. Sato was best known to Suetaka and was familiar with the terrain. While he did not regard his regiment as the equal of units in the Kwantung Army or in the homeland, K. Sato's training program was progressing well and his men were rugged natives of Nagano and Tochigi prefectures. From the combat soldier's standpoint, the Changkufeng Incident was waged between picked regulars on both sides. The matter of quantitative regimental strength could have played no part in Suetaka's choice. The 74th, 75th, and 76th regiments each possessed 1,500 men; the 73rd, 1,200. Even in ordinary times, every unit conducted night-attack training, attended by Suetaka, but there was nothing special in July, even after the general inspected the 75th Regiment on the 11th. It had been said that the most efficient battalions were selected for the action. Although, of course, Sato claimed that all of his battalions were good, from the outset he bore the 1st Battalion in mind for the night attack and had it reconnoiter the Changkufeng area. Some discerned no special reasons; it was probably a matter of numerical sequence, 1st-2nd-3rd Battalions. Others called the choice a happy coincidence because of the 1st Battalion's 'splendid unity' and the aggressive training conducted by Major Ichimoto, who had reluctantly departed recently for regimental headquarters. Coming from the 75th Regiment headquarters to take over the 1st Battalion was the 40-year-old aide Major Nakano. By all accounts, he was quiet, serious, and hard-working, a man of noble character, gentle and sincere. More the administrative than commander type, Nakano lacked experience in commanding battalions and never had sufficient time to get to know his new unit (or they, him) before the night assault. He could hardly be expected to have stressed anything particular in training. Since there was no battalion-level training, the most valid unit of comparison in the regiment was the company, the smallest infantry component trained and equipped to conduct combat missions independently. Sato valued combat experience among subordinates; Nakano's 1st Battalion was considered a veteran force by virtue of its old-timer company commanders. All but one had come up through the ranks; the exception, young Lieutenant Nakajima, the darling of Sato, was a military academy graduate. For assault actions synchronized with those of the 1st Battalion, Sato selected Ito, the one line captain commanding the 6th Company of the 2nd Battalion, and Takeshita, 10th Company commander, one of the two line captains of the 3rd Battalion. In short, Sato had designated five veteran captains and a promising lieutenant to conduct the night-attack operations of 30-31 July, the first Japanese experience of battle against the modern Red Army. During the last two weeks of July, numerous spurious farmers had gambled along the lower reaches of the Tumen, reconnoitered the terrain, and prepared for a crossing and assault. Scouts had operated on both the Manchurian and Korean sides of the river. Major Nakano had conducted frequent personal reconnaissance and had dispatched platoon and patrol leaders, all heavy-weapons observation teams, and even the battalion doctor to Sozan Hill, to Chiangchunfeng, and close to enemy positions. In Korean garb and often leading oxen, the scouts had threaded their way through the Changkufeng sector, sometimes holing up for the night to observe Soviet movements, soil and topography, and levels of illumination. From this data, Nakano had prepared reference materials necessary for an assault. Hirahara, then located at Kucheng BGU Headquarters, had established three observation posts on high ground to the rear. After Chiangchunfeng had been occupied, Hirahara had set up security positions and routes there. Regarding Changkufeng, he had sought to ensure that even the lowest private studied the layout. Formation commanders such as Takeshita had volunteered frequently. Sato had also utilized engineers. Since the order to leave his station on 17 July, Lieutenant Colonel Kobayashi had had his regiment engage in scouting routes, bridges, and potential fords. Sato's 1st Company commander had prepared a sketch during 3% hours of reconnaissance across from Hill 52 during the afternoon of 18 July. Captain Yamada's intelligence had contributed to the tactical decisions and to knowledge of Russian strength and preparations. The most important information had been his evaluation of attack approaches, suggesting an offensive from the western side, preferably against the right flank or frontally. This concept had been the one applied by the regiment in its night assault two weeks later; Yamada had died on the green slopes he had scanned. Cloudy Saturday, 30 July, had drawn to a close. The moment had been at hand for the 75th Regiment to storm the Russians atop Changkufeng. Setting out from Fangchuanting at 22:30, Nakano's battalion, about 350 strong, had assembled at a fork one kilometer southwest of Changkufeng. The roads had been knee-deep in mud due to intermittent rain and downpours on 29–30 July. Now the rain had subsided, but clouds had blotted out the sky after the waning moon had set at 22:30. Led by Sakata's 1st Platoon leader, the men had marched silently toward the southern foot of Changkufeng; the murk had deepened and the soldiers could see no more than ten meters ahead. It had taken Sakata's men less than an hour to push forward the last 1,000 meters to the jump-off point, where they had waited another two hours before X-hour arrived. Scouts had advanced toward the first row of wire, 200–300 meters away. Platoon Leader Amagasa had infiltrated the positions alone and had reconnoitered the southeastern side of the heights. Sakata had heard from the patrols about the entanglements and their distance and makeup. While awaiting paths to be cut by engineer teams, the infantry had moved up as far as possible, 150 meters from the enemy, by 23:30. Although records described Changkufeng as quite steep, it had not been hard to climb until the main Russian positions were reached, even though there were cliffs. But as the craggy peak had been neared, the enemy defenses, which had taken advantage of rocks and dips, could not have been rushed in a bound. It had been 500 meters to the crest from the gently sloping base. The incline near the top had been steep at about 40 degrees and studded with boulders. Farther down were more soil and gravel. Grass had carpeted the foot. Japanese Army radio communications had been in their infancy; wire as well as runners had served as the main means of linking regimental headquarters with the front-line infantry, crossing-point engineers, and supporting guns across the Tumen in Korea. From Chiangchunfeng to the 1st Battalion, lines had been installed from the morning of 29 July. Combat communications had been operated by the small regimental signal unit, 27 officers and men. In general, signal traffic had been smooth and reception was good. Engineer support had been rendered by one platoon, primarily to assist with wire-cutting operations. Nakano had ordered his 1st Company to complete clearing the wire by 02:00. At 23:30 the cutters had begun their work on the right with three teams under 1st Lieutenant Inagaki. Since the proposed breach had been far from the enemy positions and there were no outposts nearby, Inagaki had pressed the work of forced clearing. The first entanglements had been breached fairly quickly, then the second. At about midnight, a dim light had etched the darkness, signaling success. There had been two gaps on the right. On the left side, Sakata's company had hoped to pierce the barbed wire in secrecy rather than by forced clearing. Only one broad belt of entanglements, actually the first and third lines, had been reconnoitered along the south and southeastern slopes. Sakata had assigned one team of infantry, with a covering squad led by Master Sergeant Amagasa, to the engineer unit under 2nd Lieutenant Nagayama. Covert clearing of a pair of gaps had begun. The Russian stakes had been a meter apart and the teams cut at the center of each section, making breaches wide enough for a soldier to wriggle through. To the rear, the infantry had crouched expectantly, while from the direction of Khasan the rumble of Soviet armor could be heard. At 00:10, when the first line of wire had been penetrated and the cutters were moving forward, the silence had been broken by the furious barking of Russian sentry dogs, and pale blue flares had burst over the slopes. As recalled by an engineer "It had been as bright as day. If only fog would cover us or it would start to rain!" At the unanticipated second line, the advancing clearing elements had drawn gunfire and grenades. But the Russians had been taken by surprise, Sakata said, and their machine guns had been firing high. Two engineers had been wounded; the security patrol on the left flank may have drawn the fire. Sakata had crawled up to Lieutenant Nagayama's cutting teams. One party had been hiding behind a rock, with a man sticking out his hand, grasping for the stake and feeling for electrified wire. Another soldier lay nearby, ready to snip the wire. The enemy had seemed to have discerned the Japanese, for the lieutenant could hear low voices. Although the cutters had been told to continue clearing in secrecy, they had by now encountered a line of low barbed wire and the work had not progressed as expected. Forced clearing had begun, which meant that the men had to stand or kneel, ignoring hostile fire and devoting primary consideration to speed. The infantrymen, unable to delay, had crawled through the wire as soon as the cutters tore a gap. Ten meters behind the small breaches, as well as in front of the Soviet positions, the Japanese had been troubled by fine low strands. They had resembled piano-wire traps, a foot or so off the ground. The wires had been invisible in the grass at night. As one soldier recalled "You couldn't disengage easily. When you tried to get out, you'd be sniped at. The wires themselves could cut a bit, too." Sakata had kept up with the clearing teams and urged them on. On his own initiative, Amagasa had his men break the first and third lines of wire by 01:50. Meanwhile, at 01:20, Nakano had phoned Sato, reporting that his forces had broken through the lines with little resistance, and had recommended that the attack be launched earlier than 2:00. Perhaps the premature alerting of the Russians had entered into Nakano's considerations. Sato had explained matters carefully, that is, rejected the suggestion, saying Changkufeng must not be taken too early, lest the enemy at Shachaofeng be alerted. The entire battalion, redeployed, had been massed for the charge up the slope. In an interval of good visibility, the troops could see as far as 40 meters ahead. A little before 02:00, Nakano had sent runners to deliver the order to advance. When the final obstructions had been cut, Nagayama had flashed a light. Then a white flag had moved in the darkness and the infantry had moved forward. Sakata's company, heading directly for Changkufeng crest, had less ground to traverse than Yamada's, and the point through which they penetrated the wire had been at the fork, where there appeared to have been only two lines to cut. The soldiers had crawled on their knees and one hand and had taken cover as soon as they got through. It had been 02:15 when the battalion traversed the barbed wire and began the offensive. The Japanese Army manual had stated that unaimed fire was seldom effective at night and that it had been imperative to avoid confusion resulting from wild shooting. At Changkufeng, the use of firearms had been forbidden by regimental order. Until the troops had penetrated the wire, bayonets had not been fixed because of the danger to friendly forces. Once through the entanglements, the men had attached bayonets, but, although their rifles had been loaded, they still had not been allowed to fire. The men had been traveling light. Instead of the 65 pounds the individual rifleman might ordinarily carry, knapsack, weapons and ammunition, tools, supplies, and clothing, each helmeted soldier had only 60 cartridges, none on his back, a haversack containing two grenades, a canteen, and a gas mask. To prevent noise, the regulations had prescribed wrapping metal parts of bayonets, canteens, sabers, mess kits, shovels, picks, and hobnails with cloth or straw. The wooden and metal parts of the shovel had been separated, the canteen filled, ammunition pouches stuffed with paper, and the bayonet sheath wrapped with cloth. Instead of boots, the men had worn web-toed, rubbersoled ground socks to muffle sound. Although their footgear had been bound with straw ropes, the soldiers occasionally had slipped in the wet grass. Considerations of security had forbidden relief of tension by talking, coughing, or smoking. Company commanders and platoon leaders had carried small white flags for hand signaling. In Sakata's company, the platoons had been distinguished by white patches of cloth hung over the gas masks on the men's backs, triangular pieces for the 1st Platoon, square for the second. Squad leaders had worn white headbands under their helmets. The company commanders had strapped on a white cross-belt; the platoon leaders, a single band. Officer casualties had proven particularly severe because the identification belts had been too conspicuous; even when the officers had lay flat, Soviet illuminating shells had made their bodies visible. On the left, the 2nd Company, 70–80 strong, had moved up with platoons abreast and scouts ahead. About 10 meters had separated the individual platoons advancing in four files; in the center were Sakata and his command team. The same setup had been used for Yamada's company and his two infantry platoons on the right. To the center and rear of the lead companies were battalion headquarters, a platoon of Nakajima's 3rd Company, and the Kitahara Machine-Gun Company, 20 meters from Nakano. The machine-gun company had differed from the infantry companies in that it had three platoons of two squads each. The machine-gun platoons had gone through the center breach in the entanglements with the battalion commander. Thereafter, they had bunched up, shoulder to shoulder and with the machine guns close to each other. Kitahara had led, two platoons forward, one back. The night had been so dark that the individual soldiers had hardly been able to tell who had been leading and who had been on the flanks. The 2nd Company had consolidated after getting through the last entanglements and had walked straight for Changkufeng crest. From positions above the Japanese, Soviet machine guns covering the wire had blazed away at a range of 50 meters. Tracers had ripped the night, but the Russians' aim had seemed high. Soviet illuminating shells, by revealing the location of dead angles among the rocks, had facilitated the Japanese approach. Fifty meters past the barbed wire, Sakata had run into the second Soviet position. From behind a big rock, four or five soldiers had been throwing masher grenades. Sakata and his command team had dashed to the rear and cut down the Russians. The captain had sabered one soldier who had been about to throw a grenade. Then Master Sergeant Onuki and the others had rushed up and overran the Russian defenses. The Japanese had not yet fired or sustained casualties. There had been no machine guns in the first position Sakata had jumped into; the trenches had been two feet deep and masked by rocks. To the right, a tent could be seen. Blind enemy firing had reached a crescendo around 02:30. The Russians had resisted with rifles, light and heavy machine guns, hand grenades, rifle grenades, flares, rapid-fire guns, and a tank cannon. "The hill had shaken, but our assault unit had advanced, disregarding the heavy resistance and relying only on the bayonet." The battalion commander, Major Nakano, had been the first officer to be hit. Moving to the left of Sakata's right-hand platoon, he had rushed up, brandishing his sword, amid ear-splitting fire and day-like flashes. He had felled an enemy soldier and then another who had been about to get him from behind. But a grenade had exploded and he had dropped, with his right arm hanging grotesquely and many fragments embedded in his chest and left arm. After regaining consciousness, Nakano had yelled at soldiers rushing to help him: "You fools! Charge on! Never mind me." Staggering to his feet, he had leaned on his sword with his left hand and pushed up the slope after the assault waves, while "everybody had been dashing around like mad." Sakata had encountered progressive defenses and more severe fire. The main body of the company had lost contact with other elements after getting through the entanglements. Sakata had thought that he had already occupied an edge of Changkufeng, but about 30 meters ahead stood a sharp-faced boulder, two or three meters high, from which enormous numbers of grenades had been lobbed. The Japanese, still walking, had come across another Soviet position, manned by four or five grenadiers. Sword in hand, Sakata had led Sergeant Onuki and his command team in a rush : "The enemy was about to take off as we jumped them. One Russian jabbed the muzzle of his rifle into my stomach at the moment I had my sword raised overhead. He pulled the trigger but the rifle did not go off. I cut him down before he could get me. The others ran away, but behind them they left grenades with pins pulled. Many of my men fell here and I was hit in the thighs".  Onuki had felled two or three Russians behind Sakata, then disposed of an enemy who had been aiming at Sakata from the side. It had been around 03:00. On the right, the 1st Company had made relatively faster progress along the western slopes after having breached two widely separated belts of barbed wire. Once through the second wire, the troops had found a third line, 150 meters behind, and enemy machine guns had opened fire. Thereupon, a left-platoon private first class had taken a "do or die" forced clearing team, rushed 15 meters ahead of the infantry, and tore a path for the unit. At 03:00, Yamada had taken his men in a dash far up the right foot of the hill, overran the unexpected position, and captured two rapid-fire guns. The company's casualties had been mounting. Yamada had been hit in the chest but had continued to cheer his troops on. At 03:30, he had led a rush against the main objective, tents up the hill, behind the antitank guns. Yamada had cut down several bewildered soldiers in the tents, but had been shot again in the chest, gasping "Tenno Heika Banzai!" "Long Live the Emperor!", and had fallen dead. His citation had noted that he had "disrupted the enemy's rear after capturing the forwardmost positions and thus furnished the key to the ultimate rout of the whole enemy line." Sergeant Shioda, though wounded badly, and several of the men had picked up their commander's body and moved over to join Lieutenant Inagaki. On the left, Kadowaki had charged into the tents with his platoon and had played his part in interfering with the Russian rear. After this rush, the unit had been pinned down by fire from machine-gun emplacements, and Kadowaki had been wounded seriously. His platoon had veered left while watching for an opportunity to charge. Eventual contact had been made with Sakata's company.   The assault on the right flank had been failing. With the death of Yamada, command of the company had been assumed temporarily by Inagaki. He and his right-flank platoon had managed to smash their way through the entanglements; Inagaki had sought to rush forward, sword in hand. Furious firing by Soviet machine guns, coupled with hand grenades, had checked the charge. Losses had mounted. Still another effort had bogged down in the face of enemy reinforcements, supported not only by covered but by tank-mounted machine guns. Russian tanks and trucks had appeared to be operating behind Changkufeng. Sergeant Shioda had been trying to keep the attack moving. Again and again, he had pushed toward the Soviet position with five of his surviving men, to no avail. The left-flank platoon had sought to evade the fierce fire by taking advantage of rock cover and hurling grenades. Finally, a private first class had lobbed in a grenade, rushed the machine gun, and silenced the weapon. By now, precious time and lives had been lost. Either instinctively or by order, the 1st Company had been shifting to the left, away from the core of the enemy fire-net. Inagaki had decided to veer left in a wide arc to outflank Changkufeng from the same side where the 2nd Company and most of the battalion were at-tacking. There would be no further attempts to plunge between the lake and the heights or to head for the crest from the rear. Military maps had indicated tersely that remnants of the 1st Company had displaced to the 2nd Company area at 04:00, sometime after the last charge on the right by Yamada. On the left front, in the sector facing the main defenses on Changkufeng crest, Sakata had fallen after being hit by a grenade. A machine gunner had improvised a sling. "I had lost a lot of blood," Sakata had said, "and there were no medics. Onuki, my command team chief who had been acting platoon leader, had been killed around here. I had ordered Warrant Officer Kuriyama to take the company and push on until I could catch up." As Sakata lay on the ground, he had seen the battalion commander and the Nakajima company move past him in the darkness. Nakano had said not a word; Sakata had not known the major had been maimed. "I still hadn't felt intense pain," Sakata had recalled. "I had rested after the first bad feelings. In about 15 minutes I had felt well enough to move up the hill and resume command of my company." With both Nakano and Sakata wounded, individual officers or noncoms had kept the assault moving. The 1st Platoon leader, Kuriyama, had been securing the first position after overrunning it but had become worried about the main force. On his own initiative, he had brought his men up the hill to join the rest of the company, while the battalion aide, 2nd Lieutenant Nishimura, had made arrangements to deploy the heavy machine guns and reserve infantry in support. Before 4 A.M., these troops under Kitahara and Nakajima had caught up with the remnants of the 2nd Company, which had pressed beyond the third position to points near the Soviet Crestline.   By the time Sakata had regained his feet and moved toward the peak, somewhere between 03:30 and 04:00, the Japanese had been pinned down. Most of the losses had been incurred at this point. "Iron fragments, rock, sand, blood, and flesh had been flying around," Akaishizawa had written. Grenades had caused the preponderance of wounds after the men had penetrated the barbed wire. Deaths had been inflicted mainly by the Soviet "hurricane" of small arms and machine-gun fire and by ricochets ripping from man to man. Six Russian heavy weapons had kept up a relentless fire from three emplacements, and milk-bottle-shaped grenades had continued to thud down on the Japanese. The grenades had hindered the advance greatly. Mainly at the crest, but at every firing position as well, the Russians had used rifle grenades, primarily to eliminate dead angles in front of positions. There had been low piano wire between firing points, and yellow explosive had been planted amidst rock outcroppings and in front of the emplacements. "The Russians had relied exclusively on fire power; there had been no instance of a brave enemy charge employing cold steel." Only 20 meters from the entrenchments atop Changkufeng, Kitahara had been striving to regain the initiative and to hearten the scattered, reeling troops. One Japanese Army motto had concerned the mental attitude of commanders: "When surprised by the enemy, pause for a smoke." Kitahara had stood behind a rock, without a helmet, puffing calmly on a cigarette—a sight which had cheered the men. Sakata could not forget the scene. "It really happened," he had said, respectfully. As soon as Sakata had reached the forward lines, he had joined Kitahara (the senior officer and de facto battalion commander till then) and three enlisted men. All had been pinned behind the large boulder, the only possible cover, which had jutted in front of the Soviet crestline positions. Fire and flame had drenched the slopes, grenades from the peak, machine guns from the flank. The eastern skies had been brightening and faces could be discerned. Troubled by the stalemate yet not feeling failure, Sakata had said nothing about his own wounds but had told Kitahara he would lead his 2nd Company in a last charge up the left side of Changkufeng if only the machine gun company could do something about the enemy fire, especially some Soviet tanks which had been shooting from the right. "The enemy must have learned by now," the regimental records had observed, "that our forces were scanty, for the Soviets exposed the upper portions of their bodies over the breastworks, sniped incessantly, and lobbed illuminating shells at us." Agreeing with Sakata that the "blind" Japanese would have to take some kind of countermeasure to allow his two available heavy machine guns to go into concerted action, Kitahara had ordered illuminating rounds fired by the grenade dischargers. He had clambered atop the boulder and squatted there amidst the furious crossfire to spot for his guns, still only 20 meters from the Russian lines. Perhaps it had been the golden spark of Kitahara's cigarette, perhaps it had been the luminescence of his cross-bands, but hardly a moment later, at 04:03 am, a sniper's bullet had caught the captain between the eyes and he had toppled to his death. Nakajima had wanted to support Sakata's stricken company as well. The lieutenant had seen the advantage of outflanking the emplacements from the far left of Changkufeng where the fire of two Soviet heavy machine guns had been particularly devastating. Nakajima had swung his reserve unit around the crest to the southwest side, pressed forward through deadly grenade attacks, and had managed to reach a point ten meters from the Russian positions. Perched on the cliff's edge, he had prepared to continue: "Nakajima, who had been calming his men and looking for a chance to advance, leaped up and shouted, "Right now! Charge!" Sword in hand, he led his forces to the front on the left and edged up against the crest emplacements. But the enemy did not recoil; grenades and machine gun fusillades burst from above on all sides. Men fell, one after another. [During this final phase, a platoon leader and most of the key noncoms were killed.] A runner standing near Nakajima was hit in the head by a grenade and collapsed. Nakajima picked up the soldier's rifle, took cover behind a boulder, and tried to draw a bead on a Russian sniper whom he could see dimly 20 meters away through the lifting mist. But a bullet hit him in the left temple and he pitched forward, weakly calling, "Long Live the Emperor!" A PFC held the lieutenant up and pleaded with him to hang on, but the company commander's breath grew fainter and his end was at hand. The time was 4:10 am". Nakajima's orderly said of the event "Lieutenant Nakajima charged against the highest key point on Changkufeng, leading the reserve unit, and ensured the seizure of the hill. The lieutenant was wearing the boots which I had always kept polished but which he had never worn till this day." Akaishizawa added that Nakajima had purified himself in the waters of the Tumen before entering combat, in traditional fashion. Lieutenant Yanagihara had penned a tribute to his young fellow officer, the resolute samurai "Lt. Nakajima must have been expecting a day like today. He was wearing brand-new white underclothes and had wrapped his body with white cloth and the thousand-stitch stomach band which his mother had made for him. .. . Was not the lieutenant's end the same as we find in an old tanka verse? "Should you ask what is the Yamato spirit, the soul of Japan: It is wild cherry blossoms glowing in the rising sun."  On this main attack front, Soviet heavy machine guns and tanks had continued to deliver withering fire against the Japanese remnants, while Russian snipers and grenadiers had taken an increasing toll. Shortly after 04:00, enemy reinforcements had appeared at the northeast edge. Of the company commanders, only Sakata had still been alive; the other three officers had died between 03:30 and 04:30. A machine gunner who had been pinned down near the crest had commented: "It must have been worse than Hill 203" (of bloody Russo-Japanese War fame). Between a half and two-thirds of each company had been dead or wounded by then. Sakata had still been thinking of ways to rush the main positions. After Kitahara had been shot down, he had moved around to investigate. A colleague had added: "The agony of the captain's wounds had been increasing. He rested several times to appease the pain while watching intently for some chance to charge once more." Now, Sakata had been wounded again by grenade fragments tearing into the right side of his face. "It hadn't been serious," Sakata had insisted. As he had limped about, he could see his platoon leader, Kuriyama, sniping at a Russian grenadier.   Much would depend on the effectiveness of supporting firepower. With the death of Kitahara, control of the machine-gun company had been assumed by Master Sergeant Harayama. There had been almost no time to coordinate matters before Kitahara had fallen, but Harayama as well as Sakata had known that the infantry could not break loose until the Soviet heavy weapons had been suppressed. Working with another sergeant, Harayama had ordered his gunners to displace forward and rush the positions 20 meters away. The one heavy machine gun set up for action had been the first to fire for the Japanese side at Changkufeng, after its crew had manhandled it the last few meters to the first Soviet trench below the crest. The trench had been empty. Thereupon, the gunner had opened up against tents which could be seen 20 meters to the rear. Other friendly machine guns had begun to chatter. Kuriyama had dashed up and secured the southeast edge of the heights. Enemy resistance had begun to slacken. What appeared to be two small Soviet tanks, actually a tank and a tractor had been laying down fire near the tents in an apparent effort to cover a pullback. The two vehicles had advanced toward the Japanese and sought to neutralize the heavy machine guns. A squad leader had engaged the tractor, set it afire, and shot down the crewmen when they had tried to flee. Next, the tank had been stopped. The Japanese lead gun had consumed all of its armor-piercing (AP) ammunition—three clips, or 90 rounds—in 10 or 15 seconds. No more AP ammunition had been available; one box had been with the last of the six squads struggling up the heights. "More AP!" had yelled the 1st Squad leader, signaling with his hand—which had at that moment been hit by a Russian slug. A tank machine-gun bullet had also torn through the thumb and into the shoulder of the squad's machine gunner, whereupon the 21-year-old loader had taken over the piece. Similar replacements had occurred under fire in all squads, sometimes more than once in the same unit. "It had been a fantastic scene," Sakata had commented. "Just like grasshoppers! But they had finally neutralized the heavy weapons." The knocked-out Russian vehicles had begun to blaze while the eastern skies had lightened. New enemy tanks (some said many, others merely three) had lumbered up the slopes, but the Japanese heavy machine guns had continued to fire on them, and the tanks had stopped. If the machine guns had gone into action minutes later, the Russian armor might have continued to the top, from which they could have ripped up the surviving Japanese infantrymen: "So we gunners fired and fired. I could see my tracers bouncing off the armor, for there was still no AP. We also shot at machine guns and infantry. Since we carried little ammo for the night attack, my gun ran out, but by then the enemy had been ousted. We had originally expected that we might have to fire in support of the infantry after they took the crest. We lost none of our own heavy machine guns that night, overran four Maxims and captured mountains of hand grenades. By dawn, however, our machine gun company had lost more than half of its personnel—about 40 men".  The light-machine-gun squad leader had been wounded in the hand by a grenade near the site where Sakata had been hit. Nevertheless, the superior private had clambered up the slope with his men. After 04:00, when he and his squad had been pinned down with the infantry below the crest, he had heard Japanese heavy machine guns firing toward the foe on the right: "Our units were in confusion, bunched up under terrific fire in a small area. Getting orders was impossible, so I had my light machine gun open up in the same direction at which the heavies were firing. We could identify no targets but tried to neutralize the enemy located somewhere on the crest. Although Soviet flares were going off, we never could glimpse the enemy clearly. But we heard the Russians yelling "Hurrah!" That ought to have been the signal for a charge; here it meant a retreat".  But, of the ten men in this Japanese machine-gun squad, only four had been in action when dawn had come. The turning point had arrived when the machine-guns belonging to Sakata, and the reserves of the late Nakajima, had torn into the Russian emplacements, tanks, and tents behind. Others had said the key had been the fire of grenade dischargers belonging to the same units. A high-angle weapon, the grenade discharger, had been light, effective, and ideal for getting at dead space. In terms of ammunition, it had been especially useful, for it could fire hand grenades available to the foot soldier. Undoubtedly, the combined action of the grenade dischargers and machine guns (heavy and light) had paved the way for a last charge by the infantry. The four light machine guns of the 2nd and 4th companies had played their part by pouring flank fire against the Russians, who had clung to the position although Kuriyama's platoon had made an initial penetration. At about 04:30, Japanese assault forces could be seen dimly, in the light of dawn, exchanging fire with the Russians only a few meters away on the southern edge of Changkufeng Hill. At the same time, on the northern slopes, enemy reinforcements numbering 50 men with trucks and tanks had been scaling the hill. Around 04:45, Japanese grenades began to burst over the heads of the last enemy atop Changkufeng; the Russians had wavered. After the heavy weapons had finally begun to soften up the Soviet positions, Sakata had judged that there were not many Russians left. He had jumped into the first trench, ahead of his only surviving platoon leader, Kuriyama, and several soldiers. Two or three Russians had been disposed of; the rest had fled. By then the 2nd Company had been chopped down to a platoon; about 40 men still lived. There had been no cheer of banzai, as journalists had written; it would have drawn fire to stand up and raise one's arms. But Sakata had remained proud of the assertion by Sato that, from Chiangchunfeng, he had observed the last rush and knew the "real story," that "Sakata was the first to charge the peak." The regimental eulogist had written that Sakata's earnestness "cut through iron, penetrated mountains, and conquered bodily pain." As for Inagaki, about 15 or 20 minutes after the badly wounded Sakata had managed to reach the point where Kitahara and Nakajima had been pinned down near the Crestline, the lieutenant had arrived with the remnants of Yamada's company, probably by 04:20. The records would have us believe that Sakata had been able to coordinate the next actions with Inagaki despite the storm of fire: "The acting battalion commander [Sakata] resumed the charge with a brand-new deployment—his 2nd Company on the right wing and the 1st Company on the left." Actually, all Sakata could think of had been to charge; it had been too confused a time to issue anything like normal orders as acting battalion commander: "About all I remember asking Inagaki was: "What are you doing over here? What happened to your company commander?" I think he told me that Yamada had been killed and resistance on the right flank had been severe. Undoubtedly, he acted on his own initiative in redeploying. Nor was there any particular liaison between my company and Inagaki's force." To the left of Sakata's survivors were the vestiges of Nakajima's platoon, and further to the left, the outflanking troops brought up by Inagaki. These forces gradually edged up to the rear of the foe, in almost mass formation, on the western slope just below the top. "The enemy soldiers who had been climbing up the northern incline suddenly began to retreat, and Inagaki led a charge, fighting dauntlessly hand-to-hand." As a result of the more or less concerted Japanese assaults, "the desperately resisting enemy was finally crushed and Changkufeng peak was retaken completely by 05:15," three hours after the night attackers had jumped off. Akaishizawa had said that the troops "pushed across the peak through a river of blood and a mountain of corpses. Who could withstand our demons?" Sato's regimental attack order had called for the firing of a green star shell to signal success. At 05:15, according to the records, "the signal flared high above Changkufeng, showering green light upon the hill; the deeply stirring Japanese national flag floated on the top." Sakata thought that this must have been 10 or 20 minutes after the hill was taken, but he remembered no flare. "After the last charge I had no time to watch the sky!" The flare had probably been fired from a grenade launcher by the battalion aide or a headquarters soldier. After the final close-quarter fighting, Sakata had pressed forward while the survivors came up. The captain had deployed his men against possible counterattack. Later he had heard that Soviet tanks had lumbered up to reinforce the peak or to counterattack but that, when they observed the Japanese in possession of the crest, they had turned back. Only after his men had secured the peak had Sakata talked to Inagaki about sharing defensive responsibility. The records described Sakata's deployments at 05:20, but there had been painfully few men to match the tidy after-action maps. Did Sakata and his men push across the peak? "Not downhill a bit," he had answered. "We advanced only to the highest spot, the second, or right-hand peak, where we could command a view of the hostile slope." He had merely reconnoitered to deploy his troops. The senior surviving Japanese officer atop Changkufeng heights had been Sakata. What had happened to Major Nakano, who had been wounded shortly after jump-off? Although his right arm had been shattered, he had dragged himself to his feet, once he had regained consciousness, and kept climbing to catch up. His men had pleaded with him to look after his terrible wounds, but he had insisted on advancing, leaning on his sword and relying on spiritual strength. "Left! Move left!" he had been heard to shout, for the faltering Japanese had apparently been of the opinion that they were at the enemy's rear. Instead, they had pressed against the Russians' western wing, directly in front of the enemy works, from which murderous fire had been directed, especially from machine-gun nests ripping at their flanks. With sword brandished in his uninjured hand, high above his head, Nakano had stood at the corner of the positions. The explosion of an enemy grenade had illuminated him "like the god of fire," and he had been seen to crumple. He had died a little before 0500, to the left of where young Nakajima had fallen at 0430. His citation had said: "The battalion commander captured Changkufeng, thanks to his proper combat guidance and deployments. He provided the incentive to victory in the Changkufeng Incident." A eulogist had called Nakano a "human-bullet demon-unit commander": "All who observed this scene were amazed, for it was beyond mortal strength. One could see how high blazed the flame of his faith in certain victory and what a powerful sense of responsibility he had as unit commander. Major Nakano was a model soldier." When Nakano had pitched forward, badly wounded PFC Imamura had tried to protect the commander's corpse. Imamura had killed a soldier who appeared from behind a boulder, had lunged at another two or three, but had toppled off the cliff. Two other Japanese privates—a battalion runner and PFC Iwata—had been lying nearby, hurt seriously; but when they saw Imamura fall to his death, leaving the major's body undefended, they had dragged themselves to the corpse, four meters from the foe. Iwata, crippled and mute, had hugged Nakano's corpse until other soldiers managed to retrieve it. While death had come to Nakano, Sakata had been fighting with no knowledge of what was going on to his left. Pinned behind a boulder, he had had no way of checking on the battalion commander. Only after Sakata had charged onto the crest and asked for the major had he been told by somebody that Nakano had been killed. He had not even been sure where the commander had fallen. Such had been the time of blood and fury when battalion chief, company commanders, and platoon leaders had fought and died like common soldiers, pressing on with saber or pistol or sniping rifle under relentless cross-fire. Pretty patterns of textbook control had meant nothing. Life—and victory—depended on training, initiative, raw courage, and the will to win. The result of this combination of wills could not be ascertained, on 31 July 1938, until dawn brightened the bleeding earth on Changkufeng Hill. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. Tokyo gambled on a night strike to seize Changkufeng, while diplomacy urged restraint. Amid mud, smoke, and moonless skies, Nakano led the 1st Battalion, supported by Nakajima, Sakata, Yamada, and others. One by one, officers fell, wounds multiplying, but resolve held. By 05:15, shattered units regrouped atop the peak, the flag rising as dawn bled into a costly, hard-won victory.

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