Podcasts about diplomatic

This Week on the Podcast: ZOO ESCAPESTwo hosts. Five “facts.”Some true. Some fake.All absolutely unhinged.This week's theme: Zoo Escapes and the stories are so wild you'll swear we made them up… or did we?From an orangutan who may or may not have outsmarted an entire zoo staff, to rumors of decoy goats, to a monkey-led crime wave on Long Island, to a rogue golden eagle causing international drama, to the slowest “escape” in zoological history… the hosts have to figure out which of these tales actually happened and which ones are pure chaos-fueled nonsense.Expect:- Escape artistry- Questionable zoo security- Monkey mayhem- Diplomatic duck-related incidents- And at least one story that feels like it was written by a drunk nature documentary narrator.Play along, make your guesses, and prepare to be shocked at how many of these stories could be real.#ZooEscapes #FactOrFake #ComedyPodcast #WildlifeFails #AllegendlyPodcast

SHOCKING: Rubio Delivers "Diplomatic Miracle."

Scott Ritter : Iran: Trump Has No Diplomatic SolutionSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

This episode of CAA Conversations, Research and Scholarship edition, focuses on Hannah Entwisle Chapuisa's background in law and the visual arts. In it she discusses curating exhibitions in diplomatic venues, specifically around the topics of climate change and human migration, as well as the role of artistic practice in societal norm development and the factors that led her to choose diplomatic venues as the sites of her curatorial work

Josh Rogin discusses the trade conflict between the US and India, noting that tariffs were used as leverage regarding Russian oil and Modi's diplomatic de-risking from Washington.1860 INDIA

Caleb Weiss of the Long War Journal details the deceptive recruitment of African men from Kenya and Uganda to fight for Russia in Ukraine, sparking controversy and diplomatic tension.1936 KENYA

As the full-scale invasion of Ukraine enters its fifth year, resistance to Russian occupation has undergone a radical transformation. The public displays of defiance that defined the war's early days — with civilians blocking tanks and holding street protests — have long been crushed by the Kremlin's ruthless occupation regime. By blending systematic brutality, bureaucracy, and pervasive surveillance, Russia has sought to extinguish dissent and erase Ukrainian identity in occupied regions. But this has only forced the resistance deeper underground. In this episode of The Naked Pravda, deputy editor Eilish Hart sits down with Dr. Jade McGlynn, the head of the Ukraine and Russia program at the Center for Statecraft and National Security at King's College London, to discuss this shift. Drawing on her extensive field research and recent report for the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Dr. McGlynn analyzes how resistance efforts have adapted to survive life behind the front lines. Time stamps for this episode: (2:36) Early resistance and public defiance in occupied Ukraine(10:43) Organized resistance and intelligence(14:23) Differences across Ukraine's occupied territories(24:20) The challenges of researching Ukrainian resistance(30:08) Diplomatic efforts and perceptions in UkraineКак поддержать нашу редакцию — даже если вы в России и вам очень страшно

The drumbeat of war between the U.S. and Iran seems to have quieted after indirect talks in Oman, but the threat remains. For a rare view from Iran and its perspective, special correspondent Reza Sayah sat down with Esmail Baghaei, a member of Iran's negotiating team and the spokesperson for Iran's foreign ministry. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy

The drumbeat of war between the U.S. and Iran seems to have quieted after indirect talks in Oman, but the threat remains. For a rare view from Iran and its perspective, special correspondent Reza Sayah sat down with Esmail Baghaei, a member of Iran's negotiating team and the spokesperson for Iran's foreign ministry. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy

Guests: Bill Roggio and Jonatyn Sayeh. Reports indicate Iran's regime has killed thousands to suppress ongoing unrest, feigning diplomatic willingness while maintaining a paranoid grip on power and refusing real concessions.1870

Guests: Husain Haqqani and Bill Roggio. Al-Qaeda veteran Ahmed al-Shara's presidency in Syria highlights the group's diplomatic manipulation and Western naivety in accepting jihadists who adopt modern suits and polished personas.1924 ALEPPO

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. We begin the program by speaking about Matti Caspi, a beloved composer, singer, and lyricist who produced some 1,000 songs, who died overnight between Saturday and Sunday. He was 76 and had suffered from cancer in recent years. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will fly to Washington to meet with US President Donald Trump on Wednesday to discuss Iran, his office announced Saturday night, a day after US-Iranian talks were held in Oman. Netanyahu will depart for Washington on Tuesday and depart the US on Thursday, landing back in Israel on Friday morning local time. Berman weighs in on the Oman talks and what is likely on the agenda for DC. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Matti Caspi, singer and composer who helped mold Israeli culture, dead at 76 PM to meet Trump in DC this week, says Iran talks must deal with missiles, proxies Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: The presidential seal is seen in the newly renovated Rose Garden of the White House, August 9, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Dr Boyce reads from Marcus Garvey's book, "Message to the people."

Monte Judah interviews Bill and Tania Koenig on Iran's instability, Israel's future in Judea and Samaria, and the prophetic implications shaping the Middle East.00:00 – Opening & Introductions02:05 – Bill & Tania Koenig: Background and Calling05:40 – Tania's Diplomatic and Ministry Journey09:10 – Understanding the 10,000‑Foot Geopolitical View12:00 – Iran's Internal Crisis and Regime Instability15:45 – Could the Islamic Regime Collapse?19:20 – U.S.–Israel Strategic Cooperation on Iran22:10 – The Spiritual Stronghold Over Persia25:30 – Trump's Advisors: Witkoff, Kushner, and Middle East Blind Spots29:00 – Qatar's Financial Influence on U.S. Policy32:40 – Why Western Diplomacy Misreads the Middle East35:55 – Jacob & Esau, Isaac & Ishmael: Ancient Roots of Modern Conflict39:10 – Judea & Samaria: Israel's Covenant Heartland42:25 – Netanyahu, Settlers, and the Future of Sovereignty45:30 – Why the Two‑State Solution Cannot Work48:40 – Saudi Arabia, the Crown Prince, and the Abraham Accords52:10 – Prophetic Shifts Triggered by Military Victory55:00 – The Role of Prayer in Shaping Leadership57:20 – A Call to the Body of Messiah59:40 – Closing Thoughts & Final Exhortation1:01:10 – Farewell and Shabbat BlessingLion and Lamb Ministries continues to bring solid biblical teaching, prophetic insight, and Messianic perspective to believers around the world. If you're blessed by these broadcasts and want to help us reach even more people with the message of the Kingdom, please consider supporting the ministry at www.LLGive.com. Your partnership makes this work possible.

This show has been flagged as Clean by the host. In our next look at the game mechanics for Civilization V we examine several related topics: Diplomacy, Spies, and Religious Pressure. They are all ways to interact with other players without the force of arms being involved. And we will discuss the Diplomatic Victory, which is a new victory type added in Civilization V and can be fun to play. Playing Civilization V, Part 8 - Diplomacy Other Players With other players you have a relationship based on their approach to you. They are: Neutral – This is not Friendly nor is it Hostile. Trades you make with them will be fair from their point of view Friendly – They like you, and will accept requests from you more often. Trades will be slightly in your favor from their point of view. Afraid – This only happens if you have a a very substantial advantage in strength, so this is rare. They will readily accept requests from you, and trades will be in your favor Guarded – They are suspicious and defensive, and will be more likely to be unfriendly. Trades will be harder to achieve, and favor them rather than you. Deceptive – They will pretend to be friendly, but they are plotting against you. They may bribe other players to declare war on you. They will not accept requests for help, and trades will be hard to achieve. Hostile – They hate you, and are completely open about it. Trade deals, if you can get them, will be heavily against you. War – This means they have decided to go to war with you. But they need the right conditions, so they may pretend to be Friendly, Neutral, Guarded, or Hostile while they wait for those conditions to mature. These are not set in stone, as you can modify how the other player feels towards you by your actions. If you have friends in common that will improve your relationship, or if you have enemies in common. Agreeing to their requests will also improve things. But if you cannot agree, just say so. The worst negative modifier is when you agree to do something, and then do the opposite. Saying no is also negative, but not as bad. Finally, remember that negatives will erode over time if they are not reinforced. If you want a very detailed look at the mechanics and details of this, check out https://civ-5-cbp.fandom.com/wiki/Detailed_Guide_to_Diplomacy. City-States City-States are also important diplomatic partners. We'll cover all of the benefits in a different section, but here I want to focus on how they enable the Diplomatic Victory. At a certain point the United Nations will be born out of the World Congress, and when this happens a Diplomatic Victory is possible. This will occur when any player reaches the Information Era, or whenever half of the players have reached the Atomic Era. Diplomatic Victory requires that you get the votes of a certain number of delegates to the United Nations. Each player gets delegates based on their population, and there are also some additional delegates you can earn, such as through building the World Wonder Forbidden Palace which gives you two additional delegates. Anyone planning for a Diplomatic Victory should consider building this Wonder as mandatory. But each City-State gets one delegate, and if you are allied with them their delegate is yours. The mechanics of City-State relationships is that they love gifts, and cash is always the best. So anyone planning a Diplomatic Victory would be well-advised to focus on building a large Treasury. You will know when a World Leader vote is coming up in the United Nations, and can make cash drops on any City-States that are not already allied with you before the vote. But watch out that another player doesn't do the same thing after you and snipe away some of your allies. Also, you can place your spies in City-States to rig elections, and that is another way to get them to ally with you. Spies and Espionage Spies are simply awarded to you whenever any player enters the Renaissance Era. After that you receive another spy each time to advance to another Era. So you can in general have as many as 5 Spies, but if you build the National Intelligence Agency you get one more. This is a National Wonder, and should be a mandatory build if you are going for a Diplomacy victory. And England starts with 1 extra Spy, so if you play as England you could get as many as 7 Spies. Spies can be used for offense or defense. If you station one of your spies in one of your cities it can operate as a counter-spy, and may thwart or even kill an enemy spy. If you are well ahead in technology, that might be a good use, since other players will be trying to steal your tech. But if you are behind, you might want to use your spies to steal tech from other players. You may be successful in this, but the theft does not go unnoticed, and other player may use one of his spies to counter your operation. If you spy is killed, you will get another one in 3-5 turns, but if your spy was a high-rank spy with promotions, that is a serious loss, so you may want to move that spy elsewhere for a while. Diplomats When you assign a spy to the capital of another player you can designate them as a Diplomat. They will take a few turns (depends on game speed, but around 6 turns on normal speeds) to get set up. This is called “Making Introductions”, but the point is that if you need an effective diplomat, don't wait until the last minute. Diplomats can be useful in several ways. Early on, they allow you to trade votes in the World Congress. And they will bring you intelligence about intrigues, and you can then share that with other players. And it can also give you a view of the other player's City Screen. Once you have researched Globalization your Diplomats can help with a Diplomatic Victory because each one counts as one additional vote in the United Nations for World Leader. You can change a spy into a Diplomat and vice versa just by moving the Spy/Diplomat from its current location to another location, which will trigger the ability to change the job assignment. This means that when you first get Spies, and they cannot yet be used to get additional Delegate votes as Diplomats, you can assign them to City-States, where they can help you get alliances. Then as you start to research Globalization, move them to the capitals of other players and turn them into Diplomats. This of course assumes you want to win a Diplomatic victory. If instead you are going for a Science victory and are ahead in Science, it is probably best to station them in your own cities to do counter-intelligence work. If you are ahead in Science, other players will be trying to steal tech from you. Religious Pressure If you have researched all of the Piety Social Policy Tree, you will have option to choose a Reformation Belief to add to your religion. One of these, Underground Sect, allows your spies to exert religious pressure against the city they have been sent to. However, this effect is fairly small. If there is not a Follower of your religion in the city, it seems to do nothing. But in combination it can flip cities to your religion. Start by sending in a Missionary to spread your religion, then your spy can add to that. And you should also combine that with a trade route to add additional religious pressure. And by gradually moving your spies, missionaries, and trade routes from city to city, you can make your religion dominant in a region. Diplomatic Victory This can be a fun way to win, and I have done it. If you want to get a leg up, start with a Civ that gives you advantages, such as Greece or Venice (although my last diplomatic Victory was achieved with Ethiopia, which is generally regarded as a military/domination Civ. You can win any victory type with any civ, and it can be fun to “play against type”). Greece gets an advantage from relations with City-States, which are key to a Diplomatic Victory because each one gets a vote for World Leader. And Venice is interesting because you cannot build settlers. But you can use cash to puppet City-States, and you can purchase units in puppeted City-States as well. Cash is king in the Venice strategy, and you will want to get as many Trade Routes as possible. The first two should send Food to Venice to help boost your population. Since you will only ever have one city as Venice you will want to max it out. All trade routes after that should focus on cash. Use your cash to purchase or upgrade military units, and employ a defensive strategy. You want enough military to deter any aggression against you, but you should avoid making any hostile moves against others if possible. Remember, this is a strategy for a Diplomatic Victory. If you want to go to war, don't choose Venice. Instead choose one of the Domination Civs, like the Zulus or the Mongols. Links: https://civ-5-cbp.fandom.com/wiki/Detailed_Guide_to_Diplomacy https://www.palain.com/gaming/civilization-v/playing-civilization-v-part-8/ Provide feedback on this episode.

Burcu Ozcelik and Quentin Peel discuss the US-Russia-Ukraine trilateral in Abu Dhabi. Plus: the AfD’s role at the Munich Security Conference and Dai Fujikura on his Hokusai opera, ‘The Great Wave’.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. The Rafah Border Crossing between Egypt and the Gaza Strip officially resumed operations on Monday for the first time in almost a year. We learn how many Palestinians were able to leave the Strip yesterday, versus the potential quota of pedestrians who should be able to cross. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will meet with US special envoy Steve Witkoff at 4:30 p.m. today ahead of US talks with Iran scheduled for Friday in Istanbul. Berman explains what could be on the agenda for the talks and delves into the likelihood of a US offensive operation in Iran at this point. The Prime Minister's Office's point man for hostages, Gal Hirsch, sat with Berman on Friday, days after the last slain hostage from the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks — police officer Ran Gvili — was finally laid to rest in Israel. Some of his remarks sparked controversy over the weekend. We hear why. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: ‘A lifeline’: Gazans rejoice as Rafah Crossing opens for limited pedestrian passage With US and Iran set for talks, Trump warns ‘bad things’ will happen if no deal is reached Ahead of Friday nuclear talks with Iran, Witkoff heading to Israel to meet PM, Zamir PM’s hostage czar Gal Hirsch says Biden pressure ‘screwed up’ deal talks, protests aided Hamas Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: People stand on US and Israel flags, outside the US Consulate in Istanbul, Turkey, February 1, 2026, during a protest in support of the Iranian government. (AP Photo/Emrah Gurel)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The Intergalactic Challenge: A Tale of Innovation and DiplomacyIn this episode of X Minus One, titled 'Double Dare', two engineers from Earth travel to the planet Domorang to compete in a technological challenge against their Domurangi counterparts. The story unfolds as they navigate the complexities of interplanetary competition, showcasing their ingenuity and the unexpected twists that arise from their attempts to outsmart their alien rivals. The narrative explores themes of innovation, diplomacy, and the unforeseen consequences of scientific discovery.In a universe where technology and diplomacy intertwine, two Earth engineers find themselves on the planet Domorang, tasked with proving their technological prowess. This story, adapted from Robert Silverberg's "Double Dare," takes us on a journey of innovation, rivalry, and unexpected alliances.The Challenge Begins: Upon landing on Domorang, engineers Cambridge and Mourner are greeted by Plobash, their liaison. The challenge is clear: replicate Domorang's advanced technologies. The stakes are high, as this interplanetary contest has captured the attention of both Earth and Domorang.A Test of Wits: The engineers face three daunting tasks, each designed to test their ingenuity. From creating a versatile pest trap to developing a long-lasting depilatory, Cambridge and Mourner rise to the occasion, improving upon the original designs with their Earthly ingenuity.The Ultimate Test: The final challenge is the most formidable: a perpetual motion machine. As the engineers grapple with the complexities of hyperspace functions, they realize the true nature of their task. The Domorangs have set them up to invent a technology that even they couldn't achieve.Diplomatic Maneuvers: As the engineers navigate the political landscape, they uncover a potential solution. By collaborating with their Domorang counterparts on Earth, they hatch a plan to exchange technological secrets, paving the way for a diplomatic resolution."Double Dare" is more than a tale of technological triumph; it's a story of collaboration and the power of human ingenuity. As Cambridge and Mourner work towards a common goal, they remind us that even in the vastness of space, cooperation can bridge the gap between worlds.Subscribe Now: Stay tuned for more tales of innovation and adventure. Subscribe for the latest updates and insights into the world of science fiction and beyond.TakeawaysThe story begins with a countdown for a space adventure.The engineers arrive on Domorang, ready for a challenge.They are tasked with proving Earth's technological superiority.The competition involves duplicating advanced technology from Domorang.The engineers successfully complete the first two tests.The final test involves creating a perpetual motion machine.Unexpectedly, they create a device that fools their hosts.Diplomatic complications arise regarding the ownership of their invention.The engineers devise a plan to escape and return home.The story highlights the ingenuity and resourcefulness of the human spirit.X Minus One, science fiction, Domorang, perpetual motion, engineering challenge, interplanetary competition, technology, diplomacy, escape plan, Robert Silverberg

In the first half of this episode, Patrick and Tommie discuss keeping your dog safe in the cold weather, meet the Welsh Springer Spaniel, can't believe Alan Alda is 90, celebrate the short life of the "AIDS poster boy" Bobbi Campbell, say goodbye to Uncle Floyd, travel across the border via Broadway for a Mexican Hayride, remember the Challenger space shuttle disaster, Tommie re-lives a childhood trauma, they avoid South Carolina and its measles outbreak, worry if the midterm elections are in peril, and wonder what's next after the deaths of Renee Good and Alex Pretti at the hands of ICE. (Part Two will be released on Wednesday, February 4.)

Saffran discusses the ICE's mass deportation push has turned deadly with federal agents fatally shooting U.S. citizens Renee Good and Alex Pretti in Minneapolis amid Operation Metro Surge, igniting fierce protests, clashes, Justice Department probes, and nationwide backlash. Economic jitters mount as U.S. consumer confidence craters to a 12-year low of 84.5 (Conference Board index), the weakest since 2014 amid job fears and high costs. Globally, Trump has pulled the U.S. out of the Paris Climate Agreement (again) and the WHO, while a blockbuster India-EU trade deal—the "mother of all deals"—unlocks a $27 trillion market for nearly 2 billion people. Diplomatic momentum builds with trilateral U.S.-Russia-Ukraine talks in Abu Dhabi yielding progress toward a potential ceasefire (more rounds ahead), even as Trump intensifies pressure on Iran via fresh sanctions, military buildups, and blunt threats to force a new nuclear deal. A whirlwind of domestic division and bold foreign pivots defines the moment."U.S. Consumer Confidence Plunges to 12-Year Low"

Mary Kissel criticizes Prime Minister Keir Starmer's foolish decision to pursue a new embassy in the People's Republic of China, questioning the strategic wisdom of such diplomatic investment amid rising tensions.NYC YOM KIPPUR

Liz Peek examines Mayor Mamdani's rookie mistakes during a snowstorm, as he stumbles through early diplomatic challenges while learning the complexities of his high-profile position.1863 draft riots

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, the final hostage that was kept in Gaza, is buried today. Last night, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu held a wide-ranging press conference, during which he raised unusual allegations against the Biden administration. We hear from Berman about the mood in the room and the premier's two remaining foci -- dismantling Hamas’s weapons and demilitarizing Gaza of arms and tunnels. During the press conference, Berman asked Netanyahu about the changing rhetoric out of Saudi Arabia, which is increasingly aligning itself with actors such as Pakistan and Turkey. We learn what the premier had to say. Yesterday, International Holocaust Remembrance Day was observed across the world. January 27 marks the anniversary of the liberation by Soviet forces of Auschwitz-Birkenau, the most notorious of the Nazi German death camps. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky marked the day at the Babyn Yar ravine outside of Kyiv, where Nazis and their collaborators murdered more than 33,000 Jews in a two-day rampage in 1941. Berman weighs in. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Netanyahu: Israeli soldiers lost their lives in Gaza due to Biden-era arms embargo Netanyahu: No Gaza rebuild before Hamas disarms, Israel will keep ‘security control’ over Gaza Netanyahu: If Saudis want deal, we expect them not to align with anti-Israel forces Zelensky, flanked by Ukrainian rabbis, marks Holocaust Remembrance Day at Babyn Yar Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: Then-president Joe Biden, right, shakes hands with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, left, in the Oval Office, July 25, 2024. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Ernesto Araujo and Alejandro Pena Esclusa analyze Venezuela's posture of public defiance while remaining privately obedient to the Trump administration. The segment explores the contradictions in Caracas's diplomatic stance, suggesting the regime's theatrical resistance masks behind-the-scenes accommodations driven by economic pressure and political survival calculations.

FILE 2. THE PURGE OF LITVINOV AND THE MOSCOW PACT. GUEST AUTHOR SEAN MCMEEKIN. On May 3, 1939, Stalin ordered the arrest of Foreign Minister Maxim Litvinov and his Jewish staff, replacing him with Molotov to signal a diplomatic shift toward Nazi Germany,. This maneuver paved the way for the Moscow Pact, allowing Stalin to opportunistically seize territory in Poland, Finland, and the Baltics while Western powers remained passive,.1928

We have entered the second quarter of this century, and the general public's concern in regard to past, present and future relationships and alliances looms large on the horizon.Established practices, agreements, and alliances seem to be under review.  Are the accepted patterns of diplomatic, political and economic institutions wobbling and leaving the future uncertain?Our panel will have an open conversation among the consuls general of the United Kingdom and Ireland; the deputy consul general of Italy; and the honorary consul general of the Czech Republic about what we can expect. Will the established relationships of the past 25 years among the European nations and the United States dramatically change? The new year is a great time to review what we have all experienced and thought, with an eye on the present and the future. This should be a frank and open conversation. An International Relations Member-led Forum program. Forums at the Club are organized and run by volunteer programmers who are members of The Commonwealth Club, and they cover a diverse range of topics. Learn more about our Forums. OrganizerFrank Price and Norma Walden  Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

January 22, 2026 ~ Chris Renwick, Lloyd Jackson, and Jamie Edmonds speak with Natalie Melnyczuk, a NATO Mission to Ukraine leader. They discuss the Greenland situation and its impact on NATO allies. Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See https://pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

SEGMENT 10: GAZA DIPLOMACY AND INVITATIONS TO ADVERSARIES Guest: Mary Kissel Kissel analyzes the peculiar diplomatic landscape surrounding Gaza negotiations, including controversial outreach to bad actors like Putin. Discussion questions the wisdom of engaging hostile powers in Middle East peacemaking, the signals this sends to allies, and how the new administration might reshape these diplomatic approaches going forward.

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting.    #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month.  These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island.  Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light.  When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.  

Greg Brady spoke to Isaac Stone Fish, CEO Strategy Risks about Carney's trip to Beijing struck a surprising new tone with China Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. An Iranian official said this morning that authorities verified at least 5,000 people had been killed in protests in Iran, including about 500 security personnel, since December 28. According to a Sunday Times report citing an account put together by a network of Iranian doctors, the toll is more than 16,500 dead -- most under 30 -- and at least 330,000 people injured. Berman delves into the conflicting reports and updates us on what US President Donald Trump said Saturday. The Israel Defense Forces and the Shin Bet on Saturday revealed the identities of several Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad operatives killed in strikes across the Gaza Strip earlier in the week, which Israel said were carried out in response to a “blatant violation” of the ceasefire in western Rafah when gunmen opened fire at troops. With both sides claiming ceasefire violations, Berman reviews what a ceasefire entails. We also learn how Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu responded to reports that the executive board for Trump’s Board of Peace includes senior officials from Qatar and Turkey. Syria’s army took control of swathes of the country’s north over the weekend, dislodging Kurdish forces from territory over which they had held effective autonomy for more than a decade. President Ahmed al-Sharaa issued a decree declaring Kurdish a “national language” and granting the minority group official recognition. All this comes before the president is meant to speak with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in Berlin on Tuesday, as Germany seeks to step up deportations of Syrians. Is this the start of a great return to Syria? Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: In first, Trump appears to call for end of ‘sick man’ Khamenei’s rule in Iran Deadly crackdown appears to have quashed Iran protests, residents say Iranian doctors put death toll in suppressed uprising at over 16,500 — report Hamas operative behind 1995 terror attack among those killed in Gaza strikes, says IDF Netanyahu fumes at Gaza oversight panel makeup as Trump invites Erdogan to peace board Syrian army extends hold over north, capturing areas held by Kurds for over a decade Sharaa to meet with German chancellor as Berlin seeks to deport Syrian refugees Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: A protester has her face painted to resemble bullet holes during a rally in support of the Iranian people in Rome, January 17, 2026. (AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

DIPLOMATIC COUPS AND THE WEAK CONFEDERATION Colleague Joseph Ellis. John Jay secured a diplomatic triumph by defying instructions to consult the French, negotiating directly with Britain to establish the Mississippi River as the western border. Post-war, the government was a loose confederation of sovereign states rather than a unified nation, leaving it ill-equipped to handle slavery or indigenous rights. Robert Morris, the "Financier," personally funded the army's demobilization when Congress failed to pay the troops. NUMBER 71821

Venezuela releases Czech political prisoner: Prague signals readiness for diplomatic reset, Petr Pavel's Ukraine visit highlights care for wounded soldiers and war-affected children, Photographer Bet Orten on art, motherhood and moving on from fashion

This week, Scott sat down with his Lawfare colleagues Tyler McBrien, Michael Feinberg, and Ariane Tabatabai to talk through the week's big news in national security, including:“Between Iraq and a Hard Place.” Iran is engaged in perhaps its most serious bout of domestic unrest in a decade, spurred on by a failing economy and the seeming political weakness of the regime after its devastating military conflict with Israel and the United States this past summer. But the regime has struck back viciously, cutting off global media and communications access even as it has engaged in a vicious and violent campaign of repression that may have already led to as many as between 2,000 and 12,000 fatalities. That has led, among other things, to threats from the Trump administration that it may intervene militarily against the regime. What should we be making of this development? What does it mean for the future of Iran, and what role might the United States play in that future?“A Slippery Slope.” ICE's increasingly provocative immigration enforcement actions came to a violent head last week in Minneapolis, when ICE agent Jonathan Ross shot and killed driver and possible protest participant Renee Good. While the White House has sought to frame Good as a “domestic terrorist” who threatened Ross, videos of the incident instead suggest that her conduct came nowhere close to the standard normally required for the use of lethal force. The FBI is now reportedly investigating Good's widow for ties to activist groups, an effort that led several career federal prosecutors to quit this week. How effective are the administration's attempts to shape the truth likely to prove? “Green with Envy.” Diplomatic representatives from Denmark and Greenland are meeting with senior administration officials as we record to discuss a way forward on Greenland, the self-governing and all-but-independent Danish territory that President Trump has openly coveted since returning to office, up to and including the threat of military force to acquire it. How serious should the world take these threats? Where is the competition over Greenland likely to lead?In object lessons, Tyler is setting the mood with a recommendation of Way Dynamic's album “Massive Shoe.” Mike is boosting our moods with a preview of “One Movie After Another,” a retrospective of Paul Thomas Anderson films, coming soon to the AFI Silver Theatre in Silver Spring. Scott is setting some mood lighting with his Xenomorph-like bedtime reading light from Glocusent. And Ari is getting moody with a revisit of Pedro Almodóvar's “Pain and Glory.”To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This week, Scott sat down with his Lawfare colleagues Tyler McBrien, Michael Feinberg, and Ariane Tabatabai to talk through the week's big news in national security, including:“Between Iraq and a Hard Place.” Iran is engaged in perhaps its most serious bout of domestic unrest in a decade, spurred on by a failing economy and the seeming political weakness of the regime after its devastating military conflict with Israel and the United States this past summer. But the regime has struck back viciously, cutting off global media and communications access even as it has engaged in a vicious and violent campaign of repression that may have already led to as many as between 2,000 and 12,000 fatalities. That has led, among other things, to threats from the Trump administration that it may intervene militarily against the regime. What should we be making of this development? What does it mean for the future of Iran, and what role might the United States play in that future?“A Slippery Slope.” ICE's increasingly provocative immigration enforcement actions came to a violent head last week in Minneapolis, when ICE agent Jonathan Ross shot and killed driver and possible protest participant Renee Good. While the White House has sought to frame Good as a “domestic terrorist” who threatened Ross, videos of the incident instead suggest that her conduct came nowhere close to the standard normally required for the use of lethal force. The FBI is now reportedly investigating Good's widow for ties to activist groups, an effort that led several career federal prosecutors to quit this week. How effective are the administration's attempts to shape the truth likely to prove? “Green with Envy.” Diplomatic representatives from Denmark and Greenland are meeting with senior administration officials as we record to discuss a way forward on Greenland, the self-governing and all-but-independent Danish territory that President Trump has openly coveted since returning to office, up to and including the threat of military force to acquire it. How serious should the world take these threats? Where is the competition over Greenland likely to lead?In object lessons, Tyler is setting the mood with a recommendation of Way Dynamic's album “Massive Shoe.” Mike is boosting our moods with a preview of “One Movie After Another,” a retrospective of Paul Thomas Anderson films, coming soon to the AFI Silver Theatre in Silver Spring. Scott is setting some mood lighting with his Xenomorph-like bedtime reading light from Glocusent. And Ari is getting moody with a revisit of Pedro Almodóvar's “Pain and Glory.”To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Can you buy... a country? US President Donald Trump has made very clear his intention to acquire Greenland, despite it not being for sale. So what happens next? And is this just another chapter in what's turning out to be a pretty chaotic diplomatic playbook from the Trump Administration? And in headlines today, Days after bushfires raged across the state, flash flooding has hit Victoria’s Great Ocean Road; According to figures released by the federal government today, almost five million social media accounts have been deactivated or restricted since Australia's world-first age restrictions took effect on December 10; US President Donald Trump has threatened ‍to use the Insurrection Act, which would allow him to ​deploy military forces in Minnesota amid escalating tension over the ⁠deployment of federal ICE agents, which has become the focus of daily clashes; Elon Musk's AI chatbot Grok will no longer be able to edit photos to portray real people in revealing clothing in places where that is illegal; Pamela Anderson has explained how she felt uncomfortable in the audience at the Golden Globes, because she was sitting near Seth Rogan who made a TV show about some of the worst times in her life without ever speaking to her about it THE END BITS Support independent women's media Check out The Quicky Instagram here GET IN TOUCHShare your story, feedback, or dilemma! Send us a voice note or email us at thequicky@mamamia.com.au CREDITS Hosts: Taylah Strano & Claire Murphy Guests: David Smith - Associate Professor, United States Studies Centre Audio Producer: Lu Hill Group Executive Producer: Ilaria BrophyBecome a Mamamia subscriber: https://www.mamamia.com.au/subscribeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

John Maytham is joined by Daily Maverick journalist, Peter Fabricius, to discuss Iran pulling out of SA’s joint naval exercise and the political tensions that continues to brew. Presenter John Maytham is an actor and author-turned-talk radio veteran and seasoned journalist. His show serves a round-up of local and international news coupled with the latest in business, sport, traffic and weather. The host’s eclectic interests mean the program often surprises the audience with intriguing book reviews and inspiring interviews profiling artists. A daily highlight is Rapid Fire, just after 5:30pm. CapeTalk fans call in, to stump the presenter with their general knowledge questions. Another firm favourite is the humorous Thursday crossing with award-winning journalist Rebecca Davis, called “Plan B”. Thank you for listening to a podcast from Afternoon Drive with John Maytham Listen live on Primedia+ weekdays from 15:00 and 18:00 (SA Time) to Afternoon Drive with John Maytham broadcast on CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show go to https://buff.ly/BSFy4Cn or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/n8nWt4x Subscribe to the CapeTalk Daily and Weekly Newsletters https://buff.ly/sbvVZD5 Follow us on social media: CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Former PM Kevin Rudd has resigned as US ambassador a year early. His reign has been filled with plenty of controversy, including critical comments about US President Donald Trump. So, why did Mr Rudd leave early, who are the frontrunners to replace him, and what does this latest move mean for our fragile alliance with the US, in very uncertain international times? In this episode of The Briefing, Natarsha Belling is joined by political reporter with 7NEWS, Josh Martin, to unpack all today’s developments. Headlines: Adelaide Writers Week has been cancelled after days of controversy, Adelaide United has strongly rejected allegations from former player Joshua Cavallo that the A-League club is homophobic, and Etihad Airways has been named the world’s safest full-service airline. Follow The Briefing: TikTok: @thebriefingpodInstagram: @thebriefingpodcast YouTube: @TheBriefingPodcastSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Iran’s parliament speaker has threatened to attack Israel and US military and shipping targets, were the US to launch a strike on the country that is increasingly isolated from the world by the theocratic regime. As nationwide protests reached the two-week mark today, we discuss how Iran’s Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi is trying to position himself as a player in his country’s future and the nexus between the anti-regime protests and Israel. The US military said on Saturday that it had carried out multiple strikes in Syria targeting the Islamic State terror group as part of an operation that Washington launched in December after an attack on American personnel on December 13. At the same time, after talks in Paris last week, Israel and Syria agreed to create a mechanism that will facilitate de-escalation, diplomacy and commercial opportunities between the two countries, according to a joint statement from the two countries and the US that was released by Washington. We unwind what is happening on the ground. Under a military aid package negotiated in 2016, Israel receives some $3.8 billion annually from the US, mostly in the form of subsidies to buy American-made arms. The aid package, which took effect in 2018, is set to expire in 2028. Recently, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is making statements that add up to a growing interest for Israel to wean itself from this aid. Berman weighs in. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Death toll in Iran protest crackdown said to pass 115; Trump reportedly considering strike As Iranian regime shuts down internet, even Starlink seemingly being jammed Iran’s exiled crown prince Pahlavi takes on leading role urging protests in former homeland US military says it carried out strikes across Syria targeting Islamic State Syria says Kurdish fighters being moved from Aleppo after days of deadly clashes Israel and Syria agree on mechanism to share intel, seek economic ties Netanyahu says he aims to end US military aid to Israel within a decade Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: Protesters participate in a demonstration in Berlin, Germany, in support of the nationwide mass anti-regime protests in Iran, January 10, 2026. (AP/Ebrahim Noroozi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The United States, on 3 January, executed an unprecedented international intervention by conducting a military operation in Venezuela, which resulted in the removal of President Nicolás Maduro. Subsequently, he was extradited to the United States to face federal criminal charges, including allegations of drug trafficking. In the ensuing chaos, Delcy Rodríguez was appointed as interim president, as the nation grappled with deep political uncertainty and persistent economic challenges. Diplomatic relations with the United States have undergone a significant transformation, with Washington indicating its intention to indefinitely oversee Venezuelan oil sales, including the management of revenue allocation to benefit the populace.

SHIFTS IN US POLICY AND THE RISE OF THE SHIA CRESCENT Colleague Brandon Weichert. This section tracks US policy shifts from Clinton's diplomatic attempts to the unintended consequences of the 2003 Iraq War. Weichert argues that removing Saddam Hussein eliminated a check on Iranian power, allowing Tehran to establish a "Shia Crescent" of influence stretching to Lebanon. The conversation covers the deep Sunni-Shia hostility and Iran'sstrategic co-opting of the Palestinian cause to weaken Israel. It also critiques the Obama administration's JCPOA, describing it as a failed attempt to equalize regional power between Iran and Israel, and traces Iran's nuclear ambitions back to Eisenhower's "Atoms for Peace" program. SHADOW WAR BY BRANDON WEICHERT NUMBER 31897 DAMASCUS

FROM THE HALL OF BENEDICTION, POPE LEO XIV' AUDIENCE TO THE MEMBERS OF THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS ACCREDITED TO THE HOLY SEE FOR THE NEW YEAR GREETINGS (The content of this podcast is copyrighted by the Dicastery for Communication which, according to its statute, is entrusted to manage and protect the sound recordings of the Roman Pontiff, ensuring that their pastoral character and intellectual property's rights are protected when used by third parties. The content of this podcast is made available only for personal and private use and cannot be exploited for commercial purposes, without prior written authorization by the Dicastery for Communication. For further information, please contact the International Relation Office at relazioni.internazionali@spc.va)

Welcome to the Celestial Insights Podcast, the show that brings the stars down to Earth! Each week, astrologer, coach, and intuitive Celeste Brooks of Astrology by Celeste will be your guide. Her website is astrologybyceleste.com.  

PREVIEW THE COMPLEXITY OF US-CHINA TRADE NEGOTIATIONS Colleague Anne Stevenson-Yang. Stevenson-Yang argues against a trade embargo, citing US dependence on Chinese supply chains and fears of inflation. She highlights a major diplomatic hurdle: China is willing to offer concessions but remains unsure of the specific "ask" required by the US administration to resolve the conflict. 1900 BOXER TERROR

THE 1936 OLYMPICS AND DIPLOMATIC GAMES Colleague Charles Spicer. During the 1936 Berlin Olympics, the Nazi regime launched a charm offensive, wining and dining officials like Vansittart, who returned to Londonalarmed yet somewhat placated by Hitler's apparent desire for peace. Ribbentrop, desperate for promotion, hosted lavish events but was viewed by British diplomats as an intellectual lightweight and socially insecure. In a significant diplomatic maneuver, the Anglo-German Fellowship circumvented Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin's refusal to meet Hitler by arranging for former Prime Minister David Lloyd George to visit the dictator. Lloyd George, a political titan and the man who had won the First World War, was seen as an ideal figure to build rapport and potentially civilize the German leadership. NUMBER 4 1945-46 KESSELRING ACCUSED

THE CORONATION AND INTELLIGENCE NETWORKS Colleague Charles Spicer. The coronation of George VI in May 1937 became a backdrop for diplomatic maneuvering, culminating in a disastrously overcrowded party at the German embassy organized by the social-climbing Anneliese Ribbentrop. While Nazi sympathizers and high society mingled, the Anglo-German Fellowship was infiltrated by Kim Philby, who was hired to manage publicity while secretly reporting to Soviet intelligence. Simultaneously, realizing the futility of civilizing the Nazis, Conwell-Evans and Christie transitioned into functioning as a "private detective agency" for Vansittart, utilizing their access to gather intelligence that the official services lacked. Despite the social chaos and espionage, German War Minister von Blomberg attended the coronation and was well-received, hinting at alternative diplomatic paths had Ribbentrop not intervened. NUMBER 7 1946 DEFENSE COUNCIL AT THE NUREMBERG TRIAL

DIPLOMATIC FAILURES AND SOVIET INFILTRATION IN 1939 Colleague Charles Spicer. By early 1939, British efforts to maintain peace were hampered by disastrous appointments, specifically the pro-appeasement ambassador Neville Henderson in Berlin and the increasingly irrational and Anglophobic Ribbentrop in London. Intelligence provided by Philip Conwell-Evans and Graham Christie reached Foreign Secretary Halifax, who began to doubt Chamberlain's appeasement policy as he moved closer to Churchill's position. Meanwhile, the Anglo-German Fellowship faced internal contradictions, such as a controversial dinner for a Nazi women's leader, which Halifaxadvised against cancelling to keep communication channels open. The narrative also reveals that left-wing opposition to these efforts was manipulated by Soviet intelligence, as exemplified by "Simon Haxey," the author of Tory MP, who was later exposed as a recruiter for Soviet spies. NUMBER 11 1946 NUREMBERG ACCUSED AND THE GUARDS

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump held a meeting yesterday in Trump's Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida. We start with the collegial atmosphere of the press conference and how it belied fears of US frustration with Israel. Berman takes us through the stances expressed by the two leaders, starting with the possibility of a strike on Iran. Trump, standing next to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, says he would back an Israeli attack on Iran when asked whether he’d support an Israeli attack if Iran resumes production of its missile and nuclear programs. Berman then takes us to the Lebanon front and discusses a looming disarmament deadline there before discussing the interesting comments made about Turkey and Syria during the meetup. Much focus was naturally on the Gaza War and asked twice whether he would allow for the commencement of the second phase before the return of the final hostage in Gaza, slain Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, Trump declined to answer directly. Trump did say he and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “talked about Hamas and we talked about disarmament.” However, we learn that there is no timeline for the disarmament. Asked whether the Palestinian Authority should be allowed to play a role in the postwar management of Gaza, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that the PA will have to implement “real reforms.” Borschel-Dan wonders that the premier did not dismiss it out of hand, and indeed, whether Fatah could be a threat to Hamas in Gaza. Berman answers. The press conference launched a mini-media storm in Israel after Trump claimed that President Isaac Herzog had recently told him that a pardon for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is “on its way.” We learn what the response was in Florida. And finally, we also hear how, during his meeting with Netanyahu, Trump accepted a phone call from Education Minister Yoav Kisch, who told him he had been awarded the Israel Prize. Israel’s top civilian honor has never been bestowed on a foreign leader. Trump will receive the Israel Prize for special contribution to the Jewish people. But will Trump take the bait and visit Israel on Independence Day? Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Meeting PM, Trump warns of ‘hell to pay’ if Hamas doesn’t disarm in ‘very short’ time Trump claims Herzog told him Netanyahu pardon ‘on its way’; Israeli president denies it Trump to be awarded Israel Prize next year, the country’s top honor Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Mar-a-Lago, December 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Florida. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In Cold War Two, the USA is pressuring countries to cut ties with China and recognize Taiwan separatists. Donald Trump blatantly meddled in Honduras' 2025 election and backed a political coup to put in power right-wing oligarch Nasry "Tito" Asfura, who strongly supports Taiwan and Israel. Ben Norton discusses US imperialism in Latin America. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XhV7wRi8yYM Topics 0:00 Cold War Two 0:48 Monroe Doctrine 1:27 One China policy 2:23 US arms sales to Taiwan 3:09 Countries that recognize Taiwan 5:04 Map of Taiwan recognition 5:29 Electoral coup in Honduras 7:14 US-backed 2009 military coup 7:53 Trafficker Juan Orlando Hernández 9:05 Trump meddles in Honduras election 10:27 Electoral coup 11:27 US puppet Nasry "Tito" Asfura 12:19 USA, Israel, and Taiwan 13:06 Diplomatic relations with China 14:17 Cutting ties with China 15:14 US National Security Strategy 16:51 Israel - Palestine 19:05 Central American Arab pro-Israel leaders 22:21 US-backed electoral coup 27:54 US imperialism in Latin America 28:44 Honduras resists US coups 30:23 Anti-imperialist resistance 31:27 Outro

US EXPANSIONISM AND DIPLOMATIC RIFTS Colleague Gregory Copley. Gregory Copley analyzes US foreign policy moves regarding Greenland, Panama, and Venezuela, describing them as a return to "might is right" expansionism. NUMBER 9 1777 GREENLAND