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SEGMENT 10: GAZA DIPLOMACY AND INVITATIONS TO ADVERSARIES Guest: Mary Kissel Kissel analyzes the peculiar diplomatic landscape surrounding Gaza negotiations, including controversial outreach to bad actors like Putin. Discussion questions the wisdom of engaging hostile powers in Middle East peacemaking, the signals this sends to allies, and how the new administration might reshape these diplomatic approaches going forward.

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Lake Khasan. In August, the Lake Khasan region became a tense theater of combat as Soviet and Japanese forces clashed around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The Soviets pushed a multi-front offensive, bolstered by artillery, tanks, and air power, yet the Japanese defenders held firm, aided by engineers, machine guns, and heavy guns. By the ninth and tenth, a stubborn Japanese resilience kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese hands, though the price was steep and the field was littered with the costs of battle. Diplomatically, both sides aimed to confine the fighting and avoid a larger war. Negotiations trudged on, culminating in a tentative cease-fire draft for August eleventh: a halt to hostilities, positions to be held as of midnight on the tenth, and the creation of a border-demarcation commission. Moscow pressed for a neutral umpire; Tokyo resisted, accepting a Japanese participant but rejecting a neutral referee. The cease-fire was imperfect, with miscommunications and differing interpretations persisting.    #185 Operation Hainan Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. After what seemed like a lifetime over in the northern border between the USSR and Japan, today we are returning to the Second Sino-Japanese War. Now I thought it might be a bit jarring to dive into it, so let me do a brief summary of where we are at, in the year of 1939. As the calendar turned to 1939, the Second Sino-Japanese War, which had erupted in July 1937 with the Marco Polo Bridge Incident and escalated into full-scale conflict, had evolved into a protracted quagmire for the Empire of Japan. What began as a swift campaign to subjugate the Republic of China under Chiang Kai-shek had, by the close of 1938, transformed into a war of attrition. Japanese forces, under the command of generals like Shunroku Hata and Yasuji Okamura, had achieved stunning territorial gains: the fall of Shanghai in November 1937 after a brutal three-month battle that cost over 200,000 Chinese lives; the infamous capture of Nanjing in December 1937, marked by the Nanjing Massacre where an estimated 300,000 civilians and disarmed soldiers were killed in a six-week orgy of violence; and the sequential occupations of Xuzhou in May 1938, Wuhan in October 1938, and Guangzhou that same month.  These victories secured Japan's control over China's eastern seaboard, major riverine arteries like the Yangtze, and key industrial centers, effectively stripping the Nationalists of much of their economic base. Yet, despite these advances, China refused to capitulate. Chiang's government had retreated inland to the mountainous stronghold of Chongqing in Sichuan province, where it regrouped amid the fog-laden gorges, drawing on the vast human reserves of China's interior and the resilient spirit of its people. By late 1938, Japanese casualties had mounted to approximately 50,000 killed and 200,000 wounded annually, straining the Imperial Japanese Army's resources and exposing the vulnerabilities of overextended supply lines deep into hostile territory. In Tokyo, the corridors of the Imperial General Headquarters and the Army Ministry buzzed with urgent deliberations during the winter of 1938-1939. The initial doctrine of "quick victory" through decisive battles, epitomized by the massive offensives of 1937 and 1938, had proven illusory. Japan's military planners, influenced by the Kwantung Army's experiences in Manchuria and the ongoing stalemate, recognized that China's sheer size, with its 4 million square miles and over 400 million inhabitants, rendered total conquest unfeasible without unacceptable costs. Intelligence reports highlighted the persistence of Chinese guerrilla warfare, particularly in the north where Communist forces under Mao Zedong's Eighth Route Army conducted hit-and-run operations from bases in Shanxi and Shaanxi, sabotaging railways and ambushing convoys. The Japanese response included brutal pacification campaigns, such as the early iterations of what would later formalize as the "Three Alls Policy" (kill all, burn all, loot all), aimed at devastating rural economies and isolating resistance pockets. But these measures only fueled further defiance. By early 1939, a strategic pivot was formalized: away from direct annihilation of Chinese armies toward a policy of economic strangulation. This "blockade and interdiction" approach sought to sever China's lifelines to external aid, choking off the flow of weapons, fuel, and materiel that sustained the Nationalist war effort. As one Japanese staff officer noted in internal memos, the goal was to "starve the dragon in its lair," acknowledging the limits of Japanese manpower, total forces in China numbered around 1 million by 1939, against China's inexhaustible reserves. Central to this new strategy were the three primary overland supply corridors that had emerged as China's backdoors to the world, compensating for the Japanese naval blockade that had sealed off most coastal ports since late 1937. The first and most iconic was the Burma Road, a 717-mile engineering marvel hastily constructed between 1937 and 1938 by over 200,000 Chinese and Burmese laborers under the direction of engineers like Chih-Ping Chen. Stretching from the railhead at Lashio in British Burma (modern Myanmar) through treacherous mountain passes and dense jungles to Kunming in Yunnan province, the road navigated elevations up to 7,000 feet with hundreds of hairpin turns and precarious bridges. By early 1939, it was operational, albeit plagued by monsoonal mudslides, banditry, and mechanical breakdowns of the imported trucks, many Ford and Chevrolet models supplied via British Rangoon. Despite these challenges, it funneled an increasing volume of aid: in 1939 alone, estimates suggest up to 10,000 tons per month of munitions, gasoline, and aircraft parts from Allied sources, including early Lend-Lease precursors from the United States. The road's completion in 1938 had been a direct response to the loss of southern ports, and its vulnerability to aerial interdiction made it a prime target in Japanese planning documents. The second lifeline was the Indochina route, centered on the French-built Yunnan-Vietnam Railway (also known as the Hanoi-Kunming Railway), a 465-mile narrow-gauge line completed in 1910 that linked the port of Haiphong in French Indochina to Kunming via Hanoi and Lao Cai. This colonial artery, supplemented by parallel roads and river transport along the Red River, became China's most efficient supply conduit in 1938-1939, exploiting France's uneasy neutrality. French authorities, under Governor-General Pierre Pasquier and later Georges Catroux, turned a blind eye to transshipments, allowing an average of 15,000 to 20,000 tons monthly in early 1939, far surpassing the Burma Road's initial capacity. Cargoes included Soviet arms rerouted via Vladivostok and American oil, with French complicity driven by anti-Japanese sentiment and profitable tolls. However, Japanese reconnaissance flights from bases in Guangdong noted the vulnerability of bridges and rail yards, leading to initial bombing raids by mid-1939. Diplomatic pressure mounted, with Tokyo issuing protests to Paris, foreshadowing the 1940 closure under Vichy France after the fall of France in Europe. The route's proximity to the South China Sea made it a focal point for Japanese naval strategists, who viewed it as a "leak in the blockade." The third corridor, often overlooked but critical, was the Northwest Highway through Soviet Central Asia and Xinjiang province. This overland network, upgraded between 1937 and 1941 with Soviet assistance, connected the Turkestan-Siberian Railway at Almaty (then Alma-Ata) to Lanzhou in Gansu via Urumqi, utilizing a mix of trucks, camel caravans, and rudimentary roads across the Gobi Desert and Tian Shan mountains. Under the Sino-Soviet Non-Aggression Pact of August 1937 and subsequent aid agreements, Moscow supplied China with over 900 aircraft, 82 tanks, 1,300 artillery pieces, and vast quantities of ammunition and fuel between 1937 and 1941—much of it traversing this route. In 1938-1939, volumes peaked, with Soviet pilots and advisors even establishing air bases in Lanzhou. The highway's construction involved tens of thousands of Chinese laborers, facing harsh winters and logistical hurdles, but it delivered up to 2,000 tons monthly, including entire fighter squadrons like the Polikarpov I-16. Japanese intelligence, aware of this "Red lifeline," planned disruptions but were constrained by the ongoing Nomonhan Incident on the Manchurian-Soviet border in 1939, which diverted resources and highlighted the risks of provoking Moscow. These routes collectively sustained China's resistance, prompting Japan's high command to prioritize their severance. In March 1939, the South China Area Army was established under General Rikichi Andō (later succeeded by Field Marshal Hisaichi Terauchi), headquartered in Guangzhou, with explicit orders to disrupt southern communications. Aerial campaigns intensified, with Mitsubishi G3M "Nell" bombers from Wuhan and Guangzhou targeting Kunming's airfields and the Red River bridges, while diplomatic maneuvers pressured colonial powers: Britain faced demands during the June 1939 Tientsin Crisis to close the Burma Road, and France received ultimatums that culminated in the 1940 occupation of northern Indochina. Yet, direct assaults on Yunnan or Guangxi were deemed too arduous due to rugged terrain and disease risks. Instead, planners eyed peripheral objectives to encircle these arteries. This strategic calculus set the stage for the invasion of Hainan Island, a 13,000-square-mile landmass off Guangdong's southern coast, rich in iron and copper but strategically priceless for its position astride the Indochina route and proximity to Hong Kong. By February 1939, Japanese admirals like Nobutake Kondō of the 5th Fleet advocated seizure to establish air and naval bases, plugging blockade gaps and enabling raids on Haiphong and Kunming, a prelude to broader southern expansion that would echo into the Pacific War. Now after the fall campaign around Canton in autumn 1938, the Japanese 21st Army found itself embedded in a relentless effort to sever the enemy's lifelines. Its primary objective shifted from mere battlefield engagements to tightening the choke points of enemy supply, especially along the Canton–Hankou railway. Recognizing that war materiel continued to flow into the enemy's hands, the Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army to strike at every other supply route, one by one, until the arteries of logistics were stifled. The 21st Army undertook a series of decisive occupations to disrupt transport and provisioning from multiple directions. To sustain these difficult campaigns, Imperial General Headquarters reinforced the south China command, enabling greater operational depth and endurance. The 21st Army benefited from a series of reinforcements during 1939, which allowed a reorganization of assignments and missions: In late January, the Iida Detachment was reorganized into the Formosa Mixed Brigade and took part in the invasion of Hainan Island.  Hainan, just 15 miles across the Qiongzhou Strait from the mainland, represented a critical "loophole": it lay astride the Gulf of Tonkin, enabling smuggling of arms and materiel from Haiphong to Kunming, and offered potential airfields for bombing raids deep into Yunnan. Japanese interest in Hainan dated to the 1920s, driven by the Taiwan Governor-General's Office, which eyed the island's tropical resources (rubber, iron, copper) and naval potential at ports like Sanya (Samah). Prewar surveys by Japanese firms, such as those documented in Ide Kiwata's Minami Shina no Sangyō to Keizai (1939), highlighted mineral wealth and strategic harbors. The fall of Guangzhou in October 1938 provided the perfect launchpad, but direct invasion was delayed until early 1939 amid debates between the IJA (favoring mainland advances) and IJN (prioritizing naval encirclement). The operation would also heavily align with broader "southward advance" (Nanshin-ron) doctrine foreshadowing invasions of French Indochina (1940) and the Pacific War. On the Chinese side, Hainan was lightly defended as part of Guangdong's "peace preservation" under General Yu Hanmou. Two security regiments, six guard battalions, and a self-defense corps, totaling around 7,000–10,000 poorly equipped troops guarded the island, supplemented by roughly 300 Communist guerrillas under Feng Baiju, who operated independently in the interior. The indigenous Li (Hlai) people in the mountainous south, alienated by Nationalist taxes, provided uneven support but later allied with Communists. The Imperial General Headquarters ordered the 21st Army, in cooperation with the Navy, to occupy and hold strategic points on the island near Haikou-Shih. The 21st Army commander assigned the Formosa Mixed Brigade to carry out this mission. Planning began in late 1938 under the IJN's Fifth Fleet, with IJA support from the 21st Army. The objective: secure northern and southern landing sites to bisect the island, establish air/naval bases, and exploit resources. Vice Admiral Nobutake Kondō, commanding the fleet, emphasized surprise and air superiority. The invasion began under the cover of darkness on February 9, 1939, when Kondō's convoy entered Tsinghai Bay on the northern shore of Hainan and anchored at midnight. Japanese troops swiftly disembarked, encountering minimal initial resistance from the surprised Chinese defenders, and secured a beachhead in the northern zone. At 0300 hours on 10 February, the Formosa Mixed Brigade, operating in close cooperation with naval units, executed a surprise landing at the northeastern point of Tengmai Bay in north Hainan. By 04:30, the right flank reached the main road leading to Fengyingshih, while the left flank reached a position two kilometers south of Tienwei. By 07:00, the right flank unit had overcome light enemy resistance near Yehli and occupied Chiungshan. At that moment there were approximately 1,000 elements of the enemy's 5th Infantry Brigade (militia) at Chiungshan; about half of these troops were destroyed, and the remainder fled into the hills south of Tengmai in a state of disarray. Around 08:30 that same day, the left flank unit advanced to the vicinity of Shuchang and seized Hsiuying Heights. By 12:00, it occupied Haikou, the island's northern port city and administrative center, beginning around noon. Army and navy forces coordinated to mop up remaining pockets of resistance in the northern areas, overwhelming the scattered Chinese security units through superior firepower and organization. No large-scale battles are recorded in primary accounts; instead, the engagements were characterized by rapid advances and localized skirmishes, as the Chinese forces, lacking heavy artillery or air support, could not mount a sustained defense. By the end of the day, Japanese control over the north was consolidating, with Haikou falling under their occupation.Also on 10 February, the Brigade pushed forward to seize Cingang. Wenchang would be taken on the 22nd, followed by Chinglan Port on the 23rd. On February 11, the operation expanded southward when land combat units amphibiously assaulted Samah (now Sanya) at the island's southern tip. This landing allowed them to quickly seize key positions, including the port of Yulin (Yulinkang) and the town of Yai-Hsien (Yaxian, now part of Sanya). With these southern footholds secured, Japanese forces fanned out to subjugate the rest of the island, capturing inland areas and infrastructure with little organized opposition. Meanwhile, the landing party of the South China Navy Expeditionary Force, which had joined with the Army to secure Haikou, began landing on the island's southern shore at dawn on 14 February. They operated under the protection of naval and air units. By the same morning, the landing force had advanced to Sa-Riya and, by 12:00 hours, had captured Yulin Port. Chinese casualties were significant in the brief fighting; from January to May 1939, reports indicate the 11th security regiment alone suffered 8 officers and 162 soldiers killed, 3 officers and 16 wounded, and 5 officers and 68 missing, though figures for other units are unclear. Japanese losses were not publicly detailed but appear to have been light.  When crisis pressed upon them, Nationalist forces withdrew from coastal Haikou, shepherding the last civilians toward the sheltering embrace of the Wuzhi mountain range that bands the central spine of Hainan. From that high ground they sought to endure the storm, praying that the rugged hills might shield their families from the reach of war. Yet the Li country's mountains did not deliver a sanctuary free of conflict. Later in August of 1943, an uprising erupted among the Li,Wang Guoxing, a figure of local authority and stubborn resolve. His rebellion was swiftly crushed; in reprisal, the Nationalists executed a seizure of vengeance that extended far beyond the moment of defeat, claiming seven thousand members of Wang Guoxing's kin in his village. The episode was grim testimony to the brutal calculus of war, where retaliation and fear indelibly etched the landscape of family histories. Against this backdrop, the Communists under Feng Baiju and the native Li communities forged a vigorous guerrilla war against the occupiers. The struggle was not confined to partisan skirmishes alone; it unfolded as a broader contest of survival and resistance. The Japanese response was relentless and punitive, and it fell upon Li communities in western Hainan with particular ferocity, Sanya and Danzhou bore the brunt of violence, as did the many foreign laborers conscripted into service by the occupying power. The toll of these reprisals was stark: among hundreds of thousands of slave laborers pressed into service, tens of thousands perished. Of the 100,000 laborers drawn from Hong Kong, only about 20,000 survived the war's trials, a haunting reminder of the human cost embedded in the occupation. Strategically, the island of Hainan took on a new if coercive purpose. Portions of the island were designated as a naval administrative district, with the Hainan Guard District Headquarters established at Samah, signaling its role as a forward air base and as an operational flank for broader anti-Chiang Kai-shek efforts. In parallel, the island's rich iron and copper resources were exploited to sustain the war economy of the occupiers. The control of certain areas on Hainan provided a base of operations for incursions into Guangdong and French Indochina, while the airbases that dotted the island enabled long-range air raids that threaded routes from French Indochina and Burma into the heart of China. The island thus assumed a grim dual character: a frontier fortress for the occupiers and a ground for the prolonged suffering of its inhabitants. Hainan then served as a launchpad for later incursions into Guangdong and Indochina. Meanwhile after Wuhan's collapse, the Nationalist government's frontline strength remained formidable, even as attrition gnawed at its edges. By the winter of 1938–1939, the front line had swelled to 261 divisions of infantry and cavalry, complemented by 50 independent brigades. Yet the political and military fissures within the Kuomintang suggested fragility beneath the apparent depth of manpower. The most conspicuous rupture came with Wang Jingwei's defection, the vice president and chairman of the National Political Council, who fled to Hanoi on December 18, 1938, leading a procession of more than ten other KMT officials, including Chen Gongbo, Zhou Fohai, Chu Minqi, and Zeng Zhongming. In the harsh arithmetic of war, defections could not erase the country's common resolve to resist Japanese aggression, and the anti-Japanese national united front still served as a powerful instrument, rallying the Chinese populace to "face the national crisis together." Amid this political drama, Japan's strategy moved into a phase that sought to convert battlefield endurance into political consolidation. As early as January 11, 1938, Tokyo had convened an Imperial Conference and issued a framework for handling the China Incident that would shape the theater for years. The "Outline of Army Operations Guidance" and "Continental Order No. 241" designated the occupied territories as strategic assets to be held with minimal expansion beyond essential needs. The instruction mapped an operational zone that compressed action to a corridor between Anqing, Xinyang, Yuezhou, and Nanchang, while the broader line of occupation east of a line tracing West Sunit, Baotou, and the major river basins would be treated as pacified space. This was a doctrine of attrition, patience, and selective pressure—enough to hold ground, deny resources to the Chinese, and await a more opportune political rupture. Yet even as Japan sought political attrition, the war's tactical center of gravity drifted toward consolidation around Wuhan and the pathways that fed the Yangtze. In October 1938, after reducing Wuhan to a fortressed crescent of contested ground, the Japanese General Headquarters acknowledged the imperative to adapt to a protracted war. The new calculus prioritized political strategy alongside military operations: "We should attach importance to the offensive of political strategy, cultivate and strengthen the new regime, and make the National Government decline, which will be effective." If the National Government trembled under coercive pressure, it risked collapse, and if not immediately, then gradually through a staged series of operations. In practice, this meant reinforcing a centralized center while allowing peripheral fronts to be leveraged against Chongqing's grip on the war's moral economy. In the immediate post-Wuhan period, Japan divided its responsibilities and aimed at a standoff that would enable future offensives. The 11th Army Group, stationed in the Wuhan theater, became the spearhead of field attacks on China's interior, occupying a strategic triangle that included Hunan, Jiangxi, and Guangxi, and protecting the rear of southwest China's line of defense. The central objective was not merely to seize territory, but to deny Chinese forces the capacity to maneuver along the critical rail and river corridors that fed the Nanjing–Jiujiang line and the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway. Central to this plan was Wuhan's security and the ability to constrain Jiujiang's access to the Yangtze, preserving a corridor for air power and logistics. The pre-war arrangement in early 1939 was a tableau of layered defenses and multiple war zones, designed to anticipate and blunt Japanese maneuver. By February 1939, the Ninth War Zone under Xue Yue stood in a tense standoff with the Japanese 11th Army along the Jiangxi and Hubei front south of the Yangtze. The Ninth War Zone's order of battle, Luo Zhuoying's 19th Army Group defending the northern Nanchang front, Wang Lingji's 30th Army Group near Wuning, Fan Songfu's 8th and 73rd Armies along Henglu, Tang Enbo's 31st Army Group guarding southern Hubei and northern Hunan, and Lu Han's 1st Army Group in reserve near Changsha and Liuyang, was a carefully calibrated attempt to absorb, delay, and disrupt any Xiushui major Japanese thrust toward Nanchang, a city whose strategic significance stretched beyond its own bounds. In the spring of 1939, Nanchang was the one city in southern China that Tokyo could not leave in Chinese hands. It was not simply another provincial capital; it was the beating heart of whatever remained of China's war effort south of the Yangtze, and the Japanese knew it. High above the Gan River, on the flat plains west of Poyang Lake, lay three of the finest airfields China had ever built: Qingyunpu, Daxiaochang, and Xiangtang. Constructed only a few years earlier with Soviet engineers and American loans, they were long, hard-surfaced, and ringed with hangars and fuel dumps. Here the Chinese Air Force had pulled back after the fall of Wuhan, and here the red-starred fighters and bombers of the Soviet volunteer groups still flew. From Nanchang's runways a determined pilot could reach Japanese-held Wuhan in twenty minutes, Guangzhou in less than an hour, and even strike the docks at Hong Kong if he pushed his range. Every week Japanese reconnaissance planes returned with photographs of fresh craters patched, new aircraft parked wing-to-wing, and Soviet pilots sunning themselves beside their I-16s. As long as those fields remained Chinese, Japan could never claim the sky. The city was more than airfields. It sat exactly where the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway met the line running north to Jiujiang and the Yangtze, a knot that tied together three provinces. Barges crowded Poyang Lake's western shore, unloading crates of Soviet ammunition and aviation fuel that had come up the river from the Indochina railway. Warehouses along the tracks bulged with shells and rice. To the Japanese staff officers plotting in Wuhan and Guangzhou, Nanchang looked less like a city and more like a loaded spring: if Chiang Kai-shek ever found the strength for a counteroffensive to retake the middle Yangtze, this would be the place from which it would leap. And so, in the cold March of 1939, the Imperial General Headquarters marked Nanchang in red on every map and gave General Okamura the order he had been waiting for: take it, whatever the cost. Capturing the city would do three things at once. It would blind the Chinese Air Force in the south by seizing or destroying the only bases from which it could still seriously operate. It would tear a hole in the last east–west rail line still feeding Free China. And it would shove the Nationalist armies another two hundred kilometers farther into the interior, buying Japan precious time to digest its earlier conquests and tighten the blockade. Above all, Nanchang was the final piece in a great aerial ring Japan was closing around southern China. Hainan had fallen in February, giving the navy its southern airfields. Wuhan and Guangzhou already belonged to the army. Once Nanchang was taken, Japanese aircraft would sit on a continuous arc of bases from the tropical beaches of the South China Sea to the banks of the Yangtze, and nothing (neither the Burma Road convoys nor the French railway from Hanoi) would move without their permission. Chiang Kai-shek's decision to strike first in the Nanchang region in March 1939 reflected both urgency and a desire to seize initiative before Japanese modernization of the battlefield could fully consolidate. On March 8, Chiang directed Xue Yue to prepare a preemptive attack intended to seize the offensive by March 15, focusing the Ninth War Zone's efforts on preventing a river-crossing assault and pinning Japanese forces in place. The plan called for a sequence of coordinated actions: the 19th Army Group to hold the northern front of Nanchang; the Hunan-Hubei-Jiangxi Border Advance Army (the 8th and 73rd Armies) to strike the enemy's left flank from Wuning toward De'an and Ruichang; the 30th and 27th Army Groups to consolidate near Wuning; and the 1st Army Group to push toward Xiushui and Sandu, opening routes for subsequent operations. Yet even as Xue Yue pressed for action, the weather of logistics and training reminded observers that no victory could be taken for granted. By March 9–10, Xue Yue warned Chiang that troops were not adequately trained, supplies were scarce, and preparations were insufficient, requesting a postponement to March 24. Chiang's reply was resolute: the attack must commence no later than the 24th, for the aim was preemption and the desire to tether the enemy's forces before they could consolidate. When the moment of decision arrived, the Chinese army began to tense, and the Japanese, no strangers to rapid shifts in tempo—moved to exploit any hesitation or fog of mobilization. The Ninth War Zone's response crystallized into a defensive posture as the Japanese pressed forward, marking a transition from preemption to standoff as both sides tested the limits of resilience. The Japanese plan for what would become known as Operation Ren, aimed at severing the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway, breaking the enemy's line of communication, and isolating Nanchang, reflected a calculated synthesis of air power, armored mobility, and canalized ground offensives. On February 6, 1939, the Central China Expeditionary Army issued a set of precise directives: capture Nanchang to cut the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway and disrupt the southern reach of Anhui and Zhejiang provinces; seize Nanchang along the Nanchang–Xunyi axis to split enemy lines and "crush" Chinese resistance south of that zone; secure rear lines immediately after the city's fall; coordinate with naval air support to threaten Chinese logistics and airfields beyond the rear lines. The plan anticipated contingencies by pre-positioning heavy artillery and tanks in formations that could strike with speed and depth, a tactical evolution from previous frontal assaults. Okamura Yasuji, commander of the 11th Army, undertook a comprehensive program of reconnaissance, refining the assault plan with a renewed emphasis on speed and surprise. Aerial reconnaissance underlined the terrain, fortifications, and the disposition of Chinese forces, informing the selection of the Xiushui River crossing and the route of the main axis of attack. Okamura's decision to reorganize artillery and armor into concentrated tank groups, flanked by air support and advanced by long-range maneuver, marked a departure from the earlier method of distributing heavy weapons along the infantry front. Sumita Laishiro commanded the 6th Field Heavy Artillery Brigade, with more than 300 artillery pieces, while Hirokichi Ishii directed a force of 135 tanks and armored vehicles. This blended arms approach promised a breakthrough that would outpace the Chinese defenders and open routes for the main force. By mid-February 1939, Japanese preparations had taken on a high tempo. The 101st and 106th Divisions, along with attached artillery, assembled south of De'an, while tank contingents gathered north of De'an. The 6th Division began moving toward Ruoxi and Wuning, the Inoue Detachment took aim at the waterways of Poyang Lake, and the 16th and 9th Divisions conducted feints on the Han River's left bank. The orchestration of these movements—feints, riverine actions, and armored flanking, was designed to reduce the Chinese capacity to concentrate forces around Nanchang and to force the defenders into a less secure posture along the Nanchang–Jiujiang axis. Japan's southward strategy reframed the war: no longer a sprint to reduce Chinese forces in open fields, but a patient siege of lifelines, railways, and airbases. Hainan's seizure, the control of Nanchang's airfields, and the disruption of the Zhejiang–Jiangxi Railway exemplified a shift from large-scale battles to coercive pressure that sought to cripple Nationalist mobilization and erode Chongqing's capacity to sustain resistance. For China, the spring of 1939 underscored resilience amid mounting attrition. Chiang Kai-shek's insistence on offensive means to seize the initiative demonstrated strategic audacity, even as shortages and uneven training slowed tempo. The Ninth War Zone's defense, bolstered by makeshift airpower from Soviet and Allied lendings, kept open critical corridors and delayed Japan's consolidation. The war's human cost—massive casualties, forced labor, and the Li uprising on Hainan—illuminates the brutality that fueled both sides' resolve. In retrospect, the period around Canton, Wuhan, and Nanchang crystallizes a grim truth: the Sino-Japanese war was less a single crescendo of battles than a protracted contest of endurance, logistics, and political stamina. The early 1940s would widen these fault lines, but the groundwork laid in 1939, competition over supply routes, air control, and strategic rail nodes, would shape the war's pace and, ultimately, its outcome. The conflict's memory lies not only in the clashes' flash but in the stubborn persistence of a nation fighting to outlast a formidable adversary. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Japanese invasion of Hainan and proceeding operations to stop logistical leaks into Nationalist China, showcased the complexity and scale of the growing Second Sino-Japanese War. It would not merely be a war of territorial conquest, Japan would have to strangle the colossus using every means necessary.  

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. An Iranian official said this morning that authorities verified at least 5,000 people had been killed in protests in Iran, including about 500 security personnel, since December 28. According to a Sunday Times report citing an account put together by a network of Iranian doctors, the toll is more than 16,500 dead -- most under 30 -- and at least 330,000 people injured. Berman delves into the conflicting reports and updates us on what US President Donald Trump said Saturday. The Israel Defense Forces and the Shin Bet on Saturday revealed the identities of several Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad operatives killed in strikes across the Gaza Strip earlier in the week, which Israel said were carried out in response to a “blatant violation” of the ceasefire in western Rafah when gunmen opened fire at troops. With both sides claiming ceasefire violations, Berman reviews what a ceasefire entails. We also learn how Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu responded to reports that the executive board for Trump’s Board of Peace includes senior officials from Qatar and Turkey. Syria’s army took control of swathes of the country’s north over the weekend, dislodging Kurdish forces from territory over which they had held effective autonomy for more than a decade. President Ahmed al-Sharaa issued a decree declaring Kurdish a “national language” and granting the minority group official recognition. All this comes before the president is meant to speak with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in Berlin on Tuesday, as Germany seeks to step up deportations of Syrians. Is this the start of a great return to Syria? Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: In first, Trump appears to call for end of ‘sick man’ Khamenei’s rule in Iran Deadly crackdown appears to have quashed Iran protests, residents say Iranian doctors put death toll in suppressed uprising at over 16,500 — report Hamas operative behind 1995 terror attack among those killed in Gaza strikes, says IDF Netanyahu fumes at Gaza oversight panel makeup as Trump invites Erdogan to peace board Syrian army extends hold over north, capturing areas held by Kurds for over a decade Sharaa to meet with German chancellor as Berlin seeks to deport Syrian refugees Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: A protester has her face painted to resemble bullet holes during a rally in support of the Iranian people in Rome, January 17, 2026. (AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

DIPLOMATIC COUPS AND THE WEAK CONFEDERATION Colleague Joseph Ellis. John Jay secured a diplomatic triumph by defying instructions to consult the French, negotiating directly with Britain to establish the Mississippi River as the western border. Post-war, the government was a loose confederation of sovereign states rather than a unified nation, leaving it ill-equipped to handle slavery or indigenous rights. Robert Morris, the "Financier," personally funded the army's demobilization when Congress failed to pay the troops. NUMBER 71821

Venezuela releases Czech political prisoner: Prague signals readiness for diplomatic reset, Petr Pavel's Ukraine visit highlights care for wounded soldiers and war-affected children, Photographer Bet Orten on art, motherhood and moving on from fashion

This week, Scott sat down with his Lawfare colleagues Tyler McBrien, Michael Feinberg, and Ariane Tabatabai to talk through the week's big news in national security, including:“Between Iraq and a Hard Place.” Iran is engaged in perhaps its most serious bout of domestic unrest in a decade, spurred on by a failing economy and the seeming political weakness of the regime after its devastating military conflict with Israel and the United States this past summer. But the regime has struck back viciously, cutting off global media and communications access even as it has engaged in a vicious and violent campaign of repression that may have already led to as many as between 2,000 and 12,000 fatalities. That has led, among other things, to threats from the Trump administration that it may intervene militarily against the regime. What should we be making of this development? What does it mean for the future of Iran, and what role might the United States play in that future?“A Slippery Slope.” ICE's increasingly provocative immigration enforcement actions came to a violent head last week in Minneapolis, when ICE agent Jonathan Ross shot and killed driver and possible protest participant Renee Good. While the White House has sought to frame Good as a “domestic terrorist” who threatened Ross, videos of the incident instead suggest that her conduct came nowhere close to the standard normally required for the use of lethal force. The FBI is now reportedly investigating Good's widow for ties to activist groups, an effort that led several career federal prosecutors to quit this week. How effective are the administration's attempts to shape the truth likely to prove? “Green with Envy.” Diplomatic representatives from Denmark and Greenland are meeting with senior administration officials as we record to discuss a way forward on Greenland, the self-governing and all-but-independent Danish territory that President Trump has openly coveted since returning to office, up to and including the threat of military force to acquire it. How serious should the world take these threats? Where is the competition over Greenland likely to lead?In object lessons, Tyler is setting the mood with a recommendation of Way Dynamic's album “Massive Shoe.” Mike is boosting our moods with a preview of “One Movie After Another,” a retrospective of Paul Thomas Anderson films, coming soon to the AFI Silver Theatre in Silver Spring. Scott is setting some mood lighting with his Xenomorph-like bedtime reading light from Glocusent. And Ari is getting moody with a revisit of Pedro Almodóvar's “Pain and Glory.”To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

This week, Scott sat down with his Lawfare colleagues Tyler McBrien, Michael Feinberg, and Ariane Tabatabai to talk through the week's big news in national security, including:“Between Iraq and a Hard Place.” Iran is engaged in perhaps its most serious bout of domestic unrest in a decade, spurred on by a failing economy and the seeming political weakness of the regime after its devastating military conflict with Israel and the United States this past summer. But the regime has struck back viciously, cutting off global media and communications access even as it has engaged in a vicious and violent campaign of repression that may have already led to as many as between 2,000 and 12,000 fatalities. That has led, among other things, to threats from the Trump administration that it may intervene militarily against the regime. What should we be making of this development? What does it mean for the future of Iran, and what role might the United States play in that future?“A Slippery Slope.” ICE's increasingly provocative immigration enforcement actions came to a violent head last week in Minneapolis, when ICE agent Jonathan Ross shot and killed driver and possible protest participant Renee Good. While the White House has sought to frame Good as a “domestic terrorist” who threatened Ross, videos of the incident instead suggest that her conduct came nowhere close to the standard normally required for the use of lethal force. The FBI is now reportedly investigating Good's widow for ties to activist groups, an effort that led several career federal prosecutors to quit this week. How effective are the administration's attempts to shape the truth likely to prove? “Green with Envy.” Diplomatic representatives from Denmark and Greenland are meeting with senior administration officials as we record to discuss a way forward on Greenland, the self-governing and all-but-independent Danish territory that President Trump has openly coveted since returning to office, up to and including the threat of military force to acquire it. How serious should the world take these threats? Where is the competition over Greenland likely to lead?In object lessons, Tyler is setting the mood with a recommendation of Way Dynamic's album “Massive Shoe.” Mike is boosting our moods with a preview of “One Movie After Another,” a retrospective of Paul Thomas Anderson films, coming soon to the AFI Silver Theatre in Silver Spring. Scott is setting some mood lighting with his Xenomorph-like bedtime reading light from Glocusent. And Ari is getting moody with a revisit of Pedro Almodóvar's “Pain and Glory.”To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Can you buy... a country? US President Donald Trump has made very clear his intention to acquire Greenland, despite it not being for sale. So what happens next? And is this just another chapter in what's turning out to be a pretty chaotic diplomatic playbook from the Trump Administration? And in headlines today, Days after bushfires raged across the state, flash flooding has hit Victoria’s Great Ocean Road; According to figures released by the federal government today, almost five million social media accounts have been deactivated or restricted since Australia's world-first age restrictions took effect on December 10; US President Donald Trump has threatened ‍to use the Insurrection Act, which would allow him to ​deploy military forces in Minnesota amid escalating tension over the ⁠deployment of federal ICE agents, which has become the focus of daily clashes; Elon Musk's AI chatbot Grok will no longer be able to edit photos to portray real people in revealing clothing in places where that is illegal; Pamela Anderson has explained how she felt uncomfortable in the audience at the Golden Globes, because she was sitting near Seth Rogan who made a TV show about some of the worst times in her life without ever speaking to her about it THE END BITS Support independent women's media Check out The Quicky Instagram here GET IN TOUCHShare your story, feedback, or dilemma! Send us a voice note or email us at thequicky@mamamia.com.au CREDITS Hosts: Taylah Strano & Claire Murphy Guests: David Smith - Associate Professor, United States Studies Centre Audio Producer: Lu Hill Group Executive Producer: Ilaria BrophyBecome a Mamamia subscriber: https://www.mamamia.com.au/subscribeSee omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

John Maytham is joined by Daily Maverick journalist, Peter Fabricius, to discuss Iran pulling out of SA’s joint naval exercise and the political tensions that continues to brew. Presenter John Maytham is an actor and author-turned-talk radio veteran and seasoned journalist. His show serves a round-up of local and international news coupled with the latest in business, sport, traffic and weather. The host’s eclectic interests mean the program often surprises the audience with intriguing book reviews and inspiring interviews profiling artists. A daily highlight is Rapid Fire, just after 5:30pm. CapeTalk fans call in, to stump the presenter with their general knowledge questions. Another firm favourite is the humorous Thursday crossing with award-winning journalist Rebecca Davis, called “Plan B”. Thank you for listening to a podcast from Afternoon Drive with John Maytham Listen live on Primedia+ weekdays from 15:00 and 18:00 (SA Time) to Afternoon Drive with John Maytham broadcast on CapeTalk https://buff.ly/NnFM3Nk For more from the show go to https://buff.ly/BSFy4Cn or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/n8nWt4x Subscribe to the CapeTalk Daily and Weekly Newsletters https://buff.ly/sbvVZD5 Follow us on social media: CapeTalk on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@capetalk CapeTalk on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/ CapeTalk on X: https://x.com/CapeTalk CapeTalk on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@CapeTalk567 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Iran’s parliament speaker has threatened to attack Israel and US military and shipping targets, were the US to launch a strike on the country that is increasingly isolated from the world by the theocratic regime. As nationwide protests reached the two-week mark today, we discuss how Iran’s Crown Prince Reza Pahlavi is trying to position himself as a player in his country’s future and the nexus between the anti-regime protests and Israel. The US military said on Saturday that it had carried out multiple strikes in Syria targeting the Islamic State terror group as part of an operation that Washington launched in December after an attack on American personnel on December 13. At the same time, after talks in Paris last week, Israel and Syria agreed to create a mechanism that will facilitate de-escalation, diplomacy and commercial opportunities between the two countries, according to a joint statement from the two countries and the US that was released by Washington. We unwind what is happening on the ground. Under a military aid package negotiated in 2016, Israel receives some $3.8 billion annually from the US, mostly in the form of subsidies to buy American-made arms. The aid package, which took effect in 2018, is set to expire in 2028. Recently, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is making statements that add up to a growing interest for Israel to wean itself from this aid. Berman weighs in. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Death toll in Iran protest crackdown said to pass 115; Trump reportedly considering strike As Iranian regime shuts down internet, even Starlink seemingly being jammed Iran’s exiled crown prince Pahlavi takes on leading role urging protests in former homeland US military says it carried out strikes across Syria targeting Islamic State Syria says Kurdish fighters being moved from Aleppo after days of deadly clashes Israel and Syria agree on mechanism to share intel, seek economic ties Netanyahu says he aims to end US military aid to Israel within a decade Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: Protesters participate in a demonstration in Berlin, Germany, in support of the nationwide mass anti-regime protests in Iran, January 10, 2026. (AP/Ebrahim Noroozi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

The United States, on 3 January, executed an unprecedented international intervention by conducting a military operation in Venezuela, which resulted in the removal of President Nicolás Maduro. Subsequently, he was extradited to the United States to face federal criminal charges, including allegations of drug trafficking. In the ensuing chaos, Delcy Rodríguez was appointed as interim president, as the nation grappled with deep political uncertainty and persistent economic challenges. Diplomatic relations with the United States have undergone a significant transformation, with Washington indicating its intention to indefinitely oversee Venezuelan oil sales, including the management of revenue allocation to benefit the populace.

SHIFTS IN US POLICY AND THE RISE OF THE SHIA CRESCENT Colleague Brandon Weichert. This section tracks US policy shifts from Clinton's diplomatic attempts to the unintended consequences of the 2003 Iraq War. Weichert argues that removing Saddam Hussein eliminated a check on Iranian power, allowing Tehran to establish a "Shia Crescent" of influence stretching to Lebanon. The conversation covers the deep Sunni-Shia hostility and Iran'sstrategic co-opting of the Palestinian cause to weaken Israel. It also critiques the Obama administration's JCPOA, describing it as a failed attempt to equalize regional power between Iran and Israel, and traces Iran's nuclear ambitions back to Eisenhower's "Atoms for Peace" program. SHADOW WAR BY BRANDON WEICHERT NUMBER 31897 DAMASCUS

FROM THE HALL OF BENEDICTION, POPE LEO XIV' AUDIENCE TO THE MEMBERS OF THE DIPLOMATIC CORPS ACCREDITED TO THE HOLY SEE FOR THE NEW YEAR GREETINGS (The content of this podcast is copyrighted by the Dicastery for Communication which, according to its statute, is entrusted to manage and protect the sound recordings of the Roman Pontiff, ensuring that their pastoral character and intellectual property's rights are protected when used by third parties. The content of this podcast is made available only for personal and private use and cannot be exploited for commercial purposes, without prior written authorization by the Dicastery for Communication. For further information, please contact the International Relation Office at relazioni.internazionali@spc.va)

Welcome to the Celestial Insights Podcast, the show that brings the stars down to Earth! Each week, astrologer, coach, and intuitive Celeste Brooks of Astrology by Celeste will be your guide. Her website is astrologybyceleste.com.  

PREVIEW THE COMPLEXITY OF US-CHINA TRADE NEGOTIATIONS Colleague Anne Stevenson-Yang. Stevenson-Yang argues against a trade embargo, citing US dependence on Chinese supply chains and fears of inflation. She highlights a major diplomatic hurdle: China is willing to offer concessions but remains unsure of the specific "ask" required by the US administration to resolve the conflict. 1900 BOXER TERROR

THE 1936 OLYMPICS AND DIPLOMATIC GAMES Colleague Charles Spicer. During the 1936 Berlin Olympics, the Nazi regime launched a charm offensive, wining and dining officials like Vansittart, who returned to Londonalarmed yet somewhat placated by Hitler's apparent desire for peace. Ribbentrop, desperate for promotion, hosted lavish events but was viewed by British diplomats as an intellectual lightweight and socially insecure. In a significant diplomatic maneuver, the Anglo-German Fellowship circumvented Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin's refusal to meet Hitler by arranging for former Prime Minister David Lloyd George to visit the dictator. Lloyd George, a political titan and the man who had won the First World War, was seen as an ideal figure to build rapport and potentially civilize the German leadership. NUMBER 4 1945-46 KESSELRING ACCUSED

THE CORONATION AND INTELLIGENCE NETWORKS Colleague Charles Spicer. The coronation of George VI in May 1937 became a backdrop for diplomatic maneuvering, culminating in a disastrously overcrowded party at the German embassy organized by the social-climbing Anneliese Ribbentrop. While Nazi sympathizers and high society mingled, the Anglo-German Fellowship was infiltrated by Kim Philby, who was hired to manage publicity while secretly reporting to Soviet intelligence. Simultaneously, realizing the futility of civilizing the Nazis, Conwell-Evans and Christie transitioned into functioning as a "private detective agency" for Vansittart, utilizing their access to gather intelligence that the official services lacked. Despite the social chaos and espionage, German War Minister von Blomberg attended the coronation and was well-received, hinting at alternative diplomatic paths had Ribbentrop not intervened. NUMBER 7 1946 DEFENSE COUNCIL AT THE NUREMBERG TRIAL

DIPLOMATIC FAILURES AND SOVIET INFILTRATION IN 1939 Colleague Charles Spicer. By early 1939, British efforts to maintain peace were hampered by disastrous appointments, specifically the pro-appeasement ambassador Neville Henderson in Berlin and the increasingly irrational and Anglophobic Ribbentrop in London. Intelligence provided by Philip Conwell-Evans and Graham Christie reached Foreign Secretary Halifax, who began to doubt Chamberlain's appeasement policy as he moved closer to Churchill's position. Meanwhile, the Anglo-German Fellowship faced internal contradictions, such as a controversial dinner for a Nazi women's leader, which Halifaxadvised against cancelling to keep communication channels open. The narrative also reveals that left-wing opposition to these efforts was manipulated by Soviet intelligence, as exemplified by "Simon Haxey," the author of Tory MP, who was later exposed as a recruiter for Soviet spies. NUMBER 11 1946 NUREMBERG ACCUSED AND THE GUARDS

In this episode, Alex breaks down the latest escalation in Venezuela and why Russia's renewed involvement is raising regional and global stakes. It explores how recent incidents—from mysterious explosions to oil tanker maneuvering—fit into a broader power struggle, and what the diplomatic fallout could mean for Venezuela, its neighbors, and U.S.–Russia tensions going forward.

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump held a meeting yesterday in Trump's Mar-a-Lago residence in Florida. We start with the collegial atmosphere of the press conference and how it belied fears of US frustration with Israel. Berman takes us through the stances expressed by the two leaders, starting with the possibility of a strike on Iran. Trump, standing next to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, says he would back an Israeli attack on Iran when asked whether he’d support an Israeli attack if Iran resumes production of its missile and nuclear programs. Berman then takes us to the Lebanon front and discusses a looming disarmament deadline there before discussing the interesting comments made about Turkey and Syria during the meetup. Much focus was naturally on the Gaza War and asked twice whether he would allow for the commencement of the second phase before the return of the final hostage in Gaza, slain Master Sgt. Ran Gvili, Trump declined to answer directly. Trump did say he and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu “talked about Hamas and we talked about disarmament.” However, we learn that there is no timeline for the disarmament. Asked whether the Palestinian Authority should be allowed to play a role in the postwar management of Gaza, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said that the PA will have to implement “real reforms.” Borschel-Dan wonders that the premier did not dismiss it out of hand, and indeed, whether Fatah could be a threat to Hamas in Gaza. Berman answers. The press conference launched a mini-media storm in Israel after Trump claimed that President Isaac Herzog had recently told him that a pardon for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is “on its way.” We learn what the response was in Florida. And finally, we also hear how, during his meeting with Netanyahu, Trump accepted a phone call from Education Minister Yoav Kisch, who told him he had been awarded the Israel Prize. Israel’s top civilian honor has never been bestowed on a foreign leader. Trump will receive the Israel Prize for special contribution to the Jewish people. But will Trump take the bait and visit Israel on Independence Day? Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Meeting PM, Trump warns of ‘hell to pay’ if Hamas doesn’t disarm in ‘very short’ time Trump claims Herzog told him Netanyahu pardon ‘on its way’; Israeli president denies it Trump to be awarded Israel Prize next year, the country’s top honor Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: President Donald Trump speaks during a news conference with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at Mar-a-Lago, December 29, 2025, in Palm Beach, Florida. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Ray White speaks to Dr Charles Sinkala, international relations expert on Somalia being recognised by Isreal ahead of them taking the Presidency of the UN Security Council. 702 Breakfast with Bongani Bingwa is broadcast on 702, a Johannesburg based talk radio station. Bongani makes sense of the news, interviews the key newsmakers of the day, and holds those in power to account on your behalf. The team bring you all you need to know to start your day Thank you for listening to a podcast from 702 Breakfast with Bongani Bingwa Listen live on Primedia+ weekdays from 06:00 and 09:00 (SA Time) to Breakfast with Bongani Bingwa broadcast on 702: https://buff.ly/gk3y0Kj For more from the show go to https://buff.ly/36edSLV or find all the catch-up podcasts here https://buff.ly/zEcM35T Subscribe to the 702 Daily and Weekly Newsletters https://buff.ly/v5mfetc Follow us on social media: 702 on Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/TalkRadio702 702 on TikTok: https://www.tiktok.com/@talkradio702 702 on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/talkradio702/ 702 on X: https://x.com/Radio702 702 on YouTube: https://www.youtube.com/@radio702 See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

In Cold War Two, the USA is pressuring countries to cut ties with China and recognize Taiwan separatists. Donald Trump blatantly meddled in Honduras' 2025 election and backed a political coup to put in power right-wing oligarch Nasry "Tito" Asfura, who strongly supports Taiwan and Israel. Ben Norton discusses US imperialism in Latin America. VIDEO: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XhV7wRi8yYM Topics 0:00 Cold War Two 0:48 Monroe Doctrine 1:27 One China policy 2:23 US arms sales to Taiwan 3:09 Countries that recognize Taiwan 5:04 Map of Taiwan recognition 5:29 Electoral coup in Honduras 7:14 US-backed 2009 military coup 7:53 Trafficker Juan Orlando Hernández 9:05 Trump meddles in Honduras election 10:27 Electoral coup 11:27 US puppet Nasry "Tito" Asfura 12:19 USA, Israel, and Taiwan 13:06 Diplomatic relations with China 14:17 Cutting ties with China 15:14 US National Security Strategy 16:51 Israel - Palestine 19:05 Central American Arab pro-Israel leaders 22:21 US-backed electoral coup 27:54 US imperialism in Latin America 28:44 Honduras resists US coups 30:23 Anti-imperialist resistance 31:27 Outro

For the holidays, we asked diplomats to share their tales. We have Ken Quinn whose young kids' Christmas in Austria was saved by a team including the Chattanooga Choo Choo, a muslim Santa and a temporary North Korean "daugther". We have Peter Pham who, on his way home for the holidays from his post in the Democratic Republic of the Congo was diverted to Paris due to the US government shutdown, which turn of events led him to ensure the safety return of a recent Congolese Nobel Prize winner. And we have Kent Logsdon who shares a moving tale of singing in an ambassadors' version of a barbershop quartet the song War Is Over, when indeed, war had only just ended in that country. Have a lovely holiday season, everyone!

US EXPANSIONISM AND DIPLOMATIC RIFTS Colleague Gregory Copley. Gregory Copley analyzes US foreign policy moves regarding Greenland, Panama, and Venezuela, describing them as a return to "might is right" expansionism. NUMBER 9 1777 GREENLAND

Listen to the latest SBS Hindi news from India. 24/12/2025

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will meet in Jerusalem this afternoon with the Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides. He will hold a bilateral meeting with each leader, then will host a trilateral summit, followed by statements to the press. We learn about the summit's goals. Israel has warned the Trump administration that Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps may be using an ongoing military exercise focusing on missiles as cover to launch an attack on Israel, according to a Sunday report, amid fears that Jerusalem and Tehran are readying for another confrontation. At the same time, IDF Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Eyal Zamir warned Sunday that the military will strike Israel’s enemies “wherever required, on near and distant fronts alike,” apparently hinting that Israel may again need to attack in Iran. Berman weighs in as the drums of war appear to approach. Berman sat with US Senator Lindsey Graham for a one-on-one interview yesterday in Tel Aviv. We learn how the senator believes Hamas must be given a deadline for relinquishing its weapons, after which Israel will have a green light to return to combat operations across the Gaza Strip. As phase two of the Trump peace plan's ceasefire appears stalled, will the IDF need to move in again? Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Israel warns US that Iran may use missile launch drill as cover to strike – report Army chief, hinting at potential new Iran war, says IDF will strike ‘wherever required’ Leading GOP senator: Hamas must be given deadline to disarm or face renewed war Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves. IMAGE: Demonstrators walk on an image of the Israeli flag with blood dripping Star of David as one of them carries a replica of a missile during an annual rally in front of the former US Embassy in Tehran, celebrating the anniversary of the 1979 takeover of the embassy, Iran, November 4, 2025. (AP Photo/Vahid Salemi)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

A whole mess of AI generated shownotes. Enjoy! 00:25 – Christmas in Hong Kong, KFC in JapanJoel (Jack the Insider) opens Episode 138 and checks in with Jack (Hong Kong Jack) about Hong Kong's love of Christmas shopping, surreal mall installations and the absence of nativity scenes, before detouring to Japan's KFC-at-Christmas tradition.​01:50 – Australia's world‑first social media ban for under‑16sThe Jacks unpack the new national ban on social media for under‑16s, the generational politics of Gen Alpha kids and millennial parents, and the “pick up a book, go for a bike ride” messaging from Anthony Albanese and Julie Inman Grant.​They read out Vox pops about kids discovering life without apps, YouTube‑driven body image issues, and the early scramble to alternative chat and file‑sharing apps like LemonAid.​05:35 – Social engineering, High Court challenge and mental health concernsThey describe the policy as a conscious piece of social engineering aimed at reshaping youth culture over a decade, and note the High Court challenge led by the Digital Freedom Movement and Libertarian MLC John Ruddick.​Beyond Blue, Headspace, ReachOut and the Black Dog Institute warn about cutting off access to online mental‑health support, as the Jacks weigh the internet's harms against the value of peer support communities for young people.​09:35 – Enforcement gaps, workarounds and parental resistanceThe Jacks discuss uneven implementation, with some under‑16s apparently still able to access Facebook and Instagram while other apps are wiped, and a rush into less‑regulated platforms.​They note reports that up to a third of parents will quietly help kids stay online and float the idea of a nationwide “kitchen‑table” style forum to help parents understand the risks and responsibilities around kids' social media use.​12:00 – A social experiment the world is watchingThey canvas overseas interest, with Denmark, Spain and others eyeing bans at 15 rather than 16, and Sarah Ferguson's description of Australia's move as a live “social experiment” whose results are very much unknown.​13:05 – Richo's state funeral and the dark arts of NSW Labor RightThe conversation turns to Graham “Richo” Richardson's state funeral, his reputation as Labor's master organiser and electoral numbers man, and his long life “on the public purse”.​Joel recounts Richo's link to Balmain Welding and Stan “Standover” Smith, arguing that New South Wales Labor Right's success always had a darker underbelly.​15:10 – Paul Brereton, the NACC and conflicts of interestThey examine National Anti‑Corruption Commission boss Paul Brereton's updated disclosures about his ongoing work with the Inspector‑General of the ADF and Afghanistan war‑crimes inquiries, revealed via FOI.​The Jacks question whether someone so intertwined with Defence can credibly oversee corruption matters touching Defence acquisitions, and whether carving out whole domains from his remit makes his appointment untenable.​18:25 – A quiet NACC, no perp walks and media theatreThe Jacks note how quietly the NACC has operated in Canberra—“blink and you'd miss them”—with none of the televised “perp walks” beloved of New South Wales ICAC coverage.​Jack welcomes the absence of media spectacle; Joel admits to missing the grimace‑through‑the‑cameras moment as accused figures run the gauntlet.​19:50 – Victorian youth vote turns on LaborNew polling of 18–34‑year‑olds in Victoria shows Labor's vote down 11 points to 28 per cent and the Coalition's up 17 points to 37 per cent, with the Greens steady at 20 per cent.​The Jacks argue the Victorian Labor government looks to be in terminal decline, discuss leadership options for Jacinta Allan, and canvass how quickly preference “cascades” can flip a long‑term government once momentum turns.​22:15 – Green exports vs coal, Treasury modelling under fireThey dissect Treasury modelling which suggests “green exports” (critical minerals, rare earths, battery inputs) will surpass coal and gas within a decade, and note scepticism from former Treasury official and now CBA chief economist Stephen Yeaman.​The Jacks highlight International Energy Agency updates showing coal demand in key markets staying high, and the reality that renewables growth is largely meeting new demand rather than cutting deeply into existing coal and gas use.​25:05 – Coal to 2049 and the reality of the gridJack points to Australian market operator projections that coal will remain in the domestic mix until at least 2049, while Joel questions which ageing coal plants will physically survive that long without new builds.​They agree modelling must continually be revised against actual demand profiles in China, India, Indonesia and elsewhere, where coal still supplies half or more of electricity.​27:20 – 30‑year suppression orders and transparencyThe Jacks shift to a 30‑year suppression order over evidence behind Tanya Plibersek's decision to block a $1 billion coal mine until 2055, and more broadly the proliferation of long‑term suppression orders in Australia.​They criticise the over‑use of secrecy in both environmental and criminal matters, arguing it breeds suspicion that justice and accountability can be bought by the wealthy.​28:25 – The “prominent family” sexual assault case in VictoriaWithout naming the individual, they discuss a Victorian case involving the convicted son of a prominent family whose identity remains suppressed even after guilty findings for serious sexual offences.​They worry that blanket suppression encourages rumour, misidentification and a sense that powerful people get special treatment, even when protection of victims is a legitimate concern.​30:05 – From undercover cop to gangland wars: how secrecy backfiresJoel revisits an NSW example where an undercover police officer's drink‑driving conviction was suppressed for 55 years, and Melbourne gangland cases where key cooperating witnesses remained pseudonymous for decades.​The Jacks argue that when authorities create information vacuums, gossip and conspiracy inevitably rush in to fill the space.​33:50 – MP expenses, family reunion travel and Annika Wells' bad day outThey turn to MPs' entitlements and “family reunion” travel: Annika Wells' ski‑trip optics and poor press conference performance, Don Farrell's extensive family travel, and Sarah Hanson‑Young's $50,000 in family travel for her lobbyist husband.​While acknowledging how hard federal life is—especially for WA MPs—they question where legitimate family support ends and taxpayer‑funded lifestyle begins.​37:05 – Why family reunion perks exist (and how they're abused)The Jacks recall the tragic case of Labor MP Greg Wilton as a driver for more generous family travel rules, given the emotional cost of long separations.​They conclude the system is necessary but ripe for exploitation, and note the Coalition's relatively muted response given its own exposure to the same rules.​39:15 – Diplomatic drinks trolleys: London, New York and the UNJoel notes Stephen Smith's stint as High Commissioner in London—the “ultimate drinks trolley” of Australian diplomacy—and his replacement by former SA Premier Jay Weatherill.​Jack mentions Smith's reputation for being stingy with hospitality at Australia House, in contrast to the traditionally lavish networking role of London and New York postings.​40:40 – Barnaby Joyce joins One NationThe big domestic political move: Barnaby Joyce's shift from the Nationals to One Nation, including his steak‑on‑a‑sandwich‑press dinner with Pauline Hanson.​The Jacks canvass whether Joyce runs again in New England or heads for the Senate, and the anger among New England voters who may feel abandoned.​42:25 – One Nation's growth, branch‑building and Pauline's futureThey dig into polling from Cos Samaras suggesting 39 per cent of Coalition voters say they'd be more likely to vote One Nation if Joyce led the party, and the risk of the Coalition following the UK Tories into long‑term decline.​The Jacks note One Nation's organisational maturation—building actual branches and volunteer networks in NSW and Queensland—and wonder whether Pauline Hanson herself now caps the party's potential.​45:20 – Kemi Badenoch, a revived UK Conservative Party and Reform's ceilingAttention swings to the UK, with fresh polling showing Labour slumping to the high teens, the Conservatives recovering into the high teens/low 20s, and Reform polling in the mid‑20s to low‑30s depending on the firm.​They credit new Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch for lifting morale by dominating Keir Starmer at the despatch box, but caution that Reform's rise may still be more protest than durable realignment.​49:45 – Fragmenting party systems in Europe and the UKDrawing on Michael Gove's comments, the Jacks sketch the new “four‑party” pattern across Europe—radical left/Green, social democratic, Christian Democrat centre‑right, and populist right—and argue the UK is slowly following suit.​They suggest both Labour and the Conservatives can no longer comfortably absorb all votes on their respective sides of politics, with Reform and Greens carving out durable niches.​53:05 – US seizes a Venezuelan tanker, Trump calls it the “biggest ever”The Jacks look at the US Coast Guard's seizure of a sanctioned Venezuelan oil tanker accused of moving Venezuelan and Iranian oil in support of foreign terrorist groups.​Joel notes Trump's boast that it's “the largest tanker ever seized”, while quoting Pam Bondi's more sober explanation of the sanctions basis.​54:45 – Five years of social media to enter the US?They examine a Trump‑era proposal to require even visa‑waiver travellers to provide five years of social media history before entering the United States.​The Jacks question the logistical feasibility, highlight the trend of travellers using “burner phones” for US trips, and argue measures like this would severely damage American tourism.​57:10 – SCOTUS, independent agencies and presidential powerThe Jacks discuss a pending US Supreme Court case about whether presidents can hire and fire the heads of independent agencies at will, with even liberal justices expressing sympathy for expansive executive authority.​They link this to a broader global question: how much power should be handed from elected ministers to expert regulators, and how hard it is to claw that power back once delegated.​01:00:25 – Trump's national security strategy and an abandoned EuropeThey turn to the Trump administration's new national security strategy framing Europe as both security dependent and economic competitor, and signalling an end to automatic US security guarantees.​The Jacks describe openly hostile rhetoric from Trump figures like J.D. Vance and Marco Rubio towards Europe, and portray it as part of a broader American drift into isolationism as China and Russia advance.​01:02:20 – Europe rearms: Germany, Poland and conscription talkThe conversation moves to European responses: big defence spending increases in Poland and Germany, and German plans to assess 18‑year‑olds for potential limited conscription.​Joel argues Europe may need to build its own strategic table rather than rely on a fickle US ally, while Jack stresses serious military capability is the price of a genuine seat at any table.​01:03:50 – Biden, the border and a blown political callThe Jacks examine a New York Times reconstruction of how the Biden administration mishandled southern border migration, from 75,000 encounters in January 2021 to 169,000 by March.​They say Biden officials badly underestimated both the scale of migration and the law‑and‑order backlash, including resentment from migrants who followed legal pathways.​01:07:05 – Migration then and now: Ellis Island vs the Rio GrandeJack recounts Ellis Island's history: the small but real share of arrivals turned back at ship‑owners' expense, and how many migrants later returned home despite being admitted.​They contrast a heavily regulated, ship‑based 19th‑century system with today's chaotic mix of asylum flows, cartels and porous borders, and argue that simple “open borders” rhetoric ignores complex trade‑offs.​01:09:55 – Americans know their ancestry, and that shapes the debateJoel notes how many Americans can precisely trace family arrival via Ellis Island, unlike many Australians who have fuzzier family histories.​He suggests this deep personal connection to immigration history partly explains the emotional intensity around contemporary migration and ICE enforcement.​01:10:30 – Ashes 2–0: Neeser's five‑for and Lyon's omissionSport time: Australia go 2–0 up in the Ashes with an eight‑wicket win at the Gabba.​The big call is leaving Nathan Lyon out for Michael Neser; the Jacks weigh Nesser's match‑turning 5/42 and clever use of Alex Carey standing up to the stumps against the loss of a front‑line spinner over key periods.​01:11:55 – Basball meets Australian conditionsThey discuss the limits of “Bazball” in Australia, praising Stokes and Will Jacks' rearguard while noting most English batters failed to adapt tempo to match situation.​Jack cites past blueprints for winning in Australia—long, draining innings from Alastair Cook, Cheteshwar Pujara and Rahul Dravid—that hinge on time at the crease rather than constant aggression.​01:15:05 – Keepers compared: Alex Carey vs England's glovesJoel hails Carey's performance as possibly the best keeping he's seen from an Australian in a single Test, including brilliant work standing up to the seamers and a running catch over Marnus Labuschagne.​They contrast this with England's struggling keeper, question whether Ben Foakes should have been summoned, and note Carey's age probably rules him out as a future Test captain despite his leadership qualities.​01:17:05 – England's bowling woes and Jofra Archer's limitsThe English attack looks potent in short bursts, especially Jofra Archer and Mark Wood, but lacks the endurance to bowl long, hostile spells over a five‑day Test in Australian conditions.​Archer hasn't bowled more than 10 overs in an international match for over two years, and the Jacks argue that's showing late in games as speeds drop and discipline wanes.​01:25:45 – World Cup 2026: Trump's “peace medal”, Craig Foster's critiqueSwitching codes to football, they note FIFA awarding Donald Trump a “peace” medal ahead of the 2026 World Cup and his delight in placing it on himself.​Craig Foster attacks world football for embracing a US president he accuses of human‑rights abuses, prompting the Jacks to point out FIFA's recent World Cups in Russia and Qatar hardly make it a moral authority.​01:27:20 – Seattle's Pride match… Iran vs EgyptJack tells the story of Seattle's local government declaring its allocated World Cup game a Pride match, only to discover the fixture will be Iran vs Egypt—two teams whose governments are unlikely to embrace that framing.​01:27:55 – Stadiums in the desert and the cost of spectacleJoel reflects on vast, underused stadiums in the Gulf built for the World Cup and now often almost empty, using a low‑attendance cricket game in Abu Dhabi as an example of mega‑event over‑build.​01:29:05 – Wrapping up and previewing the final show of 2025The Jacks close Episode 138 by flagging one more episode before Christmas, thanking listeners for feedback—especially stories around the social media ban—and promising to return with more politics, law and sport next week.​a

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman and environmental reporter Sue Surkes join host Jessica Steinberg for today's episode. Following the IDF strike that killed top Hamas commander Raad Saad in Gaza City, Berman reviews the obstacles for Israel and Hamas in moving toward the second phase of the broader ceasefire. He discusses how Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and US President Donald Trump will need to find a way to agree on the thorny and fundamental issue of how to get Hamas to disarm. As the IDF postponed a planned airstrike on Hezbollah infrastructure in Lebanon, Berman reports on the ongoing issue of needing Hezbollah to disarm, the Lebanese Army's efforts to work to accomplish that, and Israel's dissatisfaction with Lebanon's progress. After the Water Authority began channeling desalinated water to the Sea of Galilee, the first ever attempt anywhere in the world to top up a freshwater lake with processed seawater, Surkes reports on hopes that it will raise the level of the sea by half a centimeter a year. Surkes also discusses the new facility for the National Sea Turtle Rescue Center, featuring the world’s only sea turtle breeding program, helping protect and preserve these creatures that have existed on the planet for 330 million years. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: US State Department said to ask 70 countries to contribute to Gaza stabilization force Report: Israel agrees to US demand to pay for massive Gaza rubble-clearing operation Beirut has been warned of possible Israeli offensive against Hezbollah — Lebanese FM Scientists tracking impact as desalinated water flows into Sea of Galilee for first time Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves. IMAGE: Palestinians inspect a car belonging to Hamas commander Raad Saad after it was hit in an Israeli airstrike in Gaza City, on December 13, 2025. (Fathi Ibrahim/Flash90)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Exploring the Unknown: A Journey Through 'Caretaker'The conversation explores the themes of space exploration, human connection, and the complexities of encountering alien life. It delves into the story of Holman, a man marooned on a distant planet, and his interactions with both the native Crescithians and the threatening Zares. The narrative highlights the challenges of communication, the nature of fear, and the moral dilemmas faced in the pursuit of understanding and coexistence with other beings.In the vast expanse of space, where the boundaries of reality blur with the imagination, the story of "Caretaker" unfolds. This captivating tale, adapted for radio from the pages of Galaxy Science Fiction Magazine, takes us on a journey to a distant planet, where the remnants of humanity encounter the enigmatic Zares.The Enigma of Holman's PlanetThe narrative begins with the exploration ship Titan orbiting a newly discovered planet, soon to be named Holman's Planet. The crew, led by Mr. Harris, is tasked with establishing contact with the planet's inhabitants. As they delve deeper into the mysteries of this alien world, they encounter Holman, a man marooned for over two decades, who has discovered a human-like race unlike any other.A Clash of WorldsHolman's interactions with the Zares, a species he describes with a mix of fear and fascination, highlight the complexities of coexistence. His struggle to communicate and connect with the native humans, and his encounters with the Zares, reveal the challenges of understanding and acceptance in a world where appearances can be deceiving.The Human Spirit in the Face of the UnknownAs the story unfolds, we witness the resilience of the human spirit. Holman's determination to protect the human inhabitants from the encroaching Zares, despite the odds, is a testament to the enduring nature of courage and hope. His journey is a poignant reminder of the power of perseverance and the quest for understanding in the face of the unknown."Careaker" is more than just a science fiction tale; it's a reflection on the human condition, exploring themes of isolation, identity, and the search for connection. As we listen to this timeless story, we are reminded of the boundless possibilities that lie beyond our world and the enduring spirit that drives us to explore them.Subscribe now to delve deeper into the world of science fiction and explore the stories that challenge our perceptions and ignite our imaginations.TakeawaysThe countdown signifies the beginning of an adventure.Exploration reveals new dimensions in time and space.Holman's Planet is a significant discovery for humanity.Celia represents the human connection in an alien world.The Zares pose a threat to the human inhabitants.Diplomatic overtures are crucial in alien encounters.Fear can lead to misunderstandings between species.The importance of understanding different cultures is emphasized.Holman's experiences reflect the complexities of isolation.The story raises questions about humanity's place in the universe.science fiction, space exploration, human connection, alien encounters, Zares, Holman's Planet, Celia, adventure, storytelling, X minus one

China's New White Paper on Latin America: Colleague Evan Ellis details China's new white paper on Latin America, which ignores US pressure and asserts a "full speed ahead" diplomatic and economic approach, emphasizing expanding infrastructure, technology, and security cooperation while securing access to critical commodities like copper. JAN 1963

Blatant theft and an act of piracy. That's what Venezuela is calling the actions of the United States in the seizure of an oil tanker. The ship was leaving Venezuela when US Marines and Special Forces dropped down from a helicopter and took the tanker. It's the latest in a string of actions, including blowing up so called "drug boats", escalating a possible confrontation between the US and Venezuela. We'll discuss whether it was piracy or lawful with former federal prosecutor David Katz.

PREVIEW. The Geopolitical "Trade" in Ukraine — Judy Dempsey — Dempsey describes an emerging diplomatic scenario wherein Ukraine would receive guaranteed, expedited membership into the European Union—effectively "jumping the line" ahead of other candidate nations—in exchange for ceding the Donbas territory in Eastern Ukraine to Russiancontrol, creating a complex geopolitical and ethical dilemma transcending traditional security calculations. Dempseyemphasizes that European Union membership represents a coveted strategic "prize" that Ukraine might otherwise fail to qualify for due to documented institutional corruption, governance deficiencies, and rule-of-law concerns requiring substantial reform. However, Dempsey stresses that officially surrendering sovereign territory violates the foundational principle of territorial integrity, constituting a "bitter pill to swallow" for Ukrainian nationalism and democratic legitimacy. Dempsey acknowledges historical precedent for EU admission of divided nations, specifically citing Cyprus's 2004 admission despite ongoing partition between Greek and Turkish communities. Dempsey documents significant Ukrainian and European concern that the Trump administration cannot be trusted to honor commitments and may unilaterally "sideline Ukraine," negotiating bilateral deals directly with Russia behind President Zelensky's back, thereby undermining Ukrainian negotiating leverage and European institutional voice in the settlement process. 1890 BLACK SEA RUSSIAN FLEET

PREVIEW — Steve Yates (Heritage Foundation) — Beijing's "Wolf Warrior" Aggression and Regional Economic Threat. Yates analyzes Beijing's escalating "wolf warrior" diplomatic aggression directed at Japan and the broader Indo-Pacific region, characterizing this as systematic coercive pressure combining military intimidation with economic and informational warfare. Yates argues that China's blended military and civilian-sector capabilities threaten control over approximately 50% of global container shipping traffic and maritime commerce, transforming this geopolitical conflict from an internal Chinese regional matter into a pressing global economic and security crisis affecting international commerce, supply chains, and energy security. Yates warns that Beijing's coercive strategy represents a fundamental threat to rules-based international commerce and global economic stability transcending bilateral China-Japan relations.

PREVIEW — Gregory Copley — Australian Prime Minister Pivots Toward Washington Despite Chinese Ties. Copleyanalyzes Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese's rapid diplomatic pivot from Beijing toward Washington to establish direct engagement with President Trump following his election victory. Copley documents that Albanese was previously celebrated and cultivated by the Chinese Communist Party as a favorable political interlocutor. Copleysuggests that Albanese strategically recognizes the United States represents the "winning side" in great power competition, despite persistent Chinese institutional influence deeply embedded within Australian political consciousness, business networks, and strategic thinking, requiring deliberate recalibration of bilateral relationships and geopolitical alignment. 1914 AUSTRALIA TO THE FRONT

1939: Diplomatic Disasters and Soviet Infiltration: Colleague Charles Spicer explains that by early 1939, relations deteriorated as Ribbentrop, now Foreign Minister, turned violently anti-British following his social failures in London, characterizing British Ambassador Neville Henderson as a disastrous "arch-appeaser" who refused to upset the Nazi regime; meanwhile, Conwell-Evans continued to gather intelligence while enduring threatening luncheons with Ribbentrop, and the Soviets infiltrated the narrative through the book Tory MP, which attacked the Fellowship and was written by authors recruited by Soviet intelligence. 1938

Ukraine Negotiations: Territorial Disputes and Implacable Positions — Anatol Lieven — Lieven discusses the stalled trilateral negotiations between Washington, Moscow, and Kyiv, noting that while incremental diplomatic progress exists, the fundamental territorial dispute over Donbass remains structurally "implacable" and resistant to resolution. Lieven documents that Ukraine categorically rejects territorial concessions, invoking historical parallels to the 1938 Munich Agreement and its catastrophic consequences for Czechoslovakia. Lieven emphasizes that Putin views the capture and consolidation of Donbass as strategically essential to justify the war's immense human and economic costs to Russian domestic constituencieS 1938.

China and Russia Coordinate Threats Against Japan Over Taiwan — Rebecca Grant — Grant documents coordinated China-Russia diplomatic pressure against Japan, triggered by Prime Minister Takichi Sai's assertion that Chinese invasion of Taiwan would constitute an existential threat necessitating Japanese military mobilization. Grantnotes that despite Chinese nuclear saber-rattling and Cold War-era propaganda campaigns, Japanese leadership is categorically refusing diplomatic capitulation, systematically strengthening defensive military capabilities and alliance relationships, demonstrating unprecedented strategic resolve against intimidation. 1952

PREVIEW — Anatol Lieven — Ukraine Conflict: Political Settlement Rather Than Military Resolution. Lieven argues that the Ukrainian situation is fundamentally a political question requiring diplomatic resolution rather than military solution. Lieven dismisses comparisons to Munich 1938, contending that Ukraine's loss of the Donbas—approximately 5% of national territory—does not render the nation structurally indefensible analogous to Czechoslovakia's post-Munich vulnerability. Lieven emphasizes that while Ukraine's territorial integrity is negotiable within diplomatic frameworks, the political settlement necessary to achieve sustainable peace remains extraordinarily intractable given conflicting national interests, historical grievances, and competing security requirements between Moscow and Kyiv. VV

Le président russe Vladimir Poutine se dit prêt à négocier avec son homologue ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky, reconnaissant le droit de l'Ukraine à adhérer à l'Union européenne.Traduction:Russian President Vladimir Putin expresses readiness to negotiate with Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelensky, acknowledging Ukraine's right to join the European Union. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Le président russe Vladimir Poutine se dit prêt à négocier avec son homologue ukrainien Volodymyr Zelensky, reconnaissant le droit de l'Ukraine à adhérer à l'Union européenne.Traduction:Russian President Vladimir Putin expresses readiness to negotiate with Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelensky, acknowledging Ukraine's right to join the European Union. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Seoul's Dangerous Pivot North — Gordon Chang — Chang warns that South Korea's newly elected leftist presidentthreatens the stability of the U.S.-South Korea security alliance by seeking diplomatic unification with the North, pursuing engagement strategies likely to be rejected by Kim Jong-un. Chang documents that North Korea's Kim Jong-un is simultaneously deepening military-technical cooperation with Russia against Ukraine, creating triangular strategic complications threatening regional stability. Chang emphasizes that South Korea's strategic pivot toward North Koreawill destabilize the American alliance framework in Northeast Asia precisely when Russian-Chinese-North Koreancoordination represents an escalating threat to American regional interests and Pacific stability.

PREVIEW — Mary Kissel — Missing Diplomatic Memory and the Russian Challenge. Kissel argues that current U.S.diplomats possess insufficient institutional memory and negotiating experience to effectively engage a nuclear-armed peer competitor like the former Soviet Union, now resurgent as Russia under Putin. Kissel emphasizes that the U.S. currently lacks a Senate-confirmed ambassador to Russia, critically limiting the American embassy's political influence and direct access to White House decision-making structures. Kissel documents that this ambassadorial vacancy reflects deeper institutional erosion of American diplomatic expertise and strategic communication capabilities regarding Russiannegotiations, creating dangerous capacity gaps precisely when Moscow possesses nuclear weapons and elevated geopolitical ambitions. 1931 STALIN & GORKY

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Jessica Steinberg for today's episode. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu receives his fifth invitation to visit US President Donald Trump at the White House, discusses Berman, an important opportunity given the Gaza ceasefire that is stuck in its first phase. Berman notes that Trump wants to further Israel's security agreements with Syria, where there were clashes last week between IDF troops and Islamist Syrians. He says that conversation will be the centerpiece of the Trump-Netanyahu meetup, if it takes place. After the US signed major agreements with Saudi Arabia during the recent White House meeting between Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Berman notes that Trump's focus is on other conflicts right now, and not necessarily on Israel and Saudi relations. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Trump speaks to Netanyahu, invites him to visit, warns Israel not to ‘interfere’ in Syria As Trump and Saudi prince heat up ties, Israel normalization left out in the cold Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves. IMAGE: President Donald Trump talks with Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu at the Knesset, Israel's parliament, Monday, Oct. 13, 2025, in Jerusalem. (AP Photo/Evan Vucci, Pool)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

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Marco Rubio and the DC establishment continue to undermine the Trump administration's efforts to secure a Russia/Ukraine peace deal. Then: the leak of Steve Witkoff's diplomatic conversations reveals a disturbing truth about the power of the deep state. Finally, Bari Weiss comically attempts to transform CBS into a sensible outlet with no fringe voices. -------------------------------------------- Watch full episodes on Rumble, streamed LIVE 7pm ET. Become part of our Locals community Follow System Update:  Twitter Instagram TikTok Facebook  

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Jessica Steinberg for today's episode. As Hamas leaders meet in Cairo with Egyptian intelligence officers to discuss the ceasefire, Berman says that the terrorist group wants to limit the ability of Israel to strike, and wants to deepen their control over 40% of the Gaza Strip, making it more inevitable that Hamas will be seen as the rulers of Gaza. Berman discusses his second visit to the Civil-Military Coordination Center (CMCC) in Kiryat Gat, focusing on the American tone of the center and the civil governance and nation-building efforts underway at the site. He notes that the CMCC won't be the body that will force Hamas to disarm, which will only happen through Israel's military pressure or diplomatic pressure from Turkey and Egypt. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses several questions in an interview with Abu Ali Express, a popular local Telegram channel, says Berman, including ruling out a Palestinian state, while also discussing the possibility of Saudi normalization and continued talks with Turkey. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: Top Hamas team said in Cairo to discuss escalation in Gaza, transition to 2nd stage of Trump plan Optimism abounds at Gaza coordination center, but violence puts truce at risk As US dives into remaking Gaza, shades of nation-building come into focus Netanyahu: ‘There will not be a Palestinian state,’ even at cost of ties with Saudis Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves. IMAGE: Islamic Jihad militants search for the bodies of hostages north of Nuseirat, Gaza strip, Friday, Nov. 21, 2025. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman told US President Donald Trump that he wants Riyadh to join the Abraham Accords, the framework for the normalisation of ties between Israel and several Muslim states, but also wants to secure a “clear path” to Palestinian statehood. Saudi Arabia's de facto leader was speaking during a visit the White House, his first since the 2018 murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, which occurred inside the Saudi consulate in Istanbul.Also in the programme: Europe's uneasy standoff with Russia's so-called “shadow fleet”; and we hear from one of the scientists behind a new study which traces the origins of kissing back more than 21 million years...Photo: Donald Trump speaking at black-tie dinner. Credit: REUTERS/Tom Brenner

Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. Last week, the US officially launched negotiations within the 15-member United Nations Security Council on a draft resolution that would follow up on Israel and Hamas’s October 9 ceasefire-hostage agreement. Tomorrow, the Security Council is set to vote on the resolution, which would deliver Gaza to an International Stabilization Force (ISF) and an apolitical Palestinian administration overseen by a Trump-chaired Board of Peace. In the first half of the program, Berman gives an analysis of some of the implications for Israel -- and questions the world's appetite for seeing through in the demilitarization of Hamas. US President Donald Trump on Friday said that he was considering agreeing to a deal to supply Saudi Arabia with F-35 stealth fighter jets, which are made by Lockheed Martin. We hear whether a more robust Saudi air force could affect the Middle East and learn why the United Arab Emirates has not yet received its promised planes. The United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) said on Friday that the Israeli army had built walls on the Lebanese side of the UN-demarcated Blue Line, the de facto border. We learn about the Blue Line and discuss whether a complaint to the UN has any teeth. Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: US says its plan for postwar management of Gaza offers pathway to Palestinian statehood US: Failure to back UN resolution based on Trump’s Gaza plan is a vote for Hamas, war Indonesia says it has trained 20,000 troops for Gaza peacekeeping force First storm of the season pummels Gaza, flooding tent camps and makeshift shelters Trump says he’s weighing Saudi request to buy F-35s, hopes Riyadh will normalize Israel ties Lebanon to file UN complaint accusing Israel of building border wall beyond Blue Line Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Pod-Waves. IMAGE: Illustrative: An armed Palestinian Hamas gunman stand not far from an International Red Cross (ICRC) vehicle, as a search for the bodies of killed Israeli hostages takes place, in Gaza City on November 2, 2025. (Omar AL-QATTAA / AFP)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.

PREVIEW. The Domestic and Foreign Ambitions of Syria's al-Sharaa. Ahmad Sharawi describes the two faces of al-Sharaa, Syria's leader. Externally, al-Sharaa seeks international legitimacy, investment, and full sanctions relief via diplomatic visits. Domestically, he faces resistance; there have been two massacres, and groups like the Druze, Kurds, and coastal residents demand separation and autonomy.