Podcasts about Harada

Running an elementary school in rural British Columbia hasn't stopped this Ruckus Maker from building an indoor worm farm, growing hydroponic lettuce, and taking a self-funded year off to reset — proof that a principal's personality is not a distraction from the job. Dan Watt is a Mastermind Coach inside the Ruckus Maker community and a recurring co-host of the Ruckuscast, known for turning "pay yourself first" into a leadership philosophy that's kept him energized four years into the role. Joining him is Mitch Weathers, CEO and author of Executive Functions for Every Classroom, whose work on entry plans and executive functioning has become required reading for school leaders trying to build systems that actually stick. Find them both at betterleadersbetterschools.com. Principal burnout doesn't start with too many emails — it starts the moment you decide the job requires you to leave your actual personality at the door. This episode is an Adorable Red Hats reunion where two veteran school leaders make the case that worm farms, hydroponics, and paying yourself first aren't distractions from leadership — they're the thing that makes it sustainable.

Aparıcılar: DJ Fateh və Rəvan Bağırov

Last time we spoke about the battle of Shanggao. From late March to early April 1940, Japanese forces attacked Shanggao in Jiangxi with a multi‑pronged offensive. Chinese commanders used elastic defense and coordinated counter-moves, trading space for time through layered positions until the Japanese advanced into prepared strongpoints. As the 34th Division moved toward the town, assaults repeatedly hit ridges and bridge lines held by the 74th Corps. Heavy air strikes caused chaos, but timely flank redeployments prevented a decisive breakthrough. During the crisis around March 21–24, Chinese units maneuvered an encirclement and executed a controlled breakout at the critical moment. After intense fighting and bombing, the Japanese were routed and fell back to their original positions. The wider war did not change, yet Shanggao proved that disciplined Chinese planning could reverse Japanese offensives against superior initiative and numbers.   #207 Battle of Zhongtiao Mountain Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. By the spring of 1941, the War of Resistance against Japan had been grinding for nearly four years, and the map of China looked increasingly like a wound. Japan controlled the coastal cities, the major river valleys, and most of the productive lowland plains of the north and east. The Nationalist government had retreated far inland to Chongqing, governing a rump state of mountainous hinterland, foreign sympathies, and diminishing resources. The war had long since ceased to look like a conventional conflict between organized fronts and had settled into something grimmer and more ambiguous — a slow war of attrition fought in the mud and rocks of the Chinese interior, punctuated by Japanese offensives designed not to end the war but to compress it, to squeeze the Nationalists tighter with each season until surrender became a rational calculation rather than a humiliation. Japan had tried other methods first. In the late 1930s, Tokyo made serious overtures to Chiang Kai-shek's government, proposing a negotiated settlement that would see China aligned with Japan and the puppet Wang Jingwei government elevated as the vehicle for that arrangement. Chiang refused. He had gambled, and would continue to gamble, that the war in Europe would eventually draw in the Western powers, that American patience with Japanese aggression would run out, and that time was ultimately on China's side. The strategy required suffering in the present to buy survival in the future. Germany's invasion of Poland in September 1939 and the subsequent expansion of war across Europe only reinforced Japan's desire to accelerate its operations in China before the international situation made them impossible. By 1940, Japan signaled it intended to resolve the "China Incident" — the bureaucratic euphemism it used to avoid officially acknowledging that it was fighting a full-scale war — once and for all. The question was where. The front was hundreds of miles long. The Japanese army in China was stretched thin despite its nominal strength. Spectacular victories in the lowlands had failed to produce the political capitulation Tokyo expected. And in the mountains of Shanxi Province, a particular irritant had been festering for three years — one that the Japanese could neither ignore nor seem to dislodge. The Zhongtiao Mountains rise along the southern edge of Shanxi Province, running roughly east to west for some two hundred miles, forming a natural wall between the loess plateaus of Shanxi and the plains of northern Henan below. The range is not dramatic by Chinese standards — it is not the soaring, cloud-piercing landscape of Sichuan or Yunnan — but it is rugged, deeply ridged, and extraordinarily difficult to move through quickly. For a defending army with knowledge of the terrain, the Zhongtiao range was close to ideal. For an attacker, especially one dependent on mechanized firepower and coordinated logistics, it was a nightmare. Chinese forces had occupied the Zhongtiao Mountains since 1938, following the fall of Taiyuan and the retreat of Nationalist forces from the broader Shanxi campaign. At a moment when much of northern China was collapsing around them, the garrison there dug in and refused to move. Over the following three years, the Japanese Army mounted thirteen separate offensives against the Zhongtiao position. All thirteen failed. The mountains held. Chinese soldiers would later call it the "Eastern Maginot Line," a nickname that was simultaneously a boast and, in retrospect, a warning — the original Maginot Line, after all, had also been considered impregnable until the enemy simply went around it. But the strategic importance of Zhongtiao went beyond prestige. The mountains commanded the northern approach to the Yellow River crossings — the great geographic boundary that separated Japanese-controlled northern China from the Nationalist-held central and western regions. From their positions in the mountains, Chinese troops could threaten Japanese supply lines, protect their own river logistics, and maintain at least a symbolic presence north of the Yellow River. As long as the Zhongtiao garrison held, Japan could not claim complete control of northern China. It was also a potential launching point for a Chinese counteroffensive, should one ever become possible. The Japanese understood this perfectly. By 1940, eliminating the Zhongtiao position had become not merely desirable but strategically necessary. The First War Zone command responsible for the Zhongtiao garrison was, at least on paper, an imposing force. Between 170,000 and 180,000 men were deployed across the mountain range and its approaches, drawn from multiple armies and organized into several large groupings. The 5th Army Group under Zeng Wanzhong held the central area. The 14th Army Group under Liu Maoen operated in the eastern sector. The 4th Army Group, known as the "Iron Pillar of Zhongtiao" for its tenacious defense of the position over three years, was stationed as the backbone of the force. Individual armies were spread across specific nodes: Pei Changhui's 9th Army at Jiyuan in northern Henan; Zhao Shiling's 43rd Army at Yuanqu at the southernmost tip of Shanxi; Tang Huaiyuan's 3rd Army and Kong Lingxun's 80th Army in the Wenxi and Xiaxian areas; Wu Shimin's 98th Army at Dongfeng Town; Wu Tinglin's 15th Army near Gaoping. The man responsible for holding all of this together was Wei Lihuang, a gifted commander and one of Chiang Kai-shek's most capable generals. Wei had organized the Zhongtiao defense from the beginning, and his strategic instincts were widely respected. He was, by most accounts, the indispensable figure in the garrison's survival. The problem was that Wei had made powerful enemies. His refusal to participate in anti-Communist friction operations — at a time when the Nationalist government was increasingly focused on neutralizing the Communists even at the cost of Japanese resistance — had alienated him from a circle of powerful rivals, including the influential Hu Zongnan. Outmaneuvered at court, Wei was summoned to Chongqing in early 1941 and, under the pretext of strategic consultations, was effectively detained at Mount Emei. He never returned to his command in the Zhongtiao Mountains. The army he had built was left without its architect. The garrison that remained was compromised far beyond its missing commander, however. Three years of static defense had created conditions that corroded military discipline in predictable and insidious ways. Supply lines were unreliable, rations were short, and the soldiers garrisoning remote mountain positions had turned, by necessity and then by habit, to the local economy to sustain themselves. A bustling illicit trade in grain and opium had sprung up across the mountain zone, with Chinese troops selling what they could and buying what they needed from merchants who operated equally comfortably on both sides of the Japanese-Chinese frontier. This was not merely a logistical failure. It meant that Japanese intelligence had abundant commercial cover to infiltrate the garrison area, that security was a fiction, and that the defensive posture of the entire force had quietly shifted from warlike readiness to something closer to bureaucratic occupation. The Japanese had not missed any of this. For months before the offensive, Japanese intelligence agents had worked their way into the garrison's supply networks, trading relationships, and eventually its command structure itself. Japanese special forces had identified key headquarters positions. Informants had mapped the positions of individual units, traced the routes between them, and assessed the readiness of the men holding them. By the spring of 1941, Japanese planners believed, with considerable justification, that they could paralyze the entire Chinese command system within an hour of opening fire. This was not boasting. It was reconnaissance. Back in Chongqing, the intelligence picture was worse than unclear — it was actively distorted. The Nationalist intelligence apparatus issued warnings about Japanese troop movements near the Zhongtiao perimeter in April 1941, but the warnings were partial, their significance disputed, and the political will to act on them absent. A series of conferences were convened at Luoyang, the regional headquarters. Fortification orders were issued. Additional supplies were promised. Almost none of the follow-through actually materialized. The garrison's most powerful formation, the 4th Army Group, had already been transferred away from the area. Its absence left a hole in the defensive line that no amount of paper orders could fill. On the Japanese side, the operation that would eliminate the Zhongtiao garrison was carefully and systematically prepared. It was codenamed the "Central Plains Campaign" — a name that reflected its true ambition, which was not merely to take a mountain range but to reshape the strategic geography of the entire region. The operation was assigned to the North China Area Army under Lieutenant General Tada Shun, an experienced commander who had studied the Zhongtiao problem for years and had a clear understanding of why previous offensives had failed. The core of the attacking force was seven divisions: the 33rd, 35th, 36th, 37th, 41st, and 21st Divisions, along with several independent mixed brigades, puppet Chinese formations, cavalry, and a substantial artillery and air component. The 3rd Air Group, operating from airfields at Yuncheng and Xinxiang, would provide tactical air support throughout the operation. In total, the frontline assault force numbered approximately 100,000 men. This was not a repeat of the previous thirteen offensives, in which the Japanese had probed and pressed at the mountains frontally. This was a comprehensive annihilation plan. Tada's design exploited the geographic shape of the Zhongtiao position itself. The Chinese garrison occupied a roughly crescent-shaped area, with its back to the Yellow River and its front facing north and east into Japanese-held territory. The obvious previous approach — attacking from the north — had failed repeatedly because the terrain favored the defenders. Tada's solution was to attack from three directions simultaneously, with the town of Yuanqu on the Yellow River as the primary objective. Yuanqu was the hinge of the entire Chinese position: it controlled the main river crossings, served as the central supply point for the garrison, and sat at the narrowest point between the mountains and the water. If Yuanqu fell, the Chinese would be cut off from their supply line and divided into two separate pockets. Then each pocket could be destroyed at leisure. To execute this, Tada organized his forces into three attack groups. The eastern group, built around Lieutenant General Harada Yukichi's 35th Division with elements of the 21st Division and the 4th Independent Cavalry Brigade — totaling roughly 25,000 men with armor, artillery, and supporting puppet forces — would drive westward along the Daoqing Road, pushing through Jiyuan and Mengxian toward the eastern flank of the Chinese position. The northeastern group, under Lieutenant General Shozo Sakurai commanding the 33rd Division and an Independent Mixed Brigade, would descend from Yangcheng southward, striking at the middle of the Chinese line. The western and northwestern group, the largest, comprising the 36th, 37th, and 41st Divisions along with the 9th and 16th Independent Mixed Brigades, would push southward from multiple points between Sangchi and Zhangdian, driving straight for Yuanqu. The final element of the plan was the most audacious. Japanese special forces and paratroopers were to land behind Chinese lines on the opening night of the offensive, targeting the Chinese headquarters and communications nodes. If the Chinese command could be blinded and paralyzed in the first hours of the battle, resistance would collapse before it could organize. Given the penetration of the garrison by Japanese intelligence, the paratroopers knew precisely where to go. From late April, Japanese forces quietly moved into their assault positions. Supply dumps were stocked. Artillery was registered on Chinese positions. The attack was set for the morning of May 7, 1941. Everything was ready. The battle opened before dawn on May 7, and it opened everywhere at once. On the eastern front, Harada's 35th Division and its attached formations crossed the start line and drove westward in three parallel columns along the Daoqing Road. More than 5,000 infantrymen, 1,000 cavalry, dozens of artillery pieces, over 100 tanks and armored vehicles, and the supporting puppet troops of Zhang Lanfeng and Liu Yanfeng poured into the Chinese-held area around Jiyuan and Mengxian. The assault had an almost mechanical quality — it moved at the pace of its armor and artillery, methodically grinding through whatever lay in its path. On the northeastern front, Sakurai's 33rd Division descended from Yangcheng with more than 10,000 men, striking at Wu Shimin's 98th Army at Dongfeng Town. Wu was one of the more aggressive Chinese commanders in the garrison, and he did not wait to be overwhelmed. He threw his forces into active resistance on multiple axes, contesting each Japanese advance rather than simply absorbing it. In the fighting around Wangcun, his troops achieved one of the campaign's rare Chinese tactical successes, routing approximately 2,000 Japanese attackers and killing more than 700, including Colonel Hamada, a Japanese regimental commander. It was a genuine local victory, but it could not change the larger picture. On the western and northwestern front, the main Japanese force pushed south with its eyes fixed on Yuanqu. The coordinated weight of three divisions and two independent brigades, all moving along converging axes, was designed to be overwhelming. Individually, a Chinese unit might hold a ridge or a pass for a day. Collectively, there was no way to stop what was coming. And that same night, as the Chinese scrambled to respond to attacks on every side, Japanese paratroopers landed near Chinese headquarters positions. They found what intelligence had promised: a command system already in disarray, staffed by officers who had received no coherent orders and had lost communications with most of their subordinate units. The Japanese were not wrong when they predicted they could paralyze the Chinese command within hours. By the morning of May 8, the Chinese First War Zone headquarters had effectively ceased to function as a coordinating body. Individual armies would fight on, but they would fight alone. The second day of the battle brought the decisive blow. On the afternoon of May 8, the 9th Army under Pei Changhui — already reeling from the pressure of the eastern Japanese columns — abandoned the cities of Ji and Meng and fell back westward. The withdrawal opened a path through the Chinese line, and the Japanese exploited it immediately. That evening, with the assistance of paratroopers who had secured key access routes overnight, Japanese forces reached Yuanqu on the Yellow River's northern bank and took it. The fall of Yuanqu changed everything. At a single stroke, the Chinese garrison's supply line from the south bank of the Yellow River was severed. The main crossing points were in Japanese hands. The two halves of the Chinese position — those to the east of Yuanqu and those to the west — were now separated, unable to reinforce one another. The double encirclement that Tada had designed on paper became a physical reality on the ground. The trap had closed. May 9 brought further disaster. Japanese forces captured Wufujian, another significant point in the Chinese rear. And on this day the battle's human cost began to register in the most stark terms possible. Wang Jun, commander of the newly formed 27th Division of Kong Lingxun's 80th Army, was killed in action fighting in the southern Shanxi mountains. Major General Chen Wenqi, deputy commander of the 24th Division, died in fierce combat near Taizhai Village. And Major General Liang Xixian, having retreated with the remnants of his force to Taizhai and found every route blocked — his options reduced to surrender or death — walked into the Yellow River and drowned himself. He was not the last Chinese officer to choose death over capture. The loss of three generals in a single day was not merely tragic. It reflected something about the nature of the battle that the casualty statistics alone could not capture: the Chinese officers who fought most fiercely and refused to abandon their positions were precisely the men dying, while the broader institutional structure that should have supported them had already failed. The garrison was being consumed from its fighting edge inward. Over the following two days, the Japanese methodically tightened the ring. The eastern column, having taken Yuanqu, split into two prongs: one drove eastward, capturing Shaoyuan by the morning of May 12 and linking up with the forces that had been pressing westward from Jiyuan; the other drove westward to Wufujian, joining with the troops already there. The inner encirclement was now complete and continuous. The Yellow River crossings along the entire Chinese front were blocked. There was no route south that wasn't already under fire or in Japanese hands. The fighting in the mountain passes was, by all accounts, ferocious. At Fengmenkou — a critical pass that both sides recognized as a key chokepoint — the Chinese 9th Army committed the main force of its newly formed 24th Division along with elements of the 54th Division, fighting for every ridge and ravine. The Japanese sent reinforcements and simply absorbed the punishment, pressing forward until numbers and artillery told. By May 12, the position at Jianshan had been surrounded as well, and the outer ring of encirclement had sealed. The Chinese armies in the Zhongtiao Mountains were now divided into isolated pockets, each fighting separately, each trying to find a gap in the Japanese lines that simply wasn't there. Beyond the mountains, the Chinese high command in Luoyang was issuing desperate orders. Units that had already been overrun were instructed to hold positions they no longer occupied. Army commanders who had lost contact with their corps were told to coordinate with formations they couldn't reach. The gap between the orders flowing from headquarters and the reality on the ground had become absolute. The First War Zone command was, in practical terms, a spectator to the destruction of its own army. Of all the days in the three-week battle, May 13 was perhaps the most devastating for Chinese morale. At Cunbu, in the western sector, the 3rd Army under Lieutenant General Tang Huaiyuan had been surrounded and cut off. Tang was among the finest officers in the Nationalist army — a career soldier of exceptional ability, admired by subordinates and superiors alike, the kind of commander who by his personal presence could steady troops on the edge of breaking. He had led the 3rd Army in continuous fighting since May 7, conducting a fighting retreat that had preserved more of his force than most. But there was nowhere left to retreat to. Cunbu was surrounded on all sides. The Yellow River was behind him. The Japanese were in front. Tang Huaiyuan sat with his surviving officers and told them that he would not surrender. Then he shot himself. He was fifty-seven years old. On the same day, Cun Xingqi, commander of the 12th Division, was hit eight times during close combat and died on the field. The tally of dead general officers had now reached five in the space of a week. Tang Huaiyuan's death, unlike the others, resonated as something more than a military loss. He was a symbol of what the Zhongtiao defense had once represented: the possibility that courage and skill could compensate for disadvantages in firepower and logistics. His death seemed to say, loudly, that that possibility was exhausted. Chiang Kai-shek, when news reached him in Chongqing, personally ordered that Tang Huaiyuan be posthumously promoted and honored. The gesture was well-intentioned and entirely beside the point. Tang was dead. His army was destroyed. The gesture could not undo either fact. With the double encirclement complete and the primary Chinese resistance broken, the Japanese Army entered the second and less dramatic but equally brutal phase of its operation: the systematic clearance of what remained. Beginning around May 15, Japanese units shifted from the headlong offensive drives of the first week to methodical sweep operations, moving through the mountain terrain in organized formations, pressing into each remaining pocket and eliminating whatever resistance they found. The Yellow River's northern bank was secured by Japanese forces who established posts at the crossing points, blocking retreat and interdicting any resupply attempt. From the western front, sweep operations continued in a series of movements that lasted until well into June, each one driving Chinese remnants further into smaller and more untenable positions. Japanese after-action reports from this period read with the clinical detachment of men doing carpentry rather than fighting: so many positions cleared, so many prisoners taken, so many bodies counted. For the surviving Chinese forces, this period was one of desperate improvisation. With coordinated resistance impossible and every organized position either taken or surrounded, the remnant armies broke up into smaller columns and attempted to find their own routes out of the encirclement. Their experiences varied enormously depending on their starting position, the initiative of their commanders, and fortune. The remnants of the 3rd Army and 15th Army, under Zeng Wanzhong of the 5th Army Group, managed to push through to Yellow River crossings in the west and get their men across to the south bank, eventually reorganizing at Luoyang and Xin'an. The 93rd Army, which had occupied positions in the northeast, shook off the Japanese pursuit with sufficient speed and organization to cross at Yumenkou and escape into Hancheng County in Shaanxi Province, preserving more of its fighting strength than most. Wu Shimin's 98th Army — whose fighting at Wangcun had been one of the campaign's genuine bright spots — was pushed northward into the Taiyue Mountains, conducting guerrilla operations as it went. Wu himself was wounded during the withdrawal and would spend months recovering; he never fully recovered his health, and would die by suicide the following year. The 43rd Army under Zhao Shiling, which had held Yuanqu before its fall, managed a fighting withdrawal toward Fushan and Yicheng in the north. Pei Changhui's 9th Army conducted several days of guerrilla operations along the Daoqing Road before finding crossings at Xiaodukou and Guanyangdukou and getting across the Yellow River to safety. By May 27, the great majority of the Zhongtiao Mountain garrison had either been destroyed, captured, or withdrawn. The mountains that had held for three years were in Japanese hands. The battle, for all practical purposes, was over. The two sides emerged from the battle with starkly different accounts of what had happened, and the gap between those accounts is itself revealing. Japanese operational records claimed that their forces had killed approximately 42,000 Chinese soldiers on the battlefield, taken around 35,000 prisoners, captured enormous quantities of weapons and supplies, and inflicted total Chinese casualties exceeding 100,000. Against this, Japanese headquarters reported their own losses as 673 killed and 2,292 wounded — a ratio so lopsided that it seemed to describe a completely different kind of warfare. Whether or not the precise numbers are accurate, Japanese sources were consistent in portraying the battle as a catastrophic one-sided rout. The Chinese government's official figures, presented to the public and to allied nations, told a very different story. Nationalist records acknowledged approximately 13,751 officers and soldiers killed, wounded, gassed, or missing, while claiming Japanese casualties of around 9,900. These numbers, by the standards of the actual fighting and the geographic scale of the defeat, strained credulity. They were the numbers of a government that needed, for political and morale reasons, to minimize a disaster it could not afford to fully acknowledge. What is beyond dispute is the strategic result. The Zhongtiao garrison, which had held for three years against thirteen prior offensives, had been destroyed in twenty days. The last significant Nationalist Chinese presence north of the Yellow River in the region had been eliminated. Japan now controlled the northern bank of the river for a substantial stretch, had secured its supply lines through southern Shanxi, and had opened the door for future pressure on Luoyang and ultimately Xi'an. The mountain barrier that had allowed Chinese forces to threaten Japanese logistics was gone. It would not be rebuilt. Six senior Chinese generals had died in the battle: Wang Jun, Chen Wenqi, Liang Xixian, Tang Huaiyuan, Cun Xingqi, and others in the fighting. Their deaths were individually remarkable — men choosing death over surrender at rate that reflected both the desperate conditions of the battle and a code of honor that many of them explicitly invoked in their final moments. They were also, in aggregate, a measure of how completely the officer corps had been consumed. In the decades since the battle, historians have returned repeatedly to the question of why a position held for three years collapsed so completely in three weeks. The answers are neither simple nor flattering to the Nationalist government, and they were debated with bitter intensity in Chongqing even while the battle was still being fought. The most immediate cause was the removal of Wei Lihuang. This was not merely the loss of a capable general — it was the destruction of the institutional knowledge and personal relationships that had made the defense function. The Zhongtiao garrison was not simply a collection of soldiers in mountain positions; it was a system, carefully constructed over three years, that depended on specific command relationships, established logistics arrangements, and particular allocation of resources. Wei had built that system. Without him, and without any adequate replacement, it became something far more brittle than it appeared. Below the level of high command, the garrison's gradual corruption was an equally powerful factor. The trading networks, the opium commerce, the penetration by Japanese intelligence — these were not incidental problems but symptoms of a deeper institutional failure. An army that has spent three years in static defensive positions, chronically undersupplied and without a meaningful offensive mission, tends toward exactly this kind of decay. The Nationalist government's decision to prioritize anti-Communist friction operations over Zhongtiao's fighting readiness had removed the 4th Army Group — the backbone of the defense — and had consumed Wei Lihuang's attention and political capital at the worst possible moment. The Japanese plan, too, deserves credit it rarely receives in Chinese accounts of the battle. The three-pronged converging attack on Yuanqu was not simply overwhelming force applied to an obvious target. It was an elegant solution to the genuine tactical puzzle that the Zhongtiao mountains presented, exploiting the garrison's geographic vulnerability with a precision that turned the defenders' mountain terrain from an asset into a trap. The use of paratroopers to decapitate the Chinese command in the opening hours was a sophisticated operational concept that worked almost exactly as designed. Tada Shun was not lucky. He was thorough. Finally, there is the question of Chiang Kai-shek's own priorities. His reported weeping upon receiving news of the defeat was genuine, in the sense that the loss clearly shocked and grieved him. But the decisions that led to the defeat — Wei Lihuang's removal, the transfer of the 4th Army Group, the neglect of fortification and resupply in the months preceding the battle — had been made in Chongqing, not in the mountains. The Zhongtiao garrison had been strategically sacrificed, piece by piece, for political calculations in the internal factional struggle between Nationalists and Communists. Whether Chiang understood the cost of those choices before May 7, 1941, is debatable. After that date, it was difficult to pretend otherwise. The fall of the Zhongtiao Mountains did not end the War of Resistance, but it substantially worsened China's strategic position in the north. Over the following months, Japan used its consolidated control of southern Shanxi to increase pressure on the Yellow River line and probe toward Luoyang. The surviving Chinese armies, reorganized south of the river, were in no position to counterattack. The mountains themselves, stripped of their garrison and secured by Japanese occupation troops, became part of the extended Japanese occupation zone — a territory to be administered and exploited rather than contested. For the men who had fought there, the battle left wounds that went beyond the physical. Entire armies had to be rebuilt from remnants. Officers who had retreated, whether under orders or on their own initiative, faced boards of inquiry in an atmosphere of recrimination and blame-seeking. Some were cashiered. Some faced criminal proceedings. The search for culpability — which was genuine enough, since the failure was genuine — tended to fall on those least able to defend themselves rather than on the senior commanders and political figures whose decisions had created the conditions for defeat. The posthumous honors awarded to Tang Huaiyuan, Liang Xixian, Wang Jun, and the other officers who died in battle were heartfelt, and they were also convenient. The heroic dead could be elevated without requiring the living to answer uncomfortable questions. Their sacrifice was real. The system that wasted it was also real. In the broader history of the Second Sino-Japanese War, the Battle of Zhongtiao Mountain tends to be overshadowed by more famous engagements — Shanghai, Nanjing, Taierzhuang, the later battles along the Salween. This is partly because the Chinese side lost comprehensively and had little interest in memorializing the loss, and partly because the battle's significance was more strategic than dramatic. There was no great last stand, no single moment of heroism sufficient to redeem the catastrophe. There were only men dying in mountain passes, generals walking into rivers, and an entire defensive system disintegrating under the weight of its own contradictions. What the Battle of Zhongtiao Mountain represents, in the end, is a case study in how military positions are really lost. They are rarely lost on the battlefield alone. They are lost in the staff meetings where capable commanders are removed for political reasons. They are lost in the supply depots that never get restocked. They are lost in the informal economies that grow up when institutions stop functioning. They are lost in the intelligence assessments that are written and ignored. They are lost, finally and irreversibly, in the early morning hours when the guns open simultaneously on three sides and the men at the radios discover that no one is answering.     I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. On May 7, 1941, Japan opened a three-front assault on Zhongtiao Mountains; paratroopers disrupted command night. With the 9th Army withdrawing, Yuanqu fell on May 8, severing supply and trapping the garrison. Fighting raged through May 13, costing generals, until Japanese sweeps cleared pockets; survivors escaped south of Yellow River.

Unisciti alla ribellione su Telegram – Iscriviti alla newsletter – Supportaci su Patreon Nei videogiochi non esistono più soldi puliti. La sconfitta più grossa che c'ha inflitto il capitalismo forse è proprio questa. Fare videogiochi costa sempre di più, e il 99% dei soldi che girano in questo circo vengono da gente di merda. Bin Salman non si è comprato solo SNK. Non ha soltanto diverse quote in giochini che spaziano da Nintendo fino a TakeTwo. Adesso attira anche le persone che sono state dietro le nostre IP preferite, e manco una mesata fa ha convinto Harada a tornare al lavoro dopo 6 mesi di pensione. L'uomo che ha reso Tekken fichissimo adesso è sul libro paga di uno che ammazza giornalisti per sport. E questa cosa è più importante del fantasticare su cosa potrebbe fare Harada con le IP di SNK. Quando i soldi non ce li mette l'Arabia Saudita arrivano da Tencent, e insomma, la Repubblica Popolare Cinese non è per nulla un esempio di virtù. Ma sappiamo far schifo benissimo anche in occidente: presente Microsoft? Dopo 100 miliardi spesi in acquisizione videoludiche ha fatto talmente tante merdate pro-Israele che perfino Arkane Studios si è sentita in dovere di pubblicare una lettera aperta in cui invitava la propria dirigenza a togliersi la testa dal culo. I videogiochi oggi, purtroppo, sono anche questo. E dobbiamo esserne consapevoli. Perché la consapevolezza è l'unica arma che al momento non sta dietro paywall.

► Agenda FGC et réseaux sociaux : linktr.ee/kahikusu► Bluesky : https://bsky.app/profile/kahikusu.bsky.social► https://twitter.com/kahikusu► https://twitter.com/M4rtelus► https://twitter.com/Naudno77► https://twitter.com/iamarktall---------------------------------------------------------------Chapitrage0:00 Intro5:06 Agenda FGC10:43 Résultats de la semaine15:06 Arrivée de l'équipe16:52 Prix et date pour le stick arcade officiel PlayStation FlexStrike20:02 PlayStation donne des nouvelles de ses écrans 24:58 Les enceintes PlayStation pour cette année26:26 Une version PC du Beastbox de Daigo 27:27 Nouvelle Asus Rog Xbox Ally X2020:50 Nvidia présente le DLSS 4.537:00 AMD se lance dans le retrogaming avec la M64 (N64 FPGA)43:18 AMD lance la nouvelle carte graphique RX 9070 GRE50:10 Le reste de l'équipe arrive58:34 Rivals of Aether 2 modifie ses Battle Pass1:00:14 SEGA dépose Virtua Fighter Crossover 1:01:18 Les premiers Strikes suite au leak de Virtua Fighter 1:02:22 Jojo Bizarre Adventure certifié au Brésil1:04:24 Des nouvelles de Melty Blood datées1:05:20 Avatar repoussé mais propose une nouvelle bêta1:07:25 Invincible VS se met à jour pile avant l'EVO1:10:28 Un nouveau jeu sera présenté par Arc System Works (Director's Cut)1:14:15 Trailer de Senna dans 2XKO1:19:27 Trailer surprise de Thresh dans 2XKO 1:26:00 TEKKEN 8 se sépare d'un nouveau cadre 1:31:51 Harada donne de bonnes nouvelles pour son studio1:35:48 Un petit manga pour Fatal Fury COTW1:36:27 L'EWC mise beaucoup sur la France1:38:44 Soutenez votre média Versus Fighting 1:40:07 Marvel Tokon Fighting Souls annonce 3 personnages1:53:20 SF6 célèbre sa 3ème année1:55:12 MenaRD rejoint la Street Fighter League Japan2:00:48 Sujet - Où sont les joueurs de SF6, consoles ou PC ? répartition des joueurs consoles et PC2:29:27 Une scène compétitive en avance ou en retard ?2:39:10 Le succès de SF6 ne faiblit pas après 3 ans 3:06:06 Les rendez-vous du week-end3:08:18 Fin de l'émission

Harada finally made it to Waffle House -- the ex-Tekken director who's spent years getting spammed by fans begging for a greasy 3 a.m. diner brawl stage finally pulled up during MomoCon in Atlanta, posed with a chair like he's about to scatter and smother some opponents, bought an official menu for five bucks, and joked he'll be back at fight time. Yeah after all the licensing dead-ends and "why do Americans want this" memes the guy who basically invented Tekken chaos got his greasy spoon pilgrimage done -- staff were friendly and the internet basically won the long game. Watch the podcast episodes on YouTube and all major podcast hosts including Spotify. CLOWNFISH TV is an independent, opinionated news and commentary podcast that covers Entertainment and Tech from a consumer's point of view. We talk about Gaming, Comics, Anime, TV, Movies, Animation and more. Hosted by Kneon and Geeky Sparkles. Get more news, views and reviews on Clownfish TV News - https://more.clownfishtv.com/ On YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/c/ClownfishTV On Spotify - https://open.spotify.com/show/4Tu83D1NcCmh7K1zHIedvg On Apple Podcasts - https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/clownfish-tv-audio-edition/id1726838629 MORE CLOWNFISH TV - Official Merch Store: http://ClownfishMinus.com Facebook - https://facebook.com/ClownfishTV X - https://x.com/ClownfishTVcom Clownfish TV subreddit: https://www.reddit.com/r/ClownfishTVOfficial/ Disclaimer: This series is produced by Clownfish Studios and WebReef Media, and is part of ClownfishTV.com. Opinions expressed by our contributors do not necessarily reflect the views of our guests, affiliates, sponsors, or advertisers. ClownfishTV.com is an unofficial news source and has no connection to any company that we may cover. This channel and website and the content made available through this site are for educational, entertainment and informational purposes only. These so-called “fair uses” are permitted even if the use of the work would otherwise be infringing. #News #Podcast #FYP #Shorts #HaradaWaffleHouse #Tekken #WaffleHouse #KatsuhiroHarada #TekkenStage #FightingGames #MomoCon #WaffleHouseFight Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.

Let's do Hutt Stuff while Mando is away. We've got a review of The Mandalorian and Grogu, and Nick updates his Star Wars Ranking. Plus The Steam Deck is the latest gaming device to get a price hike, but hey at least a new Witcher 3 DLC is coming out! Excelsior! Stan Lee is coming back, but i'm not so sure everyone will be happy about that, and Bungie is taking the light out of Destiny 2.

► Agenda FGC et réseaux sociaux : linktr.ee/kahikusu► Bluesky : https://bsky.app/profile/kahikusu.bsky.social► https://twitter.com/kahikusu---------------------------------------------------------------0:00 Intro et programme1:19 Guilty Gear Strive lance son Blazing Pass1:58 De nouvelles dates pour le GBVS World Tour3:52 Les chiffres du Combo Breaker4:40 Le World Warrior France décale sa première date5:09 StartGG affiche ses limites au World Warrior Japon6:21 Street Fighter 6 ajoute encore 350 000 ventes en 20267:36 Kakeru protège son image9:00 Le SNK World Championship ne fait pas que des heureux14:15 Démarrage encourageant pour Invincible VS17:24 L'update de 2XKO divise malgré ses nouvelles options26:40 Les coulisses du développement de Marvel Tōkon32:14 Harada ouvre son propre studio indépendant… chez SNK

Harada, o pai de Tekken, achou um novo lar. Ele agora é o CEO de um novo estúdio dentro da SNK e, apesar de ainda estar relativamente em aberto, ao que tudo indica ele deve permanecer criando coisas competitivas, provavelmente jogos de luta mesmo. Além disso, falamos da Sega cancelar o seu SUPER JOGO, novos controles de Xbox voltados à nuvem, a PS Plus prestes a ficar mais cara e mais.Participantes:Heitor De PaolaAssuntos abordados:13:00 - Harada funda novo estúdio dentro da SNK20:00 - Sega cancelou o SUPER JOGO26:00 - Microsoft deve lançar controle com foco em jogar pela nuvem34:00 - Preço da PS Plus para novos assinantes vai aumentar41:00 - Rápidas e curtasVai comprar jogos na Nuuvem? Use o link de afiliado do Overloadr!Use nosso link de filiado ao fazer compras na Amazon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Harada, o pai de Tekken, achou um novo lar. Ele agora é o CEO de um novo estúdio dentro da SNK e, apesar de ainda estar relativamente em aberto, ao que tudo indica ele deve permanecer criando coisas competitivas, provavelmente jogos de luta mesmo. Além disso, falamos da Sega cancelar o seu SUPER JOGO, novos controles de Xbox voltados à nuvem, a PS Plus prestes a ficar mais cara e mais.Participantes:Heitor De PaolaAssuntos abordados:13:00 - Harada funda novo estúdio dentro da SNK20:00 - Sega cancelou o SUPER JOGO26:00 - Microsoft deve lançar controle com foco em jogar pela nuvem34:00 - Preço da PS Plus para novos assinantes vai aumentar41:00 - Rápidas e curtasVai comprar jogos na Nuuvem? Use o link de afiliado do Overloadr!Use nosso link de filiado ao fazer compras na Amazon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Lotus and John discuss the biggest games news of the week, including Subnautica 2 creating a big bonus problem for KRAFTON's CEO, leaked Xbox controllers, and Marathon's interesting PVE-focused roadmap.00:00:00 Intro & Buc-ees Fare00:10:05 Subnautica 2's massive sales creates an interesting problem for KRAFTON's CEO00:13:15 Steam Controllers look bad, feel good, and scream when you drop them00:21:43 Sony takes huge loss on Bungie acquisition; Marathon gets new PVE-heavy roadmap00:30:20 Wizards and Hasbro fail to recognize the new MTG: Arena union00:33:25 Double Fine is also unionzing00:35:35 New Xbox controllers were leaked00:38:45 Microsoft fires executive for ties with Israel Ministry of Defense00:41:35 Sony says studios are using AI, but we have questions00:49:10 Tekken producer Harada leads new SNK studio00:53:05 Niki joins the show on locations to run down news so far00:54:45 Sega backs off of live services games00:58:38 GameStop's offer to buy eBay thoroughly, hilariously, decisively rebuffed01:04:12 Nintendo's fiscal report reveals reasons for Switch 2 price hike01:07:40 House Hunters is the best hotel television show01:09:10 The story in Digimon Story: Time Stranger is pretty bad01:18:10 The crew answers your burning HIVE QUESTIONS from our Discord02:21:50 Reviews & OutroThanks for listening!Please leave us a review! We'll read it on the show and it helps us out a lot.VGBees is ad-free, AI-free, and completely supported by you! https://vgbees.com/joinVGBees is a weekly games media podcast hosted by Niki, John, and Lotus.

¡Ni los futuros distópicos del estado policía podrán detenernos!¡Porque es lunes y SpreadShotNews Podcast ya llegó! En este episodio: Nico estuvo jugando a mudarse a una casa nueva en la vida real. Maxi por su parte termina el Ace Combat Zero: The Belkan War y continua a pleno con The Legend of Heroes: Trails of Cold Steel II. En el Rapid-Fire, tenemos noticias sobre la creación de un engine “made in Europa”, SEGA desconoce a su “Super Game”, Sony y Bandai Namco dicen que la IA es el futuro, WIRED TOKYO 2007 tiene su demo publicada en steam, Double Fine se sindicaliza y Harada vuelve al desarrollo de videojuegos “de la mano” de SNK. Para el Hot Coffee, repasamos una entrevista a Simon Zhu realizada por Bloomberg, donde explica su recientemente establecido fondo de inversión GreaterThan Group y su filosofía detrás del mismo. ¿Qué significa esto para la industria? El tiempo dirá, pero nosotros intentamos ver hacia dónde puede ir. Por último, recuerden que nos pueden escribir preguntas directamente a través de google forms en el siguiente link: spreadshotnews.com/preguntas

Ojciec Tekkena w SNK, tajemnicze finansowanienowych Gwiezdnych Wojen i wiele więcej w nowym Niecodzienniku. Zapraszam! 

Fatality! Mortal Kombat II is out, and its hilarious, in a good way! Plus Mixtape shines in a way I never expected. Meanwhile, Nintendo jumps on the price increase bandwagon, Ahsoka is stuck in another galaxy for another year, and peacock is about to get a speed boost.

Recarga Activa, como todo lo que hacemos en AnaitGames, existe gracias al apoyo de la comunidad. ¿Te gusta lo que hacemos? Suscríbete en Patreon y te llevas todo lo que hacemos, sin anuncios, con acceso anticipado y formatos exclusivos. Más información en ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠https://www.patreon.com/anaitreload⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠ * * * Bienvenidas y bienvenidos a Recarga Activa, el podcast diario de AnaitGames en el que filtramos lo más relevante de la actualidad del videojuego en pildorazos de 15 minutos. Estos son los titulares de hoy: Katsuhiro Harada, de Tekken, lidera ahora un nuevo estudio de SNK Level-5 tumba un remake de Yokai Watch 2 desarrollado por fans MercurySteam anuncia despidos coincidiendo con la llegada de Blades of Fire a Steam ♫ Sintonía del programa: Senseless, de Johny Grimes Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

No Bom Dia, Minha Vida de hoje, Isadora Basile comenta o aumento de preço do Nintendo Switch 2, que vai custar US$499,99 nos EUA a partir de setembro, e os resultados financeiros da Sony, que registrou prejuízo de US$765 milhões com a Bungie e queda de 46% nas vendas do PS5. Também: Forza Horizon 6 vaza uma semana antes do lançamento e a Playground Games ameaça banir quem jogar até o ano 9999; a Sega cancela o misterioso "Super Game" após cinco anos e abandona jogos live service; a Shift Up confirma que Stellar Blade 2 não terá a Sony como publisher; demissões na Build a Rocket Boy e na MercurySteam, o estúdio de Metroid Dread; um executivo da PlayStation diz que o futuro é "incrivelmente positivo"; Discord Nitro agora inclui Game Pass; novo bundle do Switch 2 com jogo à escolha; Aaron Paul entra para Fallout temporada 3; Fortnite confirma crossover com Overwatch para esta semana; e Harada, o pai de Tekken, funda novo estúdio na SNK._________________❤️____________________

Sega cancels the SUPER GAME, PlayStation exec sees bright future from third-parties, Harada starts a new studio, Tezuka retires, Angry Birds goes into the Hall, Steam Controller talk, and more! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Qonağımız "PAŞA Bank" ASC-nin marketinq departamentinin direktoru Günel Mavliyarova ilə iş, həyat və şəxsi inkişafdan danışdıq

This week: Fatal Fury gets Wolfgang Kruiser in City of the Wolves, Punk declares Invincible Vs "one of the worst fighting games ever made" after the open beta, and MenaRD vs. Daigo goes down April 29th—first-to-10, no excuses. Meanwhile, Tekken 8's Season 3 patch got review-bombed so hard Bandai Namco dropped an emergency hotfix, Harada's out, and the community is treating the Discord feedback portal like group therapy.On the brighter side: Jam's back in Guilty Gear Strive 2.0, Akali hit 2XKO, and Avatar Legends launches July 2nd with rollback and crossplay for $29—finally, a licensed fighter that gets it. But the real chaos? Max put a $10K bounty on UMVC3 rollback and the internet told him to add another zero. Oh, and Capcom Cup 13 has no LCQ, four spots already locked for Japan, and we're all pretending this is fine. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

"Qaydaları Pozma" verilişində Daxili İşlər Nazirliyinin Nəqliyyatı İntellektual İdarəetmə Mərkəzinin mətbuat katibi Ömər Xıdırov ilə sürücülərin və piyadaların ən çox buraxdığı səhvlər, təhlükəli davranışlar, telefon istifadəsinin riskləri, sürət həddinin aşılması və qaydalara əməl etməmənin nəticələri haqqında danışdıq.

O agro brasileiro é extremamente eficiente. Mas só até certo ponto. Da porteira para dentro, somos dos melhores do mundo.Da porteira para fora… ainda estamos aprendendo. E é exatamente aí que está o maior risco — e também a maior oportunidade. No novo episódio do Rural Mercados, eu converso com Rafael Harada, meu sócio na Rural Capital e alguém que passou mais de duas décadas construindo gestão de risco em uma das maiores plataformas de proteína do mundo. A conversa não é sobre prever mercado. É sobre algo muito mais importante: como sobreviver a ele. Falamos sobre:

SF6 leads Evo Japan while Alex, Caitlyn, and Kenshiro fuel FGC hype

Last time we spoke about the climax of the battle of Changkufeng. A 7–10 August clash near Changkufeng and Hill 52 saw a brutal, multi-front Soviet push against Japanese positions in the Changkufeng–Hill 52 complex and adjacent areas. The Korea Army and Imperial forces rapidly reinforced with artillery, long-range 15 cm and other pieces, to relieve pressure. By 7–8 August, Soviet assault waves, supported by tanks and aircraft, intensified but Japanese defenses, including engineers, machine-gun fire, and concentrated artillery, prevented a decisive breakthrough at key positions like Noguchi Hill and the Changkufeng spine.  By 9–10 August, continued Japanese counterfire, improved artillery neutralization, and renewed defenses kept Hill 52 and Changkufeng in Japanese control, though at heavy cost. The frontline exhaustion and looming strategic concerns prompted calls for intensified replacements and potential diplomatic considerations. It seemed like the battle was coming to an end.   #184 The Lake Khasan Truce Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The casualties were atrocious for both sides, yet they continued to mobilize more forces to the conflict area. While the Russians appeared uninterested in all-out war, they were not rushing to settle the crisis through diplomacy and, at the front, were launching "reckless" counterattacks at inconvenient locations, presumably to occupy positions useful for bargaining. The local Soviet military, having ceded the hills at the outset, must also have been anxious about its prestige. The Kwantung Army's potential threat to the flank undoubtedly made the Russians nervous. Although the leading echelon of the 104th Division did not reach Hunchun until the evening of 13 August, Japanese intelligence heard that the Red Army Headquarters staff at Khabarovsk had detected movements of Kwantung Army elements around 10 August and had been compelled to take countermeasures: they reinforced positions along the eastern and northern Manchurian frontiers, concentrated the air force, ordered move-up preparations by ground forces in the Blagoveshchensk district, and commandeered most of the motor vehicles in the Amur Province. By shifting its main strength to the eastern front, the Kwantung Army exerted, as intended, a silent pressure. The covert objective was to restrain and divert the Russians and to assist Japanese diplomacy, not to provoke war. Nevertheless, an American correspondent who visited the Changkufeng area in mid-August privately reported that the Kwantung Army was massing large numbers of troops near the border and expected further trouble.  Toward its weak neighbor in Korea the Kwantung Army rendered every support. Apart from its major demonstration in eastern Manchuria, the Kwantung Army promptly sent whatever reinforcements of artillery, engineers, and other units that Seoul had desired. Being also intimately involved in anti-Soviet military preparations, the Kwantung Army understandably wanted the latest and most authentic information on Russian Army theory and practice. The Changkufeng Incident furnished such a firsthand opportunity, and the professional observers sent from Hsinking were well received at the front. Military classmate ties contributed to the working relationships between the armies. As one division officer put it, the teams from the Kwantung Army came as "friends," not only to study the battlefield by their respective branches of service but also to assist the front-line forces; "the Kwantung Army was increasingly helpful to us in settling the incident." Foreign Minister Ugaki felt that the pressure of troop movements in Manchuria played a major part in the Russians' eventual decision to conclude a cease-fire. From Inada's viewpoint, it had been a "fine and useful demonstration against the Soviet Union." Pinned at Changkufeng, the Russians did not or could not choose to react elsewhere, too. Army General Staff officers believed that clear and consistent operational guidance furnished by Tokyo produced good results, although the fighting had been very hard for the front-line Japanese troops because of the insistence on exclusive defense, the curbs on interference by the Kwantung Army, and the prohibition on the use of aircraft. It had been close, however. Only by conscious efforts at restraint had the small war at Changkufeng been kept from spilling over into neighboring areas. Escalation of combat in early August had caused the Japanese government to try to break the diplomatic impasse while localizing the conflict. On 2 August Premier Konoe assured the Emperor that he intended to leave matters for diplomacy and to suspend military operations as soon as possible, an approach with which the government concurred. The Changkufeng dispute had been accorded priority, preceding overall settlements and the creation of joint commissions to redefine the borders. On the 3rd, after coordinating with the military, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs advised Shigemitsu that the front-line situation had become "extremely critical" and that a quick suspension of fighting action should be proposed. Soviet and Japanese troops should be pulled back to the setup as of 30 July.  In the midst of the Changkufeng Incident, the USSR intensified harassing tactics against the last Japanese consulates located within the Soviet Union. Forty-eight hour ultimatums to quit the country were delivered to the consuls at Khabarovsk and Blagoveshchensk on 3 and 4 August, respectively. Although the Japanese government warned that it might retaliate, the Russians were unyielding. The foreign ambassadors, Mamoru Shigemitsu and Maxim Litvinov met on August 4th, whereupon Shigemitsu argued, the best procedure would be to suspend military operations on both sides and to restore the status quo. Litvinov in a long manner explained the stance of the USSR as Shigemitsu put it "the Soviet side had a disposition to cease fighting, provided that conditions were satisfactory."  The Russians were stalling at the very time the Red Army was bending every effort to retake Changkufeng. Coordination between the Army, Navy, and Foreign Ministers produced cease-fire conditions which were rushed to the Japanese ambassador on 6 August. Two alternate lines were proposed, to which both armies would pull back. After the creation of a buffer zone, discussions could begin concerning delineation of boundaries in the region of the incident. The Hunchun pact could be the basis for deliberations, demarcation to be effected by joint investigations on the spot in consultation with documents in the possession of Manchukuo and the USSR; the Japanese would serve only as observers. Shigemitsu conferred once more with Litvinov for three and a half hours on 7 August, but no progress was made. Litvinov insisted that a clash could be averted only if Japanese forces pulled However Litvinov's positive reaction to the idea of a demarcation commission was seen as a good sign.  On August the 10th, both sides seemed to have reached a similar conclusion that a cease-fire needed to rapidly be implemented. At 11pm that night Litvinov called the embassy, asking for Shigemitus to see him as fast as possible. Shigemitsu arrived around midnight whereupon Litvinov showed him a draft of a final accord: 1. Japanese and Soviet forces shall cease all military activities on 11 August at noon local time. Instructions to that effect are to be issued immediately by the governments of the USSR and Japan.  2. Japanese as well as Soviet troops shall remain on those lines which they occupied at midnight local time on 10 August.  3. For redemarcation of the portion of frontier in dispute, there shall be created a mixed commission of two representatives from the USSR and two representatives from the Japanese-Manchurian side, with an umpire selected by agreement of both parties from among citizens of a third state.  4. The commission for redemarcation shall work on the basis of agreements and maps bearing the signatures of plenipotentiary representatives of Russia and China. Shigemitsu agreed to the inclusion of a Japanese commissioner on the Manchukuoan delegation, but he could not assent to the addition of a neutral umpire. Moscow received the news of the truce with gratification mingled with surprise. Few realized that the USSR had taken the step of appeasing or at least saving face for the Japanese even after Shigemitsu had pleaded for and won a cease-fire. The world was told by the Russians only that specific overtures for cessation of hostilities had originated with the Soviet authorities. In general, it was not difficult to guess why the Russian government, distracted by the European political scene and apprehensive about a two-front war, agreed to a cease-fire at Changkufeng.  The slowness of communication across the many miles between Moscow and Tokyo did nothing to alleviate nervousness in the Japanese capital during the night of 10–11 August. Ugaki wrote in his diary that, "after ten days of tension, the struggle between the Japanese and Soviet armies on the USSR–Manchukuo border had reached the decisive brink". Complicating the situation was the fact that, late on 10 August, the president of Domei News Agency conveyed to Konoe a message from one of his Moscow correspondents. Purporting to sum up Shigemitsu's latest outlook, the report stated that success in the negotiations seemed unlikely. The contents of the message were transmitted to Ugaki and Itagaki. Consequently, Konoe and his associates spent a fearful and depressed night. Shigemitsu's own report, sent by telegram, arrived frustratingly slowly.  After definite information had been received from Shigemitsu, Harada happily called Kazami Akira, the prime minister's chief secretary, and Konoe himself. "Until the accord was implemented," Kazami had said, "we would have to be on the alert all day today." Konoe and Kazami seemed "a little relaxed anyhow." Inada had finally retired past midnight on 10–11 August, "agreement or no agreement. I must have been dozing from fatigue when the jangle of the phone got me up. It was a message saying that a truce had been concluded the preceding midnight. Just as I had been expecting, I said to myself, but I felt empty inside, as if it were an anticlimax." The call had to have been an unofficial communication, perhaps the latest Domei news, since the records showed that definitive word from the embassy in Moscow did not reach Tokyo until after 10:00. Attache Doi's report to the Army General Staff came at about 11:00. This was extremely late in terms of getting Japanese troops to cease operations at 13:00 Tokyo time (or noon on the spot); a tardy imperial order might undo the Moscow accord. Complicating this matter of split-second timing was the fact that the first official telegram from Shigemitsu referred to unilateral Japanese withdrawal by one kilometer. At the Japanese high command level, there was agitated discussion when initial word of these arrangements arrived. Inada speculated that on 10 August the Russians had staged persistent close-quarter assaults against Changkufeng and seized the southern edge eventually, although repulsed at all other points. Moscow may have agreed to a truce at that midnight because they expected that the crest of Changkufeng would be in their hands by then and that a fait accompli would have been achieved. Some officers argued that the Russian forces were suffering "quite badly and this caused the authorities' agreeability to a cease-fire." Most exasperating, however, was the provision stipulating a one-sided military withdrawal. Admittedly, such action had been under discussion by the Army General Staff itself, particularly after Terada's sobering appeal of 10 August. It was another matter to have a Japanese withdrawal dictated by the USSR while Russian troops did not have to budge. Initial puzzlement and chagrin began to yield to rationalization. The Japanese side seemed to have made a concession in the negotiations, but there must have been significance to the phrase which said, "the line occupied by Japanese forces has been taken into due consideration." Japanese troops had presumably advanced to the edge of the frontier, while Russian soldiers had not come even close. Thus, it must have been necessary to have the Japanese units withdraw first, to fix the boundaries, since it had been the Japanese who had done the greater advancing. One Japanese office remarked "A pull-back was a pull-back, no matter how you looked at things—and we were the ones who had to do it. But the atmosphere in the command had been far from optimistic on 10 August; so we decided that it was unnecessary to complain about this issue and we approved the agreement in general. Both the senior and junior staff levels seemed to be quite relieved." The 11th of August had been an awkward day to conduct liaison between the Foreign Ministry, the Army, and the Throne, since the Emperor was leaving Hayama to visit naval installations in the Yokosuka area and the navy air unit in Chiba from morning. By the time a conclusive report on the cease-fire could be conveyed to the monarch, he was aboard the destroyer Natsugumo at Kisarazu. Naval wireless facilities in Tokyo had to be used to transmit coded messages to Admiral Yonai, the Navy Minister, for delivery to the Emperor. This was done shortly before 14:45 According to Yonai, the Emperor "was very pleased and relieved when I reported to him… about the conclusion of the truce accord." The appropriate Imperial order was approved promptly. But not until 15:00, two hours after cease-fire time at Changkufeng, did word of Imperial sanction reach the high command.  Japanese soldiers in the lines recalled nothing special on 11 August. "We didn't hear about the truce till the last minute," said one, "and we had become so inured to enemy artillery we hardly noticed any 'last salute.' From Tokyo, on 11 August, it was reported that the Japanese side had suspended operations promptly at noon, as agreed, but that sporadic bursts of fire had continued to come from the Soviet side. Colonel Grebennik, when asked after the war whether the combat did end at noon, replied petulantly: "Yes, but not quite so. The fighting actually ceased at 12:05." According to him, the tardiness was the Japanese side's fault.  The Japanese press told readers that "the cease-fire bugle has sounded—the frontier is cheerful now, 14 days after the shooting began." All was quiet in the area of Changkufeng, where the sounds of firing ceased at noon "as if erased." The most intense period of stillness lasted only a few minutes and was followed by the excited chattering of soldiers, audible on both sides. Korea Army Headquarters spoke of the "lifting of dark clouds [and] return of the rays of peace." In Hongui, a Japanese combat officer told a Japanese correspondent: "Suddenly we noticed the insects making noise; the soldiers were delighted. Once the fighting stopped, Japanese national flags were hoisted here and there along our front. … After the Russians observed what we had done, they broke out red flags also, at various points in their trenches." Some Japanese soldiers were given cookies by Soviet medical corpsmen. At Hill 52, an infantryman remembered, the Japanese and the Russians were facing each other, 50 meters apart, that afternoon. "We just lay there and stared at each other for two hours, waiting grimly. But it was well past cease-fire now, and those same Russians finally started to wave at us. Later that day, when Soviet troops came to salvage their KO'd tanks, we 'chatted' in sign language." After the cease-fire, Ichimoto, whose battalion had seen the most difficult fighting, stuck his head above the trench and waved hello to some Soviet officers. "They waved back. It gave me an odd sensation, for during the furious struggle I had considered them to be barbarians. Now I was surprised to see that they were civilized after all!" A rifleman at Changkufeng remembered swapping watches with an unarmed Russian across the peak. The Japanese front-line troops stayed in their positions confronting the Russians and conducted preparations for further combat while cleaning up the battlefield. Soviet troops also remained deployed as of the time of the cease-fire and vigorously carried out their own construction. The day after the cease-fire went into effect, Suetaka escorted an American reporter to the front. At Changkufeng:  "carpenters were making wooden receptacles for the ashes of the Japanese dead. Funeral pyres still were smoldering. . . . From our vantage point the lieutenant general pointed out long lines of Soviet trucks coming up in clouds of dust [which] apparently were made deliberately in an effort to conceal the trucks' movements, [probably designed] to haul supplies from the front. Soviet boats were pushing across [Khasan] . . . and Soviet soldiers were towing smashed tanks back from no-man'sland. On the Japanese side there was a pronounced holiday spirit. Soldiers, emerging from dugouts, were drying white undershirts on near-by brush and bathing in the Tumen River. The soldiers were laughing heartily. A few were trying to ride a Korean donkey near Changkufeng's scarred slope. The general pointed out three Soviet tanks behind the Japanese advance lines east of Changkufeng. He said the Russians had hauled back seventy others [on the night of 11 August]. . . . The writer was shown a barbed wire fence immediately behind a wrecked village on the west slope of Changkufeng which the general said the Soviet troops built at the beginning of the fighting. Possiet Bay also was pointed out, clearly visible across the swamp." Soviet losses for what became known as the battle of Lake Khasan for the Russians and the Changkufeng incident for the Japanese, totaled 792 killed or missing and 3,279 wounded or sick, according to Soviet records. The Japanese claimed to have destroyed or immobilized 96 enemy tanks and 30 guns. Soviet armored losses were significant, with dozens of tanks knocked out or destroyed and hundreds of "tank troops" becoming casualties. Japanese casualties, as revealed by secret Army General Staff statistics, were 1,439 casualties, 526 killed or missing, 913 wounded; the Soviets claimed Japanese losses of 3,100, with 600 killed and 2,500 wounded. The Soviets concluded that these losses were due in part to poor communications infrastructure and roads, as well as the loss of unit coherence caused by weak organization, headquarters, commanders, and a lack of combat-support units. The faults in the Soviet army and leadership at Khasan were blamed on the incompetence of Blyukher. In addition to leading the troops into action at Khasan, Blyukher was also supposed to oversee the trans-Baikal Military District's and the Far Eastern fronts' move to combat readiness, using an administrative apparatus that delivered army group, army, and corps-level instructions to the 40th Rifle Division by accident. On 22 October, he was arrested by the NKVD and is thought to have been tortured to death. At 15:35 on 11 August, in the Hill 52 sector, high-ranking military delegates bearing a white flag emerged from the Soviet lines and proceeded to Akahage Hill, about 100 meters from the Japanese positions. Cho, as right sector chief, was notified. He sent three lieutenants to converse with the Russians; they learned that the Soviets wanted the Japanese to designate a time and place for a conference. This word was conveyed to Suetaka, who had already dispatched Lieutenant Kozuki to the heights east of Shachaofeng to contact the Russians. Around 4:20, the commander canceled Kozuki's mission and instructed Cho to reply that the delegation ought to convene near the peak of Changkufeng at 18:00 Cho set out promptly with several subordinates; they reached the Changkufeng crest a little before 6. The Russians then said they wanted to meet the Japanese near the Crestline southeast of Changkufeng, the excuse being that the peak was too far for them to go and that they could not arrive by the designated time. Cho took his team to the location requested by the Russians. There, the Japanese found 13 Soviet soldiers and a heavy machine gun on guard, but the Russian delegates had not arrived, although it was 6:18. The irked Japanese clocked a further delay of two minutes before the Russian truce chief, Gen. Grigory M. Shtern, rode up on horseback with a party of eight. Both delegations saluted, the chiefs and team members identified themselves, and all shook hands. The Soviet team was made up of Corps General 3rd rank Shtern, 38, chief of staff, Far East area army; Brigade Commissar Semenovsky political major general, 37 or 38; Colonel Fedotev, 42; and Major Wabilev, about 30. Interpreting for the Russians was Alexei Kim. In Colonel Cho's opinion, "It was always necessary to take the initiative in dealing with the Soviets. So, even in such matters as shaking hands or conversing, he always did things first." During the exchange of greetings, Cho teased Shtern about his bandaged forehead. "A Japanese artillery shell got you, didn't it?" he asked. But Cho began formal discussions on a more dignified note: "Cho: It is very much to be regretted that the Japanese and Soviet armies had to get involved in combat around Changkufeng. Nevertheless, I laud the consummation of the Mos­cow accord on the part of both governments. And, I must say, your forces were quite brave and patriotic. Shtern: I agree with you. The Japanese Army, too, was courageous and strong." Negotiations would go on at the local level and diplomatic level for many days. In Tokyo, on the morning of 13 August, Ugaki had gone to the Meiji shrine to "report" on the cease-fire and to express his gratitude. At 10:00, when received in Imperial audience, he discussed the Changkufeng Incident. "I humbly regret to have troubled Your Majesty so unduly in connection with an unimportant affair on the Soviet-Manchurian frontier" at a time when the monarch was confronted by grave national problems. A long and winding road lay ahead before the incident as a whole was settled, but a good start had been made and "we are going to be even more careful in handling matters, although the Soviet regime  consists of devious, vicious scoundrels." Recognition of the Japanese Army's performance was accorded by the highest authorities in the homeland. As soon as the fighting ceased, Kan'in transmitted a message of appreciation. The day after the cease-fire, the command in North Korea issued a generous communique: "We pay homage to the Japanese for defending themselves against 100 planes, 200 tanks, and 60 pieces of heavy artillery. Our admiration for the bravery of both armies is of the highest." At 14:00 on the 15th, Kan'in was received in audience and reported on the settlement of the crisis. Said the Emperor: "We are gratified by the fact that, during this incident at Changkufeng, Our officers and men achieved their mission fully and manifested prudence and forbearance while confronting difficult circumstances with small forces. Our profound condolences to the casualties. Convey this message to the officers and men." A wire was dispatched promptly to Nakamura. With Imperial use of the wording "Changkufeng Incident," the nomenclature for the affair was fixed in Japan. When the cabinet met on 16 August, the decision was reached officially. After the Changkufeng affair, Japanese officers claimed that the Soviets had dispatched tactical experts "to ascertain why their elite Far Eastern forces had not been able to achieve satisfactory results. They realize the urgency of this investigation in preparation for any great war." Specifically, the AGS heard that on the day of the cease-fire, Blyukher had sent an investigative team of commissars under Romanovsky to the scene. Japanese experts on the USSR speculated that the experience at Changkufeng ought indeed to have impressed the Red Army: "Our forces did seize the hill and hold it. After comparing the strengths involved ... the Russians may well have had to modify their estimates." According to one Japanese commentator, improvements in political leadership were judged imperative by the USSR, gainsaying claims that the Soviet Army had been strengthened through the purge of alleged Japanese tools. Soviet authorities would conclude "As a test of doctrine, the fighting had confirmed the correctness of the basic principles embodied in the 1936 Field Service Regulations." The Soviet infantry had paid dearly for this, as well as for the deficiencies in tactical training. Defense Commissar Voroshilov admitted, "We were not sufficiently quick in our tactics, and particularly in joint operations in dealing the enemy a concentrated blow." In the view of historian Mackintosh: "The Soviet success at Lake Khasan was bought at the cost of heavy casualties and exposed serious defects in the mobilization machinery and the training of troops. There can be little doubt that these factors checked to some extent the Soviet Government's overoptimistic estimate of its own military strength and cast doubt on the effectiveness of its policy of expansion in all fields of military organization". Writing a year and a half after Changkufeng, an Mainichi reporter observed that the greatest harvest from the incident was tangible Japanese experience in determining the fighting strength of the Russians. Purchased with blood, this knowledge could provide valuable evidence for future combat operations. It was a question whether Changkufeng really possessed such strategic significance as was claimed for it, but the Soviet policy of bluff could be interpreted as substantiating the weakness of the defenses of Vladivostok. "The Russians used all kinds of new weapons at Changkufeng and tipped their whole hand. But although mechanization of the Red Army had attained high levels with respect to quantity, their weaknesses in technique and quality were laid bare." Imaoka observed that since the Changkufeng Incident marked the first time that the Japanese and Soviet armies engaged each other in combat involving large strategic elements, divisional and above, Russian fighting strength was studied with keen interest. The Japanese did not rate the capacity of the officers or Soviet quality, in general, as especially high. Still, the Russians did possess quantitative abundance, and Japanese losses had been heavy because the enemy had fired masses of ammunition against fixed targets. Suetaka seemed to have comprehended the scope of tangible Soviet strength in equipment and materiel, as shown by his comment: "I felt deeply that if the gap in manpower went beyond limits, it would be inevitable for our casualties to increase tremendously; this might even cause us danger in specific local areas." Few Japanese officers saw anything new in Soviet tactical methods, although considerations of mass were ever-present. Not only intelligence experts but the whole army worked on ways of coping with Soviet forces that would have the numerical advantage by 3:1. Most awesome was the "fantastic abundance" of hostile materiel, although the Russians could not deploy to surround the Japanese because of the geography. An AGS expert on the USSR summed it up: "We learned that Soviet strength was up to expectations, whereas Japanese arms and equipment had to be improved and reinforced." Worded in a multiplicity of ways, the Japanese conclusion was that patient imperial forces had won a great victory by defending the contested border with flesh vs. steel and by limiting the Changkufeng Incident, till the end, against enemy hordes supported exclusively by planes and tanks. Japanese infantrymen admit that the combat soldiers did not savor their disadvantages. "All our materiel was inferior in quality and particularly in quantity. We had the impression that whereas we relied on muscle power, the enemy used engines. This rendered our fighting particularly hard, but we had full confidence in our spiritual strength [i.e., superiority]."  Nevertheless, the Japanese mode of tactical operation, asserted Iwasaki, the Korea Army senior staff officer, was "the worst possible: fighting with hands tied." This meant that the Russians could fight "to their hearts' content," committing tanks and planes, and striking from all directions. A front-line infantry commander commented: "One's troops ought to be provided meaningful reasons for fighting and for dying happily. It is cruel to ask officers and men to meet masses of steel and to shed their blood without visible cause, and apparently because of inadequate combat preparations." The cease-fire agreement was concluded "at just the right time," General Morimoto admitted. A secret report prepared by AGS analysts sheds light on the larger question of what the army thought it had learned about itself and the Soviet enemy: "In studying Changkufeng, one ought to bear a number of cautions in mind: (1) The incident broke out when we were concentrating on the holy war against China; severe limitations on combat operations were imposed by the necessity to adhere to a policy of nonenlargement. (2) Apparently, the enemy also adopted a policy of localization while continuously attempting to recapture the high ground in the Changkufeng area. (3) Our forces employed units which were on Phase-1 alert from beginning to end; in terms of quality, the personnel were excellent—mainly active-duty types, from key men down. But our numbers were far inferior, and our organization and equipment were not of the best. In addition, we committed no planes or tanks, whereas the enemy used plenty. (4) The 19th Division was thorough, rigorous, and realistic in its combat training prior to the engagement. (5) Battlefield terrain seriously limited the enemy's attacks, especially tank action. But while the Tumen restricted assaults against our flanks and rear, it hampered our own services of supply, notably the provision of position construction materials." The Japanese learned few or erroneous lessons from the Changkufeng affair; the Kwantung Army, for example, was convinced that everything had been handled badly in 1938 by the Korea Army and the high command. When a dispute arose in 1939 at Nomonhan on another border lying between Outer Mongolia and Manchukuo, the staff in Hsinking fostered escalating measures. The USSR, however, learned in 1937 and 1938 that the Japanese Army seemed to respect only force.  I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Changkufeng incident or battle of Lake Khasan clash saw a fierce Soviet push against Japanese positions around Changkufeng and Hill 52. The cease-fire ended the incident, but not the conflict. Despite the brutal lessons learned by both sides, a much larger conflict would explode the next year that would alter both nations throughout WW2.   

Radio TRO is brought to you in part by:Twisted Road - Motorcycle Rental in the USAVisit Twisted.TRO.bike to get a FREE riding day!Welcome back, Dylan Code, who's here to catch us up plus push us forward on all things SuperbikeSchool.com! They've got toys that spy on eyes and squeeze bars for science. Dylan maps a careful 2026 plan with Buttonwillow, Carolina MP, Jennings, Utah, Mid-Ohio, Chuckwalla and Podium Club, all while keeping to core.Then, Brian gets nerdy with wiring, relay-fed accessories, the HealTech Thunderbox and Optimate chargers that spare your battery. He dreams of feeding a wiring diagram to AI so it parses and builds a safe, step-by-step workflow, then he reality checks the limits. He nods to Dylan's RevZilla trail braking piece and coaches listeners through the messy middle of bolt on upgrades.Robin enters with a UI win: episode timestamps in the players for skip control and less silky talk if you must dodge it. He and Maggie rode New Mexico to scout the 59 ride, dodged remote hazards, spotted elk and sweatededed the route mapping grind. He wraps with questions from the wild, plus a tease on boundaries for an upcoming episode.Jordan rewinds to Daytona 1970 and Honda's data play, with Harada aiming to win by crunching "frontal area". He tracks Mann, Romero, Nixon and the two stroke swarm, plus ignition gremlins and privateers like Castro getting ground down. He closes with the finishing order, the privateer edge and a promise to dig deeper into this era next time.Speaker Entry:Brian Wringer - 00:03:46Robin Dean - 00:04:01Dylan Code - 00:23:27Jordan Liebman - 01:05:43Episode Page: https://tro.bike/podcast/2025e36/Music by Rabid Neon and Otis McDonald

Radio TRO is brought to you in part by:Twisted Road - Motorcycle Rental in the USAVisit Twisted.TRO.bike to get a FREE riding day!Welcome back, Dylan Code, who's here to catch us up plus push us forward on all things SuperbikeSchool.com! They've got toys that spy on eyes and squeeze bars for science. Dylan maps a careful 2026 plan with Buttonwillow, Carolina MP, Jennings, Utah, Mid-Ohio, Chuckwalla and Podium Club, all while keeping to core.Then, Brian gets nerdy with wiring, relay-fed accessories, the HealTech Thunderbox and Optimate chargers that spare your battery. He dreams of feeding a wiring diagram to AI so it parses and builds a safe, step-by-step workflow, then he reality checks the limits. He nods to Dylan's RevZilla trail braking piece and coaches listeners through the messy middle of bolt on upgrades.Robin enters with a UI win: episode timestamps in the players for skip control and less silky talk if you must dodge it. He and Maggie rode New Mexico to scout the 59 ride, dodged remote hazards, spotted elk and sweatededed the route mapping grind. He wraps with questions from the wild, plus a tease on boundaries for an upcoming episode.Jordan rewinds to Daytona 1970 and Honda's data play, with Harada aiming to win by crunching "frontal area". He tracks Mann, Romero, Nixon and the two stroke swarm, plus ignition gremlins and privateers like Castro getting ground down. He closes with the finishing order, the privateer edge and a promise to dig deeper into this era next time.Speaker Entry:Brian Wringer - 00:03:46Robin Dean - 00:04:01Dylan Code - 00:23:27Jordan Liebman - 01:05:43Episode Page: https://tro.bike/podcast/2025e36/Music by Rabid Neon and Otis McDonald

The world lost a great director this week, and its not gonna be the same without him. We've got two weeks of stories to cover, The Game Awards got swept, and also gave us to Star Wars game announcements. The Golden Globes are set, and will the Bear be dethroned by The Studio? The Warner Bros and Netflix saga has begun, despite Paramount's eagerness, CCXP brought the trailers, and Wake Up Dead man dropped on Netflix. Come take a listen.

In this episode of the Day 0 Update: We talk about Amazon's big mistake in marketing King of Meat, Harada retiring from Bandai Namco, and the many announcements from The Game Awards. All this and more, up next!Full show notes can be found ⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠here⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠⁠.

On this episode of the BOOMcast special guest n0pants joins MYK, Rip, and Suiken to discuss the Video Game Awards, EVO Japan and EVO Vegas Line Ups, Harada's departure from Bandai Namco and what that means for the future of Tekken 8 and so much more!Video Version: https://youtu.be/pzb1qU00ktYTime Stamps:Intro 0:00Invincible VS New Character: 4:25Game Awards Recap: 5:50Caitlyn in 2XKO Announced: 21:42Game Award Winners/Losers: 24:18EVO Japan/Vegas Line Up: 35:05Harada Departs Bandai Namco: 52:38Harada Last of the "Rockstar" Devs: 1:14:51Tekken 8 Post Harada Era: 1:09:00Harada's Next Move: 1:20:06TWT Recap: 1:22:00Miary Zo First Impressions: 1:30:52Marvel Tokon/Avatar First Impressions: 1:37:03Follow Us: 1:47:56Left Behind: 1:50:40Host: MYKTwitch: http://twitch.tv/thenameismyk Twitter/X: @TheNameIsMYKYouTube:  @TheNameIsMYK  Special Guest: n0pants:Twitch: http://twitch.tv/n0pants Twitter/X: @nzeropantsRipTwitch: http://twitch.tv/levelupyourgame Twitter/X: @ReepalSuiken:Twitch: http://twitch.tv/suikenuser Twitter/X: @TKSuiken#tekken8 #fightinggames #podcast

Nesse episódio, Edu Aurrai, Felipe Mesquita e Rodrigo Cunha falam sobre a proposta de aquisição da Warner, incluindo o impacto para os jogos, pela Netflix; a saída de Harada, mente por trás de Tekken, da Bandai Namco; o retorno do criador de Fallout aos estúdios Xbox na Obsidian; e muito mais. Duração: 83 min Comentados: COMPRE O MARS 2120, METROIDVANIA BRASILEIRO: PC (STEAM) PLAYSTATION 4, PLAYSTATION 5 XBOX ONE, XBOX SERIES S|X NINTENDO SWITCH Vídeos: Carmageddon reveal trailer – PC Gaming Show: Most Wanted 2025 Neath – Announcement Trailer ROMEO IS A DEAD MAN – Release Date Trailer Terminator 2D: No Fate – Launch Trailer

Pre-Game Awards Gaming with the squad! We discuss leaks, the NEX Playground, Harada leaving Bandai Namco, Metroid Prime 4, and more! SCHWEP! Subscribe and rate us via iTunes Subscribe on: Amazon Podcasts, Spotify, iHeartRadio, Pandora DISCORD LINK Watch us on TWITCH! RSS feed: http://sidequesting.podbean.com/feed Hosts: Dali, J.J., Zach, Taylor, Sam, Tom, Jonny, Tyler With Special Guest: Stefan Swandlund from the community SIDEQUESTING PATREON EXECUTIVES: Punkdefied SIDEQUESTING PATREON PRODUCERS: Stefan Swandlund, Zero the Prototype, Exageneus, Jeff Grubb Topics: Game Awards leaks NEX Playground outsells Xbox during Black Friday Harada is leaving Bandai Namco What We're Enjoying: Panta Rhei (hot take) An Untitled Story Metroid Prime 4 Marvel Cosmic Invasion (review) Tingus Goose (review) Review & Preview products supplied by publishers SnackQuesting: nuthin today Music Intro: Zero The Prototype – Powerr Music Outro: N.I.M. – Choice Comments? Questions? Email us at: sidequesting @ gmail.com Image courtesy: Nintendo/Timmy Chals

Octopath Traveller 0, Where Winds Meet, Marvel Tokon, Harada steps down, Black Flag remake gets a name and new Postal title is canceled The post BRB UK 660: The Monopath Less Travelled appeared first on Big Red Barrel.

Horses! I experienced Horses, let's talk about it and the idea of it being banned from Steam and the Epic Game Store. I also played Metroid Prime 4, which also isn't on Steam or the Epic Game Store. Hmmmm! VERY INTERESTING, I think? Also: what does the Warner Bros. sale mean for the future of Mortal Kombat? Harada plans his escape! PEGI rates an Assassin's Creed Black Flag remake of some kind! Take-Two brings on some Perfect Dark developers to start a new studio. And more! Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices

Após mais de três década na empresa, Katsuhiro Harada anunciou que ainda em dezembro deixará a Bandai Namco e, com isso, a série Tekken, com que ele esteve envolvido por todo esse tempo. Comentamos disso, assim como do retorno de Splitgate 2, agora com outro nome, o momento de “ou vai ou racha” da Yacht Club e mais.Participantes:Heitor De PaolaAssuntos abordados:07:00 - Teaser de jogo no Game Awards09:00 - Caso a compra ocorra, EA será quase inteiramente do Fundo Soberano Saudita14:00 - Splitgate 2 retorna com novo nome18:00 - O trailer que circulou de Shenmue 4 não é oficial25:00 - Three Fields Entertainment deve sofrer demissões por falta de financiamento31:00 - Katsuhiro Harada anunciou que ainda em dezembro deixará a Bandai Namco40:00 - Otimização de Helldivers 2 diminui seu tamanho em 85%49:00 - Replaced enfim tem data de lançamento51:00 - Novo Postal foi cancelado dois dias depois de anunciado54:00 - A Yacht Club está no momento de "ou vai ou racha"57:00 - O botão de volume de Mario Kart WorldLinks citados:Músicas de Tekken remixadas pelo HaradaVai comprar jogos na Nuuvem? Use o link de afiliado do Overloadr!Use nosso link de filiado ao fazer compras na Amazon Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Become a Side Scrollers PLUS Member at http://www.SideScrollersPlus.com Use promo code “YOUTUBE” for an annual discount. You also get Rumble Premium INCLUDED!If you're a Normal Man, hit the subscribe button: https://bit.ly/SubToSideScrollers. If not, regret it forever.Support Our Partners on Side Scrollers PLUS:

Bienvenidas y bienvenidos a Recarga Activa, el podcast diario de AnaitGames en el que filtramos lo más relevante de la actualidad del videojuego en pildorazos de 15 minutos. Estos son los titulares de hoy: Katsuhiro Harada se va de Bandai Namco Take-Two ficha a dos de los responsables de Perfect Dark para montar un nuevo estudio despelote llega a Switch el 13 de enero Lanzamientos de la semana ♫ Sintonía del programa: Senseless, de Johny Grimes Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In today's Daily Fix:GameStop held its 'Trade Anything Day' promotional event where customers could come in with (almost) anything and get cash or store credit. GameStop shared with us some of the craziest trade-ins, such as a taxidermied bobcat, some McDonald's socks, and—get this— a Netflix Wii disc from way back when the Wii needed an authentication disc to stream content from the Netflix app. Did you try to trade anything in an GameStop? How much did you get for it? Let us know in the comments. In other news, fighting game legend Katsuhiro Harada is leaving Bandai Namco. Harada had been with the Tekken franchise for 30 years, working on each installment and directing Tekkens 3 through the recent Tekken 8. Harada has not yet said what he'll do next. And finally, take a peek into a family vacation at The Wizarding World of Harry Potter at Universal Orlando Resort.Presented by Universal Orlando Resort.

Can the ideas of a Japanese track and field coach help you succeed? This week, Done! is about the simple yet practical Harada method. In this blog post from an American volleyball coach, you can see the map that Ohtani used, translated into English. Have you used the Harada method in your work? How? Write to me and tell me. Methods like this, which provide us with support in achieving our goals, fascinate me greatly, so I am curious to hear about what you have done. Here's how you can easily solve minor hassles that disrupt your workday. These episodes are also available as a weekly newsletter to your email. If you rather read than listen (or both!), sign up for a free subscription. David Stiernholm is a "struktör". As such he helps people and companies become more efficient and productive by creating better structure. His motto is: Everything can be done easier! David is frequently hired as a speaker by all kinds of businesses, from well-established major corporations to entrepreneurial companies in hyper-growth. He extinguishes himself by providing clients with concrete tools and methods that can be applied instantly both at work and in your personal life. During a talk with David Stiernholm, you will realize that structure is both liberating and fun and that establishing a better structure makes you less stressed and more efficient.

Harada Sekkei Roshi (1926-2020) was the abbot of Hosshin-ji, a Soto Zen training monastery and temple, in Fukui Prefecture, near the coast of central Japan. He was born in 1926 in Okazaki, near Nagoya, and was ordained at Hosshin-ji in 1951. In 1953, he went to Hamamatsu to practice under Zen Master Inōe Gien (1894-1981), and received inkashomei (certification of realization) in 1957.In 1974, he was installed as resident priest and abbot of Hosshin-ji and was formally recognized by the Soto Zen sect as a certified Zen master (shike) in 1976. Since 1982, Harada traveled abroad frequently, teaching in such countries as Germany, France, the United States, and India. He also led zazen groups within Japan, in Tokyo and Saitama. From 2003-2005, he was Director of the Soto Zen Buddhism Europe Office located in Milan.Harada Sekkei Roshi died on Saturday, June 20, 2020 at the age of 93. He had been in hospice care for more than a year at a small hospital run by one of his students in the town of Obama, Fukui Prefecture.These selected pointers have been taken from various newsletters as well as the text, The Essence of Zen: The Teachings of Sekkei Harada.https://www.amazon.com.au/Essence-Zen...Music: Swami Madhuram - 'Rainy Day Retreat'.For more of Swamiji's music please find it here: https://insighttimer.com/swamimadhuram

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Got a story idea for Bloodworks 101? Send us a text message If you're a platelet donor with Bloodworks Northwest, we can't thank you enough. But as you sit there and make your lifesaving donation, have you ever thought of the machine at your side, just clicking along, separating the lifesaving components in your blood? Well, Lori Harada and Carly Newton from Terumo, the maker of the machine sure have. A while back, Bloodworks 101 producer, John Yeager spoke with Lori and Carly for today's edition of Bloodworks 101.

~ The Japanese dialogue in this English language video podcast has been shortened for timing purposes. ~ The way of the Buddha is more a philosophy than a religion. It is a path, not a faith. Its core precepts describe a practice that leads to an experience. Arnold Toynbee once said that the coming of the dharma to the West might prove the greatest event of the 20th century. Shodo Harada Roshi has been described as a teacher's teacher of Zen Buddhism. He is a longtime friend of Commonweal. Come join us for a unique and precious experience of the Buddhist truth, the Buddhist way, and the Buddhist community. Shodo Harada Roshi Shodo Harada Roshi is Abbot of Sogen-ji, a 300-year-old Rinzai Zen monastery in Okayama, Japan. He is also Abbot of Tahoma Monastery on Whidbey Island north of Seattle. He founded Enso House, a hospice affiliated with Tahoma, where his students attend the dying. He is a master of Japanese calligraphy, and has conducted demonstrations at the Asian Art Museum in San Francisco and the Metropolitan Museum in New York. His translator and colleague, Priscilla Daichi Storandt, is co-abbot at Tahoma and a senior teacher in her own right. Find out more on his website. Host Michael Lerner Michael is the president and co-founder of Commonweal. His principal work at Commonweal is with the Cancer Help Program, CancerChoices.org, the Omega Resilience Projects, the Collaborative on Health and the Environment, and The New School at Commonweal. He was the recipient of a MacArthur Prize Fellowship for contributions to public health in 1983 and is author of Choices in Healing: Integrating the Best of Conventional and Complementary Therapies (MIT Press). *** The New School is Commonweal's learning community and podcast — we offer conversations, workshops, and other events in areas that Commonweal champions: finding meaning, growing health and resilience, advocating for justice, and stewarding the natural world. We make our conversations into podcasts for many thousands of listeners world wide and have been doing this since 2007. Find out more about The New School at Commonweal on our website: tns.commonweal.org. And like/follow our Soundcloud channel for more great podcasts.

October 2025 Sesshin, Day 5 Commentary on “Ichi Tantei, One Doing: Tangen Roshi of Bukkokuji.” Edited by Ron Klein. Translated by Belenda Attaway Yamakawa. Independently published, 2024. Teisho by Sensei Dhara Kowal.  Automated Transcript The post Harada Tangen Roshi #2 appeared first on Rochester Zen Center.

We finally get some romance this time! In our real lives, Sarah has been considering a car purchase while Joe made a big purchase, a Steam Deck. Then we talk about video games as one does. In Chihayafuru, we ramp up for the Arata v Harada match. Wow, what a mouth full. Then we get some quality time with Master Suo. Our opinion on him might change a bit. Then the boys get to make some romantic progress! Things are really heating up now!

October 2025 Sesshin, Day 4 Commentary on “Ichi Tantei, One Doing: Tangen Roshi of Bukkokuji.” Edited by Ron Klein. Translated by Belenda Attaway Yamakawa. Independently published, 2024. Teisho by Sensei Dhara Kowal.  Automated Transcript The post Harada Tangen Roshi #1 appeared first on Rochester Zen Center.

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César Jung-Harada has a wildly adventurous life: He's a justice-oriented philosopher-inventor traversing the world's oceans to help humanity adapt to climate change. He has built oil-spill robots, shape-shifting boats, floating cities, and hydrogen devices. The inventions range in technology and scale, but the heart and soul remains the same. César uses imagination and inclusion to scaffold all he does, believing that children, students, refugees, artists, and local “non-experts” belong at the design table and have contributions that are just as - if not more - valuable than those more credentialed.Listen to hear César talk about everything from equality and inclusion, to animism and Shintoism, to “returning to the animal” that we are. Mentioned in this episode:Studio Ghibli exhibitCésar Jung Harada: An Ocean City Reimagined exhibitBalon Balon Ijo, Floating Solar HydrogenProtei, Shape-Shifting Sailing Robot“Coralbot” Coral Reef Mapping RobotOyster Hatchery "Floating Marine Laboratory"Ocean Imagineer. Floating solar hydrogen pilot plantRebecca Solnit's Hope in the Dark Paul Feyerabend's Against Method César‘s invitation, from his mother's wisdom: To return to the animal that you are, you need to forget. How much can you forget? Can you let go of your name, material attachments, problems and worries? Humans can experience so much unnecessary suffering, but if you can forget, you get closer to experiencing the simplicity of being an animal among animals. Ideas? Visions? Imaginaries? Email rebekaryvola@gmail.com.This episode was edited by Angela Ohlfest, typographer from Simon Walker, music from Cosmo Sheldrake.

Send us a textThe gang watched Star Trek! Ben and Sara talk about Expedition 33!Thousands Of Dollars' Worth Of Labubu Dolls Were Stolen During A Late-Night RobberyNintendo's Indie World Showcase - here's everything announcedOne Piece: Pirate Warriors 4 Character Pass 3 announcedWeapons director's Resident Evil movie won't have existing characters because fans ‘can play the games' for their storiesTekken boss Harada says he'd like to show people the 30% complete Tekken X Street Fighter one dayA veteran Final Fantasy programmer hates how indie games deliberately recreate PS1 visual bugs he made 'many futile efforts' to fix: 'I just don't get what's so interesting about trying to replicate that'Unionized Workers At Arkane, A Microsoft-Owned Studio, Demand That Microsoft Divest From Israel's ‘Sinister Project For Gaza'Support the showPATREON: http://www.patreon.com/thegorgeDiscord: discord.gg/K8A6SG2Big Gay Nerds: https://soundcloud.com/biggaynerdsBackground music: DJ CUTMAN: https://music.djcutman.com/Broke for Free: https://brokeforfree.comVisager: https://visager.bandcamp.comAdventuria: https://adventuria.bandcamp.com/INTRO: https://soundcloud.com/zak235Ben's BlueSky: thegorgepodcast.bsky.socialSara's BlueSky: radioinactivity.bsky.socialE-mail: thegorgepodcast@gmail.com

Helldivers 2 teases a crossover with Halo, Remedy says they're unsatisfied with FBC: Firebreak, and Resident Evil Requiem is getting a new trailer at Gamescom. Thank you for the support! Run of Show - - Start - Housekeeping: Today after, KFGD, you'll get: GAMESCAST - Shit List: The top 25 Super Hero Movies of all time After Gamescast is Mafia: The Old Country w/ Nick If you're a Kinda Funny Member: Today's Gregway is coming at you from Tim. Thank you to our Patreon Producers: Karl Jacobs OmegaBuster & Delaney "The Somm" Twining The Roper Report   - - Helldivers 2 Teases Halo: ODST Crossover Ahead of Xbox Release - Wesley Yin-Poole @ IGN - Ad - Remedy was ‘unsatisfied' with FBC: Firebreak's launch sales but says it has ‘a solid game to build on' - Chris Scullion @ VGC - Resident Evil Requiem is getting a new trailer at Gamescom - Former BioWare exec producer says EA was pitched multiple times to remaster the first three Dragon Age games - Jordan Middler @ VGC - Ninja Gaiden 4 to Last 15-20 Hours, Plus Challenge Missions and Optional ‘Purgatory' Battles - Alessio Palumbo @ WCCFTech - Tekken Tag Tournament 3: ‘Probably not in my working lifetime,' Harada says - Chris Scullion @ VGC - Wee News! - SuperChats & You‘re Wrong Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

This episode is sponsored by BetterHelp — go to http://betterhelp.com/kindafunny to get 10% off your first month. Go to http://joinbilt.com/kindafunny to start earning points on your rent payments today. Thank You For The Support! Run of Show - - Start & Harada's Tweet - Housekeeping Today after, KFGD, you'll get: GAMESCAST - Citizen Sleeper 2 Review The STREAM is Mike & Nick playing the new Sniper Elite If you're a Kinda Funny Member: You can get today's Gregway And you can get the Kinda Funny Happy Hour this afternoon at 3:30pm pt for $25 Patrons. The Roper Report  - - BREAKING: Forza Horizon 5 Comes to PS5 - Indiana Jones and the Great Circle has been played by over four million players, Microsoft says - Tom Ivan @ VGC - Ad   - Superchats - ‘Beyond: Two Souls' Video Game Getting TV Series Adaptation By Elliot Page's Pageboy - Nellie Andreeva @ Deadline -Simu Liu says he's working with the rights holders of Sleeping Dogs to bring it to cinema - ‘Spectacular announcements and reveals': Summer Game Fest 2025 plans revealed - Andy Robinson @ VGC - Wee News! - You‘re Wrong & Superchats Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices