Podcasts about sahelian

In January, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger officially withdrew from the Economic Community of West African States, or ECOWAS, having already established the Alliance of Sahel States, or AES, as an alternative regional grouping. The move has had a multitude of consequences, including ongoing diplomatic spats between the AES states and those that remain committed to ECOWAS, as well as challenges to trade and freedom of movement across the region. But the security implications of the fracturing of ECOWAS as a regional bloc are also important to consider, as West Africa faces an array of challenges that are increasingly affecting what are usually thought of as the region's more stable coastal countries, such as Senegal, Ghana and Cote d'Ivoire. All three of the military-run AES states face long-running jihadist and domestic insurgencies, including armed groups with links to the Islamic State and al-Qaida. Most prominent among them are the Islamic State-Sahel Province and Jamaat Nasr al-Islam wal-Muslimin, or JNIM, which is affiliated with al-Qaida and is also active in northern Cote d'Ivoire, Benin and Togo. These groups have been active throughout the Sahel for over a decade, typically exploiting local grievances and intercommunal tensions, particularly between farmers and pastoralists as well as against the Peuhl community, which is often portrayed as being sympathetic to the jihadists. The jihadists mobilize these tensions to stoke conflict and recruit among marginalized communities in a broader effort to seize territory and create an Islamic caliphate in the Sahel and West Africa. These groups have targeted civilians and government forces alike, and their attacks have often been tactically sophisticated and significant in impact. In August 2024, for instance, an attack by JNIM in Barsalogho, in northern Burkina Faso, killed around 600 people. And in November 2023, an ambush in Niger's Tillaberi region killed at least 200 soldiers and wounded at least 34 others. Jihadist violence has increased at an accelerating rate in recent years, killing 11,643 people across the Sahel in 2023, a 43 percent increase from the previous year and a threefold increase since 2020, according to the African Centre for Strategic Studies. It has also increasingly spilled over into coastal West African states, with Ghana, Togo, Benin and Cote d'Ivoire all now threatened by these groups as well, albeit to a much lesser extent than the Sahelian states. In Togo, an attack on an army barracks last year killed 12 soldiers, for instance, and JNIM is increasingly fortifying its positions near the borders of Togo and Benin. The problems posed by insecurity are exacerbated by the refugee crisis that violence in the Sahel is causing. By early 2025, nearly 87,000 people had fled their homes in the Sahel into coastal countries. This has put a strain on local communities, especially in Cote d'Ivoire, where nearly 58,000 of the refugees have fled. The rampant insecurity has also fueled political instability, with the three AES states having experienced a combined five coups between 2020 and 2023. The ECOWAS split could exacerbate many of these security challenges, not least because it has created or exacerbated tensions between many countries that have remained in ECOWAS and those that have left. In the past 12-18 months, for instance, Cote d'Ivoire, known as a staunch defender of ECOWAS, and neighboring Burkina Faso have engaged in repeated diplomatic spats linked to mutual fears of destabilization as well as Burkina Faso's rejection of the region's and ECOWAS' historical pro-Western leanings. Gun battles and disputes at the border between Burkinabe and Ivoirian troops have become common, with Ivoirian gendarmes having even been detained in Burkina Faso. Earlier this year Burkina Faso withdrew its diplomatic personnel from Cote d'Ivoire. These disputes have increased instability on the two countries' shared border, exacerbating tensions driven by an inflow of Burk...

France's recent military withdrawals from the Sahel and West Africa are leaving a void that Turkey is keen to exploit, experts told RFI. But while Turkey is profiting from its position as a NATO member and experienced arms exporter, it needs to be careful not to overstretch itself in terms of resources on the continent. France's handover of its sole base in Côte d'Ivoire and a pullout in January from Chad are part of a broader reduction of the French army's presence across the region."What we are living in now is a transformational age," international relations expert Federico Donelli of Trieste University told RFI."Many traditional players like France, for example, in that region of Africa are downgrading their own engagement in this area. Not because they have some economic or political constraint but because the local states want them to leave the region."Donelli believes the door is now open to new players, such as Turkey."Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has invested heavily in Africa, quadrupling Turkey's embassy presence across Africa in the past two decades. Erdogan, a devout Muslim, also plays the Muslim card and reminds his African audiences of France's colonial past," he says.Insurgent threatsHowever, Eylem Tepeciklioglu of Ankara's Social Sciences University believes the breakthrough for Turkey came with the French military failing to deal with insurgent threats in the Sahel and broader West Africa."The image of France is in tatters because the regional countries criticise French missions for failing to help them fight with terrorist groups and for bringing more harm than good," explains Tepecikoglu.Tepeciklioglu claims Erdogan's Africa policy caught the regional zeitgeist."Together with rising anti-French sentiments, this brings opportunities for other countries to step in, and Turkey has several defense or mutual cooperation agreements with Sahelian countries. And according to some sources, Turkey has deployed military advisers and drones at the Abéché base in Chad," adds Tepeciklioglu.Macron's Africa 'reset' stumbles as leaders call out colonial overtonesDeepening Senegalese and Turkish military ties was on the agenda at an Istanbul meeting in October. Shortly after the high-profile gathering, Senegal called for the removal of French forces.Turkey's vibrant arms industry selling battle-proven weapons invariably cheaper than its Western competitors, as well as having few, if any, restrictions on use, is complementing Ankara's traditional diplomatic tools in its bid to broaden its influence."Turkish defense products are now very popular in African markets. So this also applies to Sahelian countries," explains Tepeciklioglu, "For example, Nigeria, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Chad acquired Turkish drones. While other Sahelian countries acquired other Turkish military equipment."OverstretchTurkey remains a relatively small player against the giants of Russia, China, and the United States in the battle to secure economic and diplomatic influence. But the growing competition between Western and Eastern powers could be to Turkey's advantage, says Donelli. "So, for an African state, establishing a security agreement with Turkey is less costly in political terms in comparison with relations with Russia because that doesn't mean 'I break with the West, but I'm doing something with a NATO member'. This is really important," adds Donelli.Turkey and Italy consider teaming up to seek new influence in AfricaBut Turkey's rapid expansion into Africa does not come cheap what with diplomatic representations across the continent, growing military presence, such as army and naval bases in Libya and Africa."Turkey is expanding too much. This is called overstretch in diplomatic language," warns International relations professor Huseyin Bagci of Ankara Middle East Technical University."So, Turkey's military and economic capabilities are actually limited. The more you expand, the more you have to pay," he says, adding that such a strategy would not be sustainable.With the Turkish economy mired in crisis and Erdogan looking to improve ties with Europe, including France, analysts say Turkey could be ready for cooperation rather than rivalry in Africa.

On today's episode, the Washington Post's West Africa bureau chief Rachel Chason and freelance journalist John Lechner join Lawfare Managing Editor Tyler McBrien to talk about the current state of the Sahel and the many forces that have converged in the region over the past couple of years.They discussed Chason's new series out in the Post, “Crossroads of Conflict,” which includes six rich portraits of Sahelian actors, including: an Islamist militant, a militia commander, a Russian mercenary, an American soldier, a coup leader, and a defiant broadcaster. They also talked about Lechner's forthcoming book, “Death Is Our Business: Russian Mercenaries and the New Era of Private Warfare.”We value your feedback! Help us improve by sharing your thoughts at lawfaremedia.org/survey. Your input ensures that we deliver what matters most to you. Thank you for your support—and, as always, for listening!To receive ad-free podcasts, become a Lawfare Material Supporter at www.patreon.com/lawfare. You can also support Lawfare by making a one-time donation at https://givebutter.com/lawfare-institute.Support this show http://supporter.acast.com/lawfare. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

* We examine the state of ECOWAS, the West African bloc, as Senegal postpones elections and as 3 Sahelian countries announce their decision to leave. ECOWAS Commissioner for Political Affairs, Dr ABDEL FATAU MUSAH admits that sanctions against Niger were 'not well handled' and that there's now a need for dialogue to get the 3 states back.@DrFatauMusah*Former top tier ZANU PF member, turned independent presidential contender, SAVIOUR KASUKUWERE tells us about the shrinking democratic space in Zimbabwe and where he thinks NELSON CHAMISA went wrong with his CCC Party.@Hon_Kasaukuwere*As AFCON reaches its finale, renowned sports journalist, GARY AL SMITH, explains why minnows Cabo Verde have done so well in the tournament, and gives us insight into the rivalry between South Africa and Nigeria - it's about more than just football.@garyalsmithPlus, DONU explains why so many people have been moved by the death of Namibian president HAGE GEINGOB.@DONUKOGBARAAnd PATRICK surveys the candidates in Ghana's forthcoming elections including a new, wealthy interloper.@AF_Conf Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

Repaso libre a la Transglobal World Music Chart de este mes, confeccionada a través de la votación de un panel de divulgadores de las músicas del mundo de todos los continentes, del que los hacedores de Mundofonías somos cocreadores y coimpulsores. Este mes de febrero del 2024, resuenan músicas con aires italianos, portugueses, estonios, británicos, malienses, chinos y con evocaciones mongolas, flamencas, del Sahel o de Estambul. El número 1 es el artista tuareg Bombino. A loose review of this month’s Transglobal World Music Chart, determined by a panel of world music specialists from all the continents, of which the Mundofonías‘ presenters are co-creators and co-promoters. This month of February 2024, we hear music with Italian, Portuguese, Estonian, British, Malian, Chinese, Malian, Mongolian, flamenco, Sahelian or Istanbul evocations. Number 1 is the Tuareg artist Bombino. Salvio Vassallo & Monica Pinto – Lassatila ballare – Il bacio: Rise and fall of Salomè Johanni Curtet – – Walk in the forest – If Only I Could Hibernate Eva Väljaots & Robbie Sherratt – Soprade labajalg – Skylark Dareyn – Forbidden Fruit – Ghost Secrets Lina – In Labirinto – Fado Camões Gao Hong & Ignacio Lusardi Monteverde – Skylark call – Alondra Mama Sissoko – Diarabi – Live Hysterrae – Pizzicapo – Hysterrae Bombino – Darfuq – Sahel 📸 Bombino

This is the web version of Foreign Exchanges, but did you know you can get it delivered right to your inbox? Sign up today:TODAY IN HISTORYDecember 2, 1805: At the Battle of Austerlitz, Napoleon wins what was arguably his greatest victory against a larger joint Russian-Austrian army. The Allies suffered 36,000 dead/wounded/captured compared with only 9000 for the French. The French victory was so complete that not only did it end the War of the Third Coalition, it allowed Napoleon to create the Confederation of the Rhine among the German states that had become French clients. Emperor Francis II was then forced to dissolve the Holy Roman Empire, which had been in existence continuously since 962 and traced its origins back to Charlemagne's coronation as “emperor of the Romans” in 800.December 2, 1942: Enrico Fermi and his team create the first self-sustaining nuclear reaction at “Chicago Pile-1,” a rudimentary reactor built under the campus of the University of Chicago. This was the first milestone achievement for the Manhattan Project in its race to build a nuclear bomb before Nazi Germany.December 3, 1971: The Pakistani military undertakes preemptive airstrikes against several Indian military installations, beginning the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, itself the final phase of the Bangladesh Liberation War. India was preparing to enter the war on Bangladesh's side anyway, so when I say these strikes were “preemptive” I am not using that term in the phony, George W. Bush “hey they might attack us someday, you never know” sense of the term. The war, to put it mildly, was a complete disaster for the Pakistanis, who were forced to surrender a scant 13 days later and had to give up their claims on “East Pakistan” (Bangladesh) while suffering around a third of their military killed, wounded, or captured. In one of Henry Kissinger's more notorious acts, the Nixon administration opted to support Pakistan despite evidence of its armed forces committing major atrocities against Bangladeshi civilians.December 3, 1984: A Union Carbide pesticide plant in Bhopal, India, spews toxic methyl isocyanate gas overnight, resulting in the deaths of between 3800 and 16,000 people and causing injury to at least 558,000 more. Union Carbide maintains that the leak was caused by deliberate sabotage, though Indian courts subsequently found several officials at the plant guilty of negligence. The “Bhopal Disaster” remains one of the worst industrial catastrophes in history and its adverse effects are still being felt by people in that region to the present day.MIDDLE EASTISRAEL-PALESTINEThe Israeli military (IDF) was advancing on the southern Gazan city of Khan Younis on Sunday, with Hamas officials and residents both reporting indications of nearby fighting and the IDF later confirming that it has sent ground forces into southern Gaza. The IDF has been ordering civilians to evacuate the eastern reaches of Khan Younis, and of course it's posted a helpful interactive map on its website that warns civilians of imminent danger provided those civilians have reliable internet access and haven't lost their special IDF secret decoder rings. Residents of Khan Younis will likely move further south to Rafah, though that city is also under heavy IDF bombardment so it's not really safe either. Israeli officials say the IDF struck more than 400 targets over the weekend, and the official Gazan death toll had risen at last check to 15,523. The real death toll may be substantially higher, given the likelihood of bodies that haven't yet been recovered and the closure of most of the hospitals that were handling casualties.Elsewhere:* Aid shipments into Gaza have resumed. The Palestinian Red Crescent Society says that 100 truckloads of aid entered the territory from Egypt on Saturday and I believe the aim was to bring in a similar number of trucks on Sunday though I have not seen any information yet as to whether that was accomplished.* The Biden administration may be “pressing” Israel and Hamas to resume negotiations, as White House spokes-ghoul John Kirby told NBC on Sunday, but there's no indication it's having any success. After the ceasefire collapsed on Friday the Israeli government recalled its Mossad negotiators from Qatar, and for Hamas's part the Islamist group's political wing has sworn off any future prisoner swaps “until the war ends.”* The administration is continuing to send large quantities of ordinance to the IDF, including massive “bunker buster” bombs. So any claim that it's really pushing the Israeli government to negotiate a ceasefire or even demonstrate greater discernment in its bombardments really doesn't hold up terribly well.* Israel Hayom is reporting that “key figures” in the US Congress have been shown the text of a “new initiative” that would condition future US aid to Egypt, Iraq, Turkey, and Yemen (all of which it identified as “Arab states,” which would be news to the Turks) on the willingness of governments in those four states to enable the ethnic cleansing of Gaza by taking in refugees. That same outlet has also reported (in Hebrew, so here's a summary from Ryan Grim) that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has asked Minister of Strategic Planning Ron Dermer to put together a plan to “thin the population in Gaza to a minimum,” which if nothing else is an incredible euphemism. The Biden administration has rejected any forced and/or permanent relocation of Gazan civilians, a point that Vice President Kamala Harris reiterated during her visit to the COP28 climate summit in Dubai over the weekend. But it perhaps could be sold on the idea of a “voluntary” (in quotes because in reality it would be anything but) evacuation that is characterized as temporary even if there's no real intention to ever let the evacuees return.* The Guardian says its reporting has confirmed the findings of that bombshell +972 Magazine piece from a few days ago, which reported that the IDF has been using an AI system called “Habsora” (“The Gospel”) to identify targets under a process that's been likened to a “mass assassination factory.” The system is producing targets faster than the IDF can attack them, including private homes where the likelihood of civilian casualties is high. Israeli officials are apparently insisting that the AI is programmed to minimize civilian risk, an assertion that cannot be squared with the high number of civilian casualties incurred so far in this conflict.* Israeli settler mobs attacked two West Bank villages in separate incidents on Saturday, killing at least one Palestinian in one of those attacks. The human rights organization Yesh Din says it's catalogued some 225 settler attacks against Palestinians in the West Bank since October 7, resulting in at least nine deaths.* On a somewhat related note, one of the people killed in last Thursday's shooting in East Jerusalem turns out to have been an Israeli civilian who shot and killed the two Hamas attackers and then was mistakenly gunned down by Israeli soldiers. Video footage apparently shows the man disarming, kneeling, and opening his shirt to demonstrate to the soldiers that he was not a threat, but one of them killed him anyway. The incident has raised issues regarding the trigger happiness of Israeli security forces and the wisdom of the Israeli government's armed vigilante program, which in addition to risking civilian Palestinian deaths also risks more “friendly fire” shootings like this one.* The Washington Post published a story this weekend about the hasty evacuation of al-Nasr Children's Hospital in northern Gaza last month. Without going into some of the grislier details, the staff was forced to evacuate by the IDF and left behind four premature infants who likely would not have survived relocation. They say Israeli officials told them the infants would be taken out in Red Cross ambulances but apparently they were left to die and, eventually, decompose. Reporters discovered their remains during the ceasefire. Israeli officials insist that they never ordered al-Nasr's evacuation and have questioned the veracity of the story, despite video evidence and a recording of a phone call that the IDF itself released in which an Israeli official appears to acknowledge the need to rescue patients from the facility. The Red Cross says it never agreed to assist the evacuation and that conditions in northern Gaza would have made it impossible for its personnel to get to al-Nasr to retrieve the infants.* I mention the al-Nasr story because it strikes me as especially galling. In general I'm trying not to focus heavily on individual atrocities or allegations of atrocities in compiling these newsletters—there would be no space for anything else otherwise. I hope readers don't mistake that for apathy about any of these stories, going back to and including the atrocities committed/allegedly committed by Gazan militants on October 7 (I know cases of sexual violence have been receiving heavy coverage of late). I feel my role here is to try to provide an overview and for me that means keeping some distance from specific events. I'm sure I don't do that consistently but it is my aim.SYRIAAccording to Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, that Saturday morning Israeli missile attack in the vicinity of Damascus killed at least two of its personnel who were in Syria on an “advisory” mission. The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights reported that the strikes killed two Syrians who were affiliated with Hezbollah as well as two foreigners, presumably these IRGC members, while wounding five other people.YEMENHouthi rebels in northern Yemen fired a barrage of missiles and drones at ships in the Red Sea on Sunday. The group damaged three commercial ships and also fired at least three drones at the US naval destroyer USS Carney, which shot the projectiles down. There's no indication of any casualties and two of the vessels reported only minor damage (I'm unsure as to the status of the third). I would not be surprising if the US military were to retaliate against the Houthis in the near future, and there is a genuine risk that this could lead to a full-blown resumption of the Yemen war—though of course that would require Saudi Arabia's involvement.IRAQIraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shiaʿ al-Sudani reportedly told US Secretary of State Antony Blinken during a phone conversation on Saturday that Baghdad does not appreciate the US military carrying out attacks on Iraqi soil. The US attacked two Iraqi militia-linked targets on November 22 (during this newsletter's holiday pause), “killing nine pro-Iran fighters” in retaliation for attacks against US personnel according to AFP. Those attacks tapered off during the Gaza ceasefire, but as we know that ceasefire is no longer operative.On Sunday, US forces carried out a drone strike on a militia target in Iraq's Kirkuk province, killing at least five people and wounding five more. There was initially no indication as to responsibility (though one didn't exactly have to be Sherlock Holmes to solve this caper), but the US military later confirmed that it was responsible and characterized the strike as preempting “an imminent threat.”ASIAPAKISTANUnspecified gunmen attacked a bus in northern Pakistan's Gilgit-Baltistan region late Saturday, killing at least nine people and injuring at least 26 others. The bus driver was among those killed, along with the driver of a truck with which the bus collided. There's been no claim of responsibility and the main body of the Pakistani Taliban has taken the rare step of denying any involvement.PHILIPPINESA bombing targeting a Catholic mass killed at least four people and left several others wounded on the campus of Mindanao State University in the southern Philippine city of Marawi on Sunday. Islamic State claimed responsibility for the attack via Telegram. The previous day, the Philippine military said its forces killed at least 11 jihadist militants in nearby Maguindanao province in an attack targeting “suspected leaders and armed followers of the Dawla Islamiyah [i.e. ‘Islamic State'] and the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters” to borrow the AP's verbiage. I don't know whether Sunday's bombing was planned in advance or was intended as a direct retaliation for Saturday's incident.AFRICAGUINEA-BISSAUThe president of Guinea-Bissau, Umaro Sissoco Embaló, characterized Thursday night's gun battle between elements of the National Guard and his Presidential Palace Battalion as an “attempted coup” in comments to reporters on Saturday. Embaló had been out of the country attending the COP28 summit when the incident took place and said it had delayed his return to Bissau. National Guard commander Victor Tchongo is now in government custody, but Embaló appeared to suggest that there were other coup plotters behind Tchongo and said he would open an investigation into the incident on Monday. The National Guard is part of the Interior Ministry, which AFP says is “dominated” by the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAICG). That party, which won June's parliamentary election and now controls the government, is opposed to Embaló.BURKINA FASOThe military governments of Burkina Faso and Niger announced on Saturday that they are both withdrawing from the G5 Sahel regional counterinsurgency force. That group was formed in 2014 with the aim of pooling resources to battle the various jihadist groups that were threatening Sahelian governments. It began deploying joint forces a couple of years later, but as you might already have concluded it's had minimal impact on the region's jihadist crisis. Mali's ruling junta quit last year, so of the original five member states only Mauritania and Nigeria still remain.ETHIOPIAOfficials in Ethiopia's Oromian regional government have accused the rebel Oromo Liberation Army of killing at least 36 civilians in attacks on three villages that took place on November 24 and 27. The OLA apparently hasn't commented and there's no confirmation of the government claim, but the alleged attacks took place not long after another round of peace talks between the OLA and Ethiopian government broke down, so it's conceivable the group decided to lash out in that moment. The OLA was formed as the military wing of the Oromo Liberation Front in the 1970s but broke away from the group's political leadership when the latter reached a peace accord with the Ethiopian government in 2018. It frequently attacks non-Oromo communities in Oromia, though authorities have only said that the victims of these attacks were Orthodox Christians without reference to ethnicity.EUROPEUKRAINERussian military operations in eastern Ukraine may have hit a couple of speed bumps over the weekend. For one thing, reports that emerged on Friday suggesting that the Russians had seized the town of Maryinka, southwest of the city of Donetsk, appear to have been a bit premature. Ukrainian forces are reportedly still in control of some parts of the town, including a coking plant, though that may change in relatively short order of course. Elsewhere, the Ukrainian military claimed on Saturday that Russian attacks on the city of Avdiivka had completely ceased for a full day. That too could change in a hurry, and indeed may already have changed by the time you read this, but it suggests the Russians were at least regrouping after spending the previous several days in what seemed like intense fighting to try to take the city.The Ukrainian government says it's investigating a claim that Russian soldiers summarily executed two surrendering Ukrainian military personnel. Details are minimal but there's a video of this alleged incident circulating on social media. Needless to say, intentionally killing surrendering soldiers is a war crime.FRANCEA knife-wielding attacker killed one German tourist and wounded two other people near Paris's Eiffel Tower late Saturday. The attacker is a French national who was on a French government “watch list,” had apparently pledged allegiance to Islamic State, and was also “known for having psychiatric disorders” according to Reuters. He cited the conflict in Gaza, among other triggers, to police after his arrest.AMERICASBRAZILBrazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said on Sunday that he has no intention of bringing Brazil into full membership in the OPEC+ bloc and would stick to “observer” status only, one day after he somewhat incoherently told reporters that he wanted to join the group of major oil producing nations to try to encourage them to stop producing oil. OPEC+ extended a membership offer to Brazil on Thursday, which I gather has raised some eyebrows given Lula's stated commitment to combating climate change. Brazil's state-owned oil company, Petrobras, is continuing to pursue new oil exploration, also despite Lula's climate change position, though he says his aim is to invest oil profits in non-fossil fuel energy alternatives (and to encourage OPEC+ nations to do likewise). Oil remains the cause of, and solution to, all of humanity's problems.VENEZUELAVenezuelans, or at least the ones who participated, apparently voted overwhelmingly in Sunday's referendum to support their country's territorial claim on western Guyana's Essequibo region. Election officials said that the vote was 95 percent in favor for all of its five clauses—the most contentious of which was a question about whether or not to declare Essequibo a new Venezuelan state and extend citizenship to its residents—though there's not much insight as to turnout. There's no indication that the Venezuelan government is planning any imminent steps to try to actualize its claim on Essequibo but the referendum has nevertheless caused some consternation in Guyana and internationally.UNITED STATESFinally, HuffPost's Akbar Shahid Ahmed offers some welcome reassurance that the worst Middle East “expert” in Washington is still central to the Biden administration's regional policy:Four men in Washington shape America's policy in the Middle East. Three are obvious: President Joe Biden, Secretary of State Antony Blinken and national security adviser Jake Sullivan. The fourth is less well-known, despite his huge sway over the other three ― and despite his determination to keep championing policies that many see as fueling bloodshed in Gaza and beyond.His name is Brett McGurk. He's the White House coordinator for the Middle East and North Africa, and he's one of the most powerful people in U.S. national security.McGurk crafts the options that Biden considers on issues from negotiations with Israel to weapon sales for Saudi Arabia. He controls whether global affairs experts within the government ― including more experienced staff at the Pentagon and the State Department ― can have any impact, and he decides which outside voices have access to White House decision-making conversations. His knack for increasing his influence is the envy of other Beltway operators. And he has a clear vision of how he thinks American interests should be advanced, regarding human rights concerns as secondary at best, according to current and former colleagues and close observers.Indeed, even though McGurk has spent nearly 20 years giving bad advice about the Middle East to a succession of US presidents—and even though his fixation on Saudi-Israeli normalization at Palestinian expense may have helped trigger the October 7 attacks—his influence today appears to be greater than it's ever been. I'm sure that makes all of us feel a little better.Thanks for reading! Foreign Exchanges is a reader-supported publication. To receive new posts and support my work, consider becoming a free or paid subscriber. This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit www.foreignexchanges.news/subscribe

In late July, Niger became the latest in a series of West and Central African countries to have its democratically elected government overthrown in a coup. In the latest Contours episode, host Carolyn Moorman dives into potential ramifications of this power struggle on Sahelian counterterrorism initiatives and regional stability with New Lines Senior Analysts Riley Moeder and Tammy Palacios.

Now approaching seventy tons annually, gold has replaced cotton as Mali's leading export, turning that country into Africa's third-largest gold producer. The primary destination of artisanal gold seems to be the United Arab Emirates. By all evidence, the gold that shines in the souks of Dubai is the product of a complex web of criminal networks, terrorist groups and internationally sanctioned regimes, who use this non-industrially mined gold to launder their money. The Emirates have long been a global hub for transnational African merchants, who travel to Dubai to purchase imported goods such as Japanese-made auto parts or Chinese-made garments. Emirati authorities and commercial players are now exploiting their country's existing commercial status to make the UAE an important node for the trade in precious metals, especially gold. These buyers are actively financing associates in Mali and throughout the Sahel and Sahara regions, driving the expansion of artisanal mining into new areas." Malihe Razazan speaks with Bruce Whitehouse about the reasons why Mali is emerging as the main production hub for Sahelian countries and why Dubai is the number one destination for artisanal gold trade.

In this bumper episode on the war in Sudan, host Alia Brahimi speaks with the former US government expert on Sudan, Cameron Hudson, about the mercenary pedigree of the Rapid Support Forces and its transformation from a ragtag Arab militia into an institutional juggernaut. Cameron argues that this mercenary history has had a determinative impact on the conflict: it has generated a cash windfall which allows the RSF to recruit in numbers to rival the size of the national army; it has forged regional relationships that are now central to the RSF's resupply; and it feeds a detached mercenary mentality amongst RSF fighters that facilitates war crimes and abuses. As mercenaries from multiple Sahelian states flood into Sudan, Cameron also contends that the conflict in Sudan is becoming a pan-African conflict in ways that are not yet understood.  They discuss, too, the role of the Wagner Group in the war in Sudan and the status of Libya as a major source of resupply for the RSF. Alia also chats with Professor Munzoul Assal of the University of Khartoum about the danger of two parallel governments emerging in Sudan along the lines of the bifurcation in Libya. Munzoul also discusses, the presence of RSF fighters at the Sudanese border with the Central African Republic where the Wagner Group is deeply entrenched, as well as the clear and alarming possibilities for a regional conflagration.The Guns for Hire podcast is written, produced and hosted by Dr Alia Brahimi.

Recent years have seen increasing fear in some Gulf of Guinea countries, notably Benin, Togo, Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire, that jihadists who have overrun much of the Sahel move south. Militants already operate in forested areas along the Benin-Burkina Faso border, and northern Benin and Togo have both seen an uptick in jihadist attacks. This week on Hold Your Fire!, Richard is joined by Crisis Group's Africa Deputy Director Pauline Bax and Sahel Senior Analyst Ibrahim Yahaya Ibrahim to discuss what's behind militants' southward march. They first look at how jihadists captured swaths of Burkina Faso, which borders several Gulf of Guinea countries and could serve as a gateway to coastal West Africa. They ask whether coastal governments should see the presence of militants in their north as spillover from the Sahel or a problem rooted in the local politics of often-neglected regions. They talk about how militants are recruiting and raising money. They also look at the policies of the different governments involved, coordination among them and the involvement of Western capitals and Russia, among outside powers. They look at how coastal countries in West Africa differ from their Sahelian neighbours and what they can learn from mistakes in the Sahel. For more analysis of the topics discussed in this episode, be sure to check out our Sahel and West Africa regional pages. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy for more information.

The Sahelian nation of Burkina Faso has been a powder keg for some time and this weekend, the coup leader that toppled the previous government has been himself toppled by another coup. The situation in Burkina's capital, Ouagadougou, has been extremely tense lately, with protesters attempting to raid the French embassy there, as France remains highly unpopular due to its policies in its former colonies. On Friday, 30th of September 2022, the security crisis in Burkina Faso spiraled out of control when low-ranking military officers announced their toppling of the junta leader, Colonel Paul-Henri Damiba. In this brief podcast, MEA Risk and The North Africa Journal's Arezki Daoud analyzes the current situation in Burkina and provides a brief outlook. Transcript:  https://north-africa.com/podcast-burkina-fasos-security-environment-to-worsen-as-jihadi-attacks-likely-to-intensify/

In Plant Life: The Entangled Politics of Afforestation (U Minnesota Press, 2022), Rosetta S. Elkin explores the procedures of afforestation, the large-scale planting of trees in otherwise treeless environments, including grasslands, prairies, and drylands. Elkin reveals that planting a tree can either be one of the ultimate offerings to thriving on this planet, or one of the most extreme perversions of human agency over it. Using three supracontinental case studies--scientific forestry in the American prairies, colonial control in Africa's Sahelian grasslands, and Chinese efforts to control and administer territory--Elkin explores the political implications of plant life as a tool of environmentalism. By exposing the human tendency to fix or solve environmental matters by exploiting other organisms, this work exposes the relationship between human and plant life, revealing that afforestation is not an ecological act: rather, it is deliberately political and distressingly social. Plant Life ultimately reveals that afforestation cannot offset deforestation, an important distinction that sheds light on current environmental trends that suggest we can plant our way out of climate change. By radicalizing what conservation protects and by framing plants in their total aliveness, Elkin shows that there are many kinds of life--not just our own--to consider when advancing environmental policy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network

In Plant Life: The Entangled Politics of Afforestation (U Minnesota Press, 2022), Rosetta S. Elkin explores the procedures of afforestation, the large-scale planting of trees in otherwise treeless environments, including grasslands, prairies, and drylands. Elkin reveals that planting a tree can either be one of the ultimate offerings to thriving on this planet, or one of the most extreme perversions of human agency over it. Using three supracontinental case studies--scientific forestry in the American prairies, colonial control in Africa's Sahelian grasslands, and Chinese efforts to control and administer territory--Elkin explores the political implications of plant life as a tool of environmentalism. By exposing the human tendency to fix or solve environmental matters by exploiting other organisms, this work exposes the relationship between human and plant life, revealing that afforestation is not an ecological act: rather, it is deliberately political and distressingly social. Plant Life ultimately reveals that afforestation cannot offset deforestation, an important distinction that sheds light on current environmental trends that suggest we can plant our way out of climate change. By radicalizing what conservation protects and by framing plants in their total aliveness, Elkin shows that there are many kinds of life--not just our own--to consider when advancing environmental policy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/environmental-studies

In Plant Life: The Entangled Politics of Afforestation (U Minnesota Press, 2022), Rosetta S. Elkin explores the procedures of afforestation, the large-scale planting of trees in otherwise treeless environments, including grasslands, prairies, and drylands. Elkin reveals that planting a tree can either be one of the ultimate offerings to thriving on this planet, or one of the most extreme perversions of human agency over it. Using three supracontinental case studies--scientific forestry in the American prairies, colonial control in Africa's Sahelian grasslands, and Chinese efforts to control and administer territory--Elkin explores the political implications of plant life as a tool of environmentalism. By exposing the human tendency to fix or solve environmental matters by exploiting other organisms, this work exposes the relationship between human and plant life, revealing that afforestation is not an ecological act: rather, it is deliberately political and distressingly social. Plant Life ultimately reveals that afforestation cannot offset deforestation, an important distinction that sheds light on current environmental trends that suggest we can plant our way out of climate change. By radicalizing what conservation protects and by framing plants in their total aliveness, Elkin shows that there are many kinds of life--not just our own--to consider when advancing environmental policy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/geography

In Plant Life: The Entangled Politics of Afforestation (U Minnesota Press, 2022), Rosetta S. Elkin explores the procedures of afforestation, the large-scale planting of trees in otherwise treeless environments, including grasslands, prairies, and drylands. Elkin reveals that planting a tree can either be one of the ultimate offerings to thriving on this planet, or one of the most extreme perversions of human agency over it. Using three supracontinental case studies--scientific forestry in the American prairies, colonial control in Africa's Sahelian grasslands, and Chinese efforts to control and administer territory--Elkin explores the political implications of plant life as a tool of environmentalism. By exposing the human tendency to fix or solve environmental matters by exploiting other organisms, this work exposes the relationship between human and plant life, revealing that afforestation is not an ecological act: rather, it is deliberately political and distressingly social. Plant Life ultimately reveals that afforestation cannot offset deforestation, an important distinction that sheds light on current environmental trends that suggest we can plant our way out of climate change. By radicalizing what conservation protects and by framing plants in their total aliveness, Elkin shows that there are many kinds of life--not just our own--to consider when advancing environmental policy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/economics

In Plant Life: The Entangled Politics of Afforestation (U Minnesota Press, 2022), Rosetta S. Elkin explores the procedures of afforestation, the large-scale planting of trees in otherwise treeless environments, including grasslands, prairies, and drylands. Elkin reveals that planting a tree can either be one of the ultimate offerings to thriving on this planet, or one of the most extreme perversions of human agency over it. Using three supracontinental case studies--scientific forestry in the American prairies, colonial control in Africa's Sahelian grasslands, and Chinese efforts to control and administer territory--Elkin explores the political implications of plant life as a tool of environmentalism. By exposing the human tendency to fix or solve environmental matters by exploiting other organisms, this work exposes the relationship between human and plant life, revealing that afforestation is not an ecological act: rather, it is deliberately political and distressingly social. Plant Life ultimately reveals that afforestation cannot offset deforestation, an important distinction that sheds light on current environmental trends that suggest we can plant our way out of climate change. By radicalizing what conservation protects and by framing plants in their total aliveness, Elkin shows that there are many kinds of life--not just our own--to consider when advancing environmental policy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/science-technology-and-society

In Plant Life: The Entangled Politics of Afforestation (U Minnesota Press, 2022), Rosetta S. Elkin explores the procedures of afforestation, the large-scale planting of trees in otherwise treeless environments, including grasslands, prairies, and drylands. Elkin reveals that planting a tree can either be one of the ultimate offerings to thriving on this planet, or one of the most extreme perversions of human agency over it. Using three supracontinental case studies--scientific forestry in the American prairies, colonial control in Africa's Sahelian grasslands, and Chinese efforts to control and administer territory--Elkin explores the political implications of plant life as a tool of environmentalism. By exposing the human tendency to fix or solve environmental matters by exploiting other organisms, this work exposes the relationship between human and plant life, revealing that afforestation is not an ecological act: rather, it is deliberately political and distressingly social. Plant Life ultimately reveals that afforestation cannot offset deforestation, an important distinction that sheds light on current environmental trends that suggest we can plant our way out of climate change. By radicalizing what conservation protects and by framing plants in their total aliveness, Elkin shows that there are many kinds of life--not just our own--to consider when advancing environmental policy. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices

In the Sahel, the number of informal mines is rising as gold mining areas escape state control. Mali is emerging as a gold-purchasing hub for Sahelian countries, while Dubai has become the main destination for artisanal gold production from the African continent. From the hidden smelters of Bamako to the artisanal mines of the Ivory Coast and a major gold market in Dubai, Caroline Dumay investigates the transforming global gold industry.

Is it possible to accurately predict how many people will be forcibly displaced in the future? If so, how might this help aid responses? In this episode of Fixing Aid, host Alae Ismail speaks to the Danish Refugee Council about the prediction tool they've developed with tech company IBM. Exploring both its potential and its limitations, she also hears from a Sahelian pastoralist organisation and a Syrian campaigner about the implications more precise forecasting has for providing better aid to people in need. Guests: Alexander Kjærum, global adviser and senior analyst at the Danish Refugee Council; Jade Kahhaleh, coordinator at WeExist; Leila Adamou Arouna of Réseau Billital Maroobè.

Mvemba is joined by Nathaniel Powell (@natkpowell) to discuss instability in the Sahel. In addition to covering some of the conflict's history, Mvemba and Nathaniel talk about why France failed in Mali, how the United States can be a better partner to Sahelian countries, and how the Russia-Ukraine war is affecting the Sahel and Africa at large.   Why France Failed in Mali, by Nathaniel Powell (War on the Rocks) - https://warontherocks.com/2022/02/why-france-failed-in-mali/

The best example of Sahelian mud-brick architecture, the great mosque seems like a sandcastle rising from the Niger Inland Delta in Mali. Originally built in the early days of the Mali Empire, the mosque also connects with the Songhai, Africa's largest and strongest empire, whose collapse came at key moment in world history. We'll follow the fates of two great kings and see how choices made in the early 1500s echo today. And we'll eat tiguedegana, a peanut tomato stew that is just so freaking delicious. Sources: Abd Al-Rahman Al-Sa'di. Tarikh al-sudan Davidson, Basil, et al. A History of West Africa to the Nineteenth Century Dorsey, James Michael. “Mud and infidels: Djenné, Mali” in the San Diego Reader Dubois, Félix. Notre beau Niger… French, Howard W. Born in Blackness: Africa, Africans, and the Making of the Modern World, 1471 to the Second World War. Ibn Mukhtar.  Tarikh al-fattash Lonely Planet West Africa Meredith, Martin. The Fortunes of Africa: A 5000-year History of Wealth, Greed, and Endeavour Reader, John. Africa: A Biography of the Continent Wilson, Joe. “In search of Askia Mohammed: The epic of Askia Mohammed as cultural history and Songhay foundational myth”   Photograph by Francesco Bandarin CC 3.0

Military Operations are not the sole answers to addressing Sahelian extremism

January 2013. Making its way through the dunes of the Sahel desert, a column of pick-up trucks is spotted approaching Mali's capital city of Bamako. The jihadists at the wheel, some of the region's most dangerous, have sensed an opportunity amidst the country's civil war. At the demand of its government, France launches Operation Serval and swiftly annihilates the coup plotters. This spectacular success of a counterinsurgency later gave way to Operation Barkhane, a longer-term effort to stabilize the larger Sahel, a region as vast as Europe itself, and prevent it from becoming a terrorist safe haven on the continent's doorstep. In spite of the bravery of the 5.000 French servicemen posted on the ground since, recent years have seen a return to instability. 160 people were murdered last week by jihadists in Northern Burkina Faso, whilst Mali is rocked by the second military coup in less than a year. Just as the US moves ahead with its scheduled withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, France seems embroiled in its own Sahelian version of “endless wars”. French Ambassador Gérard Araud and leading West Africa expert Michael Shurkin help us parse where we go from here. As always, rate and review Uncommon Decency on Apple Podcasts, and send us your comments or questions at @UnDecencyPod or uncommondecencypod@gmail.com.

Inna Modja and Face2Face host David Peck talk about her new film The Great Green Wall, representation, climate refugees, new narratives, gender disparity, music, melody and hope and about a green wall that unites.Trailer hereFind out more about The Great Green Wall here and visit Inna Modja’s site to learn more about her music and her activism.“Shines a light on one of the world’s most ambitious, but unsung initiatives to tackle climate change”Variety MagazineSynopsis:Executive Producer Fernando Meirelles (Academy Award-Nominated Director of City of God & The Constant Gardener) and Malian musician-activist Inna Modja take us on an epic journey along Africa's Great Green Wall — an ambitious vision to grow an 8,000 km 'wall of trees’ stretching across the entire width of the continent to restore land and provide a future for millions of people.Traversing Senegal, Mali, Nigeria, Niger and Ethiopia, Modja follows the burgeoning Great Green Wall through Africa’s Sahel region — one of the most vulnerable places on earth (temperatures are rising 1.5 times faster than the global average) — laying bare the acute consequences of severe land degradation and accelerating climate change the Wall aims to counteract: increasing desertification, drought, resource scarcity, radicalization, conflict and migration. A Buena Vista Social Club meets Year of Living Dangerously, frontline characters give voice to a continent at a crossroads — stories Modja echoes on a sublime album.With the support of insightful musical collaborators (Didier Awadi, Songhoy Blues, Waje, and Betty G), Modja endeavors to amplify the promise of the Great Green Wall in helping to address the urgency of the real-time threats facing her beleaguered homeland. With almost half of Sub-Saharan Africa’s 1 billion people under the age of 15 — a population set to more than double by 2050 — and over 80% surviving on some form of agriculture, upwards of 60 million people are expected to make a massive exodus.Although the film does the groundwork for a climate change cautionary tale, The Great Green Wall provides a refreshing story of resilience, optimism and collection action. If completed, the Wall will be the largest living structure on earth, three times the size of the Great Barrier Reef — a new world wonder.As Modja passionately pursues an African Dream for a generation seeking to control their own destiny, she reminds us of the enormity of the task ahead and that time is not on our side. The resulting journey of hope, hardship and perseverance reveals our shared human condition, reflecting a deeper moral and existential question we all must confront: "Will we take action before it's too late?”About Inna:A renowned Malian musician and activist, Modja has released three studio albums: Everyday Is a New World, Love Revolution and Motel Bamako — combining Sahelian desert blues, Motown soul, pop and hip-hop.As a global ambassador for the UN, Modja uses music in her activism — raising awareness about climate, migration and social justice issues. Modja is a vocal women's rights activist and a survivor of female genital mutilation.Image Copyright and Credit: Make Waves Productions and Inna Modja.F2F Music and Image Copyright: David Peck and Face2Face. Used with permission.For more information about David Peck’s podcasting, writing and public speaking please visit his site here.With thanks to Josh Snethlage and Mixed Media Sound. See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.

This brief is about the West African and Sahelian nation of Burkina Faso.  Several Western countries have recently issued travel warnings and MEA Risk has issued this first impression and additional comments on those warnings. Burkina Faso is a complex place and is likely the weakest country in the Sahel. The recent warnings from Western governments are likely tied to expectations of more violence, lots of it driven by Islamic State, and by the intentions of the French to fight them. Combining both does not bode well for security in the country.  In terms of security, Burkina's record is staggering: 499 people (civilians and military) killed between November 2018 and March 2019; 1,933 schools were closed and 9,042 teachers were forced into unemployment, while more than 300,000 kids no longer able to go to school. Since April 2019, armed Islamist groups have killed more than 250 civilians in targeted attacks and summary executions. The killings have often been justified by associating the victims with government and western forces. Hundreds of thousands of people have also been displaced. The destabilization of Burkina is linked to the violence in neighboring Mali.  Borders are tough to control and terror groups appear to have a clearer strategy of geographic broadening and regionalizing the crisis, that is working to spread it around. This means with the crisis engulfing Mali, the terror groups have been working to export the mayhem to Niger, Burkina, Chad and northern Nigeria. Frankly the whole region is in state of collapse, and the French forces, the UN, etc.. cannot seem to find the best approach to stop it. The conflict has now expanded into a more complex ethnic and communal crisis.  This is because the insurgents and armed groups have been using the grievances and poverty among the Peul or Fulanis nomadic communities to broaden the crisis into a conflict between "tribes". This has been fueling tensions with other largely agrarian communities, including the Mossis, Songhai, Foulsé, and Gourmantche, who were the victims of most of the attacks. The attacks have been cruel, with deliberate targeting of mine workers, farmers, IDPs, religious folks, etc…in a sort of slash-and-burn terror campaign. In all our assessments, Burkina appears to be the weakest point in the entire Sahel and I think the State Department travel warning is indicative of both of the hardening of the Jihadists, and signals coming from the French government of more military assets headed to the region, hence expecting a nasty fight ahead. Beyond Burkina, there is the risk of contagion of the terrorist threat to non-Sahelian countries of West Africa, namely Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana, Guinea and Togo. Côte d'Ivoire and Benin have already been the targets of terrorist actions. While in Togo, a jihadist group was dismantled in April 2019. There are also chatters on dormant terror cells in Ghana. Finally, if you are operating and active in Burkina Faso, MEA Risk is pleased to announced that, in addition to its tracking and analysis, it offers the Shield and Alert mobile application for iPhone and Android devices, allowing you to visualize and follow what is going on the country any time, all time.  Send us an email at inquiries@MEA-Risk.com or just call us at US+508-981-6937 to learn more.

The Sahel region of Africa is a wide band that marks the transition from the Sahara Desert in the north to the wetter, sub-tropical regions in the south. The Sahelian countries have some of the most rapidly growing populations in the world and have faced significant environmental change over the past century. In recent years, insurgencies have surged in several countries, new terrorist groups have become active, there have been several droughts, and migration has increased. “We firmly believe that without development, the security situation in the Sahel will worsen, generating enormous human and financial costs for countries in and around the region as well as in Europe,” says Christophe Angely of the France-based Foundation for International Development Study and Research (FERDI) in this week’s podcast. FERDI recently completed a two-year transdisciplinary research project of the region, pulling information from researchers on the ground and from France’s military intervention in Mali. “We got a very alarming message about what was happening,” Angely says – and about people’s outlook. There are major demographic, economic, social, environmental, and institutional challenges, but they are not insurmountable, he says. “Our plea seeks to overcome the prevailing pessimism about the Sahel’s economic potential, which leads some to believe…that the only solution for people is to migrate outside the Sahel zone.” Angely’s first proposal? Reinvest in education. The international community has dramatically reduced aid for education in the Sahel since 2009, says Angely. In 2014, France allocated just 13 percent of its programmable aid to the education sector, and the United States and other multilateral donors allocated only 2 percent. Combined with rapid growth in school enrollment, thanks to youthful and growing populations, this has left Sahelian states unable to fund education alone. Sustainable Development Goal 4, to ensure inclusive, equitable, and quality education for all, “demands…a rethink of the funding strategies of education, given that national government, private funders, and international donors are increasingly difficult to coordinate,” Angely explains. He calls for not only more schools, but better training for teachers and supervision that can protect girls from the kind of violence that has played out in northern Nigeria and discourages many from attending. FERDI also recommends a new approach to agriculture. Instead of sticking with historic patterns of expanding surface area to increase production, Angely argues that policymakers should encourage farmers to improve yields on existing plots. He also calls for selecting more diverse crops, encouraging young people to get involved in the industry, smoothing price variability for exporters, and promoting better coordination in the sector generally. These solutions not only promote food security, they provide benefits to local economies. “Small-scale processing food or agriculture is probably where you get the most reserve of jobs,” Angely says. Angely’s final recommendation is to strengthen national administration capacities. The Sahel countries need better democratic models, he says; in many, democracies are “more formal than real.” Elected officials tend to focus on reelection and capitalizing on differences between groups instead of responding to the needs of all citizens. Donors should work to create long-term programs that not only support key ministries such as education, but are also able to manage pressures such as food insecurity without creating conflict or triggering violence, he says. “People need to rediscover their face in progress and feel more confident about the rule of their states. This is why it must be the objectives of all actions in the region to favor a balance between quick impact activities and actions that are effective over the long term.” Christophe Angely spoke at the Wilson Center on April 25. Download his slides to follow along. Friday Podcasts are also available for download on iTunes.

Food insecurity caused by fragility, lack of agricultural progress and trade barriers in West Africa is a well-documented concern. A 2012 World Bank report, Africa Can Help Feed Africa showed that increasing the supply of food staples could be improved by better connecting African markets to each other. That report called for a stronger focus on removing trade barriers and building on the forces of regional integration. Now, World Bank Analysts have taken those concepts further. A new report, Connecting Food Staples and Input Markets in West Africa: A Regional Trade Agenda for ECOWAS Countries explores how West African governments can build an integrated, regional trade market for food staples. World Bank Senior economist, and author of the Report, Jean Christophe Maur: “There is actually very active trade in most products, whereas people often tend to focus only on a subset of products. Trade along borders is particularly important for instance. West Africa’s 2011 population of 342 million is expected to increase to 516 million by 2030 and to 815 million by 2050. The region is already home to a third of the African continents population and to some of its most vulnerable countries. World Bank Senior Economist and co-author, John Keyser: “Crop yields in West Africa are some of the lowest in the world. West Africa has a very quick – rapidly growing population, particularly in the urban areas, and it is not able to feed itself. It is heavily dependent on food imports. With greater productivity of the farmland, West Africa could certainly do a better job of feeding itself and through regional trade and trade with neighbours.” Michigan State University Professor Emeritus, John Staatz, an Agricultural Economist and African Studies expert, says it’s important for West African governments to think about how to make the whole region competitive to take advantage of the growth potential. “You’re not just dealing with a small local market. West Africa now part of a global economy, it has to deal with global competition. For example, there are imports of chicken coming in from Brazil, the other big global players. And to be globally competitive, you need to get these kinds of efficiencies that allow that huge market in West Africa to be accessed by all the farmers and actors in West Africa. There are great growth potentials for agriculture in West Africa, but achieving them is going to require greater regional integration.” Staple foods are the main source of calories in Sub-Saharan Africa, and in West Africa. In West Africa, staple foods like rice maize and cassava, provide the main source of calories in coastal countries, with millet and sorghum being an important source of food in Sahelian countries. However, trade in these foods is informal and therefore more fragile. Ben Shepard, co-author of the report: “A lot of the distribution happens very locally, so it’s not just people going into grocery stores as people going to local markets and things like that. And definitely, they would expect to see a difference if the sorts of policies that we look at in the book are implemented. We see a lot of scope in the book for win-win solutions, so what we call a win-win is where both producers and consumers win from a particular reform. So just to think of one example, improving post-harvest treatment, is a way in which to reduce losses. So that’s good for producers, in that they are getting more of their products to market and obviously getting better income. It is also good for consumers, because it reduces the gap between the farm gate price and the price that they pay in their market. So it means that you can have these kinds of scenarios where both sets of people stand to gain from a particular policy reform. Same thing with access to finance that can help improve efficiency in the value chain and that can be beneficial for producers and consumers.”

Sub-Saharan Africa is home to over 50 million pastoralists. Helping pastoralists and agro-pastoralists by increasing access to productive assets, services and markets is key to ending poverty and boosting shared prosperity. The Regional Sahel Pastoralism Support Project – or PRAPS - has been designed to address the development needs of pastoralists across the Sahel in Sub-Saharan Africa. It aims to tackle the most important challenges faced by pastoralists: drought, animal diseases, climate change, conflicts and dwindling access to land and water resources. The PRAPS project is a collaboration between six Sahelian countries: Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Senegal under the regional coordinating umbrella of the CILSS -the permanent Interstate Committee for Drought control in the Sahel- and overall political guidance from ECOWAS and WAEMU. Aminata Mbengue Ndiaye, Minister of Agriculture and Animal Health, Senegal: "The regional pastoralism support project is an initiative that grew out of a high-level meeting held on pastoralism in the Sahel, in Nouakchott; I think it was in October 2013. And it was a meeting chaired by President Abdel Aziz of Mauritania with the President of Chad, Mr. Idriss Déby and myself; I represented the head of State of Senegal, President Macky Sall. Therefore it was really a meeting which has allowed us to examine the details of pastoralism in the Sahel with all the problems it entails, such as the impact on the lives of pastoralists, on the herd, but also on all the environment; in any case, to the lives of pastoralists." The hallmark of PRAPS is its innovative, multi-sectoral, holistic approach to implementing solutions benefiting pastoralists, including pastoral crisis management. It brings together the private sector, pastoral organizations, national stakeholders, regional and international institutions, advanced research institutes and other development partners. Dr Djimé ADOUM Executive Secretary, CILSS: "What is happening with pastoralism for the longest time, is that it really lacks resources, access to markets, support services, so with the advent of the PRAPS, which will open up opportunities to get a lot more partners involved in this, we should be able to implement and expand on the initial projects to cover a wide area in Sub-Saharan Africa, particularly ECOWAS region and linking it back to the Nouakchott Declaration, improving the revenue of the Pastoralists by 30 percent in five years should be an achievable goal." Aminata Mbengue Ndiaye, Minister of Agriculture and Animal Health, Senegal: "This project will have a major impact on people's lives because if already in the field, for example , if I take animal health, if it allows them to keep their livestock , livestock will no longer die because he has not been vaccinated. From the point of view of nutrition also, the improvement of nutrition for children, pregnant women, nursing women, also there the project will play an important role with the milk that will be produced , with equally the surplus production of meat and all that in any case, constitute the major themes that are essential for the population. I believe that if the project did not come, people will continue to live the same life conditions but I think with the training that will be given, the income will be improved, it is a fundamental change that we will observed in these areas and I think it's not very far." The fresh approach is also about generating consistent data, expanding knowledge-sharing and engaging with communities for achieving maximum development impact in the Sahel.

Speakers: Yvan Guichaoua, University of East Anglia; Imad Mesdoua Chair: John King, Society for Algerian Studies The South of Algeria belongs to the widely integrated Saharan political economy also composed of large chunks of the Malian and Nigerian territories. As such, Algeria plays a key role in the livelihoods and geographical social and political mobility of Sahelian communities. In this talk, Dr Guichaoua examines the role of Algeria in recent (Tuareg then Jihadist) insurgencies in Mali and Niger as portrayed by various actors of the political crises in the Sahel. In turn, Imad Mesdoua examines the rationales guiding Algerian foreign policy in light of growing instability throughout the Sahel and Maghreb regions. Recorded on 10 March 2014.