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Years of civil war have turned whole areas of the city into rows of empty husks. But after the fall of Assad, Syrians have returned to their old homes determined to rebuild By Ghaith Abdul-Ahad. Read by Mo Ayoub. Help support our independent journalism at theguardian.com/longreadpod
I never thought I'd be glued to my screen watching court battles unfold like a high-stakes thriller, but here we are in late February 2026, and President Donald Trump's legal showdowns have dominated the headlines for days. It started heating up last Friday, February 20th, when the Supreme Court in Washington, D.C., dropped a bombshell in the consolidated cases of Learning Resources, Inc. v. Trump and Trump v. V.O.S. Selections, Inc. By a 6-3 vote, Chief Justice John Roberts announced the judgment, ruling that the International Emergency Economic Powers Act, or IEEPA from 1977, does not authorize the president to impose those sweeping tariffs Trump had slapped on imports from Canada, Mexico, and dozens of other countries. Trump had declared national emergencies over drug trafficking and massive trade deficits, calling them unusual and extraordinary threats, then hit Canada with a 25% duty on most goods to combat fentanyl flows. But the justices, including Trump's own appointees like Neil Gorsuch and Amy Coney Barrett in the majority on key parts, said no—the law lets the president investigate, block, regulate, or prohibit imports during emergencies, but not straight-up tariffs. Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, and Ketanji Brown Jackson joined Roberts fully, while Brett Kavanaugh dissented, arguing IEEPA's text and history gave Trump broad power, especially under the major questions doctrine for foreign affairs.The ruling, covered everywhere from SCOTUSblog to The New York Times and Fox News, was a huge check on executive power. Vox called it a Republican court reining in Trump, while The Guardian labeled it the end of his one-man tariff war. Trump didn't take it lying down. That same day, February 20th, he spoke to a packed crowd, as captured in the CNBC Television video, ripping into the justices: "I'm ashamed of certain members of the court... they're a disgrace to our nation, very unpatriotic and disloyal to our Constitution." He accused them of being swayed by foreign interests and even his own picks of lacking loyalty, though he praised Justice Kavanaugh's "genius." Axios reported him calling the court an embarrassment, and Politico noted his fierce pushback with vows for new levies.By Tuesday's State of the Union, Trump dialed it back, calling the decision disappointing but complying—no defiance, as senior writer Ankush Khardori pointed out in Politico Magazine. He signed an order for a 10% global tariff under Section 122 of the Trade Act, set to kick in days later for up to 150 days or longer, plus Section 301 probes into unfair practices. Meanwhile, just yesterday on Thursday, February 26th, SCOTUSblog reported the Trump administration, via U.S. Solicitor General D. John Sauer, petitioned the Supreme Court again. This time, it's over Temporary Protected Status for Syrian nationals. A federal judge in New York had blocked Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem's move to end the program, which lets Syrians stay and work here amid their country's chaos. Sauer called it an easier case than recent Venezuelan TPS wins, urging the justices to stay the ruling by March 5th, arguing courts can't second-guess national security calls or consultation requirements.These past few days have been a whirlwind of executive power tests—from tariffs crashing down to immigration fights heating up. Lawfare's Trump Administration Litigation Tracker shows dozens more cases bubbling, but this week's rulings remind us the courts are holding the line.Thank you for tuning in, listeners. Come back next week for more, and this has been a Quiet Please production. For more, check out Quiet Please Dot A I.Some great Deals https://amzn.to/49SJ3QsFor more check out http://www.quietplease.aiThis content was created in partnership and with the help of Artificial Intelligence AI
Modern Syria has seen violence, repression, and autocracy, suffering through tragedy after tragedy over the past century. Yet the history of Syria is not just a tale of dictators and generals. From the 1800s to the 2020s, the Syrian people have engaged in a passionate struggle for justice, equality, and a better future. Whether fighting for national independence from French colonial rule, battling local landowning elites to share the country's wealth, or rising up against the Assad regime, the Syrian people have fiercely clung to their right to live with respect and dignity. Theirs is a story of protest and perseverance in the long fight to reshape the political destiny of their nation. Daniel Neep's new book, A History of Modern Syria, offers a gripping narrative of how Syrians have navigated the events of the last two centuries. Never losing sight of the fates of ordinary people, it provides a comprehensive account of how a nation born in conflict sustained a rich, complex, and diverse society that after the fall of Assad will chart a new path into the uncertain future. Daniel Neep is Non-Resident Fellow at the Crown Center for Middle East Studies, Brandeis University, and Senior Editor at Arab Center Washington DC. He has taught Middle East politics at George Washington University, Georgetown University, and the University of Exeter. He was previously Research Director (Syria) at the Council for British Research in the Levant and spent several years living in Syria and Jordan. He is also the author of Occupying Syria under the French Mandate: Insurgency, Space, and State Formation (Cambridge University Press, 2012) and articles in journals including International Affairs, Journal of Democracy, New Political Economy, and the Journal of Historical Sociology. Meet our discussant and chair Charles Tripp FBA is Professor Emeritus of Politics at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. His research interests include the nature of autocracy, state and resistance in the Middle East, the politics of Islamic identities, and the role of art in the constitution of the political. He is currently working on a project on the politics of memory in Tunisia. Jasmine Gani is Assistant Professor in International Relations Theory at LSE. She specialises in anti-colonial theory and history, and the politics of empire, race and knowledge production. She is author of 'The Role of Ideology in Syria-US Relations: Conflict and Cooperation' (2014), and co-editor of 'Actors and Dynamics in the Syrian Conflict's Middle Phase' (2022).
Because of the sin of Judah, God allowed several nations to wage war against her: The Syrians went to war with Judah The Israelites went to war with Judah and killed over 100,000 warriors in a day The Israelite took the women and children as slaves God warns the Israelites to return the women and children back to their home Be sure to click every link for the full P40 experience: YouTube - https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Hnh-aqfg8rw Ko-Fi - https://ko-fi.com/p40ministries Website - https://www.p40ministries.com Facebook - https://www.facebook.com/p40ministries Contact - jenn@p40ministries.com Rumble - https://rumble.com/c/c-6493869 Books - https://www.amazon.com/Jenn-Kokal/e/B095JCRNHY/ref=aufs_dp_fta_dsk Merch - https://www.p40ministries.com/shop YouVersion - https://www.bible.com/reading-plans/38267-out-of-the-mire-trusting-god-in-the-middle This episode is sponsored by Trinity Debt Management. If you are struggling with debt, call Trinity today. Trinity's counselors have the knowledge and resources to make a difference. Our intention is to help people become debt-free, and most importantly, remain debt-free for keeps! If your debt has you down, we should talk. Call us at 1-800-793-8548 | https://trinitycredit.org TrinityCredit – Call us at 1-800-793-8548. Whether we're helping people pay off their unsecured debt or offering assistance to those behind in their mortgage payments. https://trinitycredit.org Check out LifeAudio for other faith-based podcasts on parenting, studying Scripture, and more: www.lifeaudio.com Become a member to gain access to The Bible Explained on Fridays: https://ko-fi.com/p40ministries Support babies and get quality coffee with Seven Weeks Coffee https://sevenweekscoffee.com/?ref=P40 Discover more Christian podcasts at lifeaudio.com and inquire about advertising opportunities at lifeaudio.com/contact-us.
Courage is not loud. Sometimes it is a 13-year-old girl standing in a courtroom, promising to defend dignity no matter the cost. Noura Ghazi's life was shaped by detention, disappearance, and resistance long before she became a human rights lawyer. Growing up in Damascus with a father repeatedly imprisoned for political opposition, she chose early to confront injustice through law rather than violence. From defending political prisoners during the Syrian revolution to marrying her husband inside a prison and later founding No Photo Zone, Noura has built a life rooted in resilience, civil rights advocacy, and unwavering belief in human dignity. Now living in France as a political refugee, she continues her work supporting families of detainees, survivors of torture, and the disappeared. Her story is not simply about survival. It is about choosing mindset over fear, purpose over despair, and love even in the shadow of loss. This conversation invites reflection on what it means to remain Unstoppable when freedom, justice, and even safety are uncertain. Highlights: 00:07:06 – A defining childhood moment reveals how a confrontation in a Syrian courtroom shaped Noura's lifelong commitment to defending political prisoners. 00:12:51 – The unpredictable nature of Syria's exceptional courts exposes how justice without standards creates generational instability and fear. 00:17:32 – The emotional aftermath of her father's release illustrates how imprisonment reshapes entire families, not just the person detained. 00:23:47 – Noura's pursuit of human rights education demonstrates how intentional learning becomes an act of resistance in restrictive systems. 00:32:10 – The early days of the Syrian revolution clarify how violence escalates when peaceful protest is met with force. 00:37:27 – Her marriage inside a prison and the global advocacy campaign that followed reflect how personal love can fuel public courage. 00:50:59 – A candid reflection on PTSD reveals how trauma can coexist with purpose and even deepen empathy for others. About the Guest: Noura Ghazi's life has been shaped by a single, unwavering mission: to defend dignity, freedom, and justice in the face of dictatorship. Born in Damascus into a family deeply rooted in political resistance, she witnessed firsthand the cost of speaking out when her father was detained, tortured, and disappeared multiple times. That lived experience became her calling. Since 2004, she has defended political prisoners before Syria's Supreme Security State Court, and when the Syrian revolution began in 2011, she fully committed herself to supporting detainees and the families of the disappeared. Even after her husband, activist Bassel Khartabil Safadi, was detained, disappeared, and ultimately executed, she continued her advocacy with extraordinary resolve. Forced into exile in 2018 after repeated threats and arrest warrants, Noura founded NoPhotoZone to provide legal aid, psychological support, and international advocacy for victims of detention, torture, enforced disappearance, and displacement across Syria, Lebanon, and Turkey. Her mission is not only to seek justice for the imprisoned and the missing, but to restore agency and hope to families living in uncertainty and trauma. Recognized globally for her courage and leadership, Noura remains committed to amplifying the voices of the silenced and ensuring that even in the darkest systems, human rights and human dignity are never forgotten. https://nouraghazi.org/ https://nophotozone.org/ Book – Waiting by Noura Ghazi - https://www.lulu.com/shop/noura-ghazi-safadi/waiting/paperback/product-1jz2kz2j.html?page=1&pageSize=4 About the Host: Michael Hingson is a New York Times best-selling author, international lecturer, and Chief Vision Officer for accessiBe. Michael, blind since birth, survived the 9/11 attacks with the help of his guide dog Roselle. This story is the subject of his best-selling book, Thunder Dog. Michael gives over 100 presentations around the world each year speaking to influential groups such as Exxon Mobile, AT&T, Federal Express, Scripps College, Rutgers University, Children's Hospital, and the American Red Cross just to name a few. He is Ambassador for the National Braille Literacy Campaign for the National Federation of the Blind and also serves as Ambassador for the American Humane Association's 2012 Hero Dog Awards. https://michaelhingson.com https://www.facebook.com/michael.hingson.author.speaker/ https://twitter.com/mhingson https://www.youtube.com/user/mhingson https://www.linkedin.com/in/michaelhingson/ Thanks for listening! Thanks so much for listening to our podcast! If you enjoyed this episode and think that others could benefit from listening, please share it using the social media buttons on this page. Do you have some feedback or questions about this episode? Leave a comment in the section below! Subscribe to the podcast If you would like to get automatic updates of new podcast episodes, you can follow the podcast on Apple Podcasts or your favorite podcast app. Leave us an Apple Podcasts review Ratings and reviews from our listeners are extremely valuable to us and greatly appreciated. They help our podcast rank higher on Apple Podcasts, which exposes our show to more awesome listeners like you. If you are enjoying the show, please leave us a review on Apple Podcasts. Michael Hingson 00:09 Well, welcome everyone to another episode of unstoppable mindset. Today, we get to chat with Nora Ghazi, who lives in, I believe, France right now. She was born in Syria. She'll tell us about that, and she has had an interesting life, and I would say, a life that has had lots of challenges and some treachery along the way. But we'll get to all of that, and I will leave it to her to describe most of that, but I just want to tell you all we really appreciate you being here and hope you enjoy the episode. So Nora, how are you? Noura Ghazi 00:49 Thank you, Michael, for having me in this great broadcast, doing well. Michael Hingson 00:57 Well, there you go. Well, why don't we start? I love to start this way. Why don't you tell us kind of about the early Nora, growing up and so on, where you grew up, what anything you want to talk about, regarding being a younger person and all of that and and however we want to proceed, we'll go from there. Noura Ghazi 01:17 Okay, so since I was a child, my childhood wasn't like normal, like all the kids at my age, because my father was like a leader in opposition party against the previous Syrian regime. Michael Hingson 01:34 So you were born in Syria? Noura Ghazi 01:37 Yes, I work in Damascus. I'm from Damascus, but I have some like multiple origin that I'm proud of. But yes, I'm from Damascus. So since I was five years old, my father was disappeared and because he was wanted with other, like fellows at his party and other, let's say aliens, parties of opposition against the previous regime. So he disappeared for six years, then he was detained and transferred to what was named the supreme security state court. So it was during my adultness, let's say so since I was a child like I had at that time, only one sister, which is one year younger than me, we were moving a lot. We had no place to live. So my mother used to take us each few days to stay at some, someone place, let's say so it caused to us like changing schools all, all the time, which means changing friends. So it was very weird. And at that age, okay, I I knew the words of like cause, the words of leader or dictatorship. I used to say these words, but without knowing what does it mean. Then, when my father detained, it was his ninth detention. Actually, my mother was pregnant with my brother, so my brother was born while my father was in prison. And while he was in prison, the last time he disappeared for one year, three months, he was in like a kind of isolation in security facility. Then he was referred to this court. So in one of the sessions of the trials, I had a fight with the officer who, like who was leading the patrol that bring my father and other prisoners of conscience. So at the end of this fight, I promised my father and the officer that, okay, I will grow up and become a human rights lawyer and defend political prisoners, which I did at the end. Michael Hingson 04:05 So what? What was the officer doing? He was taking people to the court. Noura Ghazi 04:12 Yes, because Okay, so there is many kind of prisons now. They became like, more familiar to like public opinion because of, like 15 years of violence in Syria. So there was, like the the central civil prison in Damascus, which we call ADRA prison, and we have said, NIA jail, military prison. So those two prisons, they were like, holding detainees in them. So they they used to bring detainees to the court in busses, like a kind of military busses, with patrol of like civil police and military police. So the officer was like. Heading the patrol that was bringing my fathers from other prison. Michael Hingson 05:05 So you, so you, what was the fight about with the officer and your father and so on? What? How? Well, yeah, what was the fight? Noura Ghazi 05:16 It's very good question, although at that time, it was a very like scary situation, but now I laughed a lot about it. Okay, so they used to to catch all the prisoners in one chain with the handcuffs. So we used to come to hug and kiss my father before entering the court. So I was doing what I used to do during the trials, or just upon the trials, and then one of the policemen, like pushed me away. So I got nervous, and my father got nervous. So the officer provoked me. He was like a kind of insulting that my father is a detainee, and he is like he's coming to this court. So I, like I replied that I'm proud of my father and his friends what they are doing. So he somehow, he threats me to detain me like my father, and at that time, I was very angry, and I curse the father Assad just in on the like in the door, at the door of the court, and there was people and and Like all the the policemen, like they were just pointing their weapon to me, and there was some moments of silence. Then they took all the detainees into the court. So at this moment, while I'm entering the court behind them, I said, I will grow up and become a human rights lawyer to defend political prisoners. Michael Hingson 07:02 What did the officers say to that? Noura Ghazi 07:06 Because they used to look to us as because we are. We were against father Assad and the dictatorship, so they used to see us, even if we are kids, as enemies. Michael Hingson 07:22 Yeah, so the officer but, but he didn't detain you. I was Noura Ghazi 07:27 only 13 years, yeah, okay, they used to to arrest the kids, but they didn't. Michael Hingson 07:37 So did the officer react to your comment? You're going to grow up to become a civil rights lawyer? Noura Ghazi 07:43 He was shocked, was he? But I don't know if he knew that I become a human yes, there at the end, yeah. Michael Hingson 07:54 And meanwhile, what did your father do or say? Noura Ghazi 07:58 He was shocked also, but he was very proud, and until now, he like every time, because I'm also like, very close to to his friends who I used to visit in prison. Then I become a human rights lawyer, and I was the youngest lawyer in Syria. I was only 22 years old when I started to practice law. So during the the revolution in Syria, which started in 2011 some of his friends were detained, and I was their lawyer also. So I'm very close to them. So until now, they remember this story and laugh about it, because no one could curse or say anything not good about father Assad or or the family, even in secret. So it's still, like, very funny, and I'm still like, stuck somehow in, like, in this career and the kind of activism I'm doing, because just I got angry of the officer 30 years ago. So at this, at that moment, I've decided what I will be in the future. I'm just doing it well. Michael Hingson 09:20 From everything I've read, it sounds like you do a good job. Noura Ghazi 09:25 I cannot say it's a job, because usually you you do a job, you get paid for your job, you go at a certain time and come back at a certain time. You do certain tasks. But for me, it's like a continuing fight, non violent fight, of course, for dignity, for freedom, for justice, right, for reveal the truth of those who were disappeared and got missing. So yes, until now, I'm doing this, so I don't have that. Are the luxury to to be paid all the time, or to be to have weekends or to work until like certain hour at night. I cannot say I'm enjoying it, but this is the reason why I'm still alive, because I have a motive to help and support other people who are victims to dictatorship and violence. Michael Hingson 10:25 So your father went into court and what happened? Noura Ghazi 10:31 He was sentenced. At the end, he was sentenced to three years in prison. And it's a funny story, another funny story, actually, because, like the other latines at that at that trial, like it was only my father and other two prisoners who sent who were sentenced to three years in prison, while other people, the minimum was seven years in Prison, until 15 years in prison. So my mother and us, we felt like we are embarrassed and shy because, okay, our father will will be released like in few months, but other prisoners will stay much longer. So it's something very embarrassing to our friends who whom their fathers got sentenced to like more. Michael Hingson 11:30 Did you ever find out why it was only three years? Noura Ghazi 11:33 We don't know because it's an exceptional court, so it's up to the judge and the judge at that time, like it's it's very similar to what is happening now and what happened after 2011 so it's a kind of continuing reality in in Syria since like 63 which was the first time my father was detained. It was in 63 just after the what they called the eighth March revolution. So my father was only 11 years old when he was detained the first time because he participated in a protest. So it's up to the judge. It's not like a real court with like the the fair trial standards. So it's it's only once you know, the judge said the sentences for each one. So two prisoners got confused. They couldn't differentiate like Which sentence to whom, so they asked like again, so he forgot, so he said them again in different way. So it's something like, very spontaneously, yeah, very just moody, not any standard. Michael Hingson 12:51 Well, so Did your father then serve the three years and was released. Or what happened? Noura Ghazi 12:58 He was released on the day that he should be released, he disappeared for few days. We didn't know what happened. Then he was released. Finally he came. We used to live with my my grandma, so I was the one who opened the door, and I saw just my father. So we we knew later that okay, he was moved again to a security facility because he refused to sign a paper that say that he will not practice any oppositional action against the authority. So he refused, yeah, yeah. Michael Hingson 13:43 Well, I mean, I'm sure there's, there's a continuing story, what happened to him after that. So he came home, Noura Ghazi 13:53 he came out to my grandma. It was a big surprise, like full of joy, but full of tears as well. Michael Hingson 14:01 And you're you were 16 now, right? Noura Ghazi 14:04 I was when he was raised. I was 15, yeah, okay, yeah. And my sister was 14. My brother was two years and a half, so for him, okay, the father is this person that we visit behind bars every Monday, not this one who stay with us. So for him, it was weird. For my brother, he was very like little kid to understand. Then my father went to to see his parents as well. Then we came back to our apartment that we couldn't live more than few months because my father was detained. So at this night, everything was very, very, very new, like because before the three years he he was disappeared for six years, so there was. Nine years. We don't live with my father, so my brother used to sleep just next to my mom, actually my sister and me, but okay, we were like a teenager, so it's okay. So my brother couldn't sleep. Because why he keep, he kept asking why my father is sleeping with us while he's not with his friend at that place. And he was traumatized for many days. But usually when, like a political prisoner released, usually, like, we have a kind of two, three weeks of people visiting the family to say, Okay, it's it's good. We're happy for you that he was released. So the first two, three weeks were full of people and like, social events, etc. Then the, the real problem started. So my father studied law, but he was fired from university for security reasons at the the last year of his study, and as he was sentenced so he couldn't work, my mother used to work, and so like suddenly he started to feel that okay, He's not able to work. He's not able to fulfill the needs of his family. He's not able to spend on the family. The problems between him and my mother started. We couldn't as like my sister and me as teenagers. We couldn't really accept him. We couldn't see that. He's the same person that we used to visit in prison. He was very friendly. We used to talk about everything in life, including the very personal things that usually daughters don't speak with fathers about it. But then he became a father, which we we we weren't used to it, and he was shocked also. So I can say that this, this situation, at least on emotional and psychological level, for me, it lasted for 15 years. I couldn't accept him very well, even my my sister and and the brother and it happens to all like prisoners, political prisoners, especially who spent long time in prison. Michael Hingson 17:32 So now is your father and well, are your father and your mother still alive? Or are they around? Noura Ghazi 17:41 They are still alive. They are still in Damascus, Michael Hingson 17:44 and they're still in Damascus. Yes, how is I guess I'll just ask it now, how is Syria different today than it was in the Assad regime, Noura Ghazi 17:56 like most of Syrians, and now we should differentiate about what Syrians will talk. We're talking so like those Syrians, like the majority of Syrians, and I'm meaning here, I'm sorry, I shouldn't be very direct. Now, the Arab Sunni Syrians, most of them, they are very happy. They are calling what happened in in last eight December, that it's the deliberation of Syria, but for other minorities, like religious or ethnic minorities, of course, it's almost the same. For me, I feel that okay, we have the same dictatorship now, the same corruption, the same of like lack of freedom of expression. But the the added that we have now is that we have Islamist who control Syria. We have extremists who control Syria. They intervene even in personal freedoms. They they are like, like, they are committing crimes against minorities, like it started last March, against alawed. It started last July, against Druze. Now it is starting against Kurdish, and unfortunately, the international community turning like an attorney, like, okay. They are okay with with it, because they want, like their own interest, their own benefits. They have another crisis in the world to take care and to think about, not Syria. So the most important for the international community is to have a stable situation in Syria, to be like, like, no kind of like, no fight zone in the Middle East, and they don't care about Syrian people. And this is very frustrating for those who. Who have the same beliefs that I have. Michael Hingson 20:04 So in a lot of ways, you're saying it hasn't, hasn't really changed, and only the, only the faces and names have changed, but not the actions or the results Noura Ghazi 20:16 the faces and names, and most important, the sects, has changed. So it was very obvious for me that most of Syrians, they don't mind to be controlled by dictator. They only mind what is the sect of this dictator? Michael Hingson 20:35 Unfortunately. Well, yeah. Well, let's go back to you. So your father was released, and you had already made your decision about what you wanted to be, what how does school work over there? Did you go to a, what we would call a high school? Or how does all that work? Noura Ghazi 20:58 Yeah, high school, I was among the like the student who got the highest score in Damascus. I was the fourth one on Damascus when I finished. We call it back like Baccalaureate in Syria, which came from French. And I studied law, and I was also very, like, really hard, hard study person. So I was graduated in four years. Actually, nobody in Syria used to finish studying law in Damascus University only in four years. Like some people stayed more than 10 years because it it was very difficult, and it's different than like law college or law school or university of law, depending on the country, than other countries, because we only like study law. Theoretically, we don't have any practice because we were 1000s of students, it was the like the maximum university that include students. And I registered immediately in the Bar Association in Damascus, and I started because we have, like, a kind, it's, it's similar to stage for two years, like under the supervision of another lawyer who was my uncle at the first and then we we have to choose a topic in certain domain of flow, to write a kind of book which is like, it's similar to thesis, to apply it, to approve it, and then to have the kind of interactive examination, then we have the the final graduated. So all of them to be like a practice lawyer. It's around six years, a little bit more. So my specialist was in criminal law, and my thesis, what about what we call the the impossible crime. It was complicated topic. I have to say that in Syria at that time, I'm talking about end of of 90s, beginning of 2000 so we don't have any kind of study related to human rights. We weren't allowed even to spell this word like human rights. So then in 2005 and 2006 I started to study human rights under international laws related to human rights in Jordan. So I became like a kind of certified human rights defenders and the trainer also, Michael Hingson 23:47 okay, and so you said you started practice and you finished school when you started practice, when you were 22 Yes, okay, I'm curious what, what were things like after September 11, of course, you know, we had the terrorist attacks and so on. Did any of that affect anything over in Syria, where you lived, Noura Ghazi 24:15 of course, like, we stayed talking, watching the news for like four months, like until now we remember, like September 11. But you know, I now when I remember, it was a shock, usually for the Arab world, or Arab people like America is against the Arab world. So everything happened against it was like, this was like, let's say 2030, years ago. Everything that caused any harm to America, they celebrate it. So that. At that time, I was 19 years old, and okay, it's the first time we we hear that a person who was terrorist do like is doing this kind in in us, which is like a miracle for us. But then I started to to think, okay, they it's not an army. They are. There are civilians. Those civilians could be against the the policies of the US government. They could be like, This is not a kind of fight for freedom or for rights or for any like, really, like, fair cause. This is a terrorist action against civilians. And then we started, I'm very lucky because I'm from very educated family. So we started to think about, like, okay, bin Laden. And like, which we have a president from Qaeda now in Syria, like, you can imagine how I feel now. Like, I Okay, all the world is against al Qaeda, and they celebrated that the President in Syria is from al Qaeda. So it's, it's very it's, it's, really, it's not logical at all. But the funniest thing that happened, because, like, the name of Usama bin Laden, was keeping on every like, every one tongue. So I have my my oldest uncle. His name is Usama, and he lives in Germany for 40, more than 40 years, actually. So my brother was a child, and he started to cry, and he came to my mother and asked her, I'm afraid, is my uncle the same Usama? So we were laughing all, and we said, No, it's another Usama. This is the Usama. This is Osama bin Laden, who is like from is like a terrorist group, etc. But like this unfortunate incident started to bring to my mind some like the concept of non violence, the concept of that, okay, no civilian in any place in the world should be harmed for any reason, Because we never been told this in Syria and mostly in most of of countries like the word fight is very linked to armed fights, which I totally disagree with. Michael Hingson 27:56 Well, the when people ask me about September 11 and and so on. One of the things that I say is this wasn't a religious war. This wasn't a religious attack. This was terrorist. This was, I put it in terms of of Americans. These were thugs who decided they wanted to have their way with people. But this is not the way the Muslim the Islamic religion is there is peaceful and peace loving as as anyone, and we really need to understand that. And I realize that there are a lot of people in this country who don't really understand all about that, and they don't understand that. In reality, there's a lot of peace loving people in the Middle East, but hopefully we'll be able to educate people over time, and that's one of the reasons I tell the story that I do, because I do believe that what happened is 19 people attacked the World Trade Center and the Pentagon and so on, and they don't represent the the typical viewpoint of most people, religious wise in the Middle East. And I can understand why a lot of people think that the United States doesn't like Arabs, and I'm not sure that that's totally true, but I can appreciate what you're saying. Noura Ghazi 29:28 Yeah, I'm talking about specific communities actually, who they are, like totally against Israel, and they believe that you us is supporting Israel. So that's that's why they have their like this like attitude towards us and or like that US is trying to invest all the resources in the in the Middle East, etc. But what you were mentioning. Is really very important, because those 19 persons, they like kind of they, they cause the very bad reputation for for Muslims, for Middle Eastern because for for for other people from other countries, other culture or other religion, they will not understand that, okay, that, as you said, they don't represent Muslims. And in all religions, we have the extremist and we have those peaceful persons who keep their their religion as a kind of direct connection with God. They respect everyone, and normally in in in Syria, most of of the population like this, but now having a terrorist as a President, I'm not able to believe how there is a lot of Syrians that support him. Mm, hmm. Because when Al Qaeda started in Syria at the beginning, under the name of japet Al Nusra, then, which with July, who is now Ahmad Al shara, was the leader, and he's the leader of the country now most of Syrians, especially the the the Sunni Syrians, were against this, like terrorist groups, because the most harm they cause is for for Sunnis in Syria, because all other minorities, they will think about every Sunni that they, He or she, like, believe and behave like those, which is totally not true. Michael Hingson 31:47 Yeah, I hear you. Well, so September 11 happened, and then eventually you started doing criminal law. And if we go forward to what 2011 with the Syrian revolution? Yeah, and so what was, what was that revolution about? Noura Ghazi 32:10 It was okay. It started as a reaction against detaining kids from school. Okay, of course, this like the Syrian people, including me, we were very affected and inspired about what was happening in Egypt and Tunisia. But okay, so the security arrested and tortured those kids in their south of Syria. So people came out in demonstration to ask for their freedom and the security attack those protesters with, like, with weapons, so couple of persons died. So then it was, it started to be like a kind of revolution, let's say, yeah, the the problem for me, for lot of people like me, that the the previous Syrian regime was very violent against protesters and the previous president, Bashar Assad, he refused to listen to to to those people, he started to, like dissipated from the reality. So this like, much violence that was against us, like, I remember during some protest, there was not like, small weapon toward us. There was a tank that bombing us as protesters, peaceful, non violent, non armed protesters. So this violence led to another violence, like a kind of reaction by those who defected from the army, etc. And here, my father used to say, when the opposition started to to carry weapon in a country that, like the majority of it, is from certain religion, this could lead to a kind of Jihadist methodology. And this is what happened. So for for people like us, which we are very little comparing of like, the other beliefs of other people like we were, we started to be against the Syrian regime, then against the jihadist groups, then against that, like a kind of international, certain International, or, let's say original intervention, like Iran and Russia. So we were fighting everywhere, and no one. No one wanted us because those like educated, secular, non violent people, they. Form a kind of danger for every one of those parties. But what happened with me is that I met my late husband during a revolution at the very early of 2011 and having the relationship with me was my own revolution. So I was living on parallel like two revolution, a personal one and the public one. And then, like he was detained just two weeks before our our wedding. He was disappeared, actually, for nine months, then he was moved to the same prison that my father was in, to the central prison in Damascus that we got married in prison by coincidence. I don't know if coincidence is the right word in this situation, but my late husband was a very well known programmer and activist. So we were he was kind of, let's say, famous, and I was a lawyer and lawyer that defend human rights defenders and political prisoners. And the husband was detained, so I used to visit him in prison and visit other prisoners that I was their lawyers. And because my like, we have this personal aspect that okay, the couple that got married in prison and that, okay, I'm activist as a lawyer, and my late husband was a well known programmer. So we created a very huge campaign, a global campaign. So we invested this campaign to like, to shed the light about detention, torture, disappearance, exceptional courts, then, like also summary execution in Syria. So then, after almost three years of visiting him regularly, he disappeared again in 2015 and in 2017 I knew that he was sentenced to death, and I knew the exact date of his execution, just in 2018 which was two days ago. It was October 5. So this is what happened then. I had to leave Syria in 2018 so I left to Lebanon. Michael Hingson 37:27 So you left Syria and went to Lebanon? Noura Ghazi 37:33 Yes, the The plan was to stay only six months in Lebanon because I was wanted and I was threatened like I lived a terrible life, really, like lot of Syrians who were activists also, but the plan was that I will stay in Lebanon for six months, then I will leave to to UK because I had A scholarship to get a master in international law. But only two months after I left to Lebanon, I decided to stay in Lebanon to establish the organization that I'm I'm leading until now, which was a project between my late husband and me. Its name is no photo zone, so it was a very big decision, but I'm not regrets. Michael Hingson 38:23 You, you practice criminal law, you practiced human rights, you visited your your fiance, as it were, and then, well, then your husband in prison and so on. Wasn't all of that pretty risky for you? Noura Ghazi 38:42 Yes, very risky. I, I lived in under like, different kind of risk. Like, okay, I have the risk that, okay, I'm, I'm doing my activism against the previous regime publicly because I also, I was co founder of the First Family or victim Association in Syria families for freedom. So we, we were, like, doing a kind of advocacy in Europe, and I used to come back to Syria, so I was under this risk, but also I was under the risk of the like, going to prison, because the way to prison and the prison itself were under bombing. It was in like a point that separate the opposition militias and the regime militias. So they were bombing each other and bombing the prison and bombing the way to prison. So for three years, and specifically for like, in, let's say, 2014 specifically, I was among, like, I was almost the only lawyer that visited the prison, and I, I didn't mind this. I faced death more than 100 time, only on the way to prison, two times the person next to me in the like transportation. It's a kind of small bus. He died and fell down on me, but I had a strong belief that I will not die, Michael Hingson 40:21 and then what? Why do you think that they never detained you or or put you in prison? Do you have any thoughts? Noura Ghazi 40:29 I had many arrests weren't against me, but each time there was something that solve it somehow. So the first couple of Earths weren't actually when, when my late husband was detained, he he made a kind of deal with them that, okay, he will give all the information, everything about his activism in return. They, they canceled the arrest warrant against me. Then literally, until now, I don't know how it was solved. Like I, I had to sleep in garden with my cats for many nights. I i spent couple of months that I cannot go to any like to family, be house or to friend house, because I will cause problem for them, my my parents, my brother and sister, and even, like my sister, ex, until like just three months before the fall of the Syrian regime, they were under like, investigation By the security, lot of harassment against them so, but I don't know, like, I'm, I'm survive for a reason that I don't really realize how, Michael Hingson 41:52 wow, it, it's, it certainly is pretty amazing. Did you ever write a book or anything about all of this, Noura Ghazi 42:02 I used to write, always the only book like, let's say, literature or emotional book. It was about love in prison. Its name is waiting. And I wrote this book in English and basil. My late husband translated it. Sorry. I wrote it in Arabic, and Basset translated it into English in prison. So it was a process of smuggling the poems in Arabic and smuggling the them in English, again out of the prison. And we published the book online just after basil disappearance in 2015 then we created the the hard copies, and I did the signature in in Beirut in, like, early 2018 but like, it's, it's online, and it's a very, like light book, let's say very romantic. It's about love in prison. I'm really keen to write again, like maybe a kind of self narrative or about the stories that I lived and i i I heard during my my journey. Unfortunately, like to write needs like this a little stable situation, but I did write many like legal or human rights book or like guides or studies, etc. Michael Hingson 43:34 Now is waiting still available online? Noura Ghazi 43:37 Yes, it's still available online. Michael Hingson 43:40 Okay? It would be great if you could, if you have a picture of the book cover, if you could send that to me, because I'd like to put that in the notes. I would appreciate it if you would, okay, for sure. But anyway, so the the company you founded, what is it called Noura Ghazi 44:02 it's a non government, a non profit organization. Its name is no photo zone. Michael Hingson 44:07 And how did you come up with that name? Noura Ghazi 44:12 It was Vasil who come up with this name, because our main focus is on prisoners of conscious and disappeared. So for him, it was that okay, those places that they put disappeared in them. They are they. There is no cameras to show the others what is happening. So we should be the the like in the place of cameras to tell the world what is happening. So that's why no photos on me, like, means that prisons or like unofficial detention centers, because they're it's an all photo zone, right? Michael Hingson 44:54 And no photo zone is is still operating today. Noura Ghazi 44:58 It's still operating. We are extending our work, although, like we have lots of financial challenges because of, like, funds issues, but for us, the main issue, we provide legal services to victims of torture, detention, disappearance and their families. So we operate in Syria, Lebanon and Turkey. We are a French woman led organization, but we have registration in Turkey and Syria, and like in seven years now, almost seven years, we could provide our services to more than 3000 families who most of them are women, and they are responsible about kids who they don't have fathers. So we defend political prisoners. We search the disappeared. We provide the legal services related to personal and civil status. We provided the services related to identification documents, because it's a very big issue in Syria. Beside we provide rehabilitation, like full rehabilitation programs for survivors of detention or torture, and also advocacy. Of course, it's a very important part of our our work, even with the lack of fund, we've decided in the team, because most of the team, or all the team, they they were themselves victims of detention, or family members of victims, even the non Syrian because we have many non Syrian member in the team. So for us, it's a cause. It's not like a work that we're doing and getting paid. So we're, we're suffering this this year with the fund issues, because there is a lot of change related to the world and Syrian issues, which affected the fund policies. So hopefully we'll be, we'll be fine next year, hopefully, and we're trying to survive with our beneficiaries this year, Michael Hingson 47:02 yeah, well, you, you started receiving, and I assume no photo zone started receiving awards, and eventually you moved out of Lebanon. Tell me more about all of that. Noura Ghazi 47:16 During my journey, I I got many international recognition or a word, including two by Amnesty International. But after almost two years, like just after covid, like the start of covid, I was thinking that I should have another residence permit in another country because, like, it became very difficult for Syrians to get a residence in Lebanon. So I I moved to Turkey, and I was between Lebanon and Turkey. Then I got a call from the French Embassy in Turkey telling me that there is a new kind of a word, which is Marianne award, or Marianne program, that initiated by the French president. And they it's for human rights defenders across the world, and they will give this award for 15 human rights defender from 15 country. And I was listening, I thought they want me to nominate someone. Then they told me that the French government are honored to choose you as a Syrian human rights defender. So it was a program for six months, so I moved to Paris with my cat and dog. Then they extended the program and to become nine months. And at the almost at the end of the program, the both of Lebanese and Turkish authorities refused to renew my residence permit, so I had to stay in France to apply for asylum and a political refugee currently. Michael Hingson 49:10 And so you're in France. Are you still in Paris? Noura Ghazi 49:13 I'm still yes in Paris. I learned French very fast, like in four months. Okay, I'm not perfect, but I learned French. Michael Hingson 49:25 So what did your dog and cat think about all that? Sorry, what did your dog and cat think about moving to France? Noura Ghazi 49:33 They are French, actually, originally, they are friends. Michael Hingson 49:36 Oh, there you go. Noura Ghazi 49:38 My, my poor dog had like he he was English educated, so we used to communicate in English. Then when I was still in Lebanon, I thought, okay, a lot of Syrians are coming to my place, and they don't speak English, so I have to teach him Arabic. Then we moved to Turkish. So I had to teach him Turkish. Then we came to. France. So now my dog understand more than four languages, Michael Hingson 50:06 good for him, and and, of course, your cat is really the boss of the whole thing, right? Noura Ghazi 50:12 Of course, she is like, the center of the universe, Michael Hingson 50:16 yeah, yeah, just ask her. She'll tell you. And she's Noura Ghazi 50:20 very white, so she is 14 years. Oh, it's old, yes. Michael Hingson 50:29 Well, I have a cat we rescued in 2015 we think she was five then. So we think that my cat is 15 going on 16. So, and she moves around and does very well. Noura Ghazi 50:46 Yeah, my cat as well. Michael Hingson 50:49 Yeah. Well, that's the way it should be. So with all the things that you've been dealing with and all the stress, have you had? Noura Ghazi 50:59 PTSD, yes, I started, of course, like it's the minimum, actually, I have PTSD and the TSD, and I started to feel, or let's say, I could know that the what is happening with me is PTSD two years ago. I before, like, couple of months before, I started to feel like something unusual in my body, in my mind. At the beginning, we thought there is a problem in the brain. Then the psychologist and psychiatrist said that it's a huge level of PTSD, which is like the minimum, and like, we should start the journey of of treatment, which is like the behavior treatment and medical treatment as well. Like, some people could stay 10 years. Some people need to go to hospital. It's not the best thing, but sometimes I feel I'm grateful that I'm having PTSD because I'm able to deal with people who are in the same situation. I could feel them, understand them, so I could help them more, because I understand and as a human rights defender and like victim of lot of kind of violations, so I'm very aware about the like, let's call it the first aid, the psychological first aid support. And this is helpful somehow. Okay, I'm suffering, but this suffering is useful for others Michael Hingson 52:47 well and clearly, you are at a point where you can talk about it, which says a lot, because you're able to deal with it well enough to be able to talk about it, which I think is probably pretty important, don't you think? Noura Ghazi 53:03 Yeah, actually, the last at the first time I talked about it very publicly in a conference in Stockholm, it was last October, and then I thought it's important to talk about it. And I'm also thinking to do something more about PTSD, especially the PTSD related to to prisons, torture, etc, this kind of violations, because sharing experience is very important. So I'm still thinking about a kind of certain way to to like, to spread my experience with PTSD, especially that I have lot of changes in in my life recently, because I got married again, and even the the good incident that people who have PTSD, even if they have, like good incident, but it cause a kind of escalation with PTSD, Michael Hingson 54:00 yeah, but you got married again, so you have somebody you can talk with. Noura Ghazi 54:06 Yes, I got married five months ago. The most important that I could fall in love again. So I met my husband in in Paris. He's a Lebanese artist who live in Paris. And yeah, I have, I have a family now, like we have now three cats and a dog and us as couple. But it's very new for me, like this kind of marriage, that a marriage which I live with a partner, because the marriage I used to is that visit the husband in prison. I'm getting used to it. Michael Hingson 54:43 And just as always, the cat runs everything, right? Yes, of course, of course. So tell me about the freedom prize in Normandy. Noura Ghazi 54:55 Oh, it was like one of the best thing I had in my life. I. Was nominated for the freedom prize, which is launched by usually they are like young people who who nominate the the nominees for this prize, but it's launched by the government of Normandy region in France and the International Institute for Human Rights and peace. So among hundreds of files and, like many kind of round of, like short listing, there was me, a Belarusian activist who is detained, and a Palestinian photographer. So like, just knowing that I was nominated among more than 700 person was a privilege for me. The winner was the Palestinian photographer, but it was the first time they invite the other nominee to the celebration, which was on the same date of like liberating Normandy region during the Second World War. So I chose, I thought for my for couple of days about what I will wear, because I need to deliver a message. So I, I I came up with an idea about a white dress with 101 names in blue. Those names are for disappeared and detainees in Syria. So like there was, there was seven persons who worked on this dress, and I had the chance to wear it and to deliver my message and to give a speech in a very important day that even like those fighters during the Second World War who are still alive, they they came from us. They came from lot of countries. I had the privilege to see them directly, to touch them, to tell them thank you, and to deliver my message in front of an audience of 4500 persons. And it's like I love this dress, and like this event was one of the best thing I had in my life. Michael Hingson 57:21 Do you have a picture of you in the dress? Yes, I would think you do. Well, if you want, we'd love to put that in the show notes as well, especially because you're honoring all those people with the names and so on. Kind of cool. Well, okay, so, so Syria, you're, you're saying, in a lot of ways, hasn't, hasn't really changed a whole lot. It's, it's still a lot of dictatorship oriented kinds of things, and they discriminate against certain sex and and so on. And that's extremely unfortunate, because I don't think that that's the impression that people have over here, Noura Ghazi 58:02 exactly I had a chance to visit Syria, a kind of exceptional visit by the French government, because, as political refugees were not allowed to visit our country of origin. And of course, like after eight years, like out of Syria after six years without seeing my family. Of course, I was very happy, but I was very traumatized, and I I came back to Paris in in July 21 and since that time, I feel I'm not the same person before going to Syria. I'm full of frustration. I feel that, okay, I just wasted 14 years of my life for nothing. But hopefully I'm I'm trying to get better because okay, I know, like much of human rights violations mean that my kind of work and activism is more needed, yeah, Michael Hingson 59:03 so you'll so you'll continue to speak out and and fight for freedom. Noura Ghazi 59:10 Yes, I continue, and I will continue fighting for freedom, for dignity, for justice, for civil rights, and also raising awareness about PTSD and how we could invest even our pain for the sake of helping others. Michael Hingson 59:29 Well, I want to tell you that it's been an honor to have you on the podcast, and I am so glad we we got a chance to talk and to do this because having met you previously, in our introductory conversation, it was very clear that there was a story that needed to be told, and I hope that a lot of people will take an interest, and that it will will allow what you do to continue to grow, if people would like to reach out to you. And and help or learn more. How do they do that? Noura Ghazi 1:00:05 We you have the the link of my website that people could connect me, because it includes my my email, my personal email, and I always reply. So I'm happy to to talk with the to contact with people, and it also include all the all my social media, Michael Hingson 1:00:23 right? What? What's the website for? No photo zone. Noura Ghazi 1:00:27 It's no photo zone.org. No photo zone.org. Michael Hingson 1:00:30 I thought it was, but I just wanted you to say it. I wanted you to say it. Noura Ghazi 1:00:35 It's included in my website. Michael Hingson 1:00:37 Yeah, I've got it all and and it will all be in the show notes, but I just thought I would get you to say no photo zone.org Well, I want to thank you for being here. This has been a wonderful time to have a chance to talk, and I appreciate you taking the time to, I hope, educate lots of people. So thank you very much for doing that, and I want to thank all of you for listening and watching. We'd love you to give us a five star rating. Give us a review. We really appreciate ratings and reviews. So wherever you're watching or listening to this podcast, please give us a five star rating. Please review the podcast for us. We value that, and I know that Nora will will appreciate that as well. Also, if you if you know any guests, and Nora you as well, if you know anyone who you think ought to be a guest on the podcast, we would really appreciate it. If you would let us know you can reach me. At Michael M, I, C, H, A, E, L, H, I at accessibe, A, C, C, E, S, S, i, b, e.com, love to hear from you. Love to hear your thoughts about the podcast. So Nora, very much my I want to thank you again. This has been great. Thank you very much for being here. Noura Ghazi 1:01:56 Thank you Michael, and thank you for those who are listening, and we're still in touch.
From a powerful Alawite family in Syria, Loubna Mrie trusted the Assad regime – until witnessing its violent crackdown led her to defy loyalty and secretly film the uprising.In 2011, 20‑year‑old Loubna Mrie was an English literature student from a high-profile Alawite family, the same minority sect as the Assads who had ruled Syria for decades. For most of her life, loyalty felt like survival. Loubna had grown up believing the Assad regime protected her community, and that dissent was unthinkable. But as the Arab Spring reached Syria, Loubna became curious and secretly went to an anti-government protest in Damascus. Unable even to chant against the president she'd been taught to revere, Loubna's loyalties collapsed when security forces opened fire on the unarmed demonstrators. Narrowly escaping, Loubna's decision to side with the uprising brought her into open conflict with her family – especially her father, whose wealth and power had defined her life. Yet with her mother's encouragement, Loubna stepped into a world she'd been kept apart from: Damascus' underground activist networks. There, among Syrians from all sects, she began using her Alawite identity as a shield – to slip through government checkpoints, smuggle medical aid, and protect friends who would otherwise be at risk. Loubna also picked up a camera, learning to film the revolution from within, convinced that showing the world what was happening might help change it. Loubna shares her story over two episodes. In this first episode, she describes her journey from a loyalist upbringing to becoming one of the unlikely young revolutionaries who documented Syria's uprising. In part two, the same identity that once protected her would soon become a threat when she is mistaken for a spy.Presenter: Jo Fidgen Producer: Maryam Maruf Editor: Munazza KhanLives Less Ordinary is a podcast from the BBC World Service that brings you the most incredible true stories from around the world. Each episode a guest shares their most dramatic, moving, personal story. Listen for unbelievable twists, mysteries uncovered, and inspiring journeys - spanning the entire human experience. Step into someone else's life and expect the unexpected. Got a story to tell? Send an email to liveslessordinary@bbc.co.uk or message us via WhatsApp: 0044 330 678 2784 You can read our privacy notice here: https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/articles/5YD3hBqmw26B8WMHt6GkQxG/lives-less-ordinary-privacy-notice
He was born sometime in the mid-fourth century on an island in the Aegean. For a time he lived successfully in the world, receiving a good education in Constantinople, then serving for a time for the Prefect of the Praetorium. But, becoming aware of the vanity of worldly things, he answered Christ's call, gave away all his goods to the poor and entered a monastery in Syria. After four years in obedience, he came to feel that the security of monastic life was inconsistent with the Gospel command to take no thought for the morrow; so he withdrew to the desert, taking with him only his garment and the Book of the Gospel. There he lived alone for seven years. At the end of this period he set out on an apostolic mission to Mesopotamia, where he brought many to Christ: the city prefect Rabbula was converted after Alexander brought down fire from heaven, and a band of brigands who accosted the Saint on the road were transformed into a monastic community. He finally fled the city when the Christians there rose up demanding that he be made bishop. He once again took up a solitary life in the desert beyond the Euphrates, spending the day in prayer and part of the night sheltered in a barrel. There he remained for forty years. His holiness gradually attracted more than four hundred disciples, whom Alexander organized into a monastic community. Each disciple owned only one tunic, and was required to give away anything that they did not need for that day. Despite this threadbare life, the monastery was able to set up and run a hospice for the poor! Alexander was perplexed as to how the admonition Pray without ceasing (1 Thess. 5:17) could be fulfilled by frail human flesh, but after three years of fasting and prayer, God showed him a method. He organized his monks into four groups according to whether their native language was Greek, Latin, Syriac or Coptic, and the groups prayed in shifts throughout the day and night. Twenty-four divine services were appointed each day, and the monks would chant from the Psalter between services. The community henceforth came to be known as the Akoimetoi, the Unsleeping Ones. (Similar communities later sprang up in the West, practicing what was there called Laus Perennis; St Columban founded many of these.) Always desiring to spread the holy Gospel, Saint Alexander sent companies of missionaries to the pagans of southern Egypt. He and a company of 150 disciples set out as a kind of traveling monastery, living entirely on the charity of the villages they visited. Eventually they settled in some abandoned baths in Antioch, setting up a there a monastery dedicated to the unceasing praise of God; but a jealous bishop drove them from the city. Making his way to Constantinople, he settled there with four monks. In a few days, more than four hundred monks had left their monasteries to join his community. The Saint organized them into three companies — Greeks, Latins and Syrians — and restored the program of unsleeping prayer that his community had practiced in Mesopotamia. Not surprisingly, his success aroused the envy and anger of the abbots whose monasteries had been nearly emptied; they managed to have him condemned as a Messalian at a council held in 426. (The Messalians were an over-spiritualizing sect who believed that the Christian life consisted exclusively of prayer.) Alexander was sent back to Syria, and most of his monks were imprisoned; but as soon as they were released, most fled the city to join him again. The Saint spent his last years traveling from place to place, founding monasteries, often persecuted, until he reposed in 430, 'to join the Angelic choirs which he had so well imitated on earth.' (Synaxarion) The practice of unceasing praise, established by St Alexander, spread throughout the Empire. The Monastery of the Akoimetoi, founded by a St Marcellus, a successor of Alexander, was established in Constantinople and became a beacon to the Christian world. 'Even though it has not been retained in today's practice, the unceasing praise established by Saint Alexander was influential in the formation of the daily cycle of liturgical offices in the East and even more so in the West.' (Synaxarion)
Open Your Eyes by Kirk Hunt And Elisha prayed, and said, “Lord, I pray, open his eyes that he may see.” Then the Lord opened the eyes of the young man, and he saw. And behold, the mountain was full of horses and chariots of fire all around Elisha. 2 Kings 6:17 NKJV Read also: 2 Kings 6:8-23 The eyes of Elisha and his young servant saw the same thing. They were surrounded by the Syrian army. Elisha's calm confidence lay in God's army of fire that “filled the mountain.” Elisha prayed, “open his eyes.” I pray that God will open your eyes. God's people see the sin, error, cruelty and selfishness. Too often we forget to look with spiritual eyes. Elisha did not deny the Syrians surrounded them. The prophet also saw that God's power exceeded the armed invaders. Angels stood near and ready to act at Elisha's word. Through God's power, a single man subdued an enemy host, and without inflicting a casualty. Open your eyes to God's power that fills your mountain. There is no good reason you cannot subdue an enemy host that opposes God's Kingdom. To the untrained eye, God's saints seem outnumbered and outgunned. I pray God will open your eyes to His power and wisdom that surrounds you. There are horses and chariots of fire ready to fulfill God's mission and purpose in your life. Do not deny what your natural eyes see. See, with spiritual eyes, the power and provision that God has prepared for your use. Subdue the enemies of God with mercy, then nourish them with grace. Think: What should you see with spiritual eyes? Pray: “Lord, help me to see Your solutions and salvation through spiritual eyes.” Copyright © February 2026, Kirk Hunt This devotional is a ministry of CadreMen Press. The post Open Your Eyes appeared first on CadreMen Press Devotionals.
There are some days in the calendar that people will never forget. 8 December 2024 is a day Syrians will certainlt remember: Liberation Day. Now a national holiday, it marks the fall of the Assad family regime—a dictatorship that had ruled Syria for half a century.Fourteen months on, where is Syria today? Internationally, the country has secured a number of diplomatic victories. At home, however, the road to rebuilding and ensuring safety and stability remains long. Much of the country still lies in ruins, sectarian tensions have flared up periodically, and there are ongoing threats to Syria's territorial integrity, including incursions by Turkey and Israel.What, then, are the main priorities for Syria and al-Sharaa's government—and what key challenges does the country face as it rebuilds?And today, to unpack this further, we are joined by a familiar voice, Dominic Bowen, the host you are used to listening to on the International Risk Podcast. Yes, today he is back in the interviewee spot, joining us live from Damascus, and I, Anna Kummelstedt, one of the producers of the show, take on the interview hat once again. Many of you may be used to hearing Dominic's voice,but what you may not know is that this is not Dominic's first time in Syria. In fact, he was working with MSF (Doctors without Borders) as a field coordinator in northern Syria in 2014; he then became the Head of the NGO Forum for northern Syria, where Dominic provided leadership and coordination of humanitarian activities. He also authored the report in 2025, “Failing Syria: Assessing the impact of UNSC Resolutions in protecting civilians, and in 2018-19, he supported Save the Children's operations in Syria. The International Risk Podcast brings you conversations with global experts, frontline practitioners, and senior decision-makers who are shaping how we understand and respond to international risk. From geopolitical volatility and organized crime, to cybersecurity threats and hybrid warfare, each episode explores the forces transforming our world and what smart leaders must do to navigate them. Whether you're a board member, policymaker, or risk professional, The International Risk Podcast delivers actionable insights, sharp analysis, and real-world stories that matter.The International Risk Podcast is sponsored by Conducttr, a realistic crisis exercise platform. Conducttr offers crisis exercising software for corporates, consultants, humanitarian, and defence & security clients. Visit Conducttr to learn more.Dominic Bowen is the host of The International Risk Podcast and Europe's leading expert on international risk and crisis management. As Head of Strategic Advisory and Partner at one of Europe's leading risk management consulting firms, Dominic advises CEOs, boards, and senior executives across the continent on how to prepare for uncertainty and act with intent. He has spent decades working in war zones, advising multinational companies, and supporting Europe's business leaders. Dominic is the go-to business advisor for leaders navigating risk, crisis, and strategy; trusted for his clarity, calmness under pressure, and ability to turn volatility into competitive advantage. Dominic equips today's business leaders with the insight and confidence to lead through disruption and deliver sustained strategic advantage.Tell us what you liked!
After more than a decade of war, a surge of violence in northern Syria is forcing thousands of people to flee – even as others return to a fractured country under a fragile interim government. With two-thirds of the population in need of urgent assistance and the UN humanitarian response underfunded, the Danish Refugee Council's Charlotte Slente tells RFI why aid groups fear catastrophic consequences as cold weather and economic collapse push millions to the brink. Clashes in and around Aleppo have displaced around 170,000 people since mid-January, as the Syrian army seeks to extend its control over previously Kurdish-controlled areas. Ongoing hostilities between government forces and armed groups continue to trigger displacement in several parts of the country, according to the UN. While political transition is underway after the fall of Bashar al-Assad at the end of 2024, reconstruction and recovery efforts are hindered by instability and lack of funding. Access to healthcare remains unreliable, and basic services are severely disrupted. A harsh winter and long-term drought are exacerbating the crisis. More than 16 million Syrians are expected to need humanitarian assistance in 2026 – yet the UN's response plan is only 33.5 percent funded, leaving a $3.2 billion gap. "It is an incredibly fragile moment for Syria," said Slente, secretary-general of the Danish Refugee Council (DRC), speaking to RFI on a visit to the Syria, including areas in and around Damascus. "This is a country where two out of every three Syrians need humanitarian assistance, and 90 percent of the population lives below the poverty line." A year after Assad's fall, Syrian hopes for transitional justice are fading Returning to ruins, landmines Around 3 million Syrian refugees and internally displaced people have returned home since the fall of the Assad regime, over 1 million from other countries and nearly 2 million from within Syria. "Syria has had a new government in place for the last year," Slente said, "and it's time to sort of recap on our programming here and adapt our programming to the new realities on the ground. A vast percentage of the population here are in dire need of humanitarian assistance on the ground." Many people are returning to their homes to find almost nothing after more than 13 years of civil war, she added. One of the DRC's priorities now is to work on getting rid of the landmines that still litter areas where fighting took place, and pose a deadly threat to returnees. The organisation recently finished training local teams to help clear mines, Slente said. "We are helping build the capacity here of the National Mine Action Centre in the Ministry of Emergencies that needs to coordinate that very big endeavour of clearing Syria of unexploded ordinance and landmines. It means that now we can get more jobs done on the ground with the clearing of mines, getting them out of fields and villages, so that people can actually be safe when they move around the territory." As Syrian workers return home from Turkey, local businesses feel the loss Upheaval in Kurdish north In north-eastern Syria, near the border with Turkey, civilians say they are still fearful. After months of tension, Kurdish-led forces have ceded swathes of territory to advancing government troops. Under a deal agreed last week, Kurdish forces and administrative institutions are to be integrated into the state. It is a blow to the Kurds, who had sought to preserve the de facto autonomy they exercised after seizing swathes of territory in battles against the Islamic State jihadist group during the civil war. "We are afraid that they will attack our regions and that massacres and genocide will occur," one woman told RFI's reporter in the Kurdish-majority city of Qamishli, where government forces entered on Tuesday. Another resident said he was hoping for "a positive resolution to the conflict, so that no more bloodshed occurs". This episode was mixed by Nicolas Doreau.
Today's guest is Professor Heba Gowayed (click here for pronunciation) who is a writer and associate professor of sociology at CUNY Hunter College and Graduate Center, and a current Carnegie Fellow (2025-2027). She will have an opportunity to introduce herself, but to briefly summarize her work: she research and writings center the lives of people who migrate across borders and the unequal and often violent institutions they face. Her award-winning book Refuge, published with Princeton University Press, takes readers into the lives of displaced Syrians who sought refuge in the United States, Canada, and Germany. Their experiences reveal that these destination countries are not saviors; they can deny newcomers' potential by failing to recognize their abilities and invest in the tools they need to prosper.She is currently working on her second book, The Cost of Borders, and would love to feature her again because there are so many topics we didn't have the chance to explore. She has also been published in academic journals as well as public outlets including The Guardian and Slate and she has been featured in podcasts including Code Switch. Learn more about Professor Heba Gowayed here: https://www.hebagowayed.com
In 2004 a rugby union team was formed in the Syrian capital Damascus. It consisted of British and French players working in the country, and one Syrian: Mohamad Jarkou. As protests against Syria's government in 2011 were met with violent crackdowns by the authorities, foreign workers began to leave the country. But it didn't spell the end for the sport, in that same year a team formed exclusively of Syrians, including Mohamad Jarkou, won the Men's Gulf Open at the Dubai Sevens tournament. Mohamad then formed the Syrian High Rugby Committee and set about growing the game, he is now the General Secretary of Syrian Rugby. He's been speaking to Tim O'Callaghan about how the sport thrived in a country that had become engulfed by civil war. Eye-witness accounts brought to life by archive and testimony. Sporting Witness is for those fascinated by sporting history. We take you to the events that have shaped the sports world through the eyes of the people who were there. For nine minutes, you become a fan in the stands as we take you back in time to examine memorable victories and agonising defeats from all over the world. You'll hear from people who have achieved sporting immortality, or those who were there as incredible sporting moments unfolded.Recent episodes explore the forgotten football Women's World Cup, the plasterer who fought a boxing legend, international football's biggest ever beating and the man who swam the Amazon river. We look at the lives of some of the most famous F1 drivers, tennis players and athletes as well as people who've had ground-breaking impact in their chosen sporting field, including: the most decorated Paralympian, the woman who was the number 1 squash player in the world for nine years, and the first figure skater to wear a hijab. You can learn all about fascinating and surprising stories, such as the tennis player who escaped the Nazis, how a man finally beat a horse in a race, and how the FIFA computer game was created.(Photo: The Damascus Zenobians celebrating their win at the Dubai Sevens in 2011. Credit: Mohamad Jarkou)
While polls say the majority of Turkish people welcome the departure of Syrians displaced by the civil war, Turkey's business owners are feeling the pinch with the loss of their workforce. With the end of the Syrian civil war, Turkey claims that nearly a million refugees who were living there have already returned home. Their departure is being welcomed by the Turkish government, amid growing public animosity over the presence of more than 3 million refugees. But for many Turkish companies, Syrians are an economic lifeline – as seen in Gaziantep, an industrial city close to the Syrian border. The Inci Boya company is one of hundreds of small factories and workshops in the city. With a couple of dozen workers, hundreds of pieces of furniture are spray-painted each day. With long hours in air thick with dust, it's arduous, dirty work. As in many factories in Gaziantep, Syrians make up a large share of the workforce. “I can't get people from my own community to work in my sector,” explains owner Halil Yarabay. "Many workshop owners and many businesses are unfortunately experiencing this.” He blames societal changes, “Our children, our youth... they consider such work beneath them. They consider they've failed in their family's eyes by working with their hands as a furniture maker or a mechanic.” French journalist arrested in Turkey while covering pro-Kurdish protest released Realities of returning But local authorities claim nearly 100,000 Syrians have already left the city – including including several who worked at Inci Boya. During a welcome tea break, the topic of going home is on everyone's tongue. Ahmed Hac Hussein has been working there for more than five years. He, too, is thinking of leaving. “Many people are returning, I have a relative who moves a family back to Syria every day,” he said. “For me, I lived in Aleppo for 35 years. I have so many friends there, I haven't seen them for 14 years. I have three sisters there, and I haven't seen them either. I want to go.” However, Hussein, who lost his home in the war, acknowledges that the economic realities in Syria make returning difficult. “You need to have money to pay the monthly rent. You need a job, but there is no work. My brother went back to Aleppo, but he says business is too slow.” Listening is Hussein's son, Ibrahim, who started working here a year ago after leaving school. He feels differently: “I grew up here; this place became my second home. I love it here a lot. I was two years old when I came here, and I never went back. I don't want to go back.” Demographic time bomb Turkish companies such as Inci Boya will be hoping many Syrians feel the same as Ibrahim, claims Atilla Yesilada, Turkey's economic analyst for consultancy Global Source Partners. He says around 900,000 Syrians work in small businesses and factories across Turkey. “They've filled all the low-paying jobs. Without Syrians, business owners say they'll go bankrupt, since that keeps costs down." This reliance on Syrian workers, and their departure, also comes as Turkey faces a demographic time bomb. “The birth rate has declined substantially. The Turkish birth rate is 1.5, and you know, replacement is 2.1," Yesilada added. He warns the outlook for Turkey is grim, given the experience of other countries. "[The birthrate is] coming down significantly, and it's been going down for 20 years.… [the example of] China shows that there is nothing you can do about it.” Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan recently called on families to "serve the nation" by having at least three children. His minister of family and social services claimed nearly half of Turkish families didn't have children. To attract workers, visa and work permit restrictions were lifted last year for all Turkic Central Asian nations. Turkey blocks calls for regime change in Iran as protests escalate Rising costs But at the Inci Boya factory, owner Halil Yarabay is already counting the cost of Syrians leaving, and says a bidding war to keep these workers is beginning. "Labour costs are rising. Employees we paid 10,000 TL a week now cost up to 15,000," he said. Some larger companies in Gaziantep – such as Tat Holding, which makes furniture and sweets among many other products – are even considering following their workers back to Syria, says its CEO Salih Balta. "Syria is close to Gaziantep and allows us to produce and export at up to 35 percent lower cost," he explained. Balta claims that producing in Syria – a member of the Arab League – would allow his company to export tax-free to 17 Arab countries under its free trade agreement. “For us, the Gulf countries are a very important market," he said. Gaziantep, along with many cities across Turkey, has seen protests against Syrian incomers. Several polls have found that the majority of people want them to return. But this could ultimately prove a double-edged sword, as businesses face growing economic pain over the loss of their Syrian workforce.
Amidst protests and aggressive tactics by federal immigration agents, Christians in Minnesota are caring for their immigrant neighbors. CT's Emily Belz joins us to talk about her reporting from the Twin Cities, with an eye to how churches are responding to those living in fear and at risk of deportation. Then, Harvest Prude stops by to give us an update on the annual March for Life, the largest gathering of pro-life supporters in the US, and how the pro-life movement is faring under the current administration. Finally, is Trump leaving behind pro-democracy Syrians? Hadeel Oueis joins Russell Moore, Mike Cosper, and Clarissa Moll to discuss the dynamics in the post-Asaad regime. REFERENCED IN THE EPISODE: In a Tense Minnesota, Christians Help Immigrant Neighbors - Emily Belz First Year of Trump 2.0 Leaves Pro-lifers with Misgivings - Harvest Prude ABOUT THE GUESTS: Emily Belz is a staff writer with Christianity Today. She is a former senior reporter for World magazine. She is a World Journalism Institute graduate and also previously reported for the New York Daily News, The Indianapolis Star, and Philanthropy magazine. Harvest Prude is Christianity Today's national political correspondent and a congressional reporter based in Washington, DC. She is a former reporter for The Dispatch and World, having served there as political reporter for their Washington bureau. Hadeel Oueis is a political writer with a focus on US foreign policy in the Middle East. She is a news analyst for BBC, France 24, DW Arabic, and other international news channels. In 2011, at the age of 18, she was arrested by the Assad regime for playing a key role in the early days of Syrian protests. In 2012, the US delegation in Geneva helped her relocate to the United States. GO DEEPER WITH THE BULLETIN: Join the conversation at our Substack. Find us on YouTube. Rate and review the show in your podcast app of choice. ABOUT THE BULLETIN: The Bulletin is a twice-weekly politics and current events show from Christianity Today moderated by Clarissa Moll, with senior commentary from Russell Moore (Christianity Today's editor-at-large and columnist) and Mike Cosper (senior contributor). Each week, the show explores current events and breaking news and shares a Christian perspective on issues that are shaping our world. We also offer special one-on-one conversations with writers, artists, and thought leaders whose impact on the world brings important significance to a Christian worldview, like Bono, Sharon McMahon, Harrison Scott Key, Frank Bruni, and more. The Bulletin listeners get 25% off CT. Go to https://orderct.com/THEBULLETIN to learn more. “The Bulletin” is a production of Christianity Today Producer: Clarissa Moll Associate Producer: Alexa Burke Editing and Mix: Kevin Morris Graphic Design: Rick Szuecs Music: Dan Phelps Executive Producer: Erik Petrik Senior Producer: Matt Stevens Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
After more than a decade of war, Syria is witnessing significant refugee and internal displacement returns – even as renewed hostilities in parts of the country force others to flee once again.Nearly 1.4 million refugees have returned from neighbouring countries since the fall of the Assad regime in December 2024. Almost two million internally displaced Syrians have also headed home to their places of origin.But fresh fighting in Aleppo and the northeast in recent weeks has triggered new displacement, while harsh winter conditions are compounding humanitarian needs.To explain what's driving these movements and how UN agencies are responding on the ground, UN News's Nancy Sarkis has been speaking to Céline Schmitt, spokesperson for the UN refugee agency in Syria:
Shownotes: Syria's new president, former rebel leader Ahmed al-Sharaa, has just made another quantum leap in establishing his power over Syria, by persuading the United States to let Sharaa take over the Kurdish statelet in northeast Syria. Sharaa has presented himself as an inclusive agent of change. On this episode of Order from Ashes, Century International fellow Frederick Deknatel discusses Syria's reconstruction agenda, which worries many Syrians and should concern international policymakers as well. Syria's reconstruction has an estimated cost of up to $400 billion, some twenty times the size of Syria's GDP, and so far has mirrored many of the authoritarian practices of the deposed Assasd regime. Without reforms, reconstruction risks ushering in a new era of clientelism and corruption in Syria, benefiting only Sharaa's allies and international developers, while the Syrian people continue to be locked out of the decisions that will shape their future. *Commentary, “Syria's Reconstruction Risks Cutting Out the Syrian People,” by Frederick Deknatel Participants: * Frederick DeKnatel, non-resident fellow, Century International * Thanassis Cambanis, director, Century International Episode: Order from Ashes 99 Date: Jan. 26, 2026
Rabbi Joseph Potasnik and Reverend A.R. Bernard interview Dr. Georgette Bennett regarding her extensive humanitarian career and her new book, Half Jew for Life. The conversation highlights Bennett's work with the Multifaith Alliance, where she successfully bridged divides between Syrians and Israelis by providing massive amounts of medical and humanitarian aid to war victims. A central theme of the discussion is the dual nature of religion, exploring how sacred texts can be manipulated to justify violence or harnessed to inspire interreligious understanding and compassion for the stranger. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
Rabbi Joseph Potasnik and Reverend A.R. Bernard interview Dr. Georgette Bennett regarding her extensive humanitarian career and her new book, Half Jew for Life. The conversation highlights Bennett's work with the Multifaith Alliance, where she successfully bridged divides between Syrians and Israelis by providing massive amounts of medical and humanitarian aid to war victims. A central theme of the discussion is the dual nature of religion, exploring how sacred texts can be manipulated to justify violence or harnessed to inspire interreligious understanding and compassion for the stranger. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
About half a million Syrians living in Turkey have returned to Syria — just one in five. Although aid groups estimate many more will follow, it's a difficult decision, and many are wary of Syria's new leader and struggling economy. Also, a stretched polar vortex is bringing severe winter storm conditions to half the continental US, and is causing temperatures to plummet across even more of the northern hemisphere. And, Guinea-Bissau's minister of health announced Thursday that the country was halting a controversial Danish-led, US-funded trial of a hepatitis B vaccine. Plus, a groundbreaking Australian play has come to New York for a few weeks. It's called "The Visitors," and it tells an important piece of Australian history from an Aboriginal perspective. Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices
Welcome to The Times of Israel's Daily Briefing, your 20-minute audio update on what's happening in Israel, the Middle East and the Jewish world. Diplomatic correspondent Lazar Berman joins host Amanda Borschel-Dan for today's episode. An Iranian official said this morning that authorities verified at least 5,000 people had been killed in protests in Iran, including about 500 security personnel, since December 28. According to a Sunday Times report citing an account put together by a network of Iranian doctors, the toll is more than 16,500 dead -- most under 30 -- and at least 330,000 people injured. Berman delves into the conflicting reports and updates us on what US President Donald Trump said Saturday. The Israel Defense Forces and the Shin Bet on Saturday revealed the identities of several Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad operatives killed in strikes across the Gaza Strip earlier in the week, which Israel said were carried out in response to a “blatant violation” of the ceasefire in western Rafah when gunmen opened fire at troops. With both sides claiming ceasefire violations, Berman reviews what a ceasefire entails. We also learn how Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu responded to reports that the executive board for Trump’s Board of Peace includes senior officials from Qatar and Turkey. Syria’s army took control of swathes of the country’s north over the weekend, dislodging Kurdish forces from territory over which they had held effective autonomy for more than a decade. President Ahmed al-Sharaa issued a decree declaring Kurdish a “national language” and granting the minority group official recognition. All this comes before the president is meant to speak with German Chancellor Friedrich Merz in Berlin on Tuesday, as Germany seeks to step up deportations of Syrians. Is this the start of a great return to Syria? Check out The Times of Israel's ongoing liveblog for more updates. For further reading: In first, Trump appears to call for end of ‘sick man’ Khamenei’s rule in Iran Deadly crackdown appears to have quashed Iran protests, residents say Iranian doctors put death toll in suppressed uprising at over 16,500 — report Hamas operative behind 1995 terror attack among those killed in Gaza strikes, says IDF Netanyahu fumes at Gaza oversight panel makeup as Trump invites Erdogan to peace board Syrian army extends hold over north, capturing areas held by Kurds for over a decade Sharaa to meet with German chancellor as Berlin seeks to deport Syrian refugees Subscribe to The Times of Israel Daily Briefing on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. This episode was produced by Podwaves and Ari Schlacht. IMAGE: A protester has her face painted to resemble bullet holes during a rally in support of the Iranian people in Rome, January 17, 2026. (AP Photo/Gregorio Borgia)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube
The case for EU membership for Greenland, why the exodus of Syrians from Turkey is a headache for businesses, and religion versus modernity in the Western Isles. Then: Nokia's comeback, an all-female Renaissance ensemble, and a profile of the young disability advocate fighting for more rights in Poland. + EU membership for Greenland Op-ed https://shorturl.at/eCwRb + ?maca=en-podcast_inside-europe-949-xml-mrss
Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube
Your daily news in under three minutes. At Al Jazeera Podcasts, we want to hear from you, our listeners. So, please head to https://www.aljazeera.com/survey and tell us your thoughts about this show and other Al Jazeera podcasts. It only takes a few minutes! Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube
Syrians celebrate Christmas with cautious hope after Assad's fall. Meanwhile, Naples' Christmas Street preserves centuries-old nativity traditions. And, we learn about sustainable investing and how it can align with Catholic values.
Send us a textOne year ago, Syria changed forever. In this episode, we sit down with a leading expert on Syria to break down what has REALLY happened in the 12 months since rebel forces ousted former president Bashar al-Assad. Has life on the ground actually improved, or has a new kind of chaos replaced the old regime?Our Guests for this show were Abdulhamid Albazo and Abdulaziz Alawer. We look beyond the headlines and ask: - Who is actually in charge in Syria today? - How are ordinary Syrians living under the new rebel-led government? - What happened to Assad loyalists, minorities, and former regime figures? - Is Syria safer now, or just differently dangerous? - How are the US, Russia, Iran, and neighboring countries responding? - What does all of this mean for the future of the Middle East? Our guest brings on-the-ground knowledge, policy insight, and years of research on: - Rebel governance and security - The return (or non-return) of refugees- Sectarian tensions and ISIS remnants - The economy, reconstruction, and foreign influence Subscribe for more in-depth conversations on global politics, war, and power: Oz Media – ozmedia313.com JOIN THE DISCUSSION Do you think Syria is better or worse off after Assad? Comment: BETTER / WORSE / TOO EARLY TO TELL – and explain why.Follow us on social media:- Instagram: @motivateme313 or @ozmedia313- Website: ozmedia313.com- Facebook: ozmedia313-TikTok: @ozmedia313-Apple Podcast: ozmedia-Spotify Podcast: ozmediaThis show was sponsored by:-The Family Doc https://thefamilydocmi.com/-Juice Box Juiceboxblend.com-Holy Bowly http://www.myholybowly.com-Wingfellas thewingfellas.com-Hanley International Academy https://www.hanleyacademy.com-Malek Al-Kabob malekalkabob.com-Bayt Al Mocha https://baytalmocha.com/-Chill Box https://www.chillboxstore.com/-Royal Kabob https://www.royalkabob.com/-GEE Preparatory Academy https://www.gee-edu.com/schools/geepreparatory/index#SyriaAfterAssad #Syria #MiddleEast #Geopolitics #RegimeChange #Assad #CivilWar #GlobalPolitics #OZMedia
Are we in a 'plastic moment,' an inflection point where the future of the Middle East can finally be reshaped? Veteran peace negotiator Dr. Tal Becker joins the podcast to analyze the shifting tides of regional diplomacy. Reflecting on his recent discussions in Abu Dhabi, Becker describes the Abraham Accords as an emerging "Judeo-Muslim civilization" where the focus isn't on "who the land belongs to," but the realization that "we all belong to the land." Beyond geopolitics, Becker addresses the trauma of rising Western antisemitism—which he likens to a "zombie apocalypse"—and calls for a resurgence of liberal nationalism. This episode is a masterclass in navigating a zero-sum world to build a future of prosperity, courage, and shared belonging. Key Resources: The Abraham Accords, Explained AJC CEO Ted Deutch Op-Ed: 5 Years On, the Abraham Accords Are the Middle East's Best Hope AJC's Center for a New Middle East Listen – AJC Podcasts: Architects of Peace The Forgotten Exodus People of the Pod Follow People of the Pod on your favorite podcast app, and learn more at AJC.org/PeopleofthePod You can reach us at: peopleofthepod@ajc.org If you've appreciated this episode, please be sure to tell your friends, and rate and review us on Apple Podcasts or Spotify. Transcript of the Interview: Manya Brachear Pashman: As the international community looks to phase two of the cease fire between Israel and the Hamas terror group in Gaza, the American Jewish Committee office in Abu Dhabi invited Dr Tal Becker to participate in discussions about what's next for the region. Dr Becker is one of Israel's leading experts on international humanitarian law and a veteran peace negotiator with Palestinians, Lebanese and Syrians. He is currently vice president of the Shalom Hartman Institute, and he joins us now right after the conference in Abu Dhabi to share some of the insights he contributed there. Tal, welcome to People of the Pod. Tal Becker: Thank you very much, Manya. Manya Brachear Pashman: So Tal, you have just returned from a conference in Abu Dhabi where you really took a deep dive, kind of exploring the nature of Arab-Israeli relations, as we are now entering the second phase of the ceasefire between Israel and Gaza. So I'm just curious, you've been steeped in this for so long, for decades, do you sense, or did you sense a significant shift in the region when it comes to Arab-Israeli relations and the future? Tal Becker: So I think Manya, we're at a very kind of interesting moment, and it's hard to say exactly which direction it's going, because, on the one hand, we have had very significant military successes. I think a lot of the spoilers in the region have been significantly set back, though they're still there, but Israel really has had to focus on the military side of things a lot. And it, I think, has strained to some extent, the view of what's possible because we're being so focused on the military side. And I think it is a moment for imagining what's possible. And how do we pivot out of the tragedy and suffering of this war, make the most of the military successes we've had, and really begin to imagine what this region could look like if we're going to continue to succeed in pushing back the spoilers in this way. Israel is a regional power, and I think it for all our vulnerability that requires, to some extent, for Israel to really articulate a vision that it has for the region. And it's going to take a little bit of time, I think, for everybody to really internalize what's just happened over these last two years and what it means for the potential for good and how we navigate that. So I really think it's kind of like what they call a plastic moment right now. Manya Brachear Pashman: A plastic moment, can you define that, what do you mean by plastic? Tal Becker: So what I mean by a plastic moment, meaning it's that moment. It's an inflection point right where, where things could go in one direction or another, and you have to be smart enough to take advantage of the fluidity of the moment, to really emphasize how do we maximize prosperity, stability, coexistence? How do we take away not just the capabilities of the enemies of peace, but also the appeal of their agenda, the language that they use, the way they try to present Muslim Jewish relations, as if they're a kind of zero sum game. So how do we operate both on the economic side, on the security side, but also on the imagining what's possible side, on the peace side. As difficult as that is, and I don't want to suggest that, you know, there aren't serious obstacles, there are, but there's also really serious opportunities. Manya Brachear Pashman: So what did you sense when you were there, in terms of the perception of Israel? I mean, were people optimistic, for lack of a better term? Tal Becker: So first of all, it was, you know, a great opportunity to be there. And having been involved, personally, very intensively in the Abraham Accords, I always feel a bit emotional whenever I'm in the Emirates in particular, and Morocco and Bahrain and so on. And to be honest, I kind of feel at home there. And so that's a lovely thing. I think, on the one hand, I would say there's a there's a relief that hopefully, please God, the war in Gaza is is behind us, that we're now looking at how to really kind of move into the phase of the disarmament of Hamas and the removal of Hamas from governance, you know, working with the Trump team and the Trump plan. And I think they have a bunch of questions. The Emiratis in particular, are strategic thinkers. They really want to be partners in advancing prosperity and stability across the region in pushing back extremism across the region, and I think they're eager to see in Israel a partner for that effort. And I think it puts also a responsibility on both of us to understand the concerns we each have. I mean, it takes some time to really internalize what it is for a country to face a seven-front war with organizations that call for its annihilation, and all the pressure and anxiety that that produces for a people, frankly, that hasn't had the easiest history in terms of the agenda of people hating the Jewish people and persecuting them. So I think that takes a bit of appreciation. I think we also, in the return, need to appreciate the concerns of our regional partners in terms of making sure that the region is stable, in terms of giving an opportunity for, you know, one way I sometimes word it is that, we need to prepare for the worst case scenario. We need to prevent it from being a self fulfilling prophecy. Which really requires you to kind of develop a policy that nevertheless gives an opportunity for things to get better, not just plan for things to get worse. And I think our partners in the Gulf in particular really want to hear from us, what we can do to make things better, even while we're planning and maybe even a bit cynical that things might be very difficult. Manya Brachear Pashman: So you mentioned the Abraham Accords, and I'm curious if you feel that Israel, I know Israel has felt isolated, at times, very isolated, and perhaps abandoned, is even the correct word. Do you feel that is the case as we enter the second phase of the ceasefire? Do you feel that is less so the case, and do you feel that that might be less so the case because of the Abraham Accords existence? Tal Becker: Well, so let's first talk about the Abraham Accords and their significance.So I think a lot of people present the Abraham accords as kind of an agreement that is about shared interests and shared challenges and so on, and that's definitely true. But they are, in my view, at least aspirationally, something much bigger than that. First of all, they are almost the articulation of what I call a Judeo Muslim civilization, the view that Jews and Muslims, or that all different peoples of the Middle East belong to this place and have a responsibility for shaping its future. The way I describe the Abraham Accords is that they're a group of countries who basically have said that the argument about who the land belongs to is not as important as the understanding that we all belong to the land. And as a result of that, this is kind of a partnership against the forces of extremism and chaos, and really offering a version of Israeli Jewish identity and of Muslim Arab identity that is in competition with the Iranian-Hezbollah-Hamas narrative that kind of condemns us to this zero sum conflict. So the first thing to say is that I think the Abraham Accords have such tremendous potential for reimagining the relationship between Muslims and Jews, for reimagining the future of the region, and for really making sure that the enemies of peace no longer shape our agenda, even if they're still there. So in that sense, the opening that the Abraham Accords offers is an opening to kind of reimagine the region as a whole. And I think that's really important. And I think we have now an opportunity to deepen the Accords, potentially to expand them to other countries, and in doing so, to kind of set back the forces of extremism in the region. In a strange way, I would say Manya that Israel is more challenged right now in the west than we are in the Middle East. Because in the West, you see, I mean, there's backlash, and it's a complicated picture, but you can see a kind of increasing voices that challenge Israel's legitimacy, that are really questioning our story. And you see that both on the extreme left and extreme right in different countries across the West, in different degrees. In the Middle East, paradoxically, you have at least a partnership around accepting one another within the region that seems to me to be very promising. And in part, I have to say it's really important to understand, for all the tragedy and difficulty of this war, Israel demonstrated an unbelievable resilience, unbelievable strength in dealing with its its adversaries, an unbelievable capacity, despite this seven front challenge, and I think that itself, in a region that's a very difficult region, is attractive. I think we do have a responsibility and an interest in imagining how we can begin to heal, if that's a word we can use the Israeli Palestinian relationship, at least move in a better direction. Use the Trump plan to do that, because that, I think, will also help our relationship in the region as a whole, without making one dependent on the other. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I want to follow up with what you just said, that Israel faces perhaps many more challenges in the west than in the region. What about the Jewish people, would you apply that same statement to the Jewish people? Tal Becker: Well, I think, you know, we've seen, we've seen the rise of antisemitism. And in my view, one way to think about October 7 is that October 7 marks the end of the post-Holocaust era. So there were a few decades there where, even if antisemitism existed, there were many circles in which it was socially unacceptable to give it voice. And something has shattered in the West in particular that it seems to be more socially acceptable to express antisemitism or antisemitic-adjacent type views, and that, I think has has really shocked and shaken many Jews across the western world. I guess the thing I would say about that is, you know, some of the Jews I come across in the West were under, in my view, a bit of an illusion, that antisemitism had somehow been cured. You feel this sometimes in North America, and that essentially, we had reached a stage in Jewish history where antisemitism was broadly a thing of the past and was on the margins, and then the ferocity with which it came back on October 8 was like a trauma. And one of the definitions of trauma is that trauma is a severe challenge to the way you understand the world and your place in it. And so if you had this understanding of your reality that antisemitism was essentially a thing of the past in North America in particular. And then all of a sudden it came back. You can see that traumatic experience. And what I want to argue or suggest is that the problem isn't that we had the solution and lost it. I think the problem was we had an illusion that there was a solution in the first place. Unfortunately, I think the Jewish people's history tells the story that antisemitism is kind of like the zombie apocalypse. It never exactly disappears. You can sometimes marginalize it more or marginalize it less. And we're now entering an era which I think Jews are familiar with, which is an era that it is becoming more socially acceptable to be antisemitic. And that to some extent, Jewish communal life feels more conditional and Jewish identity, and while being accepted in the societies in which you live also feels more conditional. And while that is a familiar pattern, we are probably the generation of Jews with more resources, more influence, more power, more capacity than probably at any other time in Jewish history. And so it would be a mistake, I think, to think of us as kind of going back to some previous era. Yes, there are these challenges, but there are also a whole set of tools. We didn't have the F35 during the Spanish Inquisition. So I think that despite all these challenges, it's also a great moment of opportunity for really building Jewish communities that are resilient, that have strong Jewish identity, that are that have a depth of Jewish literacy, and trying to inoculate as much as possible the societies in which we live and the communities in which we live from that phenomenon of antisemitism perhaps better than we had had done in previous iterations of this. Manya Brachear Pashman: I also want to go back and explore another term that you've used a couple of times, and that is enemies of peace. And I'm curious how you define the enemies of peace. Who are you talking about? And I'm asking you to kind of take a step back and really broaden that definition as much as possible. Tal Becker: I mean, it goes back to that idea that I mentioned about the Abraham Accords, which is an understanding that there are different peoples in the Middle East that call it home, and each of those peoples deserves a place where they can nurture their identity and cultivate it and have their legitimacy respected, and in that sense, those who are engaged in a kind of zero sum competition, that feel that their exist, existence depends on the obliteration of the other. I see those as enemies of peace. Now, I believe that both Jews and Palestinians, for example, have a right to self determination. I think that both belong in the sense that both deserve the capacity to cultivate their own identity. But the right to self determination, for example, the Palestinian right to self determination doesn't include the right to deny the Jewish right to self determination. It doesn't include the right to erase Jewish history. In the same way that we as Jews need to come to terms with the fact that the Palestinian people feel a real connection to this place. Now, it's very difficult, given how radicalized Palestinian society is, and we have to be very realistic about the threats we face, because for as long as the dominant narrative in Palestinian society is a rejection of Jewish belongingness and self determination, we have a very difficult challenge ahead of us. But I essentially, broadly speaking, would say, the enemies of peace are those who want to lock us into a zero sum contest. Where essentially, they view the welfare of the other as a threat to themselves. Y You know, we have no conflict with Lebanon. We have no conflict with the people of Iran, for example. We have a conflict, in fact, a zero sum conflict with an Iranian regime that wants to annihilate Israel. And I often point to this kind of discrepancy that Iran would like to destroy Israel, and Israel has the audacity to want not to be destroyed by Iran. That is not an equivalent moral playing field. And so I view the Iranian regime with that kind of agenda, as an enemy of peace. And I think Israel has an obligation to also articulate what its aspirations are in those regards, even if it's a long time horizon to realize those aspirations, because the enemies are out there, and they do need to be confronted effectively and pretty relentlessly. Manya Brachear Pashman: For our series on the Abraham Accords, Architects of Peace, I spoke with Dr Ali Al Nuami, and we talked about the need for the narrative to change, and the narrative on both sides right, the narrative change about kind of what you refer to as a zero sum game, and for the narrative, especially out of Israel, about the Palestinians to change. And I'm curious if you've given that any thought about changing, or just Israel's ability or obligation to send a message about the need for the Palestinians indeed to achieve self determination and thrive. Tal Becker: Well, I think first, it's important to articulate how difficult that is, simply because, I mean, Israel has faced now two years of war, and the sense that I think many Israelis felt was that Palestinian society at large was not opposed to what happened on October 7, and the dominant narratives in Palestinian society, whether viewing Israel as some kind of a front to Islam, or viewing Israel as a kind of colonial enterprise to then be like in the business of suggesting a positive vision in the face of that is very difficult, and we do tend Manya, in these situations, when we say the narrative has to change, we then say, on the other side, they have to change the narrative, rather than directing that to ourselves. So I think, you know, there is an obligation for everyone to think about how best to articulate their vision. It's a huge, I think, obligation on the Palestinian leadership, and it's a very one they've proved incapable of doing until now, which is genuinely come to terms with the Jewish people's belongingness to this part of the world and to their right to self determination. It's a core aspect of the difficulty in addressing this conflict. And having said all that, I think we as Israeli Jews also have an obligation to offer that positive vision. In my mind, there is nothing wrong with articulating an aspiration you're not sure you can realize, or you don't even know how to realize. But simply to signal that is the direction that I'm going in, you know? I mean Prime Minister Netanyahu, for example, talks about that he wants the Palestinian people to have all the power to govern themselves and none of the power to threaten Israel. Which is a way of saying that the Palestinian people should have that capacity of self determination that gives them the potential for peace, prosperity, dignity, and security, But not if the purpose of that is to essentially be more focused on destroying Israel than it is on building up Palestinian identity. Now that I think, can be articulated in positive terms, without denying Israel's connection to the land, without denying the Jewish people's story, but recognizing the other. And yes, I think despite all the difficulties, victory in war is also about what you want to build, not just what you want to destroy. And in that sense, our ability to kind of frame what we're doing in positive terms, in other words, not just how we want to take away the capacities of the extremists, but what we want to build, if we had partners for that, actually helps create that momentum. So I would just say to Dr Ali's point that, I think that's a shared burden on all of us, and the more people that can use that language, it can actually, I think, help to create the spaces where things that feel not possible begin to maybe become possible. Manya Brachear Pashman: Which in many ways Trump's 20 point plan does that. It doesn't just only talk about disarming Hamas. It talks about rebuilding Gaza. Are there other ways in which Israel can assure the success of the Palestinian people and push forwards. Can you envision other ways? Tal Becker: Well, I mean, I'm sure there's lots that people can do, but there is a burden on the Palestinian people themselves, and I do find that a lot of this discourse kind of takes agency away from the Palestinian people and their leadership. In a way, there's a kind of honesty to the Trump plan and the Security Council resolution that was adopted endorsing the plan that has been missing for quite a while. The Trump plan, interestingly, says three things. It says, on this issue of a kind of vision or pathway. It says, first of all, it basically says there is no Palestinian state today, which must have come as a bit of a shock for those countries recognizing a Palestinian state. But I think that is a common understanding. It's a little bit of an illusion to imagine that state. The second thing is how critical it is for there to be PA reform, genuine reform so that there is a responsible function in Palestinian governing authority that can actually be focused on the welfare of its people and govern well. And the third is that then creates a potential pathway for increasing Palestinian self-determination and moving potentially towards Palestinian statehood, I think, provided that that entity is not going to be used as a kind of terror state or a failed state. But that, I think, is a kind of honest way of framing the issue. But we don't get around Manya the need for responsibility, for agency. So yes, Israel has responsibility. Yes, the countries of the region have responsibilities. But ultimately, the core constituency that needs to demonstrate that it is shifting its mindset and more focused on building itself up, rather than telling a story about how it is seeking to deny Jewish self determination, is the Palestinian leadership. And I do think that what's happening in Gaza at least gives the potential for that. You have the potential for an alternative Palestinian governance to emerge. You have the potential for Hamas to be set back in a way that it no longer has a governing role or a shape in shaping the agenda. And I think if we can make Gaza gradually a success story, you know, this is a bit too optimistic for an Israeli to say, but maybe, maybe we can begin to create a momentum that can redefine the Israeli Palestinian relationship. Manya Brachear Pashman: So I asked what can Israel do to move forward to assure the Palestinians that they are behind their success and thriving? What can Israel do to make sure that it's respected, that is not facing the challenges from the West, from that region. What can Israel do? What is Israel's obligation, or is that an unfair question, to ensure its success and its moving forward? Tal Becker: I think it's a really difficult question, because the criticism that Israel has gotten throughout this war and the threats to its legitimacy in the way that they've erupted, I think, is a really complicated phenomena that has many moving parts. So some part of it, I think, rightly, is about Israeli policy and Israeli language and the way it has framed what it has been doing, and really the unbelievable moral dilemmas that the war in Gaza posed, and how Israel conducted itself in the way of those dilemmas. And people can have different views about that. I think there's a misunderstanding, very significantly, of the nature of the battlefield and how impossible Hamas in its deliberate kind of weaponization of the civilian population, made that. So there's one component that has to do with Israel. There's another component that we can't ignore, that has to do with antisemitism. And that, I think, for that group right who almost define themselves through their hostility towards the Jewish people and towards the very idea of Jewish self determination, it's hard to think anything that Israel says or does that actually matters, right? These were the people who were criticizing Israel even before it responded. And so in that sense, I think putting too much on Israel is a problem. Maybe I'll just focus on the area that I think is most interesting here, and that is, in my view, a lot of the argument about Israel in the West, we'll take the US, for example, is actually not an argument about Israel, but more an argument about the US that is channeled through Israel. In other words, a lot of people seem to be having their argument about America's story of itself channeled through their argument about Israel. And what they're actually arguing about is their vision of America. And you can see different versions of this. There's a story of America as perhaps a kind of white Christian country that was exploited by immigrants and is exploited by other countries in the world, and that narrative kind of tends pushes you in a direction of having a certain view, in my view, mistaken, in any event, about Israel. That is more to do about your story of America than it has anything to do with what Israel is doing or saying. And then you hear this very loudly, and I'm not suggesting these are exactly even. But on the more radical kind of progressive left, you have a story of America as essentially a country that never came over the legacy of slavery, a country that has to kind of apologize for its power, that it sees itself as a colonial entity that can't be redeemed. And when you're kind of locked in that version of America, which I kind of think is a kind of self hating story of America. Then that then projects the way you view Israel more than anything Israel says or does. So this has a lot to do with America's, and this is true of other countries in the West, that internal struggle and then the way different actors, especially in the social media age, need to position themselves on the Israel issue, to identify which tribe they belong to in this other battle. So in my view, people who care about the US-Israel relationship, for example, would be wise to invest in this, in the battle over America's story of itself, and in that sense, it's less about Israeli public diplomacy and less about Israeli policy. It's much more about the glasses people wear when they look at Israel. And how do you influence those glasses? Manya Brachear Pashman: I could sit here and talk to you all day, this is really fascinating and thought provoking. I do want to ask two more questions, though, and one is, I've been harping on what can Israel do? What are Israel's obligations? But let me back up a step. What about the Arab states? What are the other neighbors in the region obligated to do to assure the Palestinians that they're going to succeed and thrive? Tal Becker: Yeah, I mean, it's a really important question and, and I think that for many, many years, we suffered from, I would say, a basic lack of courage from Arab states. I'm generalizing, but I hope that others would advance their interests for them. And in some sense, I think the Abraham Accords really flipped that, because Abraham Accords was the Arab states having the courage and the voice to say, we need to redefine our relationship with with Israel, and in that way, create conditions, potentially for Palestinians to do, to do the same. I would say that there are a whole set right, and, not my position to kind of be the lecturer, and each country is different in their own dynamics. I think the first from an Israeli perspective, of course, is to really push back against this attempt to delegitimize the Jewish people's belonging in the Middle East, and not to allow this kind of narrative where the only authentic way to be a Palestinian or a Muslim is to reject the idea that other peoples live in the region and have a story that connects them to it, and Israel is here to stay, and it can be a partner. You can have disagreements with it. But the idea that it's some kind of illegitimate entity, I think, needs to be taken out of the lexicon fundamentally. I think a second area is in really this expectation of Palestinian especially in the Israeli Palestinian context, of being partners in holding the Palestinians accountable not to have the kind of the soft bigotry of low expectations, and to really recognize Palestinian agency, Palestinian responsibility and also Palestinian rights, yes, but not in this kind of comic strip, victim villain narrative, where Israel has all the responsibilities and the Palestinians have all the rights. My colleague, Einat Wilf, for example, talks about Schrodinger's Palestine. You know, Schrodinger's Cat, right? So Schrodinger's Palestine is that the Palestinians are recognized for rights, but they're not recognized for responsibilities. And Israel has rights and responsibilities. And finally, I would say in terms of the the taking seriously the spoilers in the region, and working with Israel and with our partners to make sure that the spoilers in the region don't dictate the agenda and don't have the capacity to do so, not just hoping that that, you know, Israel and the US will take care of that, but really working with us. And I think a few countries are really stepping up in that regard. They have their own constraints, and we need to be respectful of that, and I understand that. But I think that, you know, this is a strategic partnership. I sometimes joke that with the Emirates, it's a Jewish and a Muslim state, but it's a Catholic marriage. We've kind of decided to bind together in this kind of strategic partnership that has withstood these last two years, because we want to share a vision of the Middle East that is to the benefit of all peoples, and that means doing kind of three things at once. Meaning confronting the spoilers on the one hand, investing in regional integration on the other, and seeing how we can improve Israeli Palestinian relations at the same time. So working in parallel on all three issues and helping each other in the process and each other thrive. I mean, there's a whole bunch of stuff beyond the conflict. There's, you know, AI and fighting desertification and irrigation and defense tech and intelligence, and a whole host of areas where we can cooperate and empower each other and be genuine partners and strengthen our own societies and the welfare of our own peoples through that partnership for ourselves, for each other and for the region. So there's a lot to do. Manya Brachear Pashman: And my last question – I've asked, what do the Arab states need to do? What does Israel need to do? What do Jewish advocates around the world need to do? Tal Becker: So I think the most important thing at this moment for me, Manya, is courage. There is a danger, because of the rise in antisemitism and the kind of hostility that one sees, that Jews in particular will become more silent. And they'll kind of hide a little bit in the hope that this will somehow pass them. And I think what our history has taught us, is generally, these are phenomena that if you don't stand up against them early, they become extremely powerful down the line, and you can't, and it becomes very, very costly to confront them. So it takes courage, but I would say that communities can show more courage than individuals can, and in that sense, I think, you know, insisting on the rights of Jews within the societies in which they live, fighting for those kind of societies, that all peoples can prosper in. Being strong advocates for a kind of society in which Jews are able to thrive and be resilient and prosper, as well as others as well. I think is very important. Just in a nutshell, I will say that it seems to me that in much of the world, what we're seeing is liberalism being kind of hijacked by a radical version of progressivism, and nationalism being hijacked by a version of ultra-nationalism. And for Jews and for most people, the best place to be is in liberal nationalism. Liberal nationalism offers you respect for collective identity on the one hand, but also respect for individual autonomy on the other right. That's the beautiful blend of liberal nationalism in that way, at least aspirationally, Israel, being a Jewish and democratic state, is really about, on the one hand, being part of a story bigger than yourself, but on the other hand, living a society that sees individual rights and individual agency and autonomy. And that blend is critical for human thriving and for meaning, and it's been critical for Jews as well. And so particularly across the diaspora, really fighting for liberal national identity, which is being assaulted from the extremes on both sides, seems to me to be an urgent mission. And it's urgent not just for Jews to be able not to kind of live conditionally and under fear and intimidation within the societies they live, but as we've seen throughout history, it's pretty critical for the thriving of that society itself. At the end of the day, the societies that get cannibalized by extremes end up being societies that rot from within. And so I would say Jews need to be advocates for their own rights. Double down on Jewish identity, on resilience and on literacy, on Jewish literacy. At the same time as fighting for the kind of society in which the extremes don't shape the agenda. That would be my wish. Manya Brachear Pashman: Making liberal nationalism an urgent mission for all societies, in other words, being a force for good. Tal Becker: Yes, of course. Manya Brachear Pashman: Our universal mission. Thank you so much. Thank you so much for sharing all of these thoughts with us and safe travels as you take off for the next destination. Tal Becker: Thank you very much, Manya. I appreciate it. Manya Brachear Pashman: As we approach the end of the year, and what a year it's been, take some time to catch up on episodes you might have missed along the way, rewind and listen to some of my more memorable interviews, such as my conversation with former Israeli hostage Shoshan Haran, abducted with her daughter, son in law and grandchildren during the Hamas terror attack on October 7, 2023. Meet doctors or hen and Ernest Frankel, two MIT professors who amid anti Israel academic boycotts, are trying to salvage the valuable research gains through collaboration with Israeli scholars. And enjoy my frank conversation with Jonah Platt, best known for playing Fiyero in Broadway's wicked who now hosts his own hit podcast Being Jewish with Jonah Platt. Hard to believe all of this and more has unfolded in 2025 alone. May 2026 be peaceful and prosperous for us all.
Today's Headlines: Trump escalated toward open conflict with Venezuela by labeling the country a “foreign terrorist organization,” blockading sanctioned oil tankers, and laying groundwork that looks a lot like a path to war — even as U.S. oil companies quietly signal they're not interested in going back. Abroad, Britain's MI6 chief warned that tech billionaires and algorithms are reshaping global power faster than politicians, while Putin doubled down on threatening Ukraine with either invasion or “negotiation,” plus some nuclear saber-rattling for flair. Back home, Trump expanded his travel ban, House Republicans briefly rebelled to pass a doomed healthcare bill, and Jack Smith told Congress he found proof Trump tried to overturn the 2020 election and obstruct justice. The FCC chair openly claimed the agency isn't independent from the president — then removed the word “independent” from its website mid-hearing — as the Senate confirmed Elon Musk's friend to run NASA. Meanwhile, Dan Bongino announced he's quitting the FBI, Alan Dershowitz floated a very “it depends” take on a third Trump term, Ghislaine Maxwell moved to toss her conviction, and the DOJ is legally required to release the Epstein files tomorrow. On the crime front, the Brown University shooter is still at large, an MIT professor's killing is now a homicide investigation, Nick Reiner appeared in court for his parents' murders, and — in truly end-times energy — the Oscars are leaving ABC for YouTube. Resources/Articles mentioned in this episode: NYT: Venezuela's Navy Begins Escorting Ships as U.S. Threatens Blockade Politico: Trump administration asking US oil industry to return to Venezuela — but getting no takers I-News: MI6 chief: Tech giants are closer to running the world than politicians WSJ: Putin Warns He Will Achieve Aims in Ukraine Through Negotiation or War Axios: Trump expands travel ban to Syrians, Palestinians and others AP News: Meet the 4 Republicans who defied House Speaker Mike Johnson on ACA subsidies NBC News: Jack Smith tells Congress he could prove Trump engaged in a 'criminal scheme' to overturn 2020 election AP News: FCC leader says agency is no longer independent as he's grilled by Democrats over Kimmel controversy Axios: Dan Bongino announces FBI exit WSJ: Trump Told by Alan Dershowitz Constitutionality of Third Term Is Unclear AP News: Imprisoned Jeffrey Epstein associate Ghislaine Maxwell seeks release, citing 'new evidence' Axios: MIT professor Loureiro shot at home: Police launch homicide investigation AP News: Rob and Michele Reiner's son appears in court on murder charges while siblings speak of their loss Hollywood Reporter: Oscars Bolts from ABC to YouTube Starting in 2029 Morning Announcements is produced by Sami Sage and edited by Grace Hernandez-Johnson Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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Trump bans Palestinians, South Sudanese and Syrians from the U.S.? Black gun owners unfairly targeted by Chicago police? A Black UK man exposes racist cops in the West Midlands police. Host: Dr. Rashad Richey (@IndisputableTYT) Co-Host: Jamie Lowe *** SUBSCRIBE on YOUTUBE ☞ https://www.youtube.com/IndisputableTYT FOLLOW US ON: FACEBOOK ☞ https://www.facebook.com/IndisputableTYT TWITTER ☞ https://www.twitter.com/IndisputableTYT INSTAGRAM ☞ https://www.instagram.com/IndisputableTYT Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
Kate Adie introduces stories from Syria, Ukraine, the USA, China and Germany.Syrians took to the streets to celebrate one year since the fall of the Assad regime, but in the background post-war reconstruction has been slow and sectarian violence is on the rise. Lina Sinjab has been travelling the country and reflects on the challenges ahead.Despite the constant threat of drones and missiles, many Ukrainians are finding ways to carry on with their lives - including the country's artists and musicians. Marcel Theroux recently visited Chernivtsi in western Ukraine, to attend the opening night of an unexpected musical gem.Just a few years ago, the city of El Paso in Texas declared a state of emergency as local shelters struggled to cope with the influx of migrants crossing the border from Mexico. Today, the picture is very different with the flow of migrants now a trickle. Bernd Debusmann looks at the impact of Donald Trump's immigration crackdown.China's mighty Yangtze river is one of the world's busiest shipping lanes, but the wildlife living in the river is struggling for survival with many native species already extinct. Stephen McDonell met a team of scientists trying to save the endangered finless porpoise.The German city of Chemnitz is currently a European Capital of Culture, and among the celebrations is an exhibition of a cultural icon - the Trabant. Adrian Bridge explores the history of East Germany's car culture - and how it provided some welcome respite from the spying eyes of the Stasi.Series Producer: Serena Tarling Production coordinators: Katie Morrison and Sophie Hill Editor: Richard Fenton-Smith
Syrians are celebrating one year of freedom from the Assad regime, but there are many wounds still to be healed, and the work of transitional justice must now take place. It's a process that links Syria to the US, South Africa and many other countries in between. Ruti Teitel, professor of law at New York Law School and author of "Presidential Visions of Transitional Justice" and Aria Florant, co-founder and CEO of Liberation Ventures, an organization advocating for slavery reparations in the US, join the show. Also on today's show: Guardian columnist Jonathan Freedland; law school professor Kate Shaw Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
In a recent speech Turkish President Erdogan praised Syrians who were born and raised in Turkey, speak Turkish, and are now in Syria, saying, "Right next door to us… a brother nation that speaks our same language is rising anew from the ashes.” The quote has drawn the attention of experts like Ryan Gingeras, who joins Thanos Davelis as we look into what it tells us about Erdogan's worldview, and why this is something to keep an eye on as we look at the shifting power dynamics in the Levant.You can read the articles we discuss on our podcast here:Erdogan praises Syrians born and raised in TurkeyFrom Grexit to Eurogroup chief: Greece's recovery storyPierrakakis elected Eurogroup chiefEuropean Commission firmly behind Greece-Cyprus power link
This week Syrians took to the streets to mark the one-year anniversary since the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime.
Thousands of Syrians took to the streets this week to mark the first anniversary of the Assad regime's collapse. There has been a string of historic firsts including President Donald Trump hosting interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa in an unprecedented White House visit. Now, what does the war torn country look like, and more importantly what does their future look like? FOX's Eben Brown speaks with Ahmad Sharawi, Mideast research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD) and Syria specialist, who says there has been some positive reestablishment of diplomacy with the United States and others, there still needs to be more unification amongst the Syrians. Click Here To Follow 'The FOX News Rundown: Evening Edition' Learn more about your ad choices. Visit podcastchoices.com/adchoices
The Assad family's oppressive half-century rule ended one year ago this week, as Bashar al-Assad fled for Russia amid an insurgent takeover after he spent more than 12 years slaughtering his own people. His flight was a moment of joy and reckoning for millions of Syrians who opposed him. Syrian filmmaker Wa'ad al-Kateab, an Oscar-nominated documentarian, brings a very personal look at going home. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy
The Assad family's oppressive half-century rule ended one year ago this week, as Bashar al-Assad fled for Russia amid an insurgent takeover after he spent more than 12 years slaughtering his own people. His flight was a moment of joy and reckoning for millions of Syrians who opposed him. Syrian filmmaker Waad Al-Kateab, an Oscar-nominated documentarian, brings a very personal look at going home. PBS News is supported by - https://www.pbs.org/newshour/about/funders. Hosted on Acast. See acast.com/privacy
Syrians marked the first anniversary of the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad and his iron-fisted rule this week with jubilant celebrations in major cities, as the divided nation struggles to find stability and recover after years of war. The new leader, President Ahmed al-Sharaa, told a large crowd of supporters that his government had "laid out a clear vision for a new Syria as a state that looks towards a promising future", calling it a historic break from a "dark chapter". KAN's Mark Weiss spoke with Dr Carmit Valensi , the head of the Syria program at the INSS, the Institute for National Security Studies. (Photo:AP)See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
Tensions escalate again between Thailand and Cambodia after violent clashes on the border. The Thai military says it is hitting military targets to suppress attacks by Cambodian forces. Both accuse each other of breaching a ceasefire agreement brokered by President Trump just two months ago. Also: as Syria marks the first year anniversary of the fall of the Assad regime, our International Editor, Jeremy Bowen, looks at how Syrians are dealing with challenges after the civil war. An attempted coup in Benin is thwarted with the help of Nigeria and other West African countries; Lando Norris is the new Formula One champion after a dramatic race in Dubai - his mentor Trevor Carlin tells us all about him; and the British documentary photographer Martin Parr - known for his humour and capturing the quirkiness of British life - has died.
Today marks one year since the regime of longtime dictator Bashar al-Assad was overthrown in Syria. The World caught up with Syrians to hear their perspectives as they reflect on the past. Also, the 2025 US National Security Strategy, unveiled late Thursday, has reignited fears of US ‘gunboat diplomacy' in Latin America. And, despite aggressive immigration enforcement activities in the US — both in courts and on the streets — applications for asylum are at an all-time high. Plus, an ancient boat discovered off the coast of Alexandria matches descriptions of what were known in Queen Cleopatra's time as “pleasure boats.” Learn about your ad choices: dovetail.prx.org/ad-choices
Syrians are holding celebrations to mark the first anniversary since Bashar al-Assad was toppled from power after a lightning rebel offensive. Also on the programme, President Volodymyr Zelensky will meet key European leaders in London amid peace negotiations; and, the making of the very first dictionary of ancient Celtic.
One year after Bashar al-Assad’s fall, Syrians are returning home and trying to rebuild their lives. But questions over transitional justice and minority protections are testing whether this new Syria can become more than just another chapter of survival. In this episode: Leila Nachawati (@leila_na), writer and professor Episode credits: This episode was produced by Marcos Bartolomé, Noor Wazwaz, Melanie Marich, and Haleema Shah, with Phillip Lanos, Spencer Cline, Diana Ferrero, Farhan Rafid, Fatima Shafiq Tamara Khandaker, and our host, Malika Bilal. It was edited by Kylene Kiang. The Take production team is Marcos Bartolomé, Sonia Bhagat, Spencer Cline, Sarí el-Khalili, Diana Ferrero, Tracie Hunte, Tamara Khandaker, Kylene Kiang, Phillip Lanos, Chloe K. Li, Melanie Marich, Catherine Nouhan, Haleema Shah, and Noor Wazwaz. Our editorial interns are Farhan Rafid, and Kisaa Zehra. Our host is Malika Bilal. Our engagement producers are Adam Abou-Gad and Vienna Maglio. Andrew Greiner is lead of audience engagement. Our sound designer is Alex Roldan. This episode was mixed by Rick Rush. Our video editors are Hisham Abu Salah and Mohannad al-Melhem. Alexandra Locke is The Take’s executive producer. Ney Alvarez is Al Jazeera’s head of audio. Connect with us: @AJEPodcasts on X, Instagram, Facebook, and YouTube
UN human rights investigators have said that the cycles of vengeance and reprisal must be brought to an end in Syria, as the country commemorates the first anniversary of the overthrow of Bashar al-Assad. A UN independent commission of inquiry commended the steps taken by Syria's new leadership to address the crimes and abuses of the Assad era. But it said violent incidents in the past year had raised worries about the future direction of the country. Newshour's Lyse Doucet is in Damascus.Also in the programme: we profile Formula 1's new champion Lando Norris; and a new documentary looks at what senior US military officials know about UFOs. (Photo: A drone view shows the parliament in Damascus, Syria, September 21, 2025. Credit: Reuters/Mahmoud Hassano)
A year has passed since Bashar Al Assad's government fell in Syria, marking the end of a brutal civil war that lasted for almost 14 years. In the end, it took less than two weeks last December for an insurgency of rebel groups led by Hayat Tahrir Al Sham to take control of Damascus. It was a euphoric moment for Syrians opposed to the Assad regime. The HTS leader quickly traded his fatigues for a suit, and his nom de guerre for his new title as President Ahmad Al Shara. He was widely accepted by the international community, most notably the US. But even as sanctions were eased and reconstruction pledges rolled in, the honeymoon phase was ending. Sectarian violence, revenge killings, economic despair and devastated infrastructure posed challenges for the transitional government. As Mr Al Shara looks to the West for legitimacy and the region for economic support, the pressure is also mounting on him internally to reunite the fragmented country. In this episode of Beyond the Headlines, host Nada AlTaher is joined by Rahaf Aldoughli, assistant professor at Lancaster University, and Charles Lister, director of the Syria Programme at the Middle East Institute. They discuss how Mr Al Shara has fared over the past year and whether Syria is better off today.
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When Damascus was liberated in December of last year and Bashar al-Assad fled to Moscow, thousands of the regime's political prisoners were released from jail. Around the region, Syrians who had fled the country began returning home. It was a joyous occasion for so many who had lived as refugees in neighboring countries — including in Lebanon, which had hosted more Syrian refugees than any other country. But there are still hundreds — possibly thousands — of Syrians who remain political prisoners in Lebanon. Most, if not all, of these prisoners are being detained by Hezbollah for their activities opposing the Assad regime, which was a key Hezbollah ally during Syria's civil war. In today's episode, I speak with one of those detainees — whom I will call Omar — who managed to smuggle a phone into a prison in Lebanon. Omar was detained in 2024, but prior to that he worked to expose Hezbollah's mass detention of Syrian opposition activists. In our conversation, he tells his story and that of his fellow detainees. This episode came about through a chance encounter with Mouaz Moustafa as we were both attending the Halifax International Security Forum last week. Mouaz Moustafa is the director of the Syria Emergency Task Force and has played a key role in supporting Syria's democratic transition since the fall of the Assad regime. I actually met Mouaz a couple of years ago at this same conference, and when I ran into him in hallway this year, he pitched me the story and offered to translate the interview. This episode would not have happened if not for the Halifax International Security Forum, so a special thank you to the conveners of this important global gathering.
Max Pearson presents a collection of the week's Witness History interviews from the BBC World Service. Our guest is Mercedes Peñalba- Sotorrío, a senior lecturer in modern European history at Manchester Metropolitan University, England.We start with the death of General Francisco Franco in 1975 ending 36 years of dictatorship over Spain.Then, we use archive to hear how King Juan Carlos reclaimed the Spanish throne in 1975 and led the country to a democracy. This episode was made in collaboration with BBC Archives.We hear from a Social Democrat politician about Chancellor Angela Merkel's decision to suspend asylum rules for Syrians fleeing war in 2015.How the Bosnian war ended with the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995.Next, how a substitute fielder ran out the Australian captain in the fourth test of the 2005 Ashes, turning the game in England's favour.Finally, we use archive to hear about cold war diplomacy in the Geneva summit in 1985.Contributors:José Antonio Martínez Soler - a journalist.King Juan Carlos - the former King of Spain (from archive).Aydan Özoğuz - a Social Democrat politician and former minister of state for immigration.Milan Milutinović - a negotiator in the Dayton Peace Accords.Gary Pratt - a fielder in the England cricket team in the 2005 Ashes series.Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev - The former US President and former Soviet leader (from archive).(Image: King Juan Carlos, 1975. Credit: Jacques Pavlovsky/Sygma via Getty images)
After getting the red-carpet treatment at the UN in New York last week, the former al-Qaeda fighter who now leads Syria is about to hold an election. But is Syria's new president, Ahmed al-Sharaa, really about to transition the country into democracy? Or does he have other plans? The BBC's senior international correspondent Orla Guerin joins us from Damascus, where she's been speaking to Syrians about the country's future.With Asma Khalid in DC, Tristan Redman in London, and the backing of the BBC's international newsroom, The Global Story brings clarity to politics, business and foreign policy in a time of connection and disruption. For more episodes, just search 'The Global Story' wherever you get your BBC Podcasts. . Producers: Cat Farnsworth and Valerio Esposito Executive producer: James Shield Mix: Travis Evans Senior News Editor: China Collins
Hamas and Hezbollah Learn Lessons During Gaza Ceasefire. David Daoud discusses the lessons Hamas and Hezbollah are learning during the Gaza ceasefire. Hamas is adapting the Hezbollah playbook, emulating their propaganda and warfighting tactics. Hamas insists on establishing "very far-fetched" conditions before they will even discuss disarmament. Hezbollah, observing the situation, is attempting to "lay low" and rearm quietly, despite efforts by Syrians, Israelis, and the United States to interdict their weapons and financial shipments. Hezbollah calculated that remaining silent while under Israeli strikes results in fewer casualties (two to three per week) than if they retaliated (100 per week), as they await international attention to move away from Lebanon.
Tommy & Ben grit their teeth and dive into Trump's rambling, insulting address at the United Nations and fact-check his ridiculous claim that he solved seven wars. They cover Trump's proposed bank bailout for Argentina, his threat to re-invade Afghanistan, Pete Hegseth's crackdown on journalists' access to the Pentagon, and Russia's continuing incursions into NATO airspace. They also discuss a trio of immigration stories: the administration's new goalposts for high-skilled H-1B visas, the ending of Temporary Protected Status for Syrians, and the chilling deportation order for Mahmoud Khalil. Finally, updates on America's rogue attacks on alleged drug boats off the coast of Venezuela, a potential new approach to nuclear negotiations with North Korea, how French President Emmanuel Macron and his wife Brigitte are fighting back against conspiracy theorist Candace Owens, and potential U.K. Prime Minister Nigel Farage's incredibly undignified side hustle. Then, Ben speaks with Robert Malley, co-author of the new book Tomorrow Is Yesterday: Life, Death, and the Pursuit of Peace in Israel/Palestine, about the failures of the peace process under Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, the recent move by several countries to recognize a Palestinian state, and what a path to peace could look like beyond a two-state solution.For a closed-captioned version of this episode, click here. For a transcript of this episode, please email transcripts@crooked.com and include the name of the podcast. Get tickets to CROOKED CON November 6-7 in Washington, D.C at http://crookedcon.com Hosted by Simplecast, an AdsWizz company. See pcm.adswizz.com for information about our collection and use of personal data for advertising.