People Group Details: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/10379 Listen to "A Third of Us" podcast with Greg Kelley, produced by the Alliance for the Unreached: https://alliancefortheunreached.org/podcast/ Watch "Stories of Courageous Christians" w/ Mark Kordic https://storiesofcourageouschristians.com/stories-of-courageous-christians
In this pod we take a closer look at Group E. An Algerian team chasing greatness, Sierra Leone return to the AFCON after 25 years, Equatorial Guinea are here to spoil the party, and an Ivory Coast side with so much potential make up the group.Host / Editor: Alasdair HoworthGuests: Maher Mezahi (Algeria), Magdalene Konneh (Sierra Leone), Alberto Edjogo-Owono (Equatorial Guinea), Frédéric Aka (Ivory Coast)Show Notes00:00 - Algeria looking to join the GOAT conversation12:49 - Sierra Leone back and looking to compete27:30 - Equatorial Guinea looking to repeat their 2015 heroics38:43 - Chaos in the Ivorian set-up, but there is still hopeDuration: 52:30 See acast.com/privacy for privacy and opt-out information.
Synopsis: I recently attended the wedding of a dear friend. It would be accurate to say that the dancing at the wedding started out the same as at any Orthodox Jewish wedding and ended as a rave. In this episode I argue that this was a GOOD thing, and that it reflects a concept I suspect is unique to Judaism: simchah shel mitzvah. The episode concludes with a reflection on how the melody of the popular song “Hashem Melech” was taken from "C'est la vie," by Algerian raï singer Khaled, which is a song about the life of taivah (base pleasure).Sources: - Seneca, Letter #59- Talmud Bavli Shabbos 30b- Hashem Melech- Khaled, C'est La Vie----------This week's Torah content has been sponsored by Albert Hanan and Justin Coskey in honor of Aryel's and Batya's wedding.----------If you have questions, comments, or feedback, I would love to hear from you! Please feel free to contact me at rabbischneeweiss at gmail.----------If you've gained from what you've learned here, please consider contributing to my Patreon at www.patreon.com/rabbischneeweiss. Alternatively, if you would like to make a direct contribution to the "Rabbi Schneeweiss Torah Content Fund," my Venmo is @Matt-Schneeweiss, and my Zelle/Chase QuickPay and PayPal are mattschneeweiss at gmail.com. Even a small contribution goes a long way to covering the costs of my podcasts, and will provide me with the financial freedom to produce even more Torah content for you.If you would like to sponsor an article, shiur, or podcast episode, or if you are interested in enlisting my services as a teacher or tutor, you can reach me at rabbischneeweiss at gmail.com. Thank you to my listeners for listening, thank you to my readers for reading, and thank you to my supporters for supporting my efforts to make Torah ideas available and accessible to everyone.----------YouTube Channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/rabbischneeweissBlog: https://kolhaseridim.blogspot.com/"The Mishlei Podcast": https://mishlei.buzzsprout.com"The Stoic Jew" Podcast: https://thestoicjew.buzzsprout.com"Rambam Bekius" Podcast: https://rambambekius.buzzsprout.com"Machshavah Lab" Podcast: https://machshavahlab.buzzsprout.com"The Tefilah Podcast": https://tefilah.buzzsprout.comGuide to the Torah Content of Rabbi Matt Schneeweiss: https://kolhaseridim.blogspot.com/2021/04/links-to-torah-content-of-rabbi-matt.htmlAmazon Wishlist: https://www.amazon.com/hz/wishlist/ls/Y72CSP86S24W?ref_=wl_shareSupport the show (https://www.patreon.com/rabbischneeweiss)
People Group Details: https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/15226 Listen to "A Third of Us" podcast with Greg Kelley, produced by the Alliance for the Unreached: https://alliancefortheunreached.org/podcast/ Watch "Stories of Courageous Christians" w/ Mark Kordic https://storiesofcourageouschristians.com/stories-of-courageous-christians
DiploChatz welcomes you to our First Season - Episode 5! Episode 5 Description:DiploChatz Episode 5 is joined by the NNIC International Exchange Programs Manager Stacy Kinion who is running the Algerian Youth Leadership Program (AYLP). AYLP is a NNIC's flagship international exchange program that celebrates 13th year anniversary in 2022. AYLP provides a leadership development opportunity for Algerian and American youth through engagement in activities both in a range of public and community setting. Stacy will chat about AYLP more in depth in this episode. Guest 2: Andrea, Ozora, Nusra, Vlad and Daniel join us to chat about the Academic Cultural Conversations and Exchange Program to Thrive (A.C.C.E.P.T.). This program was a collaboration between the Northern Nevada International Center and The Davison Academy of Nevada part of the University of Nevada, Reno. Hear directly from the students about the impact that this exchange program had in all of them and the growth that took place during their participation. Learn more about The Davison Academy of Nevada. DiploChatz Global Engagement Question of the MonthSend responses to: firstname.lastname@example.orgWhat is your personal highlight of 2021 for you? What are you looking forward to in 2022?DiploChatz featured on-going Segment:Every month DiploChatz proudly features a segment called Mindfulness Moment with Dr. Yvonne Stedham. This segment provides practical advice on how mindfulness can support you in your daily life.Who is Dr. Yvonne?In addition to a three decade long career in academia as a professor in the College of Business at the University of Nevada, Reno, Dr. Yvonne Stedham is a Center for Mindfulness trained mindfulness instructor. She has taught Mindful Leadership courses to MBA students, judges, and business executives and has a variety provided mindfulness programs to many organizations, including Microsoft, Hometown Health, and Nevada Department of Transportation. Dr. Yvonne has been continuously affiliated with the Northern Nevada International Center for decades.Supported by:DiploChatz is supported by the City of Reno. Click HERE to learn more about the City of Reno. We thank the City of Reno for their support and for believing in DiploChatz!Learn more about NNIC:Visit our website to learn more about the Northern Nevada International CenterCredits:Manuel Mederos, DiploChatz Host, Producer, Audio Editor, Content Director, Sound Engineer, FX/Music Coordinator Kevin Sung, DiploChatz Co-Host, Guest Coordinator, Social Media Content Creator Support the show (https://www.paypal.com/donate/?cmd=_s-xclick&hosted_button_id=EAZG26HZY6MMN&source=url)
What do we do when someone else's truth feels like it contradicts our own? Sarah Perle Benazera lives in this tension everyday in her work facilitating dialogue between Palestinians and Israelis. But she also feels this personally, living in the in-between of her own identity as a French-born, Israeli-Jewish woman with Algerian parents. As a storyteller and peace activist, Sarah works to bring light to stories that have been buried, especially in Israel/Palestine. People often ask whether the stories of Palestinians can exist in tension with the stories of Israelis. Sarah shows us how our stories don't have to compete, how there's somehow enough room for all of them at the table.Sarah embodies our second Practice of Peacemaking: Hold Competing Truths in Tension.Read and share the Principles and Practices of PeacemakingSubscribe to the Telos Newsletter for more news analysis and peacemaking resources: http://eepurl.com/cG1LGHFollow Telos on Instagram @thetelosgroupIf you're enjoying the podcast, become a monthly donor to Telos!
This webinar was co-organised with the Society for Algerian Studies. Historically Algeria has had its ups and downs with the Gulf states. During the Arab Spring, Algeria was at odds with the assertive and proactive approach from GCC states, most notably in Libya, where Algeria opposed interventions and involvement from Qatar and the UAE. In line with its commitment to non-interventionism, the country also rejected involvement in the Saudi-led coalition in Yemen in 2015. More recently, Algiers remained neutral throughout the intra-GCC rift, an easier accomplishment due to the lack of economic engagement and personalised ties it has with the monarchies, when compared with its neighbours. During this webinar, speakers explored this historical background, and took stock of the geo-political and economic relations between Algeria and the countries of the GCC. Arslan Chikhaoui is Chairman of Nord Sud Ventures, a consultancy company established in Algeria in 1993. He is a member of the Defense and Security Forum Advisory Board, the World Economic Forum Expert Council and the UNSCR 1540 Civil Forum. Arslan is a visiting lecturer at both the Algerian Staff Academy and Algerian Civil Defense Academy. He is active in various Track II task forces such as the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), Security in the Mediterranean Region, the Maghreb and Sahel, WMD Free Zone in MENA, and Security Sector Reform (SSR) in North Africa. He has served as Senior Advisor to the Algerian Institute for Strategy Studies (1991-1994) and as Senior Coordinator of the Development Aid and Cooperation Programs for Algeria (1982-1990). He contributed to the report Algérie, Perspective 2005 (Algeria: Forecast 2005) carried out in 1991/92, and has been involved in the development of the Algerian non-hydrocarbon export policy and the restructuring and privatization policies of Algerian SOCs. Fatiha Dazi-Héni is a Middle East researcher specializing on the GCC monarchies at L'Institut de recherche stratégique de l'École militaire (IRSEM). Fatiha also lectures at Sciences Po Lille where she teaches history and socio-political developments in the Arabian Peninsula. Fatiha is author of L'Arabie saoudite en 100 questions (Tallandier, 2020). She is also a contributor to the Arab Reform Initative's e-book A Way Out of the Inferno? Rebuilding Security in Libya, Syria, Iraq and Yemen (2017) and to Yahyia Zubir's edited book The Politics of Algeria Domestic issues and International Relations (Routledge, 2019). She recently published, The New Saudi Leadership and its Impact on Regional Policy (The International Spectator, Italian Journal of International Affairs, Nov 2021). Sebastian Sons is a researcher at the Center for Applied Research in Partnership with the Orient (CARPO-Bonn). Previously, he served as an advisor for the Regional Programme “Cooperation with Arab Donors” (CAD) of the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ). As a political analyst, he is consulted by German and international political institutions as well as by international journalists to provide expertise on Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. Among many other articles and analyses on Saudi Arabia, he published the book Built on Sand: Saudi Arabia – A Problematic Ally (in German) in 2016. He also conducted a study with the title A new “Pivot to the Maghreb” or “more of the same”? The transformative shift of the Gulf engagement in North Africa in 2021. Sebastian holds a Ph.D. from the Humboldt University Berlin with a thesis on media discourses on labor migration from Pakistan to Saudi Arabia.
Ramzy is a singer, guitar player and composer in the heavy metal band Jugulator. We talk about his inspirations and his experience, as well as his newest album Under the Verdict. We apologise for the poor quality of this episode.
Popular antioxidant linked to pain relief University of Naples (Italy), November 22, 2021 People with pain of unknown causes who took alpha-lipoic acid (ALA) experienced less pain than a placebo group, a double-blind study in Biomedicine & Pharmacotherapy revealed.1 This most recent trial enrolled 210 nondiabetic men and women with mild or moderate joint pain, neuropathic pain or muscle pain of unknown cause. Participants received 800 mg or 400 mg ALA per day or a daily placebo. The results? People who received ALA had a significant improvement in their pain after two months of intake, while the placebo group didn't report a difference. ALA was similarly effective for all sources of pain considered. It was also shown to be safe and well-tolerated. (NEXT) Mental Qigong can be just as rewarding as its physical cousin In recent decades modern scientific techniques have fully documented the health benefits of the ancient meditation technique of Qigong. One example of physical Qigong is the technique Wu Qin Xi (five animals play), in which participants sequentially move through poses that represent the form of different animals, holding each pose for several minutes. During each phase individuals seek to regulate their breathing and still their minds. Although this is a challenging endeavor the benefits are significant. Effective Qigong practice can reduce feelings of depression and anxiety, decrease blood pressure and increase feelings of relaxation and attention. This raises the question: do the effects of these two types of Qigong manifest themselves the same in the brain, or differently? This is what the University of Mainz, wanted to find out. (NEXT) Study links stress to Crohn's disease flare-ups McMaster University (Ontario), November 20, 2021 A possible link between psychological stress and Crohn's disease flare-ups has been identified by a McMaster University-led study. Researchers using mouse models found that stress hormones suppressed the innate immune system that normally protects the gut from invasive Enterobacteriaceae, a group of bacteria including E. coli which has been linked to Crohn's disease. (NEXT) Meta-analysis finds benefits for dietary supplements among breast cancer patients Hallym University (South Korea), November 19 2021 A meta-analysis published in Cancers found associations between improved breast cancer prognosis and the intake of multivitamins and other nutrients. The meta-analysis included 63 studies that evaluated the association between dietary factors and breast cancer recurrence, breast cancer mortality and/or mortality from any cause during the studies' follow- up periods among a total of 120,167 breast cancer patients. (NEXT) Physical activity may improve Alzheimer's disease outcomes by lowering brain inflammation University of California at San Francisco, November 22, 2021 No one will disagree that an active lifestyle is good for you, but it remains unclear how physical activity improves brain health, particularly in Alzheimer's disease. The benefits may come about through decreased immune cell activation, according to new research published in JNeurosci. (NEXT) Aspirin is linked with increased risk of heart failure University of Freiburg (Germany), November 23, 2021 Aspirin use is associated with a 26% raised risk of heart failure in people with at least one predisposing factor for the condition. That's the finding of a study published today in a journal of the European Society of Cardiology (ESC). This is the first study to report that among individuals with at least one risk factor for heart failure, those taking aspirin were more likely to subsequently develop the condition than those not using the medication. (OTHER NEWS NEXT) Plant-derived antiviral drug is effective in blocking highly infectious SARS-CoV-2 Delta variant, say scientists University of Nottingham, November 22, 2021 A plant-based antiviral treatment for Covid-19, recently discovered by scientists at the University of Nottingham, has been found to be just as effective at treating all variants of the virus SARS-CoV-2, even the highly infectious Delta variant. The study showed that a novel natural antiviral drug called thapsigargin (TG), recently discovered by the same group of scientists to block other viruses, including the original SARS-CoV-2, was just as effective at treating all of the newer SARS-CoV-2 variants, including the Delta variant. In their previous studies* the team showed that the plant-derived antiviral, at small doses, triggers a highly effective broad-spectrum host-centred antiviral innate immune response against three major types of human respiratory viruses, including SARS-CoV-2. “Together, these results point to the antiviral potential of TG as a post-exposure prophylactic and an active therapeutic agent.” (NEXT) In Memory of JFK: The First U.S. President to be Declared a Terrorist and Threat to National Security (entire article is here) By Cynthia Chung, The Saker Blog, November 22, 2021 In April 1954, Kennedy stood up on the Senate floor to challenge the Eisenhower Administration's support for the doomed French imperial war in Vietnam, foreseeing that this would not be a short-lived war. In July 1957, Kennedy once more took a strong stand against French colonialism, this time France's bloody war against Algeria's independence movement, which again found the Eisenhower Administration on the wrong side of history. Rising on the Senate floor, two days before America's own Independence Day, Kennedy declared: “The most powerful single force in the world today is neither communism nor capitalism, neither the H-bomb nor the guided missile – it is man's eternal desire to be free and independent. The great enemy of that tremendous force of freedom is called, for want of a more precise term, imperialism – and today that means Soviet imperialism and, whether we like it or not, and though they are not to be equated, Western imperialism. Thus, the single most important test of American foreign policy today is how we meet the challenge of imperialism, what we do to further man's desire to be free. On this test more than any other, this nation shall be critically judged by the uncommitted millions in Asia and Africa, and anxiously watched by the still hopeful lovers of freedom behind the Iron Curtain. If we fail to meet the challenge of either Soviet or Western imperialism, then no amount of foreign aid, no aggrandizement of armaments, no new pacts or doctrines or high-level conferences can prevent further setbacks to our course and to our security.” In September 1960, the annual United Nations General Assembly was held in New York. Fidel Castro and a fifty-member delegation were among the attendees and had made a splash in the headlines when he decided to stay at the Hotel Theresa in Harlem after the midtown Shelburne Hotel demanded a $20,000 security deposit. He made an even bigger splash in the headlines when he made a speech at this hotel, discussing the issue of equality in the United States while in Harlem, one of the poorest boroughs in the country. Kennedy would visit this very same hotel a short while later, and also made a speech: “Behind the fact of Castro coming to this hotel, [and] Khrushchev…there is another great traveler in the world, and that is the travel of a world revolution, a world in turmoil…We should be glad [that Castro and Khrushchev] came to the United States. We should not fear the twentieth century, for the worldwide revolution which we see all around us is part of the original American Revolution.” What did Kennedy mean by this? The American Revolution was fought for freedom, freedom from the rule of monarchy and imperialism in favour of national sovereignty. What Kennedy was stating, was that this was the very oppression that the rest of the world wished to shake the yoke off, and that the United States had an opportunity to be a leader in the cause for the independence of all nations. On June 30th, 1960, marking the independence of the Republic of Congo from the colonial rule of Belgium, Patrice Lumumba, the first Congolese Prime Minister gave a speech that has become famous for its outspoken criticism of colonialism. Lumumba spoke of his people's struggle against “the humiliating bondage that was forced upon us… [years that were] filled with tears, fire and blood,” and concluded vowing “We shall show the world what the black man can do when working in liberty, and we shall make the Congo the pride of Africa.” Shortly after, Lumumba also made clear, “We want no part of the Cold War… We want Africa to remain African with a policy of neutralism.” As a result, Lumumba was labeled a communist for his refusal to be a Cold War satellite for the western sphere. Rather, Lumumba was part of the Pan-African movement that was led by Ghanaian President Kwame Nkrumah(who later Kennedy would also work with), which sought national sovereignty and an end to colonialism in Africa. Lumumba “would remain a grave danger,” Dulles said at an NSC meeting on September 21, 1960, “as long as he was not yet disposed of.” Three days later, Dulles made it clear that he wanted Lumumba permanently removed, cabling the CIA's Leopoldville station, “We wish give [sic] every possible support in eliminating Lumumba from any possibility resuming governmental position.” Lumumba was assassinated on Jan. 17th, 1961, just three days before Kennedy's inauguration, during the fog of the transition period between presidents, when the CIA is most free to tie its loose ends, confident that they will not be reprimanded by a new administration that wants to avoid scandal on its first days in office. Kennedy, who clearly meant to put a stop to the Murder Inc. that Dulles had created and was running, would declare to the world in his inaugural address on Jan. 20th, 1961, “The torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans.” La Resistance Along with inheriting the responsibility of the welfare of the country and its people, Kennedy was to also inherit a secret war with communist Cuba run by the CIA. The Bay of Pigs set-up would occur three months later. Prouty compares the Bay of Pigs incident to that of the Crusade for Peace; the Bay of Pigs being orchestrated by the CIA, and the Crusade for Peace sabotaged by the CIA, in both cases to ruin the U.S. president's (Eisenhower and Kennedy) ability to form a peaceful dialogue with Khrushchev and decrease Cold War tensions. Both presidents' took onus for the events respectively, despite the responsibility resting with the CIA. However, Eisenhower and Kennedy understood, if they did not take onus, it would be a public declaration that they did not have any control over their government agencies and military. Further, the Bay of Pigs operation was in fact meant to fail. It was meant to stir up a public outcry for a direct military invasion of Cuba. On public record is a meeting (or more aptly described as an intervention) with CIA Deputy Director for Plans Richard Bissell, Joint Chiefs Chairman Lyman Lemnitzer, and Navy Chief Admiral Burke basically trying to strong-arm President Kennedy into approving a direct military attack on Cuba. Admiral Burke had already taken the liberty of positioning two battalions of Marines on Navy destroyers off the coast of Cuba “anticipating that U.S. forces might be ordered into Cuba to salvage a botched invasion.” (This incident is what inspired the Frankenheimer movie “Seven Days in May.”) Kennedy stood his ground. “They were sure I'd give in to them,” Kennedy later told Special Assistant to the President Dave Powers. “They couldn't believe that a new president like me wouldn't panic and try to save his own face. Well they had me figured all wrong.” Incredibly, not only did the young president stand his ground against the Washington war hawks just three months into his presidential term, but he also launched the Cuba Study Group which found the CIA to be responsible for the fiasco, leading to the humiliating forced resignation of Allen Dulles, Richard Bissell and Charles Cabell. (For more on this refer to my report.) Unfortunately, it would not be that easy to dethrone Dulles, who continued to act as head of the CIA, and key members of the intelligence community such as Helms and Angleton regularly bypassed McCone (the new CIA Director) and briefed Dulles directly. But Kennedy was also serious about seeing it through all the way, and vowed to “splinter the CIA into a thousand pieces and scatter it to the winds.” * * * There is another rather significant incident that had occurred just days after the Bay of Pigs, and which has largely been overshadowed by the Cuban fiasco in the United States. From April 21-26th, 1961, the Algiers putsch or Generals' putsch, was a failed coup d'état intended to force President de Gaulle (1959-1969) not to abandon the colonial French Algeria. The organisers of the putsch were opposed to the secret negotiations that French Prime Minister Michel Debré had started with the anti-colonial National Liberation Front (FLN). On January 26th, 1961, just three months before the attempted coup d'état, Dulles sent a report to Kennedy on the French situation that seemed to be hinting that de Gaulle would no longer be around, “A pre-revolutionary atmosphere reigns in France… The Army and the Air Force are staunchly opposed to de Gaulle…At least 80 percent of the officers are violently against him. They haven't forgotten that in 1958, he had given his word of honor that he would never abandon Algeria. He is now reneging on his promise, and they hate him for that. de Gaulle surely won't last if he tries to let go of Algeria. Everything will probably be over for him by the end of the year—he will be either deposed or assassinated.” The attempted coup was led by Maurice Challe, whom de Gaulle had reason to conclude was working with the support of U.S. intelligence, and Élysée officials began spreading this word to the press, which reported the CIA as a “reactionary state-within-a-state” that operated outside of Kennedy's control. Shortly before Challe's resignation from the French military, he had served as NATO commander in chief and had developed close relations with a number of high-ranking U.S. officers stationed in the military alliance's Fontainebleau headquarters. In August 1962 the OAS (Secret Army Organization) made an assassination attempt against de Gaulle, believing he had betrayed France by giving up Algeria to Algerian nationalists. This would be the most notorious assassination attempt on de Gaulle (who would remarkably survive over thirty assassination attempts while President of France) when a dozen OAS snipers opened fire on the president's car, which managed to escape the ambush despite all four tires being shot out. After the failed coup d'état, de Gaulle launched a purge of his security forces and ousted General Paul Grossin, the chief of SDECE (the French secret service). Grossin was closely aligned with the CIA, and had told Frank Wisner over lunch that the return of de Gaulle to power was equivalent to the Communists taking over in Paris. In 1967, after a five-year enquête by the French Intelligence Bureau, it released its findings concerning the 1962 assassination attempt on de Gaulle. The report found that the 1962 assassination plot could be traced back to the NATO Brussels headquarters, and the remnants of the old Nazi intelligence apparatus. The report also found that Permindex had transferred $200,000 into an OAS bank account to finance the project. As a result of the de Gaulle exposé, Permindex was forced to shut down its public operations in Western Europe and relocated its headquarters from Bern, Switzerland to Johannesburg, South Africa, it also had/has a base in Montreal, Canada where its founder Maj. Gen. Louis M. Bloomfield (former OSS) proudly had his name amongst its board members until the damning de Gaulle report. The relevance of this to Kennedy will be discussed shortly. As a result of the SDECE's ongoing investigation, de Gaulle made a vehement denunciation of the Anglo-American violation of the Atlantic Charter, followed by France's withdrawal from the NATO military command in 1966. France would not return to NATO until April 2009 at the Strasbourg-Kehl Summit. In addition to all of this, on Jan. 14th, 1963, de Gaulle declared at a press conference that he had vetoed British entry into the Common Market. This would be the first move towards France and West Germany's formation of the European Monetary System, which excluded Great Britain, likely due to its imperialist tendencies and its infamous sin City of London. Former Secretary of State Dean Acheson telegrammed West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer directly, appealing to him to try to persuade de Gaulle to back track on the veto, stating “if anyone can affect Gen. de Gaulle's decision, you are surely that person.” Little did Acheson know that Adenauer was just days away from signing the Franco-German Treaty of Jan 22nd, 1963 (also known as the ÉlyséeTreaty), which had enormous implications. Franco-German relations, which had long been dominated by centuries of rivalry, had now agreed that their fates were aligned. (This close relationship was continued to a climactic point in the late 1970s, with the formation of the European Monetary System, and France and West Germany's willingness in 1977 to work with OPEC countries trading oil for nuclear technology, which was sabotaged by the U.S.-Britain alliance. The Élysée Treaty was a clear denunciation of the Anglo-American forceful overseeing that had overtaken Western Europe since the end of WWII. On June 28th, 1961, Kennedy wrote NSAM #55. This document changed the responsibility of defense during the Cold War from the CIA to the Joint Chiefs of Staff and would have (if seen through) drastically changed the course of the war in Vietnam. It would also have effectively removed the CIA from Cold War military operations and limited the CIA to its sole lawful responsibility, the collecting and coordination of intelligence. By Oct 11th, 1963, NSAM #263, closely overseen by Kennedy, was released and outlined a policy decision “to withdraw 1,000 military personnel [from Vietnam] by the end of 1963” and further stated that “It should be possible to withdraw the bulk of U.S. personnel by 1965.” The Armed Forces newspaper Stars and Stripes had the headline U.S. TROOPS SEEN OUT OF VIET BY '65. It would be the final nail in the coffin. Treason in America “Treason doth never prosper; what is the reason? Why, if it prosper, none dare call it treason.” – Sir John Harrington By Germany supporting de Gaulle's exposure of the international assassination ring, his adamant opposition to western imperialism and the role of NATO, and with a young Kennedy building his own resistance against the imperialist war of Vietnam, it was clear that the power elite were in big trouble. On November 22nd, 1963 President Kennedy was brutally murdered in the streets of Dallas, Texas in broad daylight. With the assassination of Ngo Dinh Diem, likely ordained by the CIA, on Nov. 2nd, 1963 and Kennedy just a few weeks later, de facto President Johnson signed NSAM #273 on Nov. 26th, 1963 to begin the reversal of Kennedy's policy under #263. And on March 17th, 1964, Johnson signed NSAM #288 that marked the full escalation of the Vietnam War and involved 2,709,918 Americans directly serving in Vietnam, with 9,087,000 serving with the U.S. Armed Forces during this period. The Vietnam War would continue for another 12 years after Kennedy's death, lasting a total of 20 years for Americans, and 30 years if you count American covert action in Vietnam. Two days before Kennedy's assassination, a hate-Kennedy handbill was circulated in Dallas accusing the president of treasonous activities including being a communist sympathizer. On November 29th, 1963 the Warren Commission was set up to investigate the murder of President Kennedy. The old Congressman Hale Boggs of Louisiana was a member of that Warren Commission. Boggs became increasingly disturbed by the lack of transparency and rigour exhibited by the Commission and became convinced that many of the documents used to incriminate Oswald were in fact forgeries. In 1965 Rep. Boggs told New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison that Oswald could not have been the one who killed Kennedy. It was Boggs who encouraged Garrison to begin the only law enforcement prosecution of the President's murder to this day. Nixon was inaugurated as President of the United States on Jan 20th, 1969. Hale Boggs soon after called on Nixon's Attorney General John Mitchell to have the courage to fire J. Edgar Hoover. It wasn't long thereafter that the private airplane carrying Hale Boggs disappeared without a trace. Jim Garrison was the District Attorney of New Orleans from 1962 to 1973 and was the only one to bring forth a trial concerning the assassination of President Kennedy. In Jim Garrison's book “On the Trail of the Assassins”, J. Edgar Hoover comes up several times impeding or shutting down investigations into JFK's murder, in particular concerning the evidence collected by the Dallas Police Department, such as the nitrate test Oswald was given and which exonerated him, proving that he never shot a rifle the day of Nov 22nd, 1963. However, for reasons only known to the government and its investigators this fact was kept secret for 10 months.It was finally revealed in the Warren Commission report, which inexplicably didn't change their opinion that Oswald had shot Kennedy. Another particularly damning incident was concerning the Zapruder film that was in the possession of the FBI and which they had sent a “copy” to the Warren Commission for their investigation. This film was one of the leading pieces of evidence used to support the “magic bullet theory” and showcase the direction of the headshot coming from behind, thus verifying that Oswald's location was adequate for such a shot. During Garrison's trial on the Kennedy assassination (1967-1969) he subpoenaed the Zapruder film that for some peculiar reason had been locked up in some vault owned by Life magazine (the reader should note that Henry Luce the owner of Life magazine was in a very close relationship with the CIA). This was the first time in more than five years that the Zapruder film was made public. It turns out the FBI's copy that was sent to the Warren Commission had two critical frames reversed to create a false impression that the rifle shot was from behind. When Garrison got a hold of the original film it was discovered that the head shot had actually come from the front. In fact, what the whole film showed was that the President had been shot from multiple angles meaning there was more than one gunman. When the FBI was questioned about how these two critical frames could have been reversed, they answered self-satisfactorily that it must have been a technical glitch… There is also the matter of the original autopsy papers being destroyed by the chief autopsy physician, James Humes, to which he even testified to during the Warren Commission, apparently nobody bothered to ask why… This would explain why the Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB), reported in a July 1998 staff report their concern for the number of shortcomings in the original autopsy, that “One of the many tragedies of the assassination of President Kennedy has been the incompleteness of the autopsy record and the suspicion caused by the shroud of secrecy that has surrounded the records that do exist.” [emphasis added] The staff report for the Assassinations Records Review Board contended that brain photographs in the Kennedy records are not of Kennedy's brain and show much less damage than Kennedy sustained. There is a lot of spurious effort to try to ridicule anyone who challenges the Warren Commission's official report as nothing but fringe conspiracy theory. And that we should not find it highly suspect that Allen Dulles, of all people, was a member and pretty much leader of said commission. The reader should keep in mind that much of this frothing opposition stems from the very agency that perpetrated crime after crime on the American people, as well as abroad. When has the CIA ever admitted guilt, unless caught red-handed? Even after the Church committee hearings, when the CIA was found guilty of planning out foreign assassinations, they claimed that they had failed in every single plot or that someone had beaten them to the punch, including in the case of Lumumba. The American people need to realise that the CIA is not a respectable agency; we are not dealing with honorable men. It is a rogue force that believes that the ends justify the means, that they are the hands of the king so to speak, above government and above law. Those at the top such as Allen Dulles were just as adamant as Churchill about protecting the interests of the power elite, or as Churchill termed it, the “High Cabal.” Interestingly, on Dec. 22nd, 1963, just one month after Kennedy's assassination, Harry Truman published a scathing critique of the CIA in The Washington Post, even going so far as to state “There is something about the way the CIA has been functioning that is casting a shadow over our historic position [as a] free and open society, and I feel that we need to correct it.” The timing of such a scathing quote cannot be stressed enough. Dulles, of course, told the public not to be distressed, that Truman was just in entering his twilight years. In addition, Jim Garrison, New Orleans District Attorney at the time, who was charging Clay Shaw as a member of the conspiracy to kill Kennedy, besides uncovering his ties to David Ferrie who was found dead in his apartment days before he was scheduled to testify, also made a case that the New Orleans International Trade Mart (to which Clay Shaw was director), the U.S. subsidiary of Permindex, was linked to Kennedy's murder. Col. Clay Shaw was an OSS officer during WWII, which provides a direct link to his knowing Allen Dulles. Garrison did a remarkable job with the odds he was up against, and for the number of witnesses that turned up dead before the trial… This Permindex link would not look so damning if we did not have the French intelligence SDECE report, but we do. And recall, in that report Permindex was caught transferring $200,000 directly to the bankroll of the OAS which attempted the 1962 assassination on de Gaulle. Thus, Permindex's implication in an international assassination ring is not up for debate. In addition, the CIA was found heavily involved in these assassination attempts against de Gaulle, thus we should not simply dismiss the possibility that Permindex was indeed a CIA front for an international hit crew. In fact, among the strange and murderous characters who converged on Dallas in Nov. 1963 was a notorious French OAS commando named Jean Souetre, who was connected to the plots against President de Gaulle. Souetre was arrested in Dallas after the Kennedy assassination and expelled to Mexico, not even kept for questioning. What Does the Future Hold? After returning from Kennedy's Nov. 24th funeral in Washington, de Gaulle and his information minister Alain Peyrefitte had a candid discussion that was recorded in Peyrefitte's memoire “C'était de Gaulle,” the great General was quoted saying: “What happened to Kennedy is what nearly happened to me… His story is the same as mine. … It looks like a cowboy story, but it's only an OAS [Secret Army Organization] story. The security forces were in cahoots with the extremists. …Security forces are all the same when they do this kind of dirty work. As soon as they succeed in wiping out the false assassin, they declare the justice system no longer need be concerned, that no further public action was needed now that the guilty perpetrator was dead. Better to assassinate an innocent man than to let a civil war break out. Better an injustice than disorder. America is in danger of upheavals. But you'll see. All of them together will observe the law of silence. They will close ranks. They'll do everything to stifle any scandal. They will throw Noah's cloak over these shameful deeds. In order to not lose face in front of the whole world. In order to not risk unleashing riots in the United States. In order to preserve the union and to avoid a new civil war. In order to not ask themselves questions. They don't want to know. They don't want to find out. They won't allow themselves to find out.” The American people would do well to remember that it was first John F. Kennedy, acting as the President to the United States, who was to be declared a terrorist and threat to his country's national security. Thus is it not natural that those who continue to defend the legacy of Kennedy should be regarded today as threat, not truly to the nation's security, but a threat to the very same grouping responsible for Kennedy's death and whom today have now declared open war on the American people. This will be the greatest test the American people have ever been confronted with, and it will only be through an understanding of how the country came to where it is today that there can be sufficient clarity as to what the solutions are, which are not to be found in another civil war. To not fall for the trapping of further chaos and division, the American people will only be able to rise above this if they choose to ask those questions, if they choose to want to know, to want to find out the truth of things they dared not look at in the past for fear of what it would reveal. “Whenever the government of the United States shall break up, it will probably be in consequence of a false direction having been given to public opinion. This is the weak point of our defenses, and the part to which the enemies of the system will direct all their attacks. Opinion can be so perverted as to cause the false to seem true; the enemy, a friend, and the friend, an enemy; the best interests of the nation to appear insignificant, and the trifles of moment; in a word, the right the wrong, the wrong the right. In a country where opinion has sway, to seize upon it, is to seize upon power. As it is a rule of humanity that the upright and well-intentioned are comparatively passive, while the designing, dishonest, and selfish are the most untiring in their efforts, the danger of public opinion's getting a false direction is four-fold, since few men think for themselves.” -James Fenimore Cooper (1789-1851( We must dare to be among the few who think for ourselves. (NEXT) VAERS Data Reveals 50 X More Ectopic Pregnancies Following COVID Shots than Following ALL Vaccines for Past 30 Year Health Impact News, November 22, 2021 While the latest data dump into the government's Vaccine Adverse Event Reporting System (VAERS) showed 2,620 fetal deaths, which are more fetal deaths than are reported following ALL vaccines for the past 30 years in VAERS, one “symptom” that is tracked in VAERS that it did not account for is an ectopic pregnancy which also results in a fetal death. Ectopic pregnancy, also called extrauterine pregnancy, is when a fertilized egg grows outside a woman's uterus, somewhere else in their belly. It can cause life-threatening bleeding and needs medical care right away. I performed a search in VAERS for ectopic pregnancies following COVID-19 shots for the past 11 months, and there have been 52 cases where a woman received a COVID-19 shot and then was found to have an ectopic pregnancy. Next, I performed the exact same search but excluded COVID-19 “vaccines” and it returned a result of 30 cases where a woman received an FDA-approved vaccine and then reported an ectopic pregnancy following ALL vaccines for the past 30+ years, which is about 1 per year. That means that following COVID-19 injections into child-bearing women for the past 11 months has seen a 50 X increase in ectopic pregnancies compared to child-bearing women receiving vaccines for the past 30+ years. (NEXT) Massive study reveals editorial bias and nepotism in biomedical journals University of Rennes, November 23, 2021 Scientific journals are expected to consider research manuscripts dispassionately and without favor. But a study published in the journal PLOS Biology reveals that a subset of journals may be exercising considerable bias and favoritism. To identify journals that are suspected of favoritism, the authors explored nearly 5 million articles published between 2015 and 2019 in a sample of 5,468 of biomedical journals indexed in the National Library of Medicine. Their results reveal that in most journals, publications are distributed across a large number of authors, as one might hope. However, the authors identify a subset of biomedical journals where a few authors, often members of that journal's editorial board, were responsible for a disproportionate number of publications. In addition, the articles authored by these “hyper-prolific” individuals were more likely to be accepted for publication within 3 weeks of their submission, suggesting favoritism in journals' editorial procedures. Why would this matter? Such “nepotistic journals,” suspected of biased editorial decision-making, could be deployed to game productivity-based metrics, which could have a serious knock-on effect on decisions about promotion, tenure and research funding. (NEXT) Hurricanes expected to linger over Northeast cities, causing greater damage More storms like Hurricane Sandy could be in the East Coast's future, potentially costing billions of dollars in damage and economic losses. Rowan University, November 22, 2021 By the late 21st century, northeastern U.S. cities will see worsening hurricane outcomes, with storms arriving more quickly but slowing down once they've made landfall. As storms linger longer over the East Coast, they will cause greater damage along the heavily populated corridor, according to a new study. The new study analyzed more than 35,000 computer-simulated storms. To assess likely storm outcomes in the future The researchers found that future East Coast hurricanes will likely cause greater damage than storms of the past. The research predicted that a greater number of future hurricanes will form near the East Coast, and those storms will reach the Northeast corridor more quickly. The simulated storms slow to a crawl as they approach the East Coast, allowing them to produce more wind, rain, floods, and related damage in the Northeast region. The longest-lived tropical storms are predicted to be twice as long as storms today.
Critical race theory is a framework of analysis grounded in critical theory and an academic movement of civil-rights scholars and activists who seek to examine the intersection of race and law in the United States and to challenge mainstream American liberal approaches to racial justice. Deconstruction is an approach to understanding the relationship between text and meaning. It was originated by the philosopher Jacques Derrida, who defined the term variously throughout his career. Pedagogy, most commonly understood as the approach to teaching, is the theory and practice of learning, and how this process influences, and is influenced by, the social, political and psychological development of learners. Deconstruction is a method of critical analysis of philosophical and literary language which emphasizes the internal workings of language and conceptual systems, the relational quality of meaning, and the assumptions implicit in forms of expression. In the context of the theory of Leninist revolutionary struggle, vanguardism involves a strategy whereby the most class-conscious and politically "advanced" sections of the proletariat or working class, described as the revolutionary vanguard, form organizations in order to draw larger sections of the working class towards revolutionary politics and serve as manifestations of proletarian political power opposed to the bourgeois. Jacques Derrida was an Algerian-born French philosopher best known for developing a form of semiotic analysis known as deconstruction, which he analyzed in numerous texts, and developed in the context of phenomenology. He is one of the major figures associated with post-structuralism and postmodern philosophy. Hélène Cixous is a professor, French feminist writer, poet, playwright, philosopher, literary critic and rhetorician. Cixous is best known for her article "The Laugh of the Medusa", which established her as one of the early thinkers in post-structural feminism. Postmodern philosophy is a philosophical movement that arose in the second half of the 20th century as a critical response to assumptions allegedly present in modernist philosophical ideas regarding culture, identity, history, or language that were developed during the 18th-century Enlightenment. "il n'y a pas de hors-texte" ("nothing exists outside of text") is a dictum by Jacques Derrida first recorded in Of Grammatology in 1967. It is translated as "there is nothing outside the text," or alternatively as "there is no outside the text", "there is no outside to the text" or "there is no outside-the-text". Audre Lorde was an American writer, feminist, womanist, librarian, and civil rights activist. She was a self-described "black, lesbian, mother, warrior, poet," who "dedicated both her life and her creative talent to confronting and addressing injustices of racism, sexism, classism, and homophobia. "For the master's tools will never dismantle the master's house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change. And this fact is only threatening to those women who still define the master's house as their only source of support." —Audre Lorde --- This episode is sponsored by · Anchor: The easiest way to make a podcast. https://anchor.fm/app --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/chrisabraham/message Support this podcast: https://anchor.fm/chrisabraham/support
Our final episode of the season takes us to Algeria. We discuss the lead up to the Algerian War of Independence and the drastic actions France took in an attempt to retain power over the northern African nation. We also discuss the consequences of this conflict - including the mistreatment of Algerians in France, and those of Algerian descent demanding for official recognition of their treatment enshrined in law. See you in the new year! Follow us on IG: itsacontinentpod and Twitter: itsacontinent. Pre-order It's a Continent (2022) on Amazon, Waterstones and Foyles We're on Buy me a Coffee too: https://www.buymeacoffee.com/itsacontinent Visit our website: itsacontinent.com Hosts: Chinny: Twitter/IG: chindomiee Astrid: IG: astrid_monologuesx Artwork by Margo Designs: https://margosdesigns.myportfolio.com Music provided by Free Vibes: https://goo.gl/NkGhTg Warm Nights by Lakey Inspired: https://soundcloud.com/lakeyinspired/... Creative Commons — Attribution 3.0 Unported— CC BY 3.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/... Sources for further reading: African Pride News articles: https://www.dw.com/en/confronting-frances-colonial-past-harkis-eye-reparations/a-59491421 https://apnews.com/article/europe-france-emmanuel-macron-781e0129b136872988d17b2ce804eddb https://www.irishtimes.com/news/world/europe/macron-s-attempts-to-address-hurt-of-franco-algerian-history-proving-an-uphill-battle-1.4712089
"Algeria is different." Africa's largest country is a place that few western academics have studied or been able to travel to. The modern nation, forged in the anticolonial struggle against French colonialism between 1957 and 1963, has been bolstered by the discovery of oil shortly thereafter. Nearly two-thirds of Algeria's population is under the age of 35. Growing up during or soon after the violent conflict that wracked Algeria during the 1990's, and amid the powerful influences of global online culture, this generation views the world much differently than their parents or grandparents do. The Algerian Dream: Youth and the Quest for Dignity (New Degree Press, 2021) invites readers to discover this generation, their hopes for the future and, most significantly, the frustrations that have brought them into the streets en masse since 2019, peacefully challenging a long-established order. After seven years living and working alongside these young people across Algeria, Andrew G. Farrand shares his insights on what makes the next generation tick in North Africa's sleeping giant. Few outsiders have had the privilege to get to know Algeria and its youth so intimately-or to observe firsthand this pivotal chapter in the nation's history. It's a story that reveals much about the relationship between citizens and leaders, about the sanctity of human dignity, and about the power of dreams and the courage to pursue them. Clearly written and easily accessibly to undergraduates as well as the general public, The Algerian Dream should be considered by anyone interested in contemporary North Africa or looking for new texts for courses on the modern Middle East and contemporary Arab culture. Christopher S. Rose is a social historian of medicine focusing on Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean in the 19th and 20th century. He currently teaches History at St. Edward's University in Austin, Texas and Our Lady of the Lake University in San Antonio, Texas. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/middle-eastern-studies
"Algeria is different." Africa's largest country is a place that few western academics have studied or been able to travel to. The modern nation, forged in the anticolonial struggle against French colonialism between 1957 and 1963, has been bolstered by the discovery of oil shortly thereafter. Nearly two-thirds of Algeria's population is under the age of 35. Growing up during or soon after the violent conflict that wracked Algeria during the 1990's, and amid the powerful influences of global online culture, this generation views the world much differently than their parents or grandparents do. The Algerian Dream: Youth and the Quest for Dignity (New Degree Press, 2021) invites readers to discover this generation, their hopes for the future and, most significantly, the frustrations that have brought them into the streets en masse since 2019, peacefully challenging a long-established order. After seven years living and working alongside these young people across Algeria, Andrew G. Farrand shares his insights on what makes the next generation tick in North Africa's sleeping giant. Few outsiders have had the privilege to get to know Algeria and its youth so intimately-or to observe firsthand this pivotal chapter in the nation's history. It's a story that reveals much about the relationship between citizens and leaders, about the sanctity of human dignity, and about the power of dreams and the courage to pursue them. Clearly written and easily accessibly to undergraduates as well as the general public, The Algerian Dream should be considered by anyone interested in contemporary North Africa or looking for new texts for courses on the modern Middle East and contemporary Arab culture. Christopher S. Rose is a social historian of medicine focusing on Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean in the 19th and 20th century. He currently teaches History at St. Edward's University in Austin, Texas and Our Lady of the Lake University in San Antonio, Texas. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/sociology
"Algeria is different." Africa's largest country is a place that few western academics have studied or been able to travel to. The modern nation, forged in the anticolonial struggle against French colonialism between 1957 and 1963, has been bolstered by the discovery of oil shortly thereafter. Nearly two-thirds of Algeria's population is under the age of 35. Growing up during or soon after the violent conflict that wracked Algeria during the 1990's, and amid the powerful influences of global online culture, this generation views the world much differently than their parents or grandparents do. The Algerian Dream: Youth and the Quest for Dignity (New Degree Press, 2021) invites readers to discover this generation, their hopes for the future and, most significantly, the frustrations that have brought them into the streets en masse since 2019, peacefully challenging a long-established order. After seven years living and working alongside these young people across Algeria, Andrew G. Farrand shares his insights on what makes the next generation tick in North Africa's sleeping giant. Few outsiders have had the privilege to get to know Algeria and its youth so intimately-or to observe firsthand this pivotal chapter in the nation's history. It's a story that reveals much about the relationship between citizens and leaders, about the sanctity of human dignity, and about the power of dreams and the courage to pursue them. Clearly written and easily accessibly to undergraduates as well as the general public, The Algerian Dream should be considered by anyone interested in contemporary North Africa or looking for new texts for courses on the modern Middle East and contemporary Arab culture. Christopher S. Rose is a social historian of medicine focusing on Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean in the 19th and 20th century. He currently teaches History at St. Edward's University in Austin, Texas and Our Lady of the Lake University in San Antonio, Texas. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
"Algeria is different." Africa's largest country is a place that few western academics have studied or been able to travel to. The modern nation, forged in the anticolonial struggle against French colonialism between 1957 and 1963, has been bolstered by the discovery of oil shortly thereafter. Nearly two-thirds of Algeria's population is under the age of 35. Growing up during or soon after the violent conflict that wracked Algeria during the 1990's, and amid the powerful influences of global online culture, this generation views the world much differently than their parents or grandparents do. The Algerian Dream: Youth and the Quest for Dignity (New Degree Press, 2021) invites readers to discover this generation, their hopes for the future and, most significantly, the frustrations that have brought them into the streets en masse since 2019, peacefully challenging a long-established order. After seven years living and working alongside these young people across Algeria, Andrew G. Farrand shares his insights on what makes the next generation tick in North Africa's sleeping giant. Few outsiders have had the privilege to get to know Algeria and its youth so intimately-or to observe firsthand this pivotal chapter in the nation's history. It's a story that reveals much about the relationship between citizens and leaders, about the sanctity of human dignity, and about the power of dreams and the courage to pursue them. Clearly written and easily accessibly to undergraduates as well as the general public, The Algerian Dream should be considered by anyone interested in contemporary North Africa or looking for new texts for courses on the modern Middle East and contemporary Arab culture. Christopher S. Rose is a social historian of medicine focusing on Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean in the 19th and 20th century. He currently teaches History at St. Edward's University in Austin, Texas and Our Lady of the Lake University in San Antonio, Texas. Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/african-studies
It's September 26, 2020. Paxton 'kidifies' the headlines about Alexander Lukashenko, a new gargle test from Canada, a giant Mobile Suit Gundam robot in Japan, a tree in Australia with spider venom, and an Algerian billionaire family.
Good Morning Monaco Tuesday, November 9, 2021 published by NEWS.MC Subscribe to our daily email newsletter In France, fifth wave steadily advances The French have been hit by a resurgence of the coronavirus pandemic later than many other countries, including the UK, the Netherlands, Germany and Eastern European states. Princess is back in Monaco Princess Charlene returned to Monaco on Monday after spending several months in South Africa (photos). Lower infection rate announced on Monday Two Monaco residents tested positive for coronavirus on Monday, November 8. One resident was declared fully-recovered. Desk clock sells for more than 9 million euros A weekly round-up of forthcoming events in the Principality: November 8-14. Spielberg's yacht sold, renamed Steven Spielberg's superyacht, Seven Seas, has been sold for $158 million following its listing earlier this year. DULY NOTED: A 37 year-old Algerian national attempted to stab two police officers in Cannes early on Monday as a patrol set out from police HQ. He was shot and injured by a third officer in the car. The assailant was not previously known to the police. He said the attack was “for the prophet.” Copyright © 2020 NEWS SARL. All rights reserved. North East West South (NEWS) SARL. RCI: 20S08518 - NIS: 6312Z21974 --- Send in a voice message: https://anchor.fm/monacodailynews/message
There's nothing that'll kickstart your body quite like a funky slice of Algerian-born Amazigh music. The lead track from Habibi Funk's Majid Soula compilation is a real hip-shaker, and just the tonic for whatever ales you this week. There's a lot more than that to get stuck into as well – from clattering percussive electronics from the new Jerusalem in My Heart LP, to exceptional experimental folk from Maria Elena Silva, via boogielicious reggae thanks to Kalita Records raiding the expensive section of your long-lost music store. Elsewhere, we never tire of celebrating the new Aya record on Hyperdub – a truly forward-looking masterpiece – nor the extent of sounds that Mario Batkovic can squeeze out of an accordion. On this track he's collaborating with James Holden, and the results are fantastic. And that's not all: jazz, Indian classical fused with industrial sounds, the latest wonderful record from Shackleton, and the ambient atmospheric sounds of Christina Vantzou make this week's show a pleasure from start to finish. Tracklisting Majid Soula – Netseweth Sifassan Nagh (Habibi Funk, Germany) Jerusalem In My Heart – Abyad Barraq (w/Greg Fox) (Constellation Records, Canada) AYA – OoB Prosthesis (Hyperdub, UK) Burnt Sugar The Arkestra Chamber – * inna-Lisala-Over-Oakanda (Avant Groidd Musica, USA) Only Now – Slit Ties (feat. Robin Sukhadia) (Bokeh Versions, UK) Maria Elena Silva – December (Big Ego Records, USA) Desmond Chambers – Haly Gully (Version) (Kalita Records, UK) Mario Batkovic – Chorea Duplex (feat. James Holden) (Invada, UK) Christina Vantzou – A Soundtrack for Growth (Slow Moves, France) Shackleton – Something Tells Me / Pour Out Like Water (Woe To The Septic Heart!, Germany) Produced and edited by Nick McCorriston. This week's episode is sponsored by The state51 Conspiracy, a creative hub for music. Head to state51.com to find releases by JK Flesh vs Gnod, Steve Jansen, MrUnderwood, Wire, Ghost Box, Lo Recordings, Subtext Records and many more.
Steven A. Cook, Eni Enrico Mattei senior fellow for Middle East and Africa studies and director of the International Affairs Fellowship for Tenured International Relations Scholars at CFR, leads a conversation on geopolitics in the Middle East. FASKIANOS: Welcome to today's session of the CFR Fall 2021 Academic Webinar Series. I'm Irina Faskianos, vice president of the National Program and Outreach at CFR. Today's discussion is on the record and the video and transcript will be available on our website, CFR.org/Academic, if you want to share it with your colleagues or classmates. As always, CFR takes no institutional positions on matters of policy. Today's topic is geopolitics in the Middle East. Our speaker was supposed to be Sanam Vakil, but she had a family emergency. So we're delighted to have our very own Steven Cook here to discuss this important topic. Dr. Cook is the Eni Enrico Mattei senior fellow for Middle East and Africa studies, and director of the International Affairs Fellowship for Tenured International Relations Scholars at the Council on Foreign Relations. He is the author of several books, including False Dawn; The Struggle for Egypt, which won the 2012 Gold Medal from the Washington Institute for Near East Policy; and Ruling But Not Governing. And he's working on yet another book entitled The End of Ambition: America's Past, Present, and Future in the Middle East. So keep an eye out for that in the next year or so. He's a columnist at Foreign Policy magazine and contributor and commentator on a bunch of other outlets. Prior to coming to CFR, Dr. Cook was a research fellow at the Brookings Institution and a Soref research fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. So, Dr. Cook, thank you for being with us. I thought you could just—I'm going to give you a soft question here, to talk about the geopolitical relations among state and nonstate actors in the Middle East. And you can take that in whatever direction you would like. COOK: Well, thanks so much, Irina. It's a great pleasure to be with you. Good afternoon to everybody who's out there who's on an afternoon time zone, good morning to those who may still be in the evening, and good evening to those who may be somewhere where it's the evening. It's very nice to be with you. As Irina mentioned, and as I'm sure it's plenty evident, I am not Sanam Vakil, but I'm happy to step in for her and offer my thoughts on the geopolitics of the Middle East. It's a small topic. That question that Irina asked was something that I certainly could handle effectively in fifteen to twenty minutes. But before I get into the details of what's going on in the region, I thought I would offer some just general comments about the United States in the Middle East. Because, as it turns out, I had the opportunity last night to join a very small group of analysts with a very senior U.S. government official to talk precisely about the United States in the Middle East. And it was a very, very interesting conversation, because despite the fact that there has been numerous news reporting and analytic pieces about how the United States is deemphasizing the Middle East, this official made it very, very clear that that was practically impossible at this time. And this was, I think, a reasonable position to take. There has been a lot recently, in the last recent years, about withdrawing from the region, from retrenchment from the region, reducing from the region, realignment from the region. All those things actually mean different things. But analysts have essentially used them to mean that the United States should deprioritize the Middle East. And it seems to me that the problem in the Middle East has not necessarily been the fact that we are there and that we have goals there. It's that the goals in the region and the resources Washington uses to achieve those goals need to be realigned to address things that are actually important to the United States. In one sense that sound eminently reasonable. We have goals, we have resources to meet those goals, and we should devote them to—and if we can't, we should reassess what our goals are or go out and find new resources. That sounds eminently reasonable. But that's not the way Washington has worked over the course of the last few decades when it comes to the Middle East. In many ways, the United States has been overly ambitious. And it has led to a number of significant failures in the region. In an era when everything and anything is a vital interest, then nothing really is. And this seems to be the source of our trouble. For example, when we get into trying to fix the politics of other countries, we're headed down the wrong road. And I don't think that there's been enough real debate in Washington or, quite frankly, in the country about what's important in the Middle East, and why we're there, and what we're trying to achieve in the Middle East. In part, this new book that I'm writing called the End of Ambition, which, as Irina pointed out, will be out hopefully in either late 2022 or early 2023, tries to answer some of these questions. There is a way for the United States to be constructive in the Middle East, but what we've done over the course of the last twenty years has made that task much, much harder. And it leads us, in part, to this kind of geostrategic picture or puzzle that I'm about to lay out for you. So let me get into some of the details. And I'm obviously not going to take you from Morocco all the way to Iran, although I could if I had much, much more time because there's a lot going on in a lot of places. But not all of those places are of critical importance to the United States. So I'll start and I'll pick and choose from that very, very large piece of geography. First point: There have been some efforts to deescalate in a region that was in the middle of or on the verge of multiple conflicts. There has been a dialogue between the Saudis and the Iranians, under the auspices of the Iraqis, of all people. According to the Saudis this hasn't yielded very much, but they are continuing the conversation. One of the ways to assess the success or failure of a meeting is the fact that there's going to be another meeting. And there are going to be other meetings between senior Iranian and Saudi officials. I think that that's good. Egyptians and Turks are talking. Some of you who don't follow these issues as closely may not remember that Turkey and Egypt came close to trading blows over Libya last summer. And they pulled back as a result of concerted diplomacy on the part of the European Union, as well as the Egyptian ability to actually surge a lot of force to its western border. Those two countries are also talking, in part under the auspices of the Iraqis. Emiratis and Iranians are talking. That channel opened up in 2019 after the Iranians attacked a very significant—two very significant oil processing facilities in Saudi Arabia, sort of scaring the Emiratis, especially since the Trump administration did not respond in ways that the Emiratis or the Saudis had been expecting. The Qataris and the Egyptians have repaired their relations. The Arab world, for better or for worse, is moving to reintegrate Syria into is ranks. Not long after King Abdullah of Jordan was in the United States, he and Bashar al-Assad shared a phone call to talk about the opening of the border between Jordan and Syria and to talk about, among other things, tourism to the two countries. The hope is that this de-escalation, or hope for de-escalation coming from this dialogue, will have a salutary effect on conflicts in Yemen, in Syria, in Libya, and Iraq. Thus far, it hasn't in Yemen, in particular. It hasn't in Syria. But in Libya and Iraq, there have been some improvements to the situation. All of this remains quite fragile. These talks can be—can break off at any time under any circumstances. Broader-scale violence can return to Libya at any time. And the Iraqi government still doesn't control its own territory. Its sovereignty is compromised, not just by Iran but also by Turkey. But the fact that a region that was wound so tight and that seemed poised to even deepen existing conflicts and new ones to break out, for all of these different parties to be talking—some at the behest of the United States, some entirely of their own volition—is, I think, a relatively positive sign. You can't find anyone who's more—let's put it this way, who's darker about developments in the Middle East than me. And I see some positive signs coming from this dialogue. Iran, the second big issue on the agenda. Just a few hours ago, the Iranians indicated that they're ready to return to the negotiating table in Vienna. This is sort of a typical Iranian negotiating tactic, to push issues to the brink and then to pull back and demonstrate some pragmatism so that people will thank for them for their pragmatism. This agreement to go back to the negotiating table keeps them on decent terms with the Europeans. It builds on goodwill that they have developed as a result of their talks with Saudi Arabia. And it puts Israel somewhat on the defensive, or at least in an awkward position with the Biden administration, which has very much wanted to return to the negotiating table in Vienna. What comes out of these negotiations is extremely hard to predict. This is a new government in Iran. It is certainly a harder line than its predecessor. Some analysts believe that precisely because it is a hardline government it can do the negotiation. But we'll just have to see. All the while this has been going on, the Iranians have been proceeding with their nuclear development, and Israel is continuing its shadow campaign against the Iranians in Syria, sometimes in Iraq, in Iran itself. Although, there's no definitive proof, yesterday Iranian gas stations, of all things, were taken offline. There's some suspicion that this was the Israelis showing the Iranians just how far and deep they are into Iranian computer systems. It remains unclear how the Iranians will retaliate. Previously they have directed their efforts to Israeli-linked shipping in and around the Gulf of Oman. Its conventional responses up until this point have been largely ineffective. The Israelis have been carrying on a fairly sophisticated air campaign against the Iranians in Syria, and the Iranians have not been able to mount any kind of effective response. Of course, this is all against the backdrop of the fact that the Iranians do have the ability to hold much of the Israeli population hostage via Hezbollah and its thousands of rockets and missiles. So you can see how this is quite worrying, and an ongoing concern for everybody in the region, as the Israelis and Iranians take part in this confrontation. Let me just continue along the line of the Israelis for a moment and talk about the Arab-Israeli conflict, something that has not been high on the agenda of the Biden administration, it hasn't been high on the agenda of many countries in the region. But since the signing of the Abraham Accords in September 2020, there have been some significant developments. The normalization as a result of the Abraham Accords continues apace. Recently in the Emirates there was a meeting of ministers from Israel, the UAE, Morocco, Bahrain, and Sudan. This is the first kind of face-to-face meeting of government officials from all of these countries. Now, certainly the Israelis and the Emiratis have been meeting quite regularly, and the Israelis and the Bahrainis have been meeting quite regularly. But these were broader meetings of Cabinet officials from all of the Abraham Accords countries coming together in the United Arab Emirates for talks. Rather extraordinary. Something that thirteen months—in August 2020 was unimaginable, and today is something that doesn't really make—it doesn't really make the headlines. The Saudis are actually supportive of the normalization process, but they're not yet willing to take that step. And they're not willing to take that step because of the Palestinian issue. And it remains a sticking point. On that issue, there was a lot of discussion after the formation of a new Israeli government last June under the leadership, first, of Naftali Bennett, who will then hand the prime ministership over to his partner, Yair Lapid, who are from different parties. That this was an Israeli government that could do some good when it comes to the Palestinian arena, that it was pragmatic, that it would do things that would improve the lives of Palestinians, whether in Gaza or the West Bank, and seek greater cooperation with both the United States and the Palestinian authority toward that end. And that may in fact turn out to be the case. This government has taken a number of steps in that direction, including family reunification, so that if a Palestinian on the West Bank who is married to a Palestinian citizen of Israel, the Palestinian in the West Bank can live with the family in Israel. And a number of other things. But it should also be clear to everybody that despite a kind of change in tone from the Israeli prime ministry, there's not that much of a change in terms of policy. In fact, in many ways Prime Minister Bennett is to the right of his predecessor, Benjamin Netanyahu. And Yair Lapid, who comes from a centrist party, is really only centrist in terms of Israeli politics. He is—in any other circumstances would be a kind of right of center politician. And I'll just point out that in recent days the Israeli government has declared six Palestinian NGOs—long-time NGOs—terrorist organizations, approved three thousand new housing units in the West Bank, and worked very, very hard to prevent the United States from opening a consulate in East Jerusalem to serve the Palestinians. That consulate had been there for many, many, many years. And it was closed under the Trump administration when the U.S. Embassy was moved from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. The Biden administration would like to reopen that consulate. And the Israeli government is adamantly opposed. In the end, undoubtably Arab governments are coming to terms with Israel, even beyond the Abraham Accords countries. Egypt's flag carrier, Egyptair, announced flights to Tel Aviv. This is the first time since 1979. You could—you could fly between Cairo and Tel Aviv, something that I've done many, many times. If you were in Egypt, you'd have to go and find an office that would sell you a ticket to something called Air Sinai, that did not have regular flights. Only had flights vaguely whenever, sometimes. It was an Egyptair plane, stripped of its livery, staffed by Egyptair pilots and staff, stripped of anything that said Egyptair. Now, suddenly Egyptair is flying direct flights to Tel Aviv. And El-Al, Israel's national airline, and possibly one other, will be flying directly to Cairo. And there is—and that there is talk of economic cooperation. Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett met with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi in Sharm al-Sheikh not long ago. That was the first meeting of Israeli leaders—first public meeting of Israeli leaders and Egyptian leaders in ten years. So there does seem to be an openness on the part of Arab governments to Israel. As far as populations in these countries, they don't yet seem to be ready for normalization, although there has been some traffic between Israel and the UAE, with Emiratis coming to see Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, and so on and so forth. But there are very, very few Emiratis. And there are a lot of Egyptians. So as positive as that all is, this is—this has not been a kind of broad acceptance among the population in the Arab world for Israel's legitimate existence. And the kind of issue du jour, great-power competition. This is on everybody's lips in Washington, D.C.—great-power competition, great-power competition. And certainly, the Middle East is likely to be an arena of great-power competition. It has always been an arena of great-power competition. For the first time in more than two decades, the United States has competitors in the region. And let me start with Russia, because there's been so much discussion of China, but Russia is the one that has been actively engaged militarily in the region in a number of places. Vladimir Putin has parlayed his rescue of Hafez al-Assad into influence in the region, in an arc that stretches from NATO ally Turkey, all the way down through the Levant and through Damascus, then even stretching to Jerusalem where Israeli governments and the Russian government have cooperated and coordinated in Syria, into Cairo, and then into at least the eastern portion of Libya, where the Russians have supported a Qaddafist general named Khalifa Haftar, who used to be an employee of the CIA, in his bid for power in Libya. And he has done so by providing weaponry to Haftar, as well as mercenaries to fight and support him. That episode may very well be over, although there's every reason to believe that Haftar is trying to rearm himself and carry on the conflict should the process—should the political process in Libya break down. Russia has sold more weapons to Egypt in the last few years than at any other time since the early 1970s. They have a defense agreement with Saudi Arabia. It's not clear what that actually means, but that defense agreement was signed not that long after the United States' rather chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan, which clearly unnerved governments in the Middle East. So Russia is active, it's influential, its militarily engaged, and it is seeking to advance its interests throughout the region. I'll point out that its presence in North Africa is not necessarily so much about North Africa, but it's also about Europe. Its bid in Libya is important because its ally controls the eastern portion of Libya, where most of Libya's light, sweet crude oil is located. And that is the largest—the most significant reserves of oil in all of Africa. So it's important as an energy play for the Russians to control parts of North Africa, and right on Russia's—right on Europe's front doorstep. China. China's the largest investor and single largest trading partner with most of the region. And it's not just energy related. We know how dependent China is on oil from the Gulf, but it's made big investments in Algeria, in Egypt, the UAE, and in Iran. The agreement with Iran, a twenty-five-year agreement, coming at a time when the Iranians were under significant pressure from the United States, was regarded by many in Washington as an effort on the part of the Chinese to undercut the United States, and undercut U.S. policy in the region. I think it was, in part, that. I think it was also in part the fact that China is dependent in part on Iranian oil and did not want the regime there to collapse, posing a potential energy crisis for China and the rest of the world. It seems clear to me, at least, that the Chinese do not want to supplant the United States in the region. I don't think they look at the region in that way. And if they did, they probably learned the lesson of the United States of the last twenty-five years, which has gotten itself wrapped around the axle on a variety of issues that were unnecessary and sapped the power of the United States. So they don't want to get more deeply involved in the region. They don't want to take sides in conflicts. They don't want to take sides in the Arab-Israeli conflict. They don't take sides in the conflict between the United States and Iran, or the competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran. They want to benefit from the region, whether through investment or through extraction, and the security umbrella that the United States provides in the region. I'm not necessarily so sure that that security umbrella needs to be so expensive and so extensive for the United States to achieve its goals. But nevertheless, and for the time being at least, we will be providing that security umbrella in the region, from which the Chinese will benefit. I think, just to close on this issue of great-power competition. And because of time, I'm leaving out another big player, or emerging player in the region, which is India. I'm happy to talk about that in Q&A. But my last point is that, going back to the United States, countries in the region and leaders in the region are predisposed towards the United States. The problem is, is that they are very well-aware of the political polarization in this country. They're very well-aware of the political dysfunction in this country. They're very well-aware of the incompetence that came with the invasion of Iraq, the withdrawal from Afghanistan, or any number of disasters that have unfolded here in the United States. And it doesn't look, from where they sit in Abu Dhabi, in Cairo, in Riyadh, and in other places, that the United States has staying power, the will to lead, and the interest in remaining in the Middle East. And thus, they have turned to alternatives. Those alternatives are not the same as the United States, but they do provide something. I mean, particularly when it comes to the Chinese it is investment, it's economic advantages, without the kind of trouble that comes with the United States. Trouble from the perspective of leaders, so that they don't have to worry about human rights when they deal with the Chinese, because the Chinese aren't interested in human rights. But nevertheless, they remain disclosed toward the United States and want to work with the United States. They just don't know whether we're going to be there over the long term, given what is going on in the United States. I'll stop there. And I look forward to your questions and comments. Thank you. FASKIANOS: Steven, that was fantastic. Thank you very much. We're going to now to all of you for your questions. So the first raised hand comes from Jonas Truneh. And I don't think I pronounced that correctly, so you can correct me. Q: Yeah, no, that's right. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you, Dr. Cook, for your talk. I'm from UCL, University College London, in London. COOK: So it is—(off mic). Q: Indeed, it is. Yeah. That's right. COOK: Great. Q: So you touched on it there somewhat particularly with great-power competition, but so my question is related to the current energy logic in the Middle East. The Obama administration perhaps thought that the shale revolution allowed a de-prioritization, if I'm allowed to use that word, of the Middle East. And that was partly related to the pivot to Asia. So essentially does the U.S. still regard itself as the primary guarantor of energy security in the Persian Gulf? And if so, would the greatest beneficiary, as I think you indicated, would that not be China? And is that a case of perverse incentives? Is there much the U.S. can do about it? COOK: Well, it depends on who you ask, right? And it's a great question. I think that the—one of the things that—one of the ways in which the Obama administration sought to deprioritize and leave the region was through the shale revolution. I mean, the one piece of advice that he did take from one of his opponents in 2002—2008, which was to drill, baby, drill. And the United States did. I would not say that this is something that is specific to the Obama administration. If you go back to speeches of presidents way back—but I won't even go that far back. I'll go to George W. Bush in 2005 State of the Union addressed, talked all about energy independence from the Middle East. This may not actually be in much less the foreseeable future, but in really—in a longer-term perspective, it may be harder to do. But it is politically appealing. The reason why I say it depends on who you ask, I think that there are officials in the United States who say: Nothing has changed. Nothing has changed. But when the Iranians attacked those two oil processing facilities in Saudi Arabia, that temporarily took off 50 percent of supply off the markets—good thing the Saudis have a lot stored away—the United States didn't really respond. The president of the United States said: I'm waiting for a call from Riyadh. That forty years of stated American policy was, like, it did not exist. The Carter doctrine and the Reagan corollary to the Carter doctrine suddenly didn't exist. And the entirety of the American foreign policy community shrugged their shoulders and said: We're not going to war on behalf of MBS. I don't think we would have been going to war on behalf of MBS. We would have been ensuring the free flow of energy supplies out of the region, which is something that we have been committed to doing since President Carter articulated the Carter doctrine, and then President Reagan added his corollary to it. I think that there are a number of quite perverse incentives associated with this. And I think that you're right. The question is whether the competition from China outweighs our—I'm talking about “our”—the United States' compelling interest in a healthy global economy. And to the extent that our partners in Asia, whether it's India, South Korea, Japan, and our important trading partner in China, are dependent upon energy resources from the Gulf, and we don't trust anybody to ensure the free flow of energy resources from the Gulf, it's going to be on us to do it. So we are kind of hammered between that desire to have a healthy global economy as being—and being very wary of the Chinese. And the Chinese, I think, are abundantly aware of it, and have sought to take advantage of it. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question, which got an up-vote, from Charles Ammon, who is at Pennsylvania State University. And I think this goes to what you were building on with the great-power competition: What interests does India have in the Middle East? And how is it increasing its involvement in the region? COOK: So India is—imports 60 percent of its oil from the region. Fully 20 percent of it from Saudi Arabia, another 20 percent of it from Iran, and then the other 20 percent from other sources. So that's one thing. That's one reason why India is interested in the Middle East. Second, there are millions and millions of Indians who work in the Middle East. The Gulf region is a region that basically could not run without South Asian expatriate labor, most of which comes from India—on everything. Third, India has made considerable headway with countries like the United Arab Emirates, as well as Saudi Arabia, in counterextremism cooperation. This has come at the expense of Pakistan, but as relations between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia and relations between Pakistan and the UAE soured in recent years, the Indians have been able to take advantage of that. And Indian leaders have hammered away at the common interest that India and leaders in the region have in terms of countering violent extremism. And then finally, India and Israel have quite an extraordinary relationship, both in the tech field as well as in the defense area. Israel is a supplier to India. And the two of them are part of a kind of global network of high-tech powerhouse that have either, you know, a wealth of startups or very significant investment from the major tech players in the world. Israel—Microsoft just announced a huge expansion in Israel. And Israeli engineers and Indian engineers collaborate on a variety of projects for these big tech companies. So there's a kind of multifaceted Indian interest in the region, and the region's interest in India. What India lacks that the Chinese have is a lot more capacity. They don't have the kind of wherewithal to bring investment and trade in the region in the other direction. But nevertheless, it's a much more important player than it was in the past. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Curran Flynn, who has a raised hand. Q: How do you envision the future of Egypt, Sudan, and Ethiopia politics for the next thirty years? Ethiopia controls the Nile dam projects. And could this dispute lead to a war? And what is the progress with the U.S. in mediating the talks between the three countries? COOK: Thank you. FASKIANOS: And that is coming from the King Fahd University in Saudi Arabia. COOK: Fabulous. So that's more than the evening. It's actually nighttime there. I think that the question of the great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is really an important one, and it's something that has not gotten as much attention as it should. And for those of you who are not familiar, in short the Ethiopians have been building a massive dam on the Blue Nile, which is a tributary to the Nile. And that if—when competed, threatens the water supply to Egypt, a country of 110 million people that doesn't get a lot of rainfall. Ethiopia, of course, wants to dam the Nile in order to produce hydroelectric power for its own development, something that Egypt did when it dammed the Nile River to build the Aswan High Dam, and crated Lake Nasser behind it. The Egyptians are very, very concerned. This is an existential issue for them. And there have been on and off negotiations, but the negotiations aren't really about the issues. They're talks about talks about talks. And they haven't gotten—they haven't gotten very far. Now, the Egyptians have been supported by the Sudanese government, after the Sudanese government had been somewhat aligned with the Ethiopian government. The Trump administration put itself squarely behind the Egyptian government, but Ethiopia's also an important partner of the United States in the Horn of Africa. The Egyptians have gone about signing defense cooperation agreements with a variety of countries around Ethiopia's borders. And of course, Ethiopia is engaged in essentially what's a civil war. This is a very, very difficult and complicated situation. Thus far, there doesn't seem to be an easy solution the problem. Now, here's the rub, if you talk to engineers, if you talk to people who study water, if you talk to people who know about dams and the flow of water, the resolution to the problem is actually not that hard to get to. The problem is that the politics and nationalism have been engaged on both sides of the issue, making it much, much more difficult to negotiate an equitable solution to the problem. The Egyptians have said in the past that they don't really have an intention of using force, despite the fact of this being an existential issue. But there's been somewhat of a shift in their language on the issue. Which recently they've said if red lines were crossed, they may be forced to intervene. Intervene how? What are those red lines? They haven't been willing to define them, which should make everybody nervous. The good news is that Biden administration has appointed an envoy to deal with issues in the Horn of Africa, who has been working very hard to try to resolve the conflict. I think the problem here however is that Ethiopia, now distracted by a conflict in the Tigray region, nationalism is running high there, has been—I don't want to use the word impervious—but not as interested in finding a negotiated solution to the problem than it might have otherwise been in the past. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to take the next question from Bob Pauly, who's a professor of international development at the University of Southern Mississippi. It got three up-votes. What would you identify as the most significant likely short and longer-term effects of Turkey's present domestic economic and political challenges on President Erdogan's strategy and policy approaches to the Middle East, and why? COOK: Oh, well, that is a very, very long answer to a very, very interesting question. Let's see what happens in 2023. President Erdogan is facing reelection. His goal all along has been to reelected on the one hundredth anniversary of the republic, and to demonstrate how much he has transformed Turkey in the image of the Justice and Development Party, and moved it away from the institutions of the republic. Erdogan may not make it to 2023. I don't want to pedal in conspiracy theories or anything like that, but he doesn't look well. There are large numbers of videos that have surfaced of him having difficulties, including one famous one from this past summer when he was offering a Ramadan greeting on Turkish television to supporters of the Justice and Development Party, and he seemed to fade out and slur his words. This is coupled with reports trickling out of Ankara about the lengths to which the inner circle has gone to shield real health concerns about Erdogan from the public. It's hard to really diagnose someone from more than six thousand miles away, but I think it's a scenario that policymakers in Washington need to think seriously about. What happens if Erdogan is incapacitated or dies before 2023? That's one piece. The second piece is, well, what if he makes it and he's reelected? And I think in any reasonable observer sitting around at the end of 2021 looking forward to 2023 would say two things: One, you really can't predict Turkish politics this far out, but if Turkish elections were held today and they were free and fair, the Justice and Development Party would get below 30 percent. Still more than everybody else. And Erdogan would have a real fight on his hands to get reelected, which he probably would be. His approaches to his domestic challenges and his approaches to the region are really based on what his current political calculations are at any given moment. So his needlessly aggressive posture in the Eastern Mediterranean was a function of the fact that he needed to shore up his nationalist base. Now that he finds himself quite isolated in the world, the Turks have made overtures to Israel, to the UAE, to Saudi Arabia. They're virtually chasing the Egyptians around the Eastern Mediterranean to repair their relationship. Because without repairing these relationships the kind of investment that is necessary to try to help revive the Turkish economy—which has been on the skids for a number of years—is going to be—is going to be more difficult. There's also another piece of this, which is the Middle East is a rather lucrative arms market. And during the AKP era, the Turks have had a significant amount of success further developing their defense industrial base, to the point that now their drones are coveted. Now one of the reasons for a Saudi-Turkish rapprochement is that the United States will not sell Saudi Arabia the drones it wants, for fear that they will use them in Yemen. And the Saudis are looking for drones elsewhere. That's either China or Turkey. And Turkey's seem to work really, really well, based on experience in Syria, Libya, and Nagorno-Karabakh. So what—Turkish foreign policy towards the region has become really dependent upon what Erdogan's particularly political needs are. There's no strategic approach to the region. There is a vision of Turkey as a leader of the region, of a great power in its own right, as a leader of the Muslim world, as a Mediterranean power as well. But that's nothing new. Turkish Islamists have been talking about these things for quite some time. I think it's important that there's been some de-escalation. I don't think that all of these countries now love each other, but they see the wisdom of pulling back from—pulling back from the brink. I don't see Turkey's position changing dramatically in terms of its kind of reintegration into the broader region before 2023, at the least. FASKIANOS: Great. Let's go next to, raised hand, to Caleb Sanner. And you need to unmute yourself. Q: Hello, my name is Caleb. I'm from the University of Wisconsin-Whitewater. So, Dr. Cook, you had mentioned in passing how China has been involved economically in North Africa. And my question would be, how is the U.S. taking that? And what are we doing, in a sense, to kind of counter that? I know it's not a military advancement in terms of that, but I've seen what it has been doing to their economies—North Africa's economies. And, yeah, what's the U.S. stance on that? COOK: Well, I think the United States is somewhat detached from this question of North Africa. North Africa's long been a—with the exception of Egypt, of course. And Egypt, you know, is not really North Africa. Egypt is something in and of itself. That China is investing heavily in Egypt. And the Egyptian position is: Please don't ask us to choose between you and the Chinese, because we're not going to make that choice. We think investment from all of these places is good for—is good for Egypt. And the other places where China is investing, and that's mostly in Algeria, the United States really doesn't have close ties to Algeria. There was a tightening of the relationship after the attacks on New York and Washington in 2001, recognizing that the Algerians—extremist groups in Algerian that had been waging war against the state there over the course of the 1990s were part and parcel of this new phenomenon of global jihad. And so there has been a security relationship there. There has been some kind of big infrastructure kind of investment in that country, with big companies that build big things, like GE and others, involved in Algeria. But the United States isn't helping to develop ports or industrial parks or critical infrastructure like bridges and airports in the same way that the Chinese have been doing throughout the region. And in Algeria, as well as in Egypt, the Chinese are building a fairly significant industrial center in the Suez Canal zone, of all places. And the United States simply doesn't have an answer to it, other than to tell our traditional partners in the region, don't do it. But unless we show up with something to offer them, I'm afraid that Chinese investment is going to be too attractive for countries that are in need of this kind of investment. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to a written question from Kenneth Mayers, who is at St. Francis College in Brooklyn. In your opinion, what would a strategic vision based on a far-sighted understanding of both resources and U.S. goals—with regard to peace and security, prosperity and development, and institutions and norms and values such as human rights—look like in the Middle East and North Africa? COOK: Well, it's a great question. And I'm tempted to say you're going to have to read the last third of my new book in order to get the—in order to get the answer. I think but let me start with something mentioned about norms and values. I think that one of the things that has plagued American foreign policy over the course of not just the last twenty years, but in the post-World War II era all the way up through the present day, you see it very, very clearly with President Biden, is that trying to incorporate American values and norms into our approach to the region has been extraordinarily difficult. And what we have a history of doing is the thing that is strategically tenable, but morally suspect. So what I would say is, I mean, just look at what's happened recently. The president of the United States studiously avoided placing a telephone call to the Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. The Egyptians, as many know, have a terrible record on human rights, particularly since President Sisi came to power. Arrests of tens of thousands of people in the country, the torture of many, many people, the killings of people. And the president during his campaign said that he was going to give no blank checks to dictators, including to Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. And then what happened in May? What happened in May was that fighting broke out between Israel and Hamas and others in the Gaza Strip, a brutal eleven-day conflict. And Egypt stepped up and provided a way out of the conflict through its good offices. And that prompted the United States to—the president of the United States—to have two phone calls in those eleven days with the Egyptian leader. And now the United States is talking about Egypt as a constructive partner that's helping to stabilize the region. Sure, the administration suspended $130 million of Egypt's annual—$130 million Egypt's annual allotment of $1.3 billion. But that is not a lot. Egypt got most of—most of its military aid. As I said, strategically tenable, morally suspect. I'm not quite sure how we get out of that. But what I do know, and I'll give you a little bit of a preview of the last third of the book—but I really do want you to buy it when it's done—is that the traditional interests of the United States in the Middle East are changing. And I go through a kind of quasi, long, somewhat tortured—but very, very interesting—discussion of the origins of our interests, and how they are changing, and how we can tell they are changing. And that is to say that the free flow of energy resources may not be as important to the United States in the next twenty-five years as it was over the course of the previous fifty or sixty years. That helping to ensure Israeli security, which has been axiomatic for the United States, eh, I'd say since the 1960s, really, may not be as important as Israel develops its diplomatic relations with its neighbors, that has a GDP per capita that's on par with the U.K., and France, and other partners in Europe, a country that clearly can take care of itself, that is a driver of technology and innovation around the globe. And that may no longer require America's military dominance in the region. So what is that we want to be doing? How can we be constructive? And I think the answers are in things that we hadn't really thought of too systematically in the past. What are the things that we're willing to invest in an defend going forward? Things like climate change, things like migration, things like pandemic disease. These are things that we've talked about, but that we've never been willing to invest in the kind of the resources. Now there are parts of the Middle East that during the summer months are in-habitable. That's going to produce waves of people looking for places to live that are inhabitable. What do we do about that? Does that destabilize the Indian subcontinent? Does it destabilize Europe? Does it destabilize North Africa? These are all questions that we haven't yet answered. But to the extent that we want to invest in, defend and sacrifice for things like climate, and we want to address the issue—related issue of migration, and we want to deal with the issue of disease and other of these kind of functional global issues in the Middle East is better not just for us and Middle Easterners, but also in terms of our strategic—our great-power competition in the region. These are not things that the Chinese and the Russians are terribly interested in, despite the fact that the Chinese may tell you they are. FASKIANOS: Thank you. I'm going to go next to Ahmuan Williams, with a raised hand, at the University of Oklahoma. COOK: Oklahoma. Q: Hi. And thank you for being here. You kind of talked about the stabilization of northern Africa and the Middle East. And just a few days ago the Sudanese government—and they still haven't helped capture the parliamentarian there—have recycled back into a military—somewhat of military rule. And it's been since 2005 since the end of their last civil war, which claimed millions of innocent civilians through starvation and strife and, you know, the lack of being able to get humanitarian aid. There was also a huge refugee crisis there, a lot of people who evacuated Sudan. How's that going to impact the Middle East and the American take to Middle East and northern Africa policy, especially now that the Security Council is now considering this and is trying to determine what we should do? COOK: It's a great question. And I think that, first, let's be clear. There was a coup d'état in Sudan. The military overthrew a transitional government on the eve of having to hand over the government to civilians. And they didn't like it. There's been tension that's been brewing in Sudan for some time. Actually, an American envoy, our envoy to East Africa and Africa more generally, a guy named Jeff Feltman, was in Khartoum, trying to kind of calm the tension, to get the two sides together, and working to avert a coup. And the day after he left, the military moved. That's not—that doesn't reflect the fact that the United States gave a blessing for the military to overthrow this government. I think what it does, though, and it's something that I think we all need to keep in mind, it demonstrates the limits of American power in a variety of places around the world. That we don't have all the power in the world to prevent things from happening when people, like the leaders of the Sudanese military, believe that they have existential issues that are at stake. Now, what's worry about destabilization in Sudan is, as you point out, there was a civil war there, there was the creation of a new country there, potential for—if things got really out of hand—refugee flows into Egypt, from Egypt across the Sanai Peninsula into Israel. One of the things people are unaware of is the large number of Sudanese or Eritreans and other Africans who have sought refuge in Israel, which has created significant economic and social strains in that country. So it's a big deal. Thus far, it seems we don't—that the U.S. government doesn't know exactly what's happening there. There are protesters in the streets demanding democracy. It's very unclear what the military is going to do. And it's very unclear what our regional allies and how they view what's happening. What Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, what Saudi Arabia, what Israel—which Sudan is an Abraham Accords country now—what they are doing. How they view the coup as positive or negative will likely impact how effective the United States can be in trying to manage this situation. But I suspect that we're just going to have to accommodate ourselves to whatever outcome the Sudanese people and the Sudanese military come to, because I don't think we have a lot of—we don't have a lot of tools there to make everybody behave. FASKIANOS: OK. So I'm going to take the next question from Elena Murphy, who is a junior at Syracuse University's Maxwell School. And she's a diplomatic intern at the Kurdistan Regional Government's Representation in the United States. COOK: That's cool. FASKIANOS: That's very cool. So as a follow up, how much do you believe neo-Ottomanism and attempting regional hegemony has affected Erdogan's domestic and foreign policy, especially in consideration of Turkey's shift towards the MENA in their foreign policy, after a period of withdrawals and no problems with neighbors policy? COOK: Great. Can I see that? Because that's a long question. FASKIANOS: Yeah, it's a long question. It's got an up-vote. Third one down. COOK: Third one down. Elena, as a follow up, how much do you believe neo-Ottomanism—I'm sorry, I'm going to have to read it again. How much do you believe neo-Ottomanism and attempting regional has affected Erdogan's both domestic and foreign policy, especially in consideration of Turkey's shift towards the MENA in their foreign policy, after a period of withdrawals and no problems with neighbors? OK. Great. So let us set aside the term “neo-Ottomanism” for now. Because neo-Ottomanism actually—it does mean something, but people have often used the term neo-Ottomanism to describe policies of the Turkish government under President Erdogan that they don't like. And so let's just talk about the way in which the Turkish government under President Erdogan views the region and views what Turkey's rightful place should be. And I think the Ottomanism piece is important, because the kind of intellectual framework which the Justice and Development Party, which is Erdogan's party, views the world, sees Turkey as—first of all, it sees the Turkish Republic as a not-so-legitimate heir to the Ottoman Empire. That from their perspective, the natural order of things would have been the continuation of the empire in some form or another. And as a result, they believe that Turkey's natural place is a place of leadership in the region for a long time. Even before the Justice and Development Party was founded in 2001, Turkey's earlier generation of Islamists used to savage the Turkish leadership for its desire to be part of the West, by saying that this was kind of unnatural, that they were just merely aping the West, and the West was never actually going to accept Turkey. Which is probably true. But I think that the Justice and Development Party, after a period of wanting to become closer to the West, has turned its attention towards the Middle East, North Africa, and the Muslim world more generally. And in that, it sees itself, the Turks see themselves as the natural leaders in the region. They believe they have a cultural affinity to the region as a result of the legacies of the Ottoman Empire, and they very much can play this role of leader. They see themselves as one of the kind of few real countries in the region, along with Egypt and Iran and Saudi Arabia. And the rest are sort of ephemeral. Needless to say, big countries in the Arab world—like Egypt, like Saudi Arabia—don't welcome the idea of Turkey as a leader of the region. They recognize Turkey as a very big and important country, but not a leader of the region. And this is part of that friction that Turkey has experienced with its neighbors, after an earlier iteration of Turkish foreign policy, in which—one of the earliest iterations of Turkish foreign policy under the Justice and Development Party which was called no problems with neighbors. In which Turkey, regardless of the character of the regimes, wanted to have good relations with its neighbors. It could trade with those neighbors. And make everybody—in the process, Turkey could be a driver of economic development in the region, and everybody can be basically wealthy and happy. And it didn't really work out that way, for a variety of reasons that we don't have enough time for. Let's leave it at the fact that Turkey under Erdogan—and a view that is shared by many—that Turkey should be a leader of the region. And I suspect that if Erdogan were to die, if he were unable to stand for election, if the opposition were to win, that there would still be elements of this desire to be a regional leader in a new Turkish foreign policy. FASKIANOS: Steven, thank you very much. This was really terrific. We appreciate your stepping in at the eleventh hour, taking time away from your book. For all of you— COOK: I'm still not Sanam. FASKIANOS: (Laughs.) I know, but you were an awesome replacement. So you can follow Steven Cook on Twitter at @stevenacook. As I said at the beginning too, he is a columnist for Foreign Policy magazine. So you can read his work there, as well as, of course, on CFR.org, all of the commentary, analysis, op-eds, congressional testimony are there for free. So I hope you will follow him and look after his next book. Our next Academic Webinar will be on Wednesday November 3, at 1:00 p.m. Eastern time on the future of U.S.-Mexico relations. In the meantime, I encourage you to follow us, @CFR_Academic, visit CFR.org, ForeignAffairs.com, and ThinkGlobalHealth.org for new research and analysis on global issues. And stay well, stay safe, and thank you, again. COOK: Bye, everyone. FASKIANOS: Bye. (END)
Born in the French West Indies, Frantz Fanon is one of the most significant thinkers to emerge out of the anti-colonial struggles of the second half of the twentieth century. Trained as a psychiatrist, Fanon became known as an ardent critic of European colonialism and participated in the Algerian struggle for national liberation. However, his work also took a critical stance towards post-colonial elites and their stewardship of the newly independent nations of Asia and Africa. In this episode of This is Revolution, we discuss the meaning and legacy of Fanon's works and ask what they might teach us today about the global political order. Peter Hudis: Peter Hudis is Professor of Philosophy and Humanities at Oakton Community College and author of Marx's Concept of the Alternative to Capitalism (Brill, 2012) and Frantz Fanon: Philosopher of the Barricades (Pluto, 2015). He edited The Rosa Luxemburg Reader (Monthly Review Press, 2004) and The Letters of Rosa Luxemburg (Verso, 2013). About TIR Thank you, guys, again for taking the time to check this out. We appreciate each and every one of you. If you have the means, and you feel so inclined, BECOME A PATRON! We're creating patron-only programming, you'll get bonus content from many of the episodes, and you get MERCH! Become a patron now: https://www.patreon.com/join/BitterLakePresents Please also like, subscribe, and follow us on these platforms as well, especially YouTube! THANKS Y'ALL YouTube: www.youtube.com/thisisrevolutionpodcast Twitch: www.twitch.tv/thisisrevolutionpodcast & www.twitch.tv/leftflankvets Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/Thisisrevolutionpodcast/ Twitter: @TIRShowOakland Instagram: @thisisrevolutionoakland The Dispatch on Zero Books (video essay series): https://youtu.be/nSTpCvIoRgw Pascal Robert in Black Agenda Report: https://www.blackagendareport.com/author/PascalRobert Get THIS IS REVOLUTION Merch here: www.thisisrevolutionpodcast.com Get the music from the show here: https://bitterlakeoakland.bandcamp.com/
It's 60 years since a peaceful march in Paris ended in the killing of at least 100 Algerian protesters by the police. An extensive cover-up meant that almost nothing was known about it for several decades, and the true facts are still emerging. BBC Arabic's Ahmed Rouaba has been looking into the story. The Stallion of Yennenga As film-makers gather for the FESPACO African film festival in Ouagadougou, the capital of Burkina Faso, we ask what's the story behind the main prize, called the Stallion of Yennenga? Who was Yennenga, and where does the stallion come in? Answers from BBC Afrique's Leone Ouedraogo, who is Burkinabè herself. When a cobra became a murder weapon Last week a man was convicted of using a snake as a murder weapon. The victim was his wife, who was bitten by the hooded cobra, and died. The BBC's Soutik Biswas in Delhi was one of the journalists following the story. Venezuelan migrants in Chile Last month, demonstrators in a town in northern Chile marched to settler camps housing Venezuelan migrants and set their belongings on fire. It's part of the rising tension in Chile between locals and migrants, as BBC Mundo contributor Paula Molina reports. 'Got to go' Why is a cheerful rap song about a party making people cry in Hong Kong? The lyrics of Got to go are about leaving a party, but is there another interpretation? Cho Wai Lam from BBC Chinese tells us more about what this song means to Hongkongers. Image: Algerian flag with roses during a commemoration of the 1961 massacre in Paris Credit: Boris Horvat/AFP via Getty Images
NATO-Russia relations at post-Cold War low - Assault on democracy: the murder of a British MP - Food for thought at the Frankfurt Book Fair - An apology to the Algerian auxiliaries abandoned by France - Hungary's opposition unites against Orban - How to Restore an ecosystem near you - A seasonal peek into an Italian wardrobe - Scottish climate politics as Glasgow prepares to host COP26
The protests in Khartoum come as tensions rise between civilian and military rulers. Also: the French president asks Algerian veterans for forgiveness, and dormice favoured by Italian mafia seized in drugs raid.
Episode 60:This week we're continuing with The Wretched of the Earth by Frantz FanonThe full book is available online here:https://monoskop.org/images/6/6b/Fanon_Frantz_The_Wretched_of_the_Earth_1963.pdf[Part 1-4]Concerning Violence[Part 5 - This week]Concerning Violence- Fifth reading - 0:49[Part 6-7?]Violence in the International Context[Part 8-10?]Spontaneity: Its Strength and Weakness[Part 11-14?]The Pitfalls of National Consciousness[Part 15-17?]On National Culture[Part 18?]Colonial War and Mental Disorders[Part 19?]Series A[Part 20?]Series B[Part 21?]Series C[Part 22?]Series D[Part 23?]ConclusionFootnotes:9) 02:18This refers to Mirabeau's famous saying: "I am here by the will of the People; I shall leave only by the force of bayonets." —Trans.10) 03:07It is evident that this vacuum cleaning destroys the very thing that they want to preserve. Sartre points this out when he says: "In short by the very fact of repeating them [concerning racist ideas] it is revealed that the simultaneous union of all against the natives is unrealizable. Such union only recurs from time to time and moreover it can only come into being as an active groupment in order to massacre the natives — an absurd though perpetual temptation to the settlers, which even if it was feasible would only succeed in abolishing colonization at one blow." (Critique de la Ration Dialectique, p. 346.)11) 09:23Aimé Césaire, Les Armes Miraculeuses (Et les chiens se taiscient), pp. 133—37.12) 11:41Temporary village for the use of shepherds.—Trans.13) 12:38We must go back to this period in order to judge the importance of this decision on the part of the French government in Algeria. Thus we may read in "Resistance Algérienne," No. 4, dated 28th March 1957, the following:"In reply to the wish expressed by the General Assembly of the United Nations, the French Government has now decided to create urban militias in Algeria. 'Enough blood has been spilled' was what the United Nations said; Lacoste replies 'Let us form militias.' 'Cease fire,' advised UNO; Lacoste vociferates, 'We must arm the civilians.' Whereas the two parties face-to-face with each other were on the recommendation of the United Nations invited to contact each other with a view to coming to an agreement and finding a peaceful and democratic solution, Lacoste decrees that henceforward every European will be armed and should open fire on any person who seems to him suspect. It was then agreed (in the Assembly) that savage and iniquitous repression verging on genocide ought at all costs to be opposed by the authorities: but Lacoste replies 'Let us systematize the repression and organize the Algerian manhunt.' And, symbolically, he entrusts the military with civil powers, and gives military powers to civilians. The ring is closed. In the middle, the Algerian, disarmed, famished, tracked down, jostled, struck, lynched, will soon be slaughtered as a suspect. Today, in Algeria, there is not a single Frenchman who is not authorized and even invited to use his weapons. There is not a single Frenchman, in Algeria, one month after the appeal for calm made by UNO, who is not permitted, and obliged to search out, investigate and pursue suspects. "One month after the vote on the final motion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, there is not one European in Algeria who is not party to the most frightful work of extermination of modem times. A democratic solution? Right, Lacoste concedes; let's begin by exterminating the Algerians, and to do that, let's arm the civilians and give them carte blanche. The Paris press, on the whole, has welcomed the creation of these armed groups with reserve. Fascist militias, they've been called. Yes; but on the individual level, on the plane of human rights, what is facism if not colonialism when rooted in a traditionally colonialist country? The opinion has been advanced that they are systematically legalized and commended; but does not the body of Algeria bear for the last one hundred and thirty years wounds which gape still wider, more numerous and more deep-seated than ever? 'Take care,' advises Monsieur Kenne-Vignes, member of parliament for the MRP, 'do we not by the creation of these militias risk seeing the gap widen between the two communities in Algeria?' Yes; but is not colonial status simply the organized reduction to slavery of a whole people? The Algerian revolution is precisely the affirmed contestation of that slavery and that abyss. The Algerian revolution speaks to the occupying nation and says: 'Take your fangs out of the bleeding flesh of Algeria! Let the people of Algeria speak!' "The creation of militias, they say, will lighten the tasks of the Army. It will free certain units whose mission will be to protect the Moroccan and Tunisian borders. In Algeria, the Army is six hundred thousand strong. Almost all the Navy and the Air Force are based there. There is an enormous, speedy police force with a horribly good record since it has absorbed the ex-torturers from Morocco and Tunisia. The territorial units are one hundred thousand strong. The task of the Army, all the same, must be lightened. So let us create urban militias. The fact remains that the hysterical and criminal frenzy of Lacoste imposes them even on clearsighted French people. The truth is that the creation of militias carries its contradiction even in its justification. The task of the French Army is neverending. Consequently, when it is given as an objective the gagging of the Algerian people, the door is closed on the future forever. Above all, it is forbidden to analyze, to understand, or to measure the depth and the density of the Algerian revolution: departmental leaders, housing-estate leaders, street leaders, house leaders, leaders who control each landing . . . Today, to the surface checker-board is added an underground network. "In 48 hours two thousand volunteers were enrolled. The Europeans of Algeria responded immediately to Lacoste's call to kill. From now on, each European must check up on all surviving Algerians in his sector; and in addition he will be responsible for information, for a 'quick response' to acts of terrorism, for the detection of suspects, for the liquidation of runaways and for the reinforcement of police services. Certainly, the tasks of the Army must be lightened. Today, to the surface mopping-up is added a deeper harrowing. Today, to the killing which is all in the day's work is added planified murder. 'Stop the bloodshed,' was the advice given by UNO. "The best way of doing this,' replied Lacoste, 'is to make sure there remains no blood to shed.' The Algerian people, after having been delivered up to Massu's hordes, is put under the protection of the urban militias. By his decision to create these militias, Lacoste shows quite plainly that he will brook ho interference with HIS war. It is a proof that there are no limits once the rot has set in. True, he is at the moment a prisoner of the situation; but what a consolation to drag everyone down in one's fall! "After each of these decisions, the Algerian people tense their muscles still more and fight still harder. After each of these organized, deliberately sought after assassinations, the Algerian people builds up its awareness of self, and consolidates its resistance. Yes; the tasks of the French Army are infinite: for oh, how infinite is the unity of the people of Algerial"14) 13:13This is why there are no prisoners when the fighting first starts. It is only through educating the local leaders politically that those at the head of the movement can make the masses accept 1) that people coming from the mother country do not always act of their own free will and are sometimes even disgusted by the war; 2) that it is of immediate advantage to the movement that its supporters should show by their actions that they respect certain international conventions; 3) that an army which takes prisoners is an army, and ceases to be considered as a group of wayside bandits; 4) that whatever the circumstances, the possession of prisoners constitutes a means of exerting pressure which must not be overlooked in order to protect our men who are in enemy hands.
In episode 9 I have a talk with, friend-in-my head turned new friend, Sarra Guisse. Sarra was born in Ivory Coast. Her mother is Algerian and father Malian. They moved to the US, Baton Rouge Louisiana when Sarra was 4 years old. They moved to PA in 2002 during Sarra's sophomore year of high school. She has lived in Berks County for almost 15 years. We discuss her experiences as an immigrant and black woman and also her newly forming social justice organization. I talk wayyy too much about education, but we have a great creative exchange discussing ways people can help support efforts for equality for black people. It was great to get to know Sarra better! When the forming organization takes shape, I will be sure to share their info on my social media so you can give her and the organization a follow.During our conversation, Sarra recommended checking out https://outdoorafro.com/.
‘So long and so young and so beautiful', CAMÉLIA JORDANA and Arman bond over their love of Maria Callas in celebration of #ValentinoRendezVous. Between whispering harmonies of Calla's The Barber of Seville and Nina Simone's I Get Along Without You Very Well, Jordana explains her admiration for the women who came before her and their strength in communicating their powerful truths for the world, no matter how intense and sincere. Naming the “magic combo,” Jordana empathizes with the 'sadness, love and tenderness' throughout Nina Simone's repertoire.Growing up in an Algerian and Berber Kabyle family, Jordana describes music as a way of living, and rhythm a gift from her roots. Accompanying her mother to her singing classes at the tender age of two, she describes learning to sing at the same time as learning to speak deep inside her musical identity. The shared space between singing and speaking are felt not only as she shares the soundtrack to her life, but sings it too. Crediting Doris Day's Que Sera Sera as a steady source of inspiration to trust in the future, and trust in herself, Camélia says goodbye - taking a piece of all of our hearts with her.
What can be done to heal the rift between Algeria and France as diplomatic tensions lead to a ban of French military aircraft from Algerian airspace? Plus, the case of the exiled Catalan leader Carles Puidgemont and the latest cinema news.
She's a globally successful singer-songwriter, musician and composer who sings in Hebrew, Arabic and French. Riff Cohen's music doesn't fit neatly into any one category - it's been described as modern Middle Eastern Rock or Algerian folk, but it's also the kind of sound that blends influences so vividly, it's better to just listen instead of label. She was born to parents of Tunisian and French-Algerian origins, raised in Israel, and took an artistic scholarship in Paris, where her appropriately titled hit debut album, 'A Paris,' was born. She's since toured the world and released two more albums. Amid work on her fourth, Riff spoke candidly about the all-consuming process of creation and the fear of releasing it into the world, on discovering her femininity, and on learning to live peacefully with her fierce inner critic - and to own her success.
VOMENA's Khalil Bendib speaks with London-based Algerian activist and researcher Hamza Hamouchene about the way these multiple catastrophes are affecting Algeria and how people are coping.
How journalists are covering the 2015 terror attacks trial. The artists who have an important role in bringing French courtrooms alive. And France recognises Harkis' suffering, offering hope for reparations, nearly six decades after the end of the Algerian war of independence. Jihadists who planned and carried out the 2015 Paris attacks are being tried in France's biggest ever court case. Twenty people are on trial, including the only surviving member of the commando unit which killed 130 people in multiple attacks on the evening of 13 November 2015. Many more were injured and traumatised. Journalist Michael Fitzpatrick talks about the challenges of covering the historic nine-month trial, and resisting the temptation to let the accused take centre stage. (Listen @2'20) Cameras and audio recording equipment are not allowed in French courtrooms, so any visuals coming out of a trial are illustrations made by one of a few dozen courtroom artists working in France today. Joris Le Drain talks about using oil paint to honestly portray what is happening, and Dominique Lemarié compares her experience as a court artist in the US and in France over the last 40 years. (Listen @ 8'15) France has officially recognised and asked for forgiveness for the suffering of the Harkis, Algerian Muslims who fought with the French army during the 1954-1962 Algerian independence war and were then abandoned. President Emmanuel Macron's declaration, a few days before the annual Harki Day on 25 September, has broader ramifications for Franco-Algerian relations, and for the president himself. (Listen @19'25) This episode was mixed by Cecile Pompeani. Spotlight on France is a podcast from Radio France International. Find us on rfienglish.com, iTunes (link here), Google podcasts (link here), Spotify (link here), or your favourite podcast app.
What do you get if you cross a Greek Orthodox guy from Athens and a Jewish girl from Long Island; and then mix in two Ivy League degrees and a 26-year career in the Central Intelligence Agency? If you haven't worked out that this refers to Marc, given that he is mentioned in the episode title, you can probably forget ever having a career in intelligence. Mark is brimming with vitality, chock full of stories, and can talk baseball and wings as well as the finer points of Algerian politics or US grand strategy in the Middle East. If you ever pull up a bar stool next to Mark: you've hit a home run! Mark's new book, Clarity in Crisis: Leadership Lessons From the CIA, distills the insights he derived from his career and is available in the International Spy Museum's bookshop.
After more than a year of sustained weekly demonstrations, in March 2020 the covid pandemic came to the rescue of a contested government seen as illegitimate by many in Algeria, forcing the popular Hirak movement to suspend its protests throughout the country in the interest of public health and safety. One year and a half later, the north African country is now beset by multiple deep crises, after a series of devastating fires swept across the country a month ago, exacerbating the political and health crises that preceded them. Khalil Bendib speaks with Algerian activist, Hamza Hamouchene in London about the way these multiple catastrophes are affecting the country and how people are coping. Hamza Hamouchene is a London-based Algerian researcher-activist, commentator and a founding member of Algeria Solidarity Campaign (ASC), and Environmental Justice North Africa (EJNA)
Attempting to crash an aircraft into a building was not an entirely new paradigm. Despite Secretary Rice stating, “I don't think anybody could have predicted that they would try to use an airplane as a missile” (Brush, 2002, para. 24), there had been numerous prior attempts to utilize aircraft in this manner (CNN, 2001). In addition, there had been a significant number of warnings suicide hijackings posed a serious threat. In 1972, hijackers of Southern Airways Flight 49 threatened to crash the airliner into Oak Ridge National Laboratory if a $10 million ransom was not paid (CNN, 2001). Copilot Johnson reported, “The demands at Knoxville were that if we didn't have the money by 1:00 that we'd crash into the nuclear reactor there” (CNN Transcripts, 2001, para. 151). The hijacked airliner was placed in a dive toward Oak Ridge, and was only pulled out of the dive at the last minute when Southern Airways agreed to pay $2 million to the hijackers (Allison, 2004). In 1974, S. Byck attempted to hijack a Delta Airlines DC-9 aircraft to crash it into the White House (Cohen, 2009). During the hijacking, Byck killed a security guard and the copilot before committing suicide after being wounded by police. Also in 1974, Private R. Preston stole an Army helicopter and flew over the White House and hovered for six minutes over the lawn outside the West Wing, raising concerns about a suicide attack (White House Security Review, n.d.). Following the 1993 attack on the World Trade Center, Jenkins and Edwards-Winslow (2003) conducted an exhaustive threat analysis for the World Trade Center. They concluded that an aerial attack by crashing an aircraft into the Center was a remote possibility which must be considered. Reports indicated Iran was training pilots to hijack airplanes and fly them into buildings: “Trained aircrews from among the terrorists would crash the airliner into a selected objective” (Bodansky, 1993, p. 15). Senator S. Nunn was concerned terrorists would attempt to crash a radio-controlled airplane into the Capitol during a State of the Union address, possibly killing the President, Vice President, and all of Congress (Nelan, 1995). In 1994, four Algerian terrorists attempted to hijack Air France Flight 8969 (Air Safety Week, 1995). The group, identified as Phalange of the Signers in Blood, killed one of the passengers, planted explosives on the plane, and planned to crash the aircraft into the Eiffel Tower (Bazerman & Watkins, 2005). French police stormed the aircraft and stopped the hijacking. R. Yousef, the architect of the first World Trade Center attack, was associated with these Algerian terrorists (Lance, 2003). Another attempted airliner suicide hijacking occurred in 1994. Flight Engineer A. Calloway boarded Federal Express Flight 705 as an additional jump seat crewmember, intending to overpower the crew and crash the DC-10 aircraft into the Federal Express corporate headquarters in Memphis (CVR Database, 1994). Calloway attacked the flight deck crew with a hammer, inflicting serious, permanent disabling injuries to all three pilots (Wald, 2001). On September 11, 1994, F. Corder attempted to crash an aircraft into the White House (Wald, 2001). Experts had been concerned the White House was highly vulnerable to an attack from the air (Duffy, 1994). Former CIA director R. Helms expressed concern a suicidal pilot could easily divert from an approach to Washington to crash into the White House (Duffy, 1994). In 1995, FBI informant E. Salem revealed a Sudanese Air Force pilot's plot to bomb the Egyptian President's home and then crash an aircraft into the U.S. Embassy (Berger, 2004). Salem also testified about Project Bojinka, which, in addition to the aforementioned bombing of 11 American aircraft, included crashing an airplane into CIA headquarters. In addition to CIA headquarters, this second Bojinka wave was planned to target the Pentagon, an unidentified nuclear power plant, the Transamerica Building in San Francisco, the Sears Tower in Chicago, the World Trade Center, John Hancock Tower in Boston, U.S. Congress, and the White House (Brzenzinski, 2001). McNeil (1996) noted in 1996, Ethiopian Airlines flight 961 was hijacked and an attempt was made to crash into a resort in the Comoros Islands. At the last moment, the pilot overpowered the hijacker and ditched the fuel-starved airplane into the Indian Ocean near the coast. Of the 175 passengers, 123 died (AirSafe Journal, 2001). Also in 1996, M. Udugov, a Chechen leader, threatened to hijack a Russian airliner and crash it into the Kremlin (Cohen, 2002). In 1998, White House Terrorism Chief R. Clarke conducted a training exercise to simulate a Learjet intentionally crashing into a government building (Kaplan, 2004). Clarke considered the exercise unsatisfactory (Kaplan, 2002). In a 1998 briefing to the FAA, three terrorism experts were concerned terrorists would hijack airliners and crash into buildings in the United States (Fainaru, 2002). In 1998 the Kaplancilar terrorist organization had planned to crash an explosives-laden plane into the tomb of M. Ataturk, Turkey's founder (Anadolu Agency, 2006). The entire Turkish government was gathered at the mausoleum for a ceremony on the day scheduled for the attack. The plot was foiled and the conspirators were arrested shortly before execution of the plan (Anadolu Agency, 2006). In addition to actual aircraft suicide attacks, there were numerous predictions of these types of attacks. One such prediction was the script which showed an airliner crashing into New York in the 1980s movie Escape from New York (“Kamikaze Jet Hijacking,” n.d.). Another prediction was in the March 2001 pilot episode of the Fox series The Lone Gunmen, featuring a hijacked Boeing 727 used as a missile to crash into the World Trade Center (Killtown, 2009). In 1999, the British Secret Service MI6 provided the U.S. Embassy in London with a secret report on al Qaeda activities (Rufford, 2002). The report indicated al Qaeda was planning to use commercial aircraft to attack the United States. The report stated the aircraft would be used in “unconventional ways” (Rufford, 2006, para. 1). In a report prepared for the Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress, Hudson (1999) noted numerous terrorist threats, and specifically named bin Laden and al Qaeda: “Suicide bomber(s) belonging to al-Qaida's Martyrdom Battalion could crash-land an aircraft packed with high explosives (C-4 and semtex) into the Pentagon, the headquarters of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), or the White House” (p. 7). A 1999 keynote address at the National Defense University warned terrorists might attempt to use unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) to attack buildings (Hoffman, 2001). Security consultant C. Schnabolk had remarked, in 2000, the most serious threat to the World Trade Center was someone flying a plane into it (Reeves, 2001).
Algeria's future and development are largely linked to its economy, which has always been at the heart of the various debates between economists. In this Podcast, hosted by Chahrazed; Adel Amine Bengharabi, economist and teacher-researcher at ISGP, tries to answer some key questions ....
Shortly after NYPD Chief of Detectives Thomas Byrnes publicly criticized the London police for failing to capture Jack the Ripper, he received a letter purportedly from Jack himself saying New York was his next target. Not long after, Byrnes was confronted by his own Ripper-style murder case in the death of Carrie Brown, a.k.a. "Old Shakespeare," a colorful character who worked as a prostitute and had a penchant for quoting Shakespeare. Given the near-hysteria surrounding this vicious murder soon after the Jack the Ripper murders in London, people were worried that Jack might have actually come to America.The detective bureau finally arrested Amir Ben Ali, an Algerian immigrant. The newspapers, however, immediately criticized Byrnes for moving too quickly, suggesting that he had tried to save face by pinning the crime on an easy target. When the verdict of murder in the second degree was announced, the papers erupted in anger and disbelief. With the aid of the French consulate, they embarked on a 10-year campaign to have Ben Ali pardoned and finally won his release by producing new evidence. Immediately upon Ben Ali's departure for France, fresh evidence of his guilt surfaced.Was Ben Ali falsely convicted or falsely exonerated? And if he did not commit the murder, then who did? Issues of false convictions, fake news, illegal immigration, police corruption, and racial prejudice are common tropes in today's news cycles. The East River Ripper demonstrates that these are not simply matters of recent vintage and seeks to answer such questions in trying to determine whether and in what way justice miscarried. THE EAST RIVER RIPPER: The Mysterious 1891 Murder of Old Shakespeare-George R. Dekle Sr.
Today's Quotation is care of Frantz Fanon.Listen in!Subscribe to the Quarantine Tapes at quarantinetapes.com or search for the Quarantine Tapes on your favorite podcast app! Born on the island of Martinique under French colonial rule, Frantz Omar Fanon (1925–1961) was one of the most important writers in black Atlantic theory in an age of anti-colonial liberation struggle. His work drew on a wide array of poetry, psychology, philosophy, and political theory, and its influence across the global South has been wide, deep, and enduring. In his lifetime, he published two key original works: Black Skin, White Masks (Peau noire, masques blancs) in 1952 and The Wretched of the Earth (Les damnés de la terre) in 1961. Collections of essays, A Dying Colonialism (L'an V de la révolution Algérienne 1959) and Toward the African Revolution (Pour la revolution Africaine), posthumously published in 1964, round out a portrait of a radical thinker in motion, moving from the Caribbean to Europe to North Africa to sub-Saharan Africa and transforming his thinking at each stop. The 2015 collection of his unpublished writings, Écrits sur l'aliénation et la liberté, will surely expand our understanding of the origins and intellectual context of Fanon's thinking.Fanon engaged the fundamental issues of his day: language, affect, sexuality, gender, race and racism, religion, social formation, time, and many others. His impact was immediate upon arrival in Algeria, where in 1953 he was appointed to a position in psychiatry at Bilda-Joinville Hospital. His participation in the Algerian revolutionary struggle shifted his thinking from theorizations of blackness to a wider, more ambitious theory of colonialism, anti-colonial struggle, and visions for a postcolonial culture and society. Fanon published in academic journals and revolutionary newspapers, translating his radical vision of anti-colonial struggle and decolonization for a variety of audiences and geographies, whether as a young academic in Paris, a member of the Algeria National Liberation Front (FLN), Ambassador to Ghana for the Algerian provisional government, or revolutionary participant at conferences across Africa. Following a diagnosis and short battle with leukemia, Fanon was transported to Bethesda, Maryland (arranged by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency) for treatment and died at the National Institute for Health facility on December 6, 1961.From https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/frantz-fanon/ For more information about Fanon:“Frantz Fanon”:https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/frantz-fanon/ “The Revolutionary Humanism of Frantz Fanon”: https://jacobinmag.com/2020/12/humanism-frantz-fanon-philosophy-revolutionary-algeria
The right to seek and enjoy asylum has never been more important than in today's global landscape. At the same time, countries have never been more committed to finding increasingly creative ways to avoid having to take in refugees. Today on Entitled, we discuss the right to asylum and what our rights are at the border of another country. We know the movement of distressed migrants at sea and nations' borders is the cause for a lot of human tragedy. Are borders necessary – can we conceive of them in a different way? What duties should nations have to assist these migrants? Joining Professors Claudia Flores and Tom Ginsburg this week are Nina Kerkebane, an Algerian asylee and an entering graduate student at the University of Chicago Harris School of Public Policy; Ayelet Shachar, author of The Birthright Lottery: Citizenship and Global Inequality; Maya Elzinga-Soumah, Senior Legal Associate with the UN High Commissioner for Refugees in Aruba and Curaçao; and Itamar Mann, Director of the Global Legal Action Network and a Senior Lecturer at the University of Haifa Faculty of Law.
General Wali Mohammad Ahmadzai was replaced after the Taliban took nine provincial capitals in less than a week. President Ashraf Ghani has been rallying beleagured government troops in Mazar-i-Sharif as Taliban fighters close in on the northern city. Also in the programme: The Algerian government says arson is behind wildfires burning out of control in the country; China sentences former Canadian diplomat to 11 years in prison in a politically charged espionage case. Photo: People sleeping on the streets of Kabul after fleeing their homes. Credit: Reuters.
In this episode, we discuss reparations and we look into the long lasting effects of colonialism and slavery. We brought on Myles, whose grandfather served in the revolutionary army during the Algerian war of independence. We also brought on Tracy, whose grandfather served in the Mau Mau during Kenya's fight for independence. He was also paid damages by the British Government due to the harm that they caused him. Lastly, Djamil Ninsoo, a genealogist featured on the show to tell us about some of his ancestors' experiences as indentured laborers and as subjects of the colonial government in Jamaica. Hope you enjoy!
Live from the Archive When Afropop Worldwide launched back in 1988, a key goal was to capture the live energy of incredible artists emerging from Africa, the Caribbean and beyond. Most of those recordings were preserved on reel-to-reel tapes. The coronavirus lockdown has given us a chance to start revisiting and preserving. And we have been amazed to rediscover the energy of that thrilling era. On this music-rich program, we hear live music from Congo's Papa Wemba, South African township heroes Mahlathini and the Mahotella Queens, a queen of Algerian rai music Chaba Fadela, Martinique zouk stars Marce and Tumpac and more. It's a riveting blast from the past! Produced by Banning Eyre. APWW #819
Sublime cold wave influenced electronics dominate the Independent Music Podcast this week, although you wouldn't guess from the blistering opener from Algerian mountain blaster Hocine Chaoui or the latest banger from Ahadadream. Elsewhere we have cool soundtrack music from Krikor Kouchian, stunning spoken word from Tindersticks' David Boulter, filthy alternative rock from Wet Leg and loads more great stuff. Tracklisting Hocine Chaoui – Rym El Hahaya (Outre National Records, France) Mercedes Cambridge – Brute Monde (Opal Tapes, UK) Moonshine & Ahadadream – Woah (FORESEEN Entertainment, Canada) Wet Leg – Chaise Longue (Domino Recording Co., UK) Juga-Naut & Jazz T – Marble & Granite (Boot Records, UK) David Boulter – Look Over My Shoulder (The Spoken World, UK) Krikor Kouchian – Ronald Reagan Incident (self-release, France) Sorcery – On the Bias (Bedouin Records, Thailand) Fears – Fabric (TULLE, UK) Agathe Max – Waxing Moon (Hot Fools, UK) Produced and edited by Nick McCorriston
Paris Marx is joined by Avi Asher-Schapiro and Maya Gebeily to discuss how Facebook isn't fully enforcing its ban on conversion therapy in Arabic, what that means for LGBTQ people in Arabic-speaking countries, and how social media has become a battleground.Avi Asher-Schapiro is a journalist covering technology for the Thomson Reuters Foundation. Maya Gebeily is the Middle East Correspondent at the Thomson Reuters Foundation. Follow Avi on Twitter as @AASchapiro and follow Maya as @GebeilyM.
Judith Surkis's Sex, Law, and Sovereignty in French Algeria, 1830-1930 (Cornell UP, 2019) traces the intersection of colonialism, law, land expropriation, sex, gender, and family during the century after the French conquest of Algeria in 1830. Seeking to assimilate Algerian land while differentiating Algerian Muslims from European settlers, colonial authorities developed a system that confined Muslim law to family matters while subjecting Algerian property to French Civil law. Securing and extending French sovereignty over Algeria, this system deprived Algerian Muslims of full citizenship rights while reinforcing French colonial authority. Sex, Law, and Sovereignty is a rigorous and provocative critical "history of the present" that illuminates the persistence of the "Muslim question" in contemporary France. In chapters focused on polygamy, repudiation, and child marriage, the book traces the ways that the French fantasies of the family, including the sexualization of Muslim women and a preoccupation with the sexual "excesses" of Muslim men, found expression in legislation that segregated the legal control of property from the regulation of bodies, beliefs, and personhood. A fascinating genealogy that understands colonial law and the problem of difference within a broader cultural field, the book is an impressive, compelling analysis with striking resonances for a Franco-Algerian present still shaped by the legacies of the colonial past. Roxanne Panchasi is an Associate Professor of History at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, Canada who specializes in twentieth and twenty-first century France and its empire. If you have a recent title to suggest for the podcast, please send her an email (email@example.com). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/new-books-network
Judith Surkis's Sex, Law, and Sovereignty in French Algeria, 1830-1930 (Cornell UP, 2019) traces the intersection of colonialism, law, land expropriation, sex, gender, and family during the century after the French conquest of Algeria in 1830. Seeking to assimilate Algerian land while differentiating Algerian Muslims from European settlers, colonial authorities developed a system that confined Muslim law to family matters while subjecting Algerian property to French Civil law. Securing and extending French sovereignty over Algeria, this system deprived Algerian Muslims of full citizenship rights while reinforcing French colonial authority. Sex, Law, and Sovereignty is a rigorous and provocative critical "history of the present" that illuminates the persistence of the "Muslim question" in contemporary France. In chapters focused on polygamy, repudiation, and child marriage, the book traces the ways that the French fantasies of the family, including the sexualization of Muslim women and a preoccupation with the sexual "excesses" of Muslim men, found expression in legislation that segregated the legal control of property from the regulation of bodies, beliefs, and personhood. A fascinating genealogy that understands colonial law and the problem of difference within a broader cultural field, the book is an impressive, compelling analysis with striking resonances for a Franco-Algerian present still shaped by the legacies of the colonial past. Roxanne Panchasi is an Associate Professor of History at Simon Fraser University in Vancouver, Canada who specializes in twentieth and twenty-first century France and its empire. If you have a recent title to suggest for the podcast, please send her an email (firstname.lastname@example.org). Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices Support our show by becoming a premium member! https://newbooksnetwork.supportingcast.fm/history
Zimbabwe discusses what to do in cases of so-called 'anti-patriotism' - we have an interview with Zanu PF Chief Whip, Pupurai Togarepi; Uganda President Museveni has been sworn in his sixth term of office. Our correspondent reports on the event from the capital Kampala; In Cameroon, two men are handed a five-year jail sentence after being found dressed as women. The charge? attempted homosexuality; We speak to their lawyer and hear what Cameroonians have to say; The UN Human Rights Commission publishes a second warning highlighting excessive use of force by Algerian authorities over Hirak protesters.
Yasmin Henkesh grew up in the Washington D.C. area but moved to Europe to work as a professional dancer after graduating from college. She first appeared in the Algerian cabaret Al Djazair, but soon was hired by "big time" nightclubs in Paris, such as Le Beirut and Le Yildizlar. There she worked with some of the most well-known Arabic stars and musicians of the time, such as Sabah, Walid Toufiq, Ahmed Adawia, Mohammad El Aizabi and Hassan Abou Saud. She then moved to London to work at The Omar Khayyam, the renowned club of Mona Said, where she worked with master percussionist, Khamis Henkesh. But the draw to work in Egypt was too great and she moved to Cairo after a year to follow her dream. She appeared for two years at The Auberge on the Sharia al Haram and at the Holiday Inn. The head of her orchestra was Sayed Henkesh, a well-known Egyptian musician. During those years Yasmin enrolled in the American University in Cairo Master's degree in Arabic and did research of her own on the Egyptian zar and other forms of Middle Eastern trance dancing. Yasmin moved back to Washington DC in the early 1990's and danced regularly at the Casablanca Restaurant in Alexandria, VA until 2001. She now teaches various classes for aspiring dancers at her own dance studio as well as online.In this episode you will learn about:- The belly dance scene in Europe in 70s and 80s- Dancing in Egypt, and why Yasmin decided to come back to Europe- Her research about zar and various trance dances- Insights about the origins of the Ayoub rhythm- The music copyright issues all dancers should be aware of.Show Notes to this episode:Show Notes to this episode:(Additional information provided by Yasmin Henkesh)The notes for Hymn to Hathor, which has a lovely nay solo set to the ayoub rhythm: "Track 17: AyoubThe Prophet Job The 2/4 rhythm dancers refer to as “ayoub” has only been called this for the past fifty years - since poet / composer Zakariya al-Hagawi used it for the sound track of Malhama Ayoub wa Nasa (The Epic of Job and [his wife] Nasa). This religious TV miniseries about the Prophet Job (starring the composer’s wife, singer Khadra Mohammed Khadar) aired on Egyptian television in the early 1960s. Al-Hagawi’s music became so popular that belly dancers asked for its rhythm by abbreviating the show’s name. Up until then it had simply been known as the malfouf (another 2/4 rhythm) associated with Ottoman music (see Turkey/Egypt booklet page 14) or the ecstatic rituals of Turkish Mevlevi sufis (or “whirling dervishes” - listen to track 1 Whirling Dervishes of Farouk Tekbelek’s CD, Whirling). Despite current belly dance nomenclature and assumptions, this rhythm is not used during Egyptian-Sudanese zar ceremonies to call the Jinn (their songs are based on masmoudi, darg, maqsoum or African rhythms). It was, however, used for folkloric theatrical stage recreations of zars because of its dramatic, hypnotic properties and its association with the zikr, another form of Middle Eastern trance induction. The zikr, or ‘remembrance,’ is a sufi ritual based on the repetition, spoken or silent, of the names or epithets of God. The hadra, a form of zikr incorporating music, movement and specialized breathing patterns, is associated with ecstatic trance. Often done accompanied by a bendir (a large, resonant hand drum with two gut strings stretched across the inside, touching the skin head) and occasionally to music (the role of music and dance is controversial in Islam - many mullahs, Islamic priests, damn them), the exact rituals vary according to individual sufi orders, or tariqas. But often they include exhaling while bending over and inhaling while straightening up, as “Allah(hu)” is vocalized. Hence, traditionally, the ayoub rhythm is associated with God, not the Jinn. Nevertheless, it is ideal for inducing trance, which is why I included this exceptional piece for sacred dance."A YouTube playlist for zar related videos: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLYUtFJWB2Ui9W97PxNHsJa5qrSsDrT6rqFind Yasmin Henkesh on Instagram, FB, website and Youtube.Follow Iana on Instagram, FB, Youtube, website .Podcast: www.ianadance.com/podcast
On this day in 1945, the massacre of Algerian civilians by French authorities and European Algerians began in retaliation for anti-colonial demonstrations. / On this day in 1963, South Vietnamese soldiers and security forces fired into a crowd of unarmed Buddhist protesters, marking the start of the Buddhist crisis. Learn more about your ad-choices at https://www.iheartpodcastnetwork.com
On the Northwestern edge of the Sahara desert lies the former Spanish colonial possession of Western Sahara. The region has been in various states of conflict for over 50 years, with Morocco's Royal Armed Forces and the Algerian-supported Arab Sahrawi Democratic Republic battling it out for control. We look at the origins of this conflict, the difficulties in resolving it, and the consequences for failing to do so for the stability of Western Africa. On the panel this week Stephen Zunes (Cornell University) Riccardo Rabiani (Crisis Group) Jalel Harchaoui (Global Initiative) Follow the show on @TheRedLinePod Follow Michael on @MikeHilliard For more in please visit - www.theredlinepodcast.com